2008 Elections

Rudy Giuliani, president (of Phi Rho Pi)

How America's mayor scrapped his way to the top of the least popular fraternity on his college campus, and other tales from his early political life.

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The pudgy college kid liked to sit his girlfriend down and perform a one-man ode to his dream. Slowly and somberly, he invoked his own name, as if he were standing on the steps of the U.S. Capitol and taking the oath to become leader of the free world. “Rudolph … William … Louis … Giuliani … The Third … The first Italian-Catholic President of the United States …” he’d intone as if addressing a vast throng and not just one very patient female admirer.

Kathy Livermore knew plenty of ambitious young men from Manhattan College in the early 1960′s, men who dreamed of becoming lawyers and bankers and business executives. But even the fiercest did not possess the furnace-like heat that radiated from within her boyfriend, Rudy Giuliani.

He knew what he wanted, and where he was going, and no amount of ridicule from his friends could upend his very sober and certain view of the world and his place in it.

“We’d joke about it — ‘Oh there’s Rudolph William Louis Giuliani 3rd, the first Italian-Catholic President of the United States,’” Livermore recalled years later, chuckling. “He said it enough that it was part of him. He didn’t say things lightly.”

Envisioning what Rudolph Giuliani would be like as America’s president is a near-impossible task, if only because it’s hard to imagine him importing to the nation’s capital that same upside-your-head leadership style he displayed as New York City’s mayor. City Hall, with all its parochial political quirks, is not the Oval Office. And New York, a virtual country unto itself, is not the United States.

But it’s possible to glean the kind of sensibility Giuliani would bring to the White House, based on what shaped him during that most formative period of his life, the years before he became a public figure, when he was developing his personality, values, tastes, and an ambition that would catapult him to national prominence.

In those early years Giuliani acquired a healthy respect for the rigid rules set down by teachers at the Catholic schools he attended. By adolescence, he learned how to manipulate the rules in his own favor, and to bend them to get what he wanted. He encountered his share of adversaries, whether it was the Dodger-happy fans in his Brooklyn neighborhood who denigrated his loyalty to the Yankees, or the fraternity brothers who challenged his iron-fisted command, or the college classmate who beat him in the student elections.

But Giuliani thrived on conflict. His enemies gave him a purpose, a way to define himself, a reason to stand apart, a trait that flourished years later when he became known as a mob-busting prosecutor and the mayor who tamed the famously ungovernable New York. When they graduated from high school, Giuliani’s friends asked for cars. Rudy asked for a big desk and a high-backed leather chair. Everything he said and did seemed to aim him for bigger things.

As a baby, Giuliani was restless and prone to staying awake for 48 hours at a time. His parents endured his unrelenting energy as they did everything about him, with bottomless devotion. Harold and Helen Giuliani had tried for six years to have a baby before their one and only child was born May 28, 1944, nine days before D-day. “He was unexpected and they worshipped the ground he walked on,” his aunt, Anna D’Avanzo, who married his mother’s brother, once said. “Anything he wanted, he got.”

He was named for his paternal grandfather, Rodolfo Giuliani, a tailor, who raised his family in East Harlem after immigrating to America in the early 1900′s from Tuscany. Giuliani’s grandparents on his mother’s side settled in Brooklyn after emigrating from Naples. Until Giuliani was 15, his mother, Helen, a quiet and measured woman, stayed home full-time to dote on him and help with his school work. His father, Harold, taught his son lessons not found in most books. He encouraged young Rudy to resort to fisticuffs with anyone who picked a fight with him.

Harold Giuliani was an odd mix of bravado and frailty. He drank milk because of an ulcer and a bad heart even as he worked as a bartender in the Flatbush section of Brooklyn, where he subjected his patrons to an unceasing flow of opinions on everything from the Yankees to presidential politics. He kept a baseball bat behind the bar, and was known to use it to collect outstanding tabs. The darkest details of Harold Giuliani’s past did not fully emerge until 2000 when investigative reporter Wayne Barrett unearthed that he had been arrested in 1934 — ten years before his son’s birth — for robbing a milkman of $128.82 at gunpoint. Under the alias “Joseph Starrett,” Harold Giuliani pled guilty and spent 16 months at Sing-Sing.

Rudy had four uncles who were police officers and a fifth who was a firefighter. But Harold Giuliani was not the only family member who had ended up on the wrong side of the law. A cousin ran a stolen car ring. And Harold’s brother-in-law Leo D’Avanzo was a Brooklyn loan shark. Harold worked as Leo’s muscle, collecting as much as $15,000 a week. When customers didn’t pay up, according to Barrett, Harold was prone to reaching for the bat and breaking bones. Rudy Giuliani has never talked at length about how his familial ties to crime may have affected him as a youngster. But he has said that his father constantly pushed him to behave properly and that he may have moved him and his mother from Brooklyn to Long Island when he was a kid to help ensure that he’d avoid unsavory influences.

Young Rudy didn’t find any budding gangsters at St. Anne’s parochial school, where he prepared for his Holy Communion by studying the Baltimore Catechism. In those years before Vatican II, the Catechism taught that there was a wrong way and a right way — and that the Catholic way was right. It was a world of black-and-white rules, with few gray shades, a style of thought that Giuliani internalized and would adopt as his own. Giuliani’s immersion in Catholicism continued at Bishop Loughlin Memorial High School, which was run by a French order of Christian Brothers, who ran things with a firm hand. The school forbade students from indulging in the usual adolescent practices of the day — no ducktail haircuts, no loud ties, no smoking, no running up the stairs, no taking off sports jackets, no lateness, and no excuses. In a school of 1,825 students, virtually all of them white, Giuliani still managed to make an impression, and not only because he was the first to start an opera club. “He looked like a little man, not a student, like he was dressed to go to IBM,” one classmate, Thomas McVann, recalled.

Giuliani became friendly with two youngsters with whom he’d form long-lasting ties. One was Peter Powers, who would become his deputy mayor years later. The other was Alan Placa, who would become a monsignor and one day help him get his first marriage annulled. Placa recognized almost immediately that his new friend was unique. “He didn’t carry around a notebook like the other kids,” Placa said. “He took notes on unlined, blank paper, loose sheets. Then he’d put the sheets in file folders. He might take them out, move them around, add more notes. The notebooks gave you an order for your notes. In his system, Rudy was imposing his own order.”

As he entered his senior year in 1960, Giuliani became fascinated with the presidential campaign of John F. Kennedy, who was on his way to becoming the country’s first Catholic president. One afternoon, Giuliani convinced friends to skip classes and go to a Kennedy rally at the Garment District in Manhattan, and got close enough to shake the candidate’s hand. It was the Kennedy-Nixon debates that inspired Loughlin students to stage their own debate between the three candidates running for senior class president.

“A question for Mr. Shanley,” a student called out, rising from a creaking wooden seat to question Anthony Shanley, the Gold Party candidate, who stood on the stage with his two opponents, Joe Centrella of the Purple Party and George Schneider of the White Party.

Why, the student asked, did Shanley claim that his opponents were too busy with track and basketball to be effective if elected? In fact, the student demanded, wasn’t Shanley himself involved in student theater and a host of other extra-curricular activities? Well, wasn’t he?

Shanley squinted into the audience at his inquisitor. Who was this chubby-faced kid with the coal black eyes? Hadn’t he seen this kid pumping his fist out a car window days before, exhorting classmates to vote for George Schneider?

Shanley groaned. Of course. It was Schneider’s campaign manager, Rudy Giuliani.

Giuliani’s ambush did not affect the outcome of the election. But his taste for the jugular — a taste he would demonstrate as a prosecutor and a politician — was already making an impression. He graduated from Bishop Loughlin believing he would become a priest or even maybe a doctor. But his classmates knew better. In its senior poll, the Class of 1961 chose Rudy Giuliani as class politician.

Giuliani spent the summer after high school toying with the idea of entering the priesthood. But he changed his mind, he has said, because he believed he was incapable of living a life of celibacy. He enrolled at all-male Manhattan College, also run by the Christian Brothers, where he bared the competitive edge and resilience for which he would later become well known.

An early proving ground was his quest to join a fraternity, an essential part of the college’s social life. Giuliani, the sophomore class’s newly elected president, believed that he belonged at Alpha Sigma Beta, the frat that attracted jocks and class leaders. ASB accepted Giuliani as a pledge and subjected him to weeks of hazing, which included shining brothers’ shoes, eating raw eggs, and waddling around the campus like a duck. But the frat blackballed Giuliani after the first round, infuriating him.

Giuliani didn’t allow his dream to join a frat fade. He signed up with Phi Rho Pi, the college’s smallest and least popular frat, and eventually became its president. As a fraternity leader, he had to deal with a split within the ranks between those who were often sober and straight-laced — his constituents — and those who liked to party. In other words, what the frat brothers referred to as the Tigers and the Pussies.

“Rudy was one of the Pussies,” said Sal Scarpata, a pillar of the Tiger contingent. Giuliani often ran the meetings at which the fraternity’s two sides debated plans. “He was a little dictatorial,” said Tom Hefele. “He would tell people the way it was. The idea was: if you want to get things done, do it your way. You’re the puppeteer.” Giuliani’s leadership style enraged Scarpata, who didn’t like the way he invoked Robert’s Rules of Order to maintain control over the meetings and quash debate. Once, Scarpata hurled a bottle of Seven-Up at Giuliani’s head. They ended up at a park fighting and wrestling. Another time, Scarpata said something lewd about Giuliani’s girlfriend. Rudy went after him, only to be restrained by two classmates.

“We had to drag Rudy down because he was going to kill Sal,” recalled Tony Mauro. “Rudy was like a bear chasing after him.”

The girlfriend was Kathy Livermore, whom Giuliani met one summer while working at a savings bank in Freeport, N.Y. She was a clerk, Long Island’s answer to Julie Christie, leggy, full-lipped and blonde. They spent two years together, sharing secrets and dreams. He told her he wanted to be the first Italian elected president, and outlined ways to rise in politics, whether it was by joining the military or becoming a lawyer.

Getting into law school was easier with a resume heavy on the extra-curricular side. Giuliani devoted a portion of his spare time to writing a political column for his school newspaper. He showed off his Democratic leanings by extolling the virtues of Robert F. Kennedy, who was then running for the U.S. Senate (Giuliani would become a Republican years later), and frothing over the likes of GOP icon Barry Goldwater, whom he described as an “incompetent, confused and sometimes idiotic man.”

Giuliani tried his own hand at electoral politics, running for junior class president with Powers as his running mate. Giuliani had all the advantages, not the least of which was that he towered over his opponent, Jim Farrell, who was so small he wore a boy’s size suit. But Farrell won by more than 75 votes, frustrating Giuliani.

“His eyes looked like the fires of hell,” Bernie McElhone, a classmate, recalled. “He was enormously, gargantuanly pissed off.” The following year, Farrell ran for student council president. His opponent was Peter Powers. Again, Farrell was victorious, beating Powers by more than 200 votes. “Pete was extraordinarily gracious,” Farrell recalled years later. “He offered to do anything to help if I needed him.”

And Giuliani?

“He would show up at Student Council meetings and scowl at me.”

Farrell has run into Giuliani and Powers over the years, including at the 1994 St. Patrick’s Day luncheon, three months after Giuliani became mayor. Powers spotted Farrell and shouted, “Hey, everyone, say hello to the only guy who ever beat me and Rudy Giuliani.”

Powers encouraged Farrell to greet the mayor, who was seated at the dais. All those years later, the mayor barely resembled the cherubic young man Farrell knew at Manhattan College. Yet, in some ways, Rudy Giuliani hadn’t changed at all.

“I reached up my hand, and Giuliani looked at me like, ‘Who the fuck are you?’” Farrell recalled. Then, without uttering a word, Giuliani turned away.

Paul Schwartzman is a staff writer at the Washington Post. He covered Rudy Giuliani while a reporter at the New York Daily News assigned to City Hall.

Nicolle Wallace’s Palin lesson: Make better stunt Veep picks

A running mate should be prepared, and maybe not about to be indicted (according to rumors)

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Nicolle Wallace's Palin lesson: Make better stunt Veep picksNicolle Wallace (Credit: ABC)

“Game Change” is a movie about how longtime Republican Party communications hack Nicolle Wallace and longtime Republican Party campaign hack Steve Schmidt actually have souls, and brains, and hence feel quite bad for accidentally being responsible for the creation of Sarah Palin, national monster. (Neither felt any qualms about working to get the most irresponsible warmonger currently serving in the Senate elected president, but Sarah Palin was nuts!)

So Wallace, following a 92nd Street Y panel last night, said this:

“There will be pressure to elevate a woman but there will be an equal amount of pressure to pick someone who is prepared,” Wallace said.

And then she said this:

Wallace flagged one female official in particular who she thinks would be a good choice this year.

“Nikki Haley — she’s great,” she said. “She’s the most effective surrogate Romney has.”

If the Sarah Palin problem was a problem of preparation and vetting, Haley … might present some issues? Specifically an odd and mostly unsubstantiated sex scandal and also these rumors that she might at any moment be indicted on tax charges. The tax thing might be bullshit and the affair story was the product of a self-promoting creep but they’re “out there,” as they say.

More important, Haley has been governor of South Carolina since January of 2011. As in very slightly longer than one year. And slightly less time being a governor than Sarah Palin had in 2008. It’s almost as if Wallace is making a pick not based on the principle of Who Would Be Best For the Nation but on demographics and optics?

Wallace also apparently suggested Carly Fiorina, which, lol. Romney/Ex-CEO who famously received a giant golden parachute when she was forced out of her company 2012, everyone! Just the ticket for the new economy.

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Alex Pareene

Alex Pareene writes about politics for Salon and is the author of "The Rude Guide to Mitt." Email him at apareene@salon.com and follow him on Twitter @pareene

Sarah Palin’s Hollywood ending

HBO's "Game Change" presents Palin as simply a bumbling Tina Fey -- and misses the real story of the 2008 campaign

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Sarah Palin's Hollywood endingJulianne Moore as Sarah Palin in HBO's "Game Change" (Credit: HBO Films)

HBO’s “Game Change,” airing this Saturday, is not actually an adaption of the book “Game Change,” by Mark Halperin and John Heilemann. It is “Sarah Palin Goes Rogue,” the movie, with a couple of anecdotes borrowed from the notoriously gossipy account of the 2008 election as a whole. (Or, arguably, it’s an adaptation of Scott Conroy and Shushannah Walshe’s “Sarah From Alaska.”)

That is sort of a shame. The Palin thing is the most heavily over-covered story line of the entire 2008 campaign, so focusing on it might be totally logical from a marketing perspective, but it’s unfortunate from an artistic one. The film re-creates various moments of YouTube campaign ephemera very well — remember when that old white lady called Obama an Arab and McCain looked uncomfortable? When it takes us behind closed doors, it’s to witness scenes any moderately close observer of the election and its aftermath could’ve dreamed up him- or herself. It might have been fun to see a TV movie about the Democratic primary fight; the personality clashes of the disastrous Clinton campaign would have made for entertaining television, and Mark Penn is surely a creature crying out for a grotesque Emmy-winning portrayal by, say, Paul Giamatti.

Instead, McCain has won the nomination three-and-a-half minutes into the film. Soon we’re watching Julianne Moore watch Tina Fey on TV. You remember the “SNL” sketches making fun of Palin, right? In case you don’t, “Game Change” airs lengthy chunks from most of them. It also has tons of actual footage from CNN and MSNBC and Fox News, and it re-creates debates and speeches and the Couric interview and the Charlie Gibson interview and a bunch of other things you saw either live or on YouTube when they happened.

Moore’s performance is not just fair but maybe even flattering. (For one thing, she doesn’t hit those flat upper Midwest vowels as gratingly as the real Palin.) Woody Harrelson plays strategist Steve Schmidt — the film’s protagonist — as a grizzled, “too old for this shit” campaign veteran called back to the trail against his better judgment. Jamey Sheridan is given barely anything to do as Mark Salter, McCain’s “conscience.” Salter, the primary author of his “Maverick” mythos, is limited, after the Palin selection, to making a hilariously over-telegraphed face of concern as everyone else in the war room applauds her first speech.

But the film is about Schmidt and Nicolle Wallace because they were pretty clearly Halperin and Heilemann’s primary sources, and we watch them become horrified by the depths of Sarah Palin’s ignorance at exactly the same time as everyone else in America became horrified by her ignorance.

Because it’s Hollywood, there’s very little politics in the film’s depiction of politics. Policies are simply things for Sarah Palin to write on note cards and not memorize. Operatives confidently declare, in faux Sorkin-ese patter, that if this or that meaningless decision is made, it means “we’ll lose by five.”

There is a sheen of faux cynicism (McCain swears like a sailor!) but it masks complete naiveté: Everyone is basically honorable and decent. Nicolle Wallace — a member of the Bush administration communications team — is sincerely alarmed at the prospect of someone as dangerously ignorant as Sarah Palin in the White House. On election night, she breaks down in tears as she admits to Schmidt that … she didn’t vote. They embrace.

The film subscribes to the simplest theory of Sarah Palin: That she is childlike, vain and incredibly ignorant but also an essentially decent person and wonderful mother. The moments that come closest to “unfair” — Sarah Palin doesn’t know that the head of Great Britain’s government is the prime minister, not the queen — are basically plausible. This isn’t Andrew Sullivan’s conniving, dangerous pathological liar. It’s an overwhelmed working mother whose most unhinged moments are explained by a crash diet. Her convention speech is largely stripped of its snarling attack lines, imagining a world in which it appealed to “the base” because of Palin’s heartfelt commitment to special-needs children and not because she was very good at saying mean things about Obama. (The film actually repeats the bullshit story that her teleprompter broke midway through, and she kept going.) Even when the film has her take a major heel turn — “if I am single-handedly carrying this campaign, I am gonna do what I want!” — after “winning” her debate with Joe Biden (played by video footage of Joe Biden), she is still basically an innocent seduced by the adoration of riled-up crowds and national attention. (Todd Palin barely does anything.)

The constant use of actual news footage adds a bit of verisimilitude but also constantly raises the question of why this lightly fictionalized version of the election actually needs to exist. “Game Change” is not really for serious political junkies, who remember all the stuff that did happen and will scoff at the stuff that didn’t. (At one point, John McCain answers his ringing iPhone in the middle of the night. He used a BlackBerry, HBO.) But if casually politically involved people want to see their assumptions about Sarah Palin reinforced, well, there are still those “SNL” sketches.

In the end, the Republican operatives who foisted Sarah Palin on an unprepared nation are rightly horrified that they created a monster, but at no point does anyone act concerned that their actual candidate was himself an angry, warmongering old crank with extremely fungible principles. Sure, Sarah Palin didn’t know what the Fed did. Do we have any proof John McCain knew what it should’ve done? Maybe everyone actually was totally unfair to poor Sarah Palin.

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Alex Pareene

Alex Pareene writes about politics for Salon and is the author of "The Rude Guide to Mitt." Email him at apareene@salon.com and follow him on Twitter @pareene

Baseless Condi Rice speculation making a comeback

Updated: To celebrate its return, a brief history of this variety of pundit fantasy writing

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Baseless Condi Rice speculation making a comebackCondoleezza Rice (Credit: Reuters)

[UPDATED BELOW] Joseph Curl, former White House correspondent for the Washington Times, is bringing me back to the good old days of 2006 in his latest opinion column for the conservative paper. It’s a breathless report that Condoleezza Rice will seek the vice presidency, and it’s a classic of the genre.

Any amateur can speculate that Chris Christie will enter the presidential race, or posit a Mike Bloomberg third-party run, or imagine Hillary Clinton launching a primary challenge against Barack Obama. After all, those three have actually won elections and expressed political ambitions. It takes a real pro to decide to build buzz around someone who not only hasn’t ever run for anything, but who’s never expressed a desire to run for anything.

Rice, the national security advisor in George W. Bush’s first presidential term and secretary of state in his second, is currently a professor at Stanford with the requisite right-wing think tank fellowship. She has not said or done anything “political” in years. But Curl has been hearing things!

America’s first black female secretary of state is quietly positioning herself to be the top choice of the eventual Republican presidential nominee, ready to deliver bona fide foreign-policy credentials lacking among the candidates. The 56-year-old has recently raised her profile, releasing her memoir in November and embarking on a monthlong book tour.

After 2 1/2 years as a professor at Stanford, Miss Rice is reportedly getting “antsy” to get back into the political game. “She’s ready to go,” said one top source.

Oh, a month-long tour in support of her book about her time in the Bush administration! She must be running for vice president, along with Donald Rumsfeld and Dick Cheney and Scott McClellan and George W. Bush.

There’s more. (And not just the part where Curl calls Rice “a spicy Rice dish” and waxes fetishistic about “her guns” being “a match for those of our first lady Michelle Obama.”)

Plus, her selection would be a giant chess move to counter the expected replacement of Vice President Joseph R. Biden with Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton. Sure, the White House denies and denies, but that should really make any political watcher more suspicious. One White House insider even told me that the position swap was the only reason Mrs. Clinton joined the administration in the first place.

Curl has so many inside scoops packed into this column! I had no idea that our first presidential running mate swap since Ford’s 1976 campaign was basically a foregone conclusion and not just a weird Beltway journalist fantasy! But yes, I can see why the still  un-chosen GOP candidate would definitely be looking pretty closely at Rice — who’s been strongly making the case for her selection by not explicitly denying interest in the position — in case Obama replaces Biden with Clinton, which he will surely do.

The column gets worse (“Funny thing is, she is, unlike Barack Obama, an ‘American black’”) but that’s not really important. What’s important is exploring how someone like Condoleezza Rice ends up a perennial name on the fantasy ticket list.

Rice has been a subject of these columns since 2005, when she became Bush’s second secretary of state, and the White House tasked communications operative Jim Wilkinson — previously known best for inventing the false story of Jessica Lynch* — with getting Rice (and her boss) some much-needed positive press. Wilkinson did his job beautifully (remember when Rice’s knee-high boots were a topic of actual serious news coverage for weeks?) and Rice began receiving the “rock star” treatment.

In the Washington Post, Glenn Kessler, author of the 2007 Rice bio “The Confidante,” summarized the exact moment of the birth of the presidential speculation:

In March 2005, before Rice sat for an interview with the Washington Times, Wilkinson slipped a note to the editorial page editor, Tony Blankley, suggesting that she be asked whether she would consider running for president. It was an audacious proposal — she had been secretary for only six weeks — but such speculation would bolster Rice’s image as a leader. (Wilkinson and Blankley said they do not recall the incident, but others present said they saw Wilkinson’s note.)

Oh, the Washington Times.

Shortly thereafter, Dick Morris wrote a book claiming — nay, insisting — that 2008 would be “Condi vs. Hillary.”

As Iraq descended into a violent civil war in 2006, Rice-for-president buzz bizarrely grew. There was enough of a false grass-roots movement for a paint-by-numbers AP trend piece with a silly nickname and everything. Tim Russert asked her point blank. As always, she said no in no uncertain terms.

Then, of course, everyone began to speculate that she’d be McCain’s running mate. Robert Novak claimed as much on Fox. Dan Senor said she was pushing for the pick on some Sunday show. Hendrik Hertzberg wrote a Talk of the Town piece on the subject! McCain and Rice both finally denied “reports” that she was angling for the spot on the ticket.

Now, I guess, it’s time to start up the rumor mill anew.

But before you put pen to paper on that column about how a Gingrich-Rice ticket would surely win moderate women in Ohio, consider this: In addition to the fact that she’s always denied wanting the job, and in addition to the fact that she was an unmitigated failure in the Bush administration, downplaying terrorism as a priority prior to 9/11 and selling the public on the Iraq invasion with untruths, Condi Rice is pro-choice.

*Update: Jon Krakauer recently rescinded his claim that Wilkinson, then a communications aide to General Tommy Franks, was responsible for the initial false Washington Post report on Lynch’s apparent heroics before her capture. Though Wilkinson was obviously involved in the PR campaign surrounding Lynch’s rescue and return to the U.S., he apparently isn’t responsible for falsifying her actions or leaking that false story to the press.

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Alex Pareene

Alex Pareene writes about politics for Salon and is the author of "The Rude Guide to Mitt." Email him at apareene@salon.com and follow him on Twitter @pareene

Breitbart shock: Obama was in same place at same time as New Black Panthers

Right-wingers once again try to connect the president to a fringe group of laughable conservative boogeymen

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Breitbart shock: Obama was in same place at same time as New Black PanthersMembers of the New Black Panther Party, including, Divine Allah, left, arrive for funeral services for 13-year-old shooting victim, Tamrah Leonard, at the Friendship Baptist Church in Trenton, N.J., Saturday, June 13, 2009. (Credit: AP/Mike Derer)

Andrew Breitbart’s loud, dumb BigGovernment site has a loud, dumb story about how Barack Obama “appeared and marched with the New Black Panther Party in 2007.” The occasion was the 42nd anniversary of the march from Selma, Alabama, and in addition to Barack Obama, Hillary Clinton and Al Sharpton were also there, along with dozens of civil rights era luminaries and thousands of other people because it was a massive annual celebration and not actually an Obama campaign event.

The New Black Panther Party is a cartoonish fringe group of a couple guys who play “’60s radical” dress-up and say mean things about whitey for Fox cameras in order to scare old white people. They have been explicitly rejected by the old Black Panther Party. For some reason, various conservatives have dedicated themselves to proving that this weird, marginal group of Nation of Islam cast-offs is somehow supported by or deeply connected to the Democratic Party and the Obama administration in particular, because, you know, Eric Holder and Barack Obama, those are two guys who very obviously share the values of extremist anti-white proponents of racial separation.

So Breitbart “proves” something or other about the essential anti-white racistness of the Obama campaign by noting that members of the inane New Black Panther Party were spotted by cameras near Obama, at various times, and also NBPP head Malik Zulu Shabazz spoke at the event.

(Brietbart goes on to publish two pictures of the event despite the photographer withholding permission, because “The First Amendment allows photographs of such enormous public importance to see the light of day.” Good luck with that argument in court?)

Andrew C. McCarthy gleefully endorses Breitbart’s story in a breathless post at the National Review’s The Corner:

This is a shocking story, and a breathtaking indictment of the mainstream media which went out of its way to avoid vetting Obama as a candidate — and to make sure anyone who tried to do due diligence got no sunshine. A candidate who chose to appeared in the company of, say, the KKK, would have provoked relentlessly hostile media coverage and, in short order, have been marginalized as disqualified to hold responsible elective office.

If only the media had reported that some fringe weirdos also participated in this event that both Democratic candidates and thousands of other people participated in, and then the fringe weirdos sort of followed Obama around for a while. That would’ve opened America’s eyes! (I mean the media besides NPR, which did report that the NBPP was there.)

Here’s the bit of this sad, desperate reach that is the saddest and most desperate: “Andrew further reminds us that, in March 2008, the Obama campaign website posted an endorsement of Obama by the New Black Panther Party.” Whoa, did they really? Shocking if true! It is, of course, not true. It was a user-generated blog post on the Obama campaign site that the campaign removed as soon as they became aware of its existence. Because websites do not “post” things to themselves, generally, McCarthy’s statement can’t even be charitably described as technically accurate. It’s just a lie.

A random stupid incorrect Breitbart smear is worth paying attention to only to the extent that the smear threatens to bubble up to the more reputable conservative press, or Fox, or Republican elected officials. The McCarthy endorsement means keep an eye on this one!

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Alex Pareene

Alex Pareene writes about politics for Salon and is the author of "The Rude Guide to Mitt." Email him at apareene@salon.com and follow him on Twitter @pareene

Palins give free publicity to book bashing Palins

Joe McGinniss' "The Rogue" gets a big marketing boost from its subject's classic (and predictable) overreaction

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Palins give free publicity to book bashing PalinsSarah Palin

Here, according to the National Enquirer, are the shocking revelations in Joe McGinniss’ new book about Sarah Palin, “The Rogue”:

  • She has done drugs.
  • She had sex with a basketball player before she married Todd.
  • She is mean and petty.
  • She is a bad mother.
  • She had an affair after she married Todd.

There is also, obviously, some stuff about Trig’s birth, but I have not yet read the book, so I couldn’t tell you how far down the rabbit hole that goes.

Here’s my reaction to those revelations: Sarah Palin is a person! She’s done drugs and pissed people off and slept with people, like 90 percent of American humans. If Sarah Palin was smart she’d dismiss the book with a chuckle, say nobody’s perfect, laugh off the “gossip,” and move on.

Sarah Palin might not be smart.

The Palins always prefer grand self-pitying martyrdom to quiet dignity, of course, which is why picking on them can be so profitable: They will always respond, and always help you drum up more publicity for your Palin-attacking venture. Instead of depriving the book of oxygen, they launched a multimedia attack on Joe McGinniss before he’d finished the first draft, and what they accomplished was … giving him more material and ensuring that even more breathless anticipation awaited the book’s release.

Now that the book’s rollout is underway, the Palins might as well get paid for their marketing efforts. Todd Palin angrily denounced it, again accusing McGinniss of having a “creepy obsession” with Sarah Palin. Oooh, it’s so creeeepy to write an unauthorized biography of a prominent public figure, right?

How bad did the Palins allowed themselves to be trolled? Sarah Palin’s people released a statement on behalf of Brad Hanson, Todd Palin’s former business partner, with whom Sarah Palin is alleged to have carried on an extramarital affair, some years back. The statement is a blanket denial, but what does having the supposed beau directly address the press accomplish, exactly? It just drives more interest in the book’s salacious, shocking revelations about the secret life of Sarah Palin. This guy, of all guys, should be kept out of it.

I am sure that Todd and everyone else is very personally pissed off that McGinniss went to Wasilla, talked to a bunch of people who hate them, and published a book full of stories about how bad and awful they are, but blowing up publicly just sends the message that there’s stuff in the book worth getting worked up about.

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Alex Pareene

Alex Pareene writes about politics for Salon and is the author of "The Rude Guide to Mitt." Email him at apareene@salon.com and follow him on Twitter @pareene

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