The filmmaker behind "White Light Black Rain: The Destruction of Hiroshima and Nagasaki" shares the survivors' stories he explores in his devastating documentary. An interview and podcast.
Steve Okazaki, Photo: Hidemi Shinoda
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When filmmaker Steven Okazaki took to the streets of Tokyo to ask people what important historical event had occurred on Aug. 6, almost no one knew the answer. This was startling, because what happened on Aug. 6, 1945 — when the United States dropped the atomic bomb on Hiroshima — permanently transformed the Japanese nation.
In the 62 years since the only two instances of nuclear warfare in history (the bombing of Nagasaki followed three days later), historians and political activists of all stripes have debated the morality behind the act. Did President Harry Truman’s decision to use the bomb shorten the war and save lives, or was it a horrendous war crime that cost the lives of more than 350,000 civilians?
But these arguments, Okazaki believes, have diverted us from looking at the horror of what actually happened, which only increases the risk that it could happen again. His new film, “White Light Black Rain: The Destruction of Hiroshima and Nagasaki” (which premieres Monday on HBO), strives to strip the politics and ideology away from this central event of 20th-century history and explore it through the memories and testimonies of those who witnessed and survived it.
A Japanese-American whose father fought in the U.S. Army during World War II, Okazaki has been, as he puts it, preparing to make this film for 25 years. He has interviewed more than 500 survivors of the Hiroshima and Nagasaki bombings as well as numerous American scientists and soldiers.
In most respects “White Light Black Rain” is a graceful, elegiac treatment of one of history’s most painful topics. But Okazaki has included some devastating film footage from Hiroshima and Nagasaki that has hardly been seen outside military archives. Some was shot in black-and-white by Japanese news cameras a few weeks after the bombing, and some was shot on 35 mm color film by American occupation forces shortly after their arrival.
These images of the devastated cities and their devastated people may haunt your dreams. Seeing the disfigured bodies of people killed or maimed by radiation burns probably isn’t anybody’s idea of must-see TV. But when I spoke to Okazaki at the Sundance Film Festival in January, he told me that his producers at HBO told him to make the strongest film he could make, while many of the A-bomb survivors are still alive to pass their story along to the rest of us.
It seems like you made this film because younger people — younger than you and I, certainly — may know relatively little about the bombings. And the political or ideological controversies around the bombings may seem pretty remote to them. Your film does not focus on the question of morality, on whether it was right or wrong for America to drop the bomb. It’s just about what happened, the people that were directly affected. Is that fair?
I think it’s partially a form of denial, to not think about it, because it’s so horrible to think about the reality of it. In some ways, people go immediately to the argument to avoid considering the horror. Everyone seems to have a theory, pro and con, and there’s a lot of validity to the arguments. But they tend to just go and on as arguments and there’s no real resolution. At the same time, people will just avoid the real subject, which is the use of nuclear weapons in war, and this is the only example of it.
There are some really upsetting images in this film, very difficult to watch. I’ve seen a lot of historical documentaries about the war that at least addressed Hiroshima and Nagasaki, but I’ve never seen a great deal of this material. You’ve got actual film, both color and black-and-white, showing what people who were killed and injured by the bombs actually looked like. Where did you get that material, and how did you decide what to use?
The first motion picture footage was black-and-white, shot by a Japanese crew that came down from Tokyo about three or four weeks after the bombing. There’s a certain order to them, to what they’re shooting. It’s not the chaos of right after the bombing, but it’s still really vivid footage — shocking, really. Then the American occupation forces came in and stopped the Japanese from filming. They looked at the footage and said, “Wow, let’s keep working, and you’ll work under us and we’ll direct you.” And then American crews started working in 35 mm color film. All that color footage went back to Washington and was under wraps for 25 years.
We assumed that the black-and-white footage was also confiscated and also went back to Washington, but it looks like the Japanese company either made a dupe negative of it, or kept the original negative and gave the dupe negative to the Americans.
I think the first use of that footage was in “Hiroshima Mon Amour,” which was made in 1959, so Alain Resnais accessed the Japanese footage as well. There’s so much of it. It’s not that it’s been inaccessible; it’s just that people have avoided looking at it. I frankly avoided the color footage for a long time, and my first cuts of this film, I would say, were poetic and gentle and used the black-and-white footage. I brought it back to HBO, and they said, “This is great, but where’s the real stuff?”
I said, “I’m afraid people are going to turn off their TVs or walk out of the theater if they see the real stuff.” They said, “You know this is the only opportunity to do this film, to do this story. Don’t hold back. Just put it in. If they change the channel, they change the channel. But if you’ve taken a comprehensive look at it, and made the most honest film you can, we should not censor the material. It’s already been censored.”
HBO is really an amazing place that way. And so the next cut I made was more graphic, and they said, “Is there more?” And I said, yes, there’s more. I pushed it further, and I discovered that in the old [color] footage there were two people who we had already interviewed for the film. There they were, in the old footage! That gave it a very different feeling, because even though it’s difficult to watch, you have a sense, here are the people who are alive who can tell these stories.
Just to clarify that: What we see in that color film shot by the Americans, not long after the bombing, is two survivors who suffered gruesome injuries. And those turned out to be people you interviewed, people who are still alive in the 21st century. That’s remarkable, to realize that this event is a living memory for a lot of people. About how many survivors did you meet in Japan?
I’ve followed the subject for about 25 years, and I’ve met about 500 survivors in that time. For this project we pre-interviewed about 100 of them. Some of them might be casual, just quick meetings at a coffee shop, or walking into a sort of community center with about 20 people. Actually, that was a bad idea because people started talking and you couldn’t stop them. The people we talked to at the end got really mad and said, “I have a long story too, and why did they get so much time and you’re cutting this short?” People have really held this story in. In many cases they haven’t even talked to their children or husbands and wives about it, so, in some cases, their own children don’t even know they’re atomic bomb survivors,
That’s amazing.
People still say that you can affect your marriage possibilities and your job opportunities, or your family’s, so survivors are very wary about letting people know.
I’ve heard this before, that there’s a stigma in Japanese society associated with being a survivor of the atomic bomb. Is that primarily about the health issues that may be involved, or is it shame? Or some mixture of the two?
I think it’s a complicated thing. Japanese always say, “The nail that stands up gets beaten down,” and just being different in Japanese culture is not a good thing. It’s frowned upon, to flaunt your differences, and it’s frowned upon to talk about yourself. Typically, Japanese parents, when they’re talking about their children, do the opposite of American parents. They put their children down, and people are supposed to assume that this is exactly the opposite of the truth: They’re not bad students; they’re the best students.
People also tell stories about how closely, before marriage, the families check each other out. In some cases they hire detectives to do background checks. Many times survivors marry other survivors. When you have a survivor that’s married a non-survivor, they brag about how brave an act of courage it is to marry a survivor.
I talked about this last night: There was a plaque at the hypo-center [the center of the blast] saying that one 8-year-old girl survived in this area, and everyone else perished. We tracked her down, and she said, “Please don’t contact me again. My husband has a business and he feels business would be hurt. My children don’t know I’m a survivor, and I don’t want them to know.”
Partly, this movie is about dealing with two different countries, two different cultures, that have both been silent about what happened. In Japan there is this complicated sense of shame that you’ve described. And in the United States, we sometimes argue about the morality or necessity of the act, but I don’t think we’ve ever really talked about the consequences.
I think it was really putting a human face on the discussion. Certainly the most upsetting thing about doing this film is to see it become more and more timely over the last two years. I was watching “24″ last weekend when they set off an atomic bomb. It tells you that people are now considering, “Yeah, that’s really possible.” I think the really remarkable thing for me in the film was that when we interviewed the scientists who designed the bomb and the veterans who dropped it, on one hand, they were all very adamant that they had no second thoughts and no regrets, and at the same time they were all adamant that the danger was real. The people who dropped the bomb think that the reality is really close; it’s something we all have to consider seriously.
The other thing that frightened me was looking at the propaganda footage in the film. All you have to do is replace the word “Japanese” with “Islamic” and it was the same thing: These are people who don’t care about life, because they’re going to heaven. I was certainly thinking about that.
You also must have been thinking about the fact that the youngest survivors are now in their late 60s, and most are in their 70s or 80s. They won’t be around forever, and if somebody tries to do this film in 10 or 15 years, there won’t be many people left.
I really feel like this is the last opportunity to make this film. Within the next couple of years, most of these people, half of them anyway, will be gone. We have a guy who was a 25-year-old doctor and he’s now 87, and he’s a remarkable person with a remarkable memory. We also interviewed people at the other end of the spectrum, who were 3 or 4 at the time. They had clear memories, or fragments of memories, that I truly believe they held. But the things around those fragments were really shaky. Over the years they’ve assumed their parents’ or their uncles’ version of the story, and it’s become their own.
Your main focus is on the Japanese survivors, but you also talk to American soldiers and scientists who were involved. Why was that important?
Just as a storyteller, you have all these people on the ground who were united by a moment, when they sensed or saw the bomb falling, saw the white flash. Then many of them blacked out. One of the people in the film told us he woke up 48 days later.
We wanted to fill in the blank spots. So there’s a hole in the story, and we wanted to tell the story of the bomb. We don’t ever present this as good guys and bad guys, victims and murderers. I think that’s very disrespectful to both sides. I think meeting people on the American side opens the film up and gives you a different point of view. I thought it was important to meet the Americans who did it, without demonizing them. The scientists were plucked out of grad school. The servicemen were, like, 22 years old and given this mission to end the war. They were decent, good people who had to do this thing.
Just for their sanity, I think they’ve had to deal with what happened in their own ways, partly by not looking into it any further. They all had this 1950s view of radiation: “Hey, it’s more dangerous to drive a car! You use a microwave every day!” They clearly have black holes in their knowledge.
I was thinking that if I had something like that to carry around, I might find a way not to think about it.
Sure, yeah.
Did they have any trepidation about talking to you?
I considered sending in one of the co-producers, who’s not Asian, to do the interviews. But that felt like tricking them. On the other hand, I didn’t want to have to explain myself, or make them feel safe with me. I didn’t want to say, “Listen, my dad was in the 442 [the 442nd Regimental Combat Team, composed of Japanese-Americans] and fought in Europe against the Nazis.” I just went in and thought, we’ll get what we get. I did feel with one of the guys that if someone else were there, he’d have been talking differently about the Japanese. He’d say, “The Japs — anese…” [Laughter.]
Do you think people are finally ready, in both countries, to deal with this stuff?
That’s the one incredibly encouraging thing. People seem to be open to hearing these stories and not just running away from the words “Hiroshima and Nagasaki.” We’ve been doing that for 60 years.
The civil rights battle ignored by the U.S. media
The documentary "Black Power Mixtape" tells a counter-history of the 1960s, through the eyes of foreign journalists
A still from "The Black Power Mixtape 1967-1975"
It was tough enough to track the social and political upheaval of the 1960s through domestic news coverage, let alone to pay attention to what the rest of the world was reporting. But journalists from abroad were fascinated by the roiling changes — and often saw it quite differently.
Though U.S. network coverage of civil rights cruelties helped rally the country against the worst offenders in the South, coverage of revolutionary groups such as the Black Panther Party more often took J. Edgar Hoover’s extremist stance that it was the most dangerous internal threat to the U.S. Rarely did it look at the accomplishments of its free breakfast programs, community organizing and determination to stand up to police harassment and brutality.
Swedish newsmen and filmmakers who didn’t follow the FBI line came to America to learn what they could, looking at life in largely segregated black America, talking frankly and seriously with black leaders and closely following their trials.
Footage of the era, said to have been sitting in a Swedish basement for three decades, became the eye-opening documentary “The Black Power Mixtape 1967-1975” making its U.S. television debut on PBS’ “Independent Lens” Thursday night as part of its Black History Month series.
The modernist title owes in part to filmmaker Göran Hugo Olsson using modern-day commentary, from musicians in many cases, to accompany the found footage. Talib Kweli, Erykah Badu and Ahmir “Questlove” Thompson of the Roots add their contemporary revolutionary musing among commentaries by professors and historians.
The wealth of Swedish footage owes in part to the Panthers’ desire to see their movement as an international one, or one that certainly relied on support from outside the U.S.
It is the Panthers’ Embassy in Algeria where Eldridge Cleaver holds court, for example, far from the threat of FBI invasions. Martin Luther King Jr.’s visits to Stockholm to meet King Gustaf VI Adolf that are well preserved, and King’s traveling partner Harry Belafonte recalls the meeting.
Some of the earliest footage in the film shows a young Stokely Carmichael speaking in Stockholm in 1967, stating in the simplest terms the recent history of black movement in the U.S., carefully stepping beyond the nonviolent action approach by King.
“In order for nonviolence to work, your opponent has to have a conscience,” he points out coolly. “The United States has none.”
In some ways, it is the footage of Carmichael, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee and honorary “prime minister” for the Panthers, that is the revelation of “The Black Power Mixtape.” How suppressed has his voice been over the years, even at a time of black history mining?
It’s certainly eye-opening for modern-day commentator Kweli, who exclaims, “He has so much passion and fire inside of him,” yet remains quite cool. “He seemed like a regular dude.”
After telling reporters in Stockholm, “I’m not as patient as Dr. King,” Carmichael takes over a Swedish interview of his own mother in Chicago to get to the point: The family’s struggles and limited opportunities can be boiled down to the fact that they are black.
One gets the sense that Swedish journalists enjoyed visiting black ghettos, where they tried to get a taste of life as they paused for interviews with Huey P. Newton and Kathleen Cleaver.
The coverage was noted in the U.S. as well, when TV Guide in a cover story complained about its negativity. Swedish reporters interviewed the story’s writer, balancing it with the view of director Emile de Antonio, who dismisses TV Guide as “an absolute nothing magazine.”
Officially, Sweden had been so critical of America’s role in Vietnam that the U.S. pulled its ambassador from Stockholm in 1968 and ended diplomatic relations with the country altogether for a time in 1972, after Prime Minister Olof Palme compared the bombings of Hanoi with the worst atrocities of Nazis.
Whatever the diplomatic relations, Swedish journalists certainly took the black revolutionaries more seriously and were plainly excited to be the first TV reporters to talk to an imprisoned Angela Davis. Still, because they worked from the same script, the question soon boiled down to: Do you have to use violence to reach your goals? Davis, receiving her first media visitor, was plainly annoyed by this, in just about the only footage that’s in color rather than black-and-white.
“When somebody asks me abut violence, I just find it incredible,” she says. “What it means is that the people who ask have no idea what people have gone through, what black people have experienced in this country since the time the first black person was kidnapped from the shores of Africa.”
The revolutionary tone of the film may provide grist for those on the right who erroneously see PBS as some kind of government-funded left-wing propaganda machine. When was the last time Louis Farrakhan was given a forum to talk about white devils?
But “The Black Power Mixtape” qualifies as a social history of a revolutionary movement, one quashed by a mid-1970s drug infusion to black neighborhoods that film participants are quite sure was caused by the government.
More than that, the modern voices in the film are resolute that lessons of the past need to be learned as the struggle goes on.
Wind power: Renewable resource, or another corporate scam?
A fascinating new film about one small-town political fight takes on the pseudo-green wind industry
A still from "Windfall"
In telling the story of a small-town political fight over wind power, Laura Israel’s fascinating documentary “Windfall” at first seems like another entry in the long laundry list of post-”Inconvenient Truth” doomsayer environmental films. Indeed, “Windfall” has some of the rural, homespun feeling of Josh Fox’s Oscar-nominated “Gasland,” which helped ignite a national debate over the natural-gas extraction method known as fracking. Israel’s film also offers a direct riposte to Bill Haney’s “The Last Mountain,” in which Robert F. Kennedy Jr. is seen promoting wind power as a clean alternative to the dirty and destructive combination of mountaintop-removal coal mining and coal-generated electricity.
Viewed through a long lens, “Windfall” is about much more than the hidden costs and unexpected side effects of wind-power generation, or about a citizens’ uprising in the tiny town of Meredith, N.Y., in the Catskill region 150 or so miles northwest of Manhattan. (Mind you, both are gripping stories.) It’s about the American tendency — and very likely the human tendency — to look for magic-bullet solutions to complicated social and economic problems, where none are available. It’s a microcosmic version of the political divisions — between left and right, environmentalists and free-marketers, corporations and citizens — that have virtually paralyzed our republic. It’s a reminder that whenever a virtually unregulated industry (as in this case) offers capitalists a chance to defraud the little guy and make a bundle, they’ll do it. It’s a tantalizing case study that suggests ordinary people still have the power to steer a course between faceless bureaucracies and greedy capitalists, but only just — and only if they can find a way to overcome their differences and work together.
In the abstract, wind power sounds like a good thing to nearly everybody. It relies on an essentially infinite resource, carries little or none of the obvious environmental downside of coal or oil, and presents no Fukushima-style doomsday scenario. Wind generation has become a major focus of venture capital; Israel includes video of a hearing a few years ago at which T. Boone Pickens told a congressional committee that he could imagine, in the relatively short term, 20 to 25 percent of the country’s electricity demand being fulfilled by wind and other renewables. I have no way to evaluate that claim, but the experts Israel consults in the film think it’s hokum. Given the inherently inconstant nature of wind, they argue, it’s not a stable or permanent solution to our energy crisis, and is unlikely ever to amount to more than a drop in the bucket.
Setting aside the discussion of whether it’s worthwhile to pursue wind power in the first place — and we shouldn’t really set that aside — there might be locations in the Great Plains states, the Southwest and the high western deserts where wind farms, even on the enormous scale imagined by Pickens, would do no great harm. But as people in Meredith and numerous other communities in the wind-friendly rural Northeast and Great Lakes region have discovered, living anywhere near those gargantuan wind-harnessing engines is quite a different matter. These days, the typical industrial wind turbine is around 400 feet high — the height of a 40-story building, or twice the length of a jumbo jet. The blades alone can weigh upward of 35 tons, and the entire assembly anywhere from 150 to 400 tons (resting on a platform of concrete and rebar, which itself may be 30 feet deep and weigh several hundred tons). It’s an enormous construction site, culminating in a high-voltage electrical device, that emits a 24/7 whoppa-whoppa-whoppa noise and incessant low-frequency vibration, and is topped with a brilliant flashing light. By daylight, there’s the nightmarish strobe effect — the vast rotating shadow that falls across an entire neighborhood when the turbine is between you and the sun. (While the question of whether it’s actually unhealthful to live near a turbine is unresolved, it’s definitely unpleasant.) If your neighbor put one up in her backyard without asking permission, how would you feel?
As it happens, I have a personal interest in the events and location of “Windfall,” because I spend summers in a town just a few miles from Meredith. But nothing about the town or its surrounding area (in Delaware County, N.Y., one of the poorest and least populated counties in the Northeast) is untypical of rural America. Meredith has a mix of longtime residents and big-city emigrants, and its longtime dairy-farm economy has largely collapsed in recent years, partly replaced by an unstable mixture of tourist-oriented businesses, craft initiatives and boutique organic farming. These social tensions came to the fore, predictably, during the wind-power debate, with the major landowners and dairy farmers on one side — hoping for the rather skimpy royalties paid by the corporate investors in wind — and many “recent” New York City arrivals, convinced that the region’s economic future depends on its unspoiled landscapes, on the other. (I use the scare quotes because anyone who’s lived in Delaware County less than 30 years is often viewed as a newcomer.)
People on both sides of the issue in Meredith assumed at first that the anti-turbine forces were an elitist minority, partly because the town board had always been dominated by the same landowning families, and partly because wind-power companies had signed people up to secret agreements that forbade them from discussing anything about the relationship. What ensued was a fascinating lesson in democracy (and a version of the same lesson the Tea Party and its supporters may learn later this year). After 826 people — more than half of Meredith’s total population — signed a petition opposing the town board’s pro-development policy on wind turbines, it turned out that the people who thought of themselves as the “real” residents were in the minority, and the jig was up for the wind industry in this one tiny corner of America. Yet as one newly elected board member reflects at the end of the film, nobody came out of this fight feeling good. A formerly harmonious community is now bitterly divided, and the Mitt Romney-style venture capitalists of wind power will just move on to the next town and sell their pseudo-green poisoned chalice to somebody else.
“Windfall” opens this week at the Quad Cinema in New York and the Facets Cinémathèque in Chicago. It opens Feb. 9 at the Art House Cinema 502 in Ogden, Utah, Feb. 24 at the Clinton Street Theater in Portland, Ore., and March 2 at the Northwest Film Forum in Seattle, with other cities and festival screenings to follow. It’s also available on-demand from cable, satellite and online providers, including Amazon, iTunes and VUDU.
Sundance opens with “riches to rags” story
The festival begins with the incredible true story of the tycoon, the beauty queen and their massive dream house
A still from "The Queen of Versailles"
PARK CITY, Utah — According to the mayor of this ski-resort town, which is a famous outpost of crunchy liberalism smack in the middle of the most Republican state in the union, it took the arrival of thousands of outsiders for the Sundance Film Festival to get the place back to normal. Last year the Utah Legislature passed a resolution declaring climate change a hoax, as Mayor Dana Williams told us before a Thursday night screening. Since then, Mother Nature has retaliated: It has barely snowed in the Wasatch Range this winter, leaving the region’s fabled slopes almost bare. But a day that began with drizzling rain and temperatures in the 50s ended with a healthy dose of the white stuff, while we all sat inside in overheated auditoriums watching movies.
Sundance has ditched its former tradition of having one main opening-night film, instead screening four different pictures, two American (a narrative feature and a documentary) and two foreign (ditto). This is all to the good, and avoids invidious comparisons with more Hollywood-centric festivals — but there’s little doubt this year that photographer-turned-filmmaker Lauren Greenfield’s documentary “The Queen of Versailles” was first among equals. The unbelievable-but-true story of Florida real-estate tycoon David Siegel and his ex-beauty-queen wife Jackie, who nearly went broke while trying to build the biggest house in the country, is like a Theodore Dreiser novel for our time, infused with the vivid, vulgar spirit of reality TV. It often had the sold-out Eccles Center howling, but also has elements of profound tragedy and allegory.
After everything starts to go south for the Siegels, Jackie has to take their enormous brood of children — or some of them anyway; I believe they have eight — back to her upstate New York hometown on a commercial flight. (Previously, they had gone everywhere in their private jet, of course.) But she’s still baffled when she gets to the Hertz counter at the airport in Elmira, N.Y., and asks, “Who’s my driver?” She grew up in modest middle-class circumstances and hasn’t been nosebleed-rich for that many years, but she has totally forgotten that regular people don’t have chauffeurs.
And the thing is, I never felt that Greenfield was mocking Jackie, who comes across as a likable, commonsensical middle-aged mom (albeit one with considerable, um, cosmetic enhancements) and is in many respects the heroine of the movie. She really is an ordinary person who has led a life that goes beyond the unlikely or the bizarre to the flat-out impossible. Her previous jobs included cocktail waitress and nursing-home attendant, and here she is pumping out kids and managing a 26,000-square-foot house for a sour and distracted rich guy 30 years older than her. (That’s not the uncompleted house modeled after the Palace of Versailles; that one was supposed to be 90,000 square feet.) By the end of the film, with most of the household staff laid off, Jackie’s job includes wandering around scraping dog crap off the carpeting in room after room, and discovering how many of her children’s pets have died from neglect.
David Siegel, who made his enormous fortune by selling time-share vacation rentals in places like Florida and Las Vegas (and Park City) to working- and middle-class people who couldn’t quite afford them, is apparently suing Greenfield over his portrayal in the film. Specifically, he objects to the Sundance brochure describing “Queen of Versailles” as a “riches-to-rags” story, and while I’m no lawyer, I suspect he’d have a better case if that weren’t exactly how he puts it in the movie. What David really doesn’t like, I suspect, is seeing himself on-screen as a brooding old cuss with no life outside his work and no time for his own children. He shuts himself up in a cluttered den with a widescreen TV and stacks of papers, trying to find a way to rescue both his Orlando dream house and his Vegas condo tower, now deeply underwater. (Time-share lending was essentially a species of subprime mortgage, and when credit dried up so did Siegel’s business.)
Still and all, Greenfield does allow us to see Siegel’s human qualities, especially the fact that he’s chasing the same ersatz vision of luxury, the same unattainable simulacrum of the good life, that he’s been selling to poor people one Vegas weekend at a time. He’ll probably never finish his Versailles, but even if he does it’ll have cockroaches and the same ghastly paintings of his family in pseudo-medieval finery. Siegel and his wife are of course entirely unaware that their attempt to build a replica of Versailles in Florida, and fill it with “Louis XIV-type antique furniture,” is a cruel and altogether too appropriate historical joke. But that’s really not their fault; they live in a country that has become a parody of itself.
Pick of the week: The amazing American journey of Harry Belafonte
Pick of the week: Day-O! How the singer-activist blended Caribbean shtick and fierce political passion
Harry Belafonte (Credit: HBO)
For several generations of people too young to remember the civil rights era, Harry Belafonte may seem like a baffling figure, familiar mainly from protest marches seen on television and Caribbean-shtick pop songs heard on grandma’s car radio. Who is this elderly African-American celebrity with the Italian-sounding name and the aristocratic demeanor? Why did he become famous in the first place, and why does he sometimes come off as the self-appointed radical conscience of black America? Most famously, Belafonte ignited immense controversy both within and without the black community by repeatedly suggesting that Colin Powell and Condoleezza Rice were the “house slaves” of the George W. Bush administration.
Those inflammatory remarks are not mentioned in “Sing Your Song,” the rich and fascinating new documentary about Belafonte’s life and times, which was written and directed by Susanne Rostock but has clearly been authorized and approved by Belafonte and his family. We learn a great deal about Belafonte’s central role as a towering figure of the early-’60s civil-rights movement, when he was confidant and advisor to Martin Luther King Jr. But also unmentioned are his visits to Fidel Castro in Cuba and Hugo Chávez in Venezuela, his warm relations with the Soviet leadership before the fall of communism, or his assertion that George W. Bush was a greater terrorist than those who perpetrated the 9/11 attacks.
For the record, I believe that Belafonte’s remarks about Bush are entirely defensible, if impolitic. What he has to say about Barack Obama’s first term can only be imagined, because the current president’s name, startlingly, is never uttered. (His father’s is; Barack Obama Sr. first came to the United States from Kenya by way of a Belafonte-sponsored scholarship.) I don’t bring up Belafonte’s past associations or overseas visits in order to red-bait him (as his ideological opponents have done exhaustively over the years). My point is that “Sing Your Song” is a vital document of American history, which I recommend to everyone, and also an attempt to massage the patriotic legacy of a complex and polarizing figure.
One thing Rostock’s film makes abundantly clear is the fact that Belafonte had the opportunity to become a high-profile and sometimes strident social activist because his first incarnation as a celebrity was about as wholesome and non-polarizing as a black man could possibly be. Born in Harlem but largely raised in Jamaica by his grandmother, Belafonte ultimately brought the island’s folk songs back to America as mid-’50s pop-calypso hits like “Matilda,” “Man Smart (Woman Smarter)” and of course “Banana Boat Song,” which you’ve definitely heard even if you don’t know what it’s called. (Irrelevant footnote: Belafonte’s story speaks to me personally in all sorts of ways, but partly because it parallels that of my own father, who was born in the same month of 1927 a few dozen blocks to the north, and then was sent back to his own grandmother on a somewhat colder island.) With his trademark tight pants and unbuttoned shirt, the muscular Belafonte became a sex symbol to millions of white women and girls at a time when interracial marriage was still impossible in many states, and toured with a mixed-race folk group to cities where black audiences had to watch from the balcony.
I realize this is stretching a little, but Belafonte in the ’50s — viewed strictly as a cultural archetype — was something like an early version of Obama, an articulate and handsome light-skinned African-American who spoke standard English better than most white people did. (To this day, Belafonte’s pronunciation of the word “theater” is redolent with cultural specificity; he says it as Bette Davis or Lynn Redgrave would have.) But as Belafonte himself explains it in the film, his path to stardom was at least partly calculated. Near the beginning of his performing career as a folk singer, he remembers, his idol Paul Robeson came to see him backstage at the Village Vanguard and told him: “Get them to sing your song, and they’ll want to know who you are.”
If anything, “Sing Your Song” may convey the impression that Belafonte’s career as a pop singer and stage and film actor — a shameless ham, it must be said — was simply a means to an end, a tool to be used against Jim Crow and apartheid and other forms of racism and injustice around the world. While I suppose it’s true that Belafonte’s close working friendship with King, or his later relationships with Nelson Mandela and Jean-Bertrand Aristide, may weigh more in the scales of history than “Banana Boat Song,” he honestly may be selling himself a little short. Sure, some of Belafonte’s calypso numbers may be cheesy, but he was a generous singer with a huge spirit, who pioneered multiculturalism and “world music” long before anyone used those words. The performers he introduced to mainstream audiences included Odetta, Nana Mouskouri and, most famously, Miriam Makeba — and his 1962 album “Midnight Special” featured a then-unknown harmonica player named Bob Dylan. (In the movie, you’ll watch him perform “Hava Nagila” on network TV in 1959, which became part of his concert repertoire for years. You can think that’s silly or think it’s awesome; I vote for both.)
Belafonte’s early association with Robeson (who was without doubt a communist) will raise in some viewers’ minds the long-cherished right-wing assumption that Belafonte was or is a treacherous Red seeking to destroy the American way of life. Even bracketing the fact that the two things are not connected — most American communists were not traitors, just as most American Muslims do not support terrorism — the evidence is pretty thin. Even the right-wing investigative site Discover the Networks can go no further than claims that Belafonte was “aligned with the Communist Left” and that he “views America as an evil and profoundly racist nation.” Depending on your definition of “evil,” those vague and disputable terms could be used to describe all kinds of people, from Cornel West to Noam Chomsky to Roger Ebert (to me).
“Sing Your Song” never addresses these allegations directly, other than sourcing most of the FBI’s files on Belafonte to a shadowy figure named Jay Richard Kennedy (aka Samuel Solomonick), a one-time Communist Party insider turned showbiz executive and government informant. Kennedy was Belafonte’s manager for several years — while his wife served as Belafonte’s therapist! — and the two of them apparently fed the FBI some ludicrous “Manchurian Candidate” line about Belafonte being a double agent “controlled by Peking.” My Internet searches suggest that at least one academic is trying to write a book about Kennedy/Solomonick, and I can’t wait to read that one.
I don’t support everything Belafonte has ever said or done, but he’s a hugely important American dissident who’s been on the right side way more often than the wrong one, and who pioneered a path followed by many other activist celebrities, from Marlon Brando to Sean Penn and beyond. Even in this carefully staged self-portrait, we meet a man in his 80s who is aware of his failings as a husband and father (although his two youngest children, David and Gina, helped produce the film) and plagued by the thought that all his labors against tyranny and injustice have not nearly been enough. On one hand, he comes off as boundlessly optimistic, seeking to hand off the torch of rebellion to a new generation; on the other, since the 1980s he seems to have hardened and grown less tolerant of politics. He declined to attend Mandela’s inauguration as president of South Africa because of his rift with Bill and Hillary Clinton, and declined to attend Coretta Scott King’s funeral because Bush would be there.
With his physical health precarious, Belafonte keeps touring the globe, meeting with European hip-hop artists, L.A. gang members, prison inmates, Native American leaders and his own council of African-American “elders,” in search of some resolution or program that might reverse the global tide of neoliberal capitalism and pseudo-democratic police states. He’s a hero, all right, but not the kind who gets to ride triumphantly into the sunset at story’s end. More like the hero of a long-running tragedy, the kind of hero once summarized this way by the English socialist William Morris: “Men fight and lose the battle, and the thing that they fought for comes about in spite of their defeat, and when it comes turns out not to be what they meant.”
“Sing Your Song” opens this week at the IFC Center in New York and the Playhouse 7 in Pasadena, Calif. It opens Jan. 20 in Santa Fe, N.M.; Jan. 27 in Portland, Ore., San Francisco and Seattle; Feb. 3 in Denver; Feb. 10 in Albuquerque, N.M., and Bellingham, Wash.; Feb. 12 in Montgomery, Ala.; Feb. 17 in Hartford, Conn.; and March 16 in Minneapolis, with other screenings and venues to be announced.
Right-wing documentary targets Occupy
Exclusive: Film in the making from Citizens United is likely to portray protesters as anti-democratic anarchists
VIDEO
(Credit: AP)
Citizens United, which specializes in making documentaries with strong right-wing messages, is currently in production for a film about the Occupy movement, a spokesman for the group confirms to Salon.
The landmark 2010 Supreme Court case that loosened campaign finance restrictions was brought by Citizens United and centered on an anti-Hillary Clinton movie made by the group. Opposition to that ruling has been a consistent message of participants in Occupy movement.
The new film is to be called “Mic Check: The Untold Story of the Occupy Movement.” A participant at Occupy Wall Street recently received an interview request from a Citizens United producer that included this description of the film:
Never in living memory has such a small political movement received such disproportionate attention from the press. Never in living memory has a movement been so widely scrutinized and yet so deeply misunderstood. Is it possible both the left and right have made the error of thinking that the forces behind Occupy Wall Street are interested in democratic politics and problem solving?
In Mic Check: The Untold Story of the Occupy Movement, we’ll look at the roots of the Occupy movement and hear from it undeclared ‘leaders’. We’ll go inside the still existing encampments in Los Angeles and Washington D.C., into the frequently contentious street rallies and hear from participants about their protest, their goals and their vision for the future.
(Emphasis added.)
That bolded line is taken almost verbatim from a Weekly Standard article by Matthew Continetti, who argues that Occupy is an attempt “to establish a socialist utopia through revolutionary anarchism” and that the movement must be met with legal and ideological opposition.
The email from the Citizens United producer says that filming is scheduled to be complete by Jan. 13 and adds that she can “arrange a video crew to tape in nearly any city in the US if need be.”
Here’s a taste of the Citizens United style:
Page 1 of 39 in Documentaries
The deep roots of the war on contraception
Our stubborn faith in aphrodisiacs
Why everyone is still writing off Santorum
The hysterical American decline
Occupy Valentine’s Day
Literature for your love woes
Pakistan’s crippling turf war
Occupy fights the law: Will the law win?
The right’s lost causes
Unhappy Valentine’s Day in Israel 

