Washington, D.C.

Chuck Todd’s arguments against investigations

Blocking investigations of those in political power is one of the unifying beliefs of establishment journalism.

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(updated below - Update II – Update III – Update IV)

NBC’s Chuck Todd — who, remember, is billed as a reporter covering the White House, not a pundit expressing opinions — was on MSNBC’s Morning Joe on Tuesday discussing reports that Eric Holder is likely to appoint a prosecutor to investigate Bush torture crimes.  Needless to say, everyone agreed without question that investigations were a ridiculous distraction from what really matters and would be terribly unfair.  This, along with Mika Brzezinski and Pat Buchanan, is what Todd argued after he was asked about the Holder story and the Cheney/CIA story (video is below):

Todd: Look, let’s take all of these stories in one big thing:  really, the only important thing — the most important thing — the President has to focus on is getting the public’s trust on the economy, and pushing health care.  Cheney, the CIA, and in some respects Sotomayor are cable catnip –

Brzezinski:  Yep.

Todd:  It’s news catnip – but they’re sort of clouding the two most important issues the President’s got to get his arms around this week:  winning back trust of the middle on the economy and pushing health care through.

Brzezinski: I would completely agree with you, yet the questions are being raised by news organizations like the New York Times.  Pat Buchanan, chime in, because as I’ve been reporting [sic], and I’ll say it for Chuck’s benefit here:  speaking to a former senior intelligence official yesterday on the phone for quite some time, saying that this program that Cheney was apparently blocking the CIA from giving Congressional intelligence officials information on, was not even a program — it was not operational — it was not even at the stage where you would tell Congress about it or talk to high-level administration officials about it.

Is this much ado about nothing to get the attention off what needs to be done?

Buchanan:  Well it’s exactly what Chuck said, it’s a massive distraction . . . . Let me ask Chuck this:  it seems to me you got a real problem for the administration if you go forward at Holder’s level –

Todd: Right.

Buchanan: and they appoint a Special Counsel, the first thing the CIA guys do is say is: yeah, we did it; we waterboarded them; and here’s the authorization from these lawyers who said we could do it — the lawyers come in and say we were asked for our opinion and Cheney was the guy who asked us, and the President told us to go ahead and do it.  Aren’t you right into the White House of the Bush administration as soon as you appoint that independent counsel?

Todd: And I think that’s why, in the President’s gut, he doesn’t want to do this.  They’ve made that clear they don’t want to do this.  I think that’s what you see a lot of the West Wing — they don’t want to get into this because of what you’re saying.

Ultimately, a lawyer gets paid to not tell you what the law is — but to interpret the law, to tell you how far you can push things until you cross a line that a judge will say is illegal.  That’s what lawyers get paid to do:  they get paid to interpret the law, and interpret the law in a way that allows you to stretch things.  

You are on a slippery slope – this is a very dangerous aspect to go after, because these CIA guys will say, as you said Pat, we got the letter from these lawyers in the Bush Justice Department that said we can do this.  You can’t suddenly change the law retroactively because there’s another interpretation of this.  I’m sure there are a legal minds that will fight and say I don’t know what I’m talking about here, but it seems to me that’s a legal and a political slippery slope.

This is about as typical a discussion as it gets among media stars as to why investigations are so very, very wrong and unfair and unwise.  Still, this discussion in particular vividly highlights several important points worth noting about the role of the establishment media:

(1) In response to virtually every media criticism (at least the few they acknowledge), establishment journalists will insist that their role is to be steadfastly neutral.   They simply report on the debates, not take sides or express opinions about them.  Taking one side or the other is not their role.  Only partisan ideologues do that.

Yet here is Chuck Todd — who covers the White House for NBC News — explicitly arguing against investigations, and adopting the Bush/right-wing mentality to do so.  Investigations are a distraction from what matters.  It’s extremely unfair to hold lawyers accountable when they authorize criminal conduct.  It’s “dangerous” for one administration to investigate the prior one where that prior administration had its DOJ lawyers authorize what was being done.

Wouldn’t the standard claim of establishment journalists maintain that Chuck Todd shouldn’t have (or at least not express) opinions on these topics?  Yet here he is — as so many establishment journalists routinely do — explicitly advocating against investigations of Bush-era crimes.  Even more notably, the arguments in favor of such investigations merit no mention whatsoever.  Would anyone listening to this discussion even have the slightest idea what the arguments are in favor of investigating and prosecuting?  

The notion that these establishment journalists don’t choose sides and are mere honest brokers of debates is, rather obviously, transparent fiction.  What justifies Chuck Todd becoming an advocate in alliance with those who oppose investigations of Bush crimes?  Isn’t he supposed to be a reporter?

(2) Notice what, as always, is missing from this discussion:  any reference to the fact that the conduct in question — torture — is illegal.  What about the argument that numerous detainees died as a result of these methods?  What about the argument that many interrogations plainly exceeded even the authorizations given by the DOJ?  What about the argument that granting immunity to high-level political officials anytime they can find a low-level DOJ functionary to approve their behavior will destroy the rule of law?  

Our media class literally believes that high executive branch officials have the right to break the law.  For that reason, they cannot even recognize illegality as an issue worth anyone’s attention.  Thus, all this “torture” and ”lying to Congress” and violating oversight laws is just “cable catnip,” political posturing that obscures what truly matters.  So sayeth NBC News’ White House correspondent.

(3) One aspect of journalistic corruption that receive less attention than it deserves is the servile attitude so many of them develop to those who control access to their beat.  As a White House reporter, who dominates Todd’s professional life and determines the access he needs?  To whom does he spend much of his day speaking?  Rahm Emanuel, David Axelrod, Robert Gibbs, and their underlings (“the West Wing”) – the very Obama political advisers who, by all accounts, vigorously oppose any investigation of Bush crimes because they believe such investigations will be bad for Obama politically.

Todd doesn’t cover them as a reporter, adversarially scrutinizing what they argue and do.  Instead, he becomes their spokesman.  He not only describes what they believe, but he adopts it and advocates it himself (Todd: ”the only important thing — the most important thing — the President has to focus on is getting the public’s trust on the economy and pushing health care . . . .”[investigations are] sort of clouding the two most important issues the President’s got to get his arms around this week: winning back trust of the middle on the economy and pushing health care through”). 

If one wanted to be generous, one could say that a President’s political strategists should be thinking in such terms — about how to keep the President’s approval ratings as high as possible.  But that, quite obviously, isn’t Chuck Todd’s role.  Yet the distinction disappears.  That is how Chuck Todd thinks because it’s how those on whom he depends think.  He’s not a journalist wanting to impose accountability or find out the truth of what our government did.  Instead, he serves as an advocate for the agenda of the political strategists who determine his access.

(4) Bef0re he opines on it again, can someone please explain to Chuck Todd the difference between (a) the role of a private lawyer hired by a client and (b) the duties and obligations of Justice Department lawyers generally and OLC lawyers specifically?  George Bush and Dick Cheney treated the DOJ as though it were their personal law firm there to serve their personal interests, so that’s how Chuck Todd apparently understands it.  The role of OLC lawyers isn’t to “allow you to stretch things.” 

The constitutional powers of the President are quite limited and one of his only explicit duties is he “shall take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed.”  ”Faithfully executing ” the law doesn’t mean “stretching” the law and it certainly doesn’t mean breaking the law.  I’m aware that talk of what the Constitution and the law require is just cable catnip, but ignoring that produces some rather significant consequences.  I’d like to ask Chuck Todd:  if Bush had John Yoo write a memo opining that it was perfectly legal for Bush to deploy hit squads within the U.S. to assassinate American citizens without any due process, would it be wrong to investigate and prosecute that, too, on the ground that everyone had permission slips from a DOJ lawyer and that’s just what lawyers do?

(5) Ever since it was first revealed that Dick Cheney ordered the CIA to conceal an intelligence program from Congress, there has been one anonymous leak after the next designed to defend what Cheney did.  That’s why I noted that laughable CNN “news article” earlier today:  this is how our political debates are shaped.  

Note how those anonymous claims now just become an unquestioned part of these discussions by “journalists.”  Some anonymous intelligence official chats on the phone with Brzezinski and makes a bunch of Cheney-defending assertions; she excitedly writes it all down and goes on the TV and repeats it as Truth (and, of course, calls what she’s doing “reporting”).  And now, all of that is just assumed to be true by these “journalists”: there was no real program, it never got off the ground, Congress was briefed anyway, Cheney did nothing wrong, there were no briefing obligations at all.  Therefore, there’s nothing to see here.

Nobody even thinks to question or challenge that.  It’s just accepted as true.  Therefore, all of this is just petty cable catnip obscuring what truly matters, decrees NBC ”reporter” Chuck Todd.

(6) As I’ve noted many times before — though it still never ceases to amaze me — the most revealing fact about our political culture is that the group most opposed to investigations of high-level political officials happens to be the very same group that was supposed to lead the way in investigating:  our journalist class.  Thomas Jefferson said:

Our first object should therefore be, to leave open to him all the avenues of truth. The most effectual hitherto found, is freedom of the press. It is therefore, the first shut up by those who fear the investigation of their actions.

That’s now completely reversed.  It’s the establishment press that stands most stalwart against investigations.  They believe, as Richard Cohen so memorably put it when railing against the Lewis Libby conviction, that “it is often best to keep the lights off.”  Few things explain better what has happened to our political class than the fact that (with some important exceptions) it is establishment journalists who are the most aggressive opponents of investigations of high-level government lawbreaking.  Trying to prevent investigations of their friends, colleagues and bosses in political power is one of the few times they’re willing so explicitly to turn themselves into advocates, as Chuck Todd did here.

* * * * * 

Chuck Todd/Morning Joe video (excerpted clip begins at 2:15):

 

 

UPDATE:  I just received an email from Chuck Todd which read in its entirety:  ”happy to chat . . . sorry you couldn’t email me or track me down…”  My reply:

I’m happy to chat, too — if you want, we can do a podcast discussion which I’ll happily append to what I wrote.

I think your words speak for themselves and I don’t think discussing or critiquing them requires calling you first to ask your views. What you said was broadcast to many people as is and that won’t change based on whatever comments you want to add after the fact.

Let me know if you want to do a podcast interview about what I wrote — I’m happy to do it and I think readers would benefit from hearing from you directly.

I genuinely hope he accepts.  I’ll post any updates as they develop.

 

UPDATE II:  Todd just emailed me and agreed to do a podcast interview to discuss these matters. It’s scheduled for later this afternoon and should be posted here shortly thereafter.

 

UPDATE III:  The podcast discussion with Todd had to be postponed until early tomorrow morning because he was only able to use a cell phone today and the sound quality for the podcast wouldn’t have been very good.  It will be posted early in the morning tomorrow in a separate post:  almost certainly before 9:00 a.m. EST.  I was hoping it would happen today but I’ll be just as interested in hearing his answers to my questions tomorrow morning.

On an unrelated note, I contributed to a New York Times discussion on the Sotomayor hearings which will be posted there today.  All of the contributors can be read here, and my specific contribution is here.

 

UPDATE IV:  My podcast discussion with Todd can be heard here.

Glenn Greenwald

Follow Glenn Greenwald on Twitter: @ggreenwald.

D.C. firm inks lucrative public-relations contract with Bahrain

As the Gulf monarchy cracks down on an international aid group, it hires Qorvis for $40,000-per-month P.R. job

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D.C. firm inks lucrative public-relations contract with BahrainA Shiite Bahraini woman gestures as others shout anti-government slogans outside a public forum Saturday, July 23, 2011, outside a religious community center in Sanabis, Bahrain, denouncing the alleged destruction and vandalizing of Shiite mosques, community centers and cemeteries during a government crackdown on a largely Shiite spring uprising. Clerics who spoke during the meeting, blamed Saudi Arabia for targeting religious sites, because they allegedly distrust their own Shia minority and sent forces to help quell the Bahrain uprising. (AP Photo/Hasan Jamali)(Credit: AP)

Bahrain is in the news again, this time for what appears to be the comically evil persecution of the humanitarian group Doctors Without Borders.

So, naturally, the ruling monarchy of the Gulf nation has hired a top Washington public relations firm to burnish (or attempt to salvage) its image, according to a new foreign agent registration filing. Qorvis Communications will be paid $40,000 per month, plus expenses, for the public relations work, according to a contract submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice.

Here is the latest on the events in Bahrain, where the Sunni regime’s crackdown on a Shia protest movement is now focusing on prosecuting or harassing those — including doctors — who came to the aid of protesters back in the spring:

The trouble for the group — which is also known by its English name, Doctors Without Borders — started about a week ago. Activists say a young man who had been protesting in his village was hit in the head at close range by police firing a tear-gas canister.

The protester went to the MSF office in the capital, Manama. Owing to the severity of his injuries, an ambulance was called, and the patient was taken to the hospital. On July 28, the next day, 14 police vehicles pulled up to the MSF office. Authorities raided the building and reportedly took away furniture, medicine and patient files — and arrested the group’s local driver, Saeed Mahdi.

Now, the rented villa that used to house the MSF office is locked up and empty.

Qorvis distributed a statement to American journalists writing about the incident, with the Bahrain Health Ministry claiming that Doctors Without Borders “was operating an unlicensed medical center in a residential apartment building.”

Qorvis, which promises clients “integrated strategies to help you tell your story better,” did not immediately respond to a request for comment about its work for Bahrain. The contract is signed by Qorvis partner Matthew Lauer, who was previously a public diplomacy official in the Bush State Department and a spokesman for the South Carolina Democratic Party.

Earlier this year Huffington Post reported that several Qorvis partners had departed the firm because, in the words of one unnamed insider, “I just have trouble working with despotic dictators killing their own people.” Qorvis had previously worked for Bahrain through another PR firm, Bell Pottinger.

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Justin Elliott

Justin Elliott is a reporter for ProPublica. You can follow him on Twitter @ElliottJustin

Poll: Public sides with Obama on deficit

The potentially catastrophic effects of a default are finally sinking in with Americans

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Poll: Public sides with Obama on deficitIn this July 14, 2011, file photo, President Barack Obama sits with House Speaker John Boehner of Ohio, House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi of California, House Majority Leader Eric Cantor of Virginia, as he meets with Republican and Democratic leaders regarding the debt ceiling in the Cabinet Room of the White House in Washington, Thursday, July 14, 2011. Obama's decision to haul lawmakers in day by day to negotiate a debt deal comes down to reality: He has no other choice. The president has essentially cleared his agenda to deal with one enormous crisis. (AP Photo/Charles Dharapak)(Credit: AP)

Most Americans want to see a compromise on the debt ceiling, according to a new NBC/Wall Street Journal poll.

62 percent of self-identified Democrats said they would want Democratic leaders in the House and Senate to make compromises to gain consensus on the current budget debate, while only 43 percent of Republicans want to see their party leaders concede some of their positions. However, around 70 percent of independent respondents said they wanted to see both parties compromise.

The poll results, released Tuesday show that 55 percent of respondents think that failing to raise the debt ceiling would be “a real and serious problem,” while only 18 percent said it would not be. This contrasts starkly to results gleaned from a Gallup survey in May, in which 47 percent of people said they would want Congress to vote against raising the debt ceiling.

Meanwhile, support for President Obama’s proposal for lowering the deficit significantly trumps that for Republican proposals: 58 percent of NBC/WSJ poll respondents said they preferred Obama’s suggestions to lower the federal deficit by $4 trillion over 10 years by cutting federal spending, raising tax revenue from the wealthy and reducing some Medicare spending. Contrastingly, only just over a third prefer the House Republican proposal to reduce the deficit by $2.5 trillion over 10 years through cutting spending alone and not raising additional revenues.

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Natasha Lennard covers the Occupy movement for Salon. A British-born, Brooklyn-based journalist, she has been covering Occupy Wall Street since before the first sleeping bag was unrolled in Zuccotti Park. One of the first journalists arrested at an Occupy action, she has managed to enrage Andrew Breitbart, Rush Limbaugh and Glenn Beck. You can follow her on Twitter (@natashalennard), and email her any Occupy updates/videos/ideas to natasha.lennard@gmail.com

Lobbyists are overtaking Congress

Since the GOP takeover, the number of lobbyists in congressional staff positions has more than doubled

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Lobbyists are overtaking Congress

(Updated below)

A new report from the Center for Responsive Politics (CRP) looks at the pervasiveness of former lobbyists now working in congressional staff positions. The number of former lobbyists in Congress has more than doubled between the last Congress and the current one, with a significant partisan skew. In the current 112th Congress, 79 former lobbyists work for Republicans while 48 for Democrats; during the Democratic-led 111th Congress (which ran from 2009-2010), 33 worked for Democrats, while 27 worked for Republicans.

The report, titled “From Hired Guns to Hired Hands: ‘Reverse Revolvers’ in the 111th and 112th Congresses,” is available in full here and has a number of noteworthy takeaways:

  • 60 former lobbyists worked in critically important staff positions in the 111th Congress, 128 former lobbyists can be found working in the same positions in the 112th Congress.
  • The House Energy and Commerce and the House Financial Services committees have the highest cumulative number of former lobbyists employed by their members. The lobbyists of certain companies may be highly desirable to members of Congress serving on committees that handle legislation of concern to these companies. AT&T alone has six former lobbyists who at one point lobbied on behalf of AT&T and now work for senators or representatives sitting on the Senate or House committees related to energy and commerce.
  • 50 former finance sector lobbyists work in the 112th Congress, as do 44 former telecommunications sector lobbyists and 40 former healthcare industry lobbyists. Meanwhile, only seven former labor lobbyists occupy these congressional staffer positions.
  • Certain companies — particularly telecommunications, healthcare and defense contracting firms — are well-represented in the portfolios of former lobbyists now working on Capitol Hill. CRP notes a particular example involving Lockheed Martin. “Charles Kinney, currently working for Sen. Joe Manchin (D- W.Va.), lobbied on behalf of Lockheed in 2004… Now, Kinney is deputy chief of staff and general counsel for Manchin, who currently sits on the Senate Armed Services Committee, as well as the Senate Budget Committee” reads the report. [Update: a representative from Manchin's office informs us that Kinney stopped working for Manchin in May. He was still staffer for the senator at the time of CRP's research]

What does this all mean? As CRP is careful to note, there are numerous reasons why lobbyists might take congressional staffer jobs. “For some people,” the report states, “working in government is exciting, fulfilling work, where the psychic rewards make up for the smaller paycheck. In other cases, people may have lost lobbying jobs due to the poor economy and find the Hill to be a place where their expertise and skills are highly valued.” However, the K Street/Congress revolving door could well spin into concerning territory, as the report concludes:

It may, plausibly, be the case that these individuals are able to keep the wishes of their former clients separate from the wishes of the constituents their bosses represent. But it may also be the case that these former lobbyists are now in the position to exercise considerable sway over everything from policy outcomes to government contract decisions and anti-trust decisions. Particularly where the issues are complicated and do not drive significant constituent interest, former clients of ex-lobbyists now working in Congress could be well placed to reap the rewards of enhanced access and deeper connections into government’s legislative branch.

 

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Natasha Lennard covers the Occupy movement for Salon. A British-born, Brooklyn-based journalist, she has been covering Occupy Wall Street since before the first sleeping bag was unrolled in Zuccotti Park. One of the first journalists arrested at an Occupy action, she has managed to enrage Andrew Breitbart, Rush Limbaugh and Glenn Beck. You can follow her on Twitter (@natashalennard), and email her any Occupy updates/videos/ideas to natasha.lennard@gmail.com

Shariah law instituted steps from the White House!

Predicting an overblown right-wing outrage

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Shariah law instituted steps from the White House!Do I spot crescents in this CityCenterDC promotional brochure?

There is a giant real estate development happening in downtown Washington, D.C., near the White House, on the site of the old convention center. Boring news for non-D.C. residents. But I’m willing to bet that the CityCenterDC complex — office space, retail, condos, your standard massive downtown “revitalization” project — will soon be very interesting to a lot of people who don’t live in the area. Not because anyone cares about urban land-use issues, but because of one of the project’s investors: Muslims.

The Washington City Paper noticed a bombshell buried at the bottom of a New York Times piece:

Even before the Qatari investors became involved, Hines and Archstone determined that leasing to banks would not help them create lively shopping streets, Mr. Alsup said. But as it happened, their hesitancy on bank branches meshed with the policies of their financial partners, who adhere to the restrictions of Shariah, or Islamic law, including the ban on collecting interest. Restaurants will be able to serve liquor, but retailers whose primary business involves selling alcohol will not be allowed, Mr. Alsup said.

That’s right: Shariah law, a stone’s throw from the U.S. Capitol. I am assuming the Times just neglected to mention that in addition to banning bars from the complex, all women will be required to wear the niqab, and obviously all infidels will be murdered, while shopping at the Apple store or whatever ends up there. And no dancing!

What’s astounding is that as far as I can see, Matt Drudge hasn’t picked this up. Pamela Geller hasn’t written a lengthy screed about it. Robert Spencer has not weighed in. No one at the Corner has mocked liberals for mocking the threat of creeping Shariah. Get on it, guys! SHARIAH LAW HAS BEEN IMPOSED IN WASHINGTON!

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Alex Pareene

Alex Pareene writes about politics for Salon and is the author of "The Rude Guide to Mitt." Email him at apareene@salon.com and follow him on Twitter @pareene

What line between civilian and military authority?

An increasingly powerful Pentagon is taking over the culture of Washington

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What line between civilian and military authority?U.S. President Barack Obama meets with troops at Bagram Air Base, December 3, 2010.

I have a fairy tale for you. Once upon a time, a representative democracy was established with a constitution that distilled the wisdom of the ages. Its foundational principles included civilian control of the military and a system of checks and balances that encouraged vigorous public debate as a basis for effective policy-making.

In this fabled land, the role of civilian leaders was, in part, to serve as a check on military ambition and endless wars. They were to prove cautious, too, in committing their citizen-soldiers to battle, and when they did, they would issue Congressional declarations of war so that everyone could grasp the nature of the national emergency at hand and the necessity of military action. In waging war, they would rely on shared sacrifice and even raise taxes. When necessary, it was their job to rein in or even remove military leaders who acted like Caesar (read: General Douglas MacArthur) rather than Cincinnatus (read: General George Washington).

Yes, you’ve guessed it: It’s not a fairy tale, or at least not completely. It’s the United States — an older America that, despite a decidedly checkered and often imperial past, was nevertheless proud of its reluctance to fight, but steadfast in its commitment to win once it decided that battle was the course of action. Even then, this America remained resolute in its reluctance to embrace a military ethos or bow down before military gods, committed as it was to civilian primacy and the avoidance of a large standing army.

Paradoxically, the last vestiges of this America could still be seen some 50 years ago under President Dwight D. Eisenhower, himself a retired five-star general, who tried with varying degrees of success to limit defense spending, and who famously warned in his farewell address in 1961 of the dangers of a surging “military-industrial complex.”

And leaping forward almost four decades, here’s another paradox for you: prior to September 11, 2001, what many leading pundits and commentators fretted most about was an alleged widening gap between American civilians and their now all-volunteer military. In 1997, Wall Street Journal Pentagon correspondent Tom Ricks typically worried about an all-volunteer military that saw civilians as privileged and flabby, increasingly considered itself a breed apart, and held the public it served in contempt.

Concerned as well was Richard Kohn, former chief historian of the U.S. Air Force. In a special lecture to Air Force Academy cadets in 1999 on “the erosion of civilian control of the military in the United States today,” Kohn worried about a military that openly disrespected President Bill Clinton, its commander-in-chief, even as it meddled in areas like policy-making for which it was not suited and from which it had been excluded by the Constitution.

How times have changed. In the post-9/11 world, a far more insidious problem confronts us. That gap, if it ever existed, is no more. Instead, at the highest levels, what’s civilian and what’s military are increasingly difficult to tell apart as the two spheres blur and blend. Today, civilian control of the military is largely a principle without a meaning, while inside Washington’s Beltway, even with a scorecard it’s hard to tell the players apart.

In the process, the military has gained a kind of unspoken and distinctly un-American primacy. Put another way, after a decade-long budgetary feeding frenzy, the Pentagon has soared, while an eclipsed Department of State, all those civilian diplomats, has been left to eke out a living on budgetary scraps or, as in Iraq today, arm and militarize itself. State, in other words, has become a remora clinging to the predatory shark that is the Department of Defense.

Large and small, symbolic or otherwise, signs of this civil-military blending (with the military significantly running the show) can be found almost anywhere you look. Civilian presidents regularly appear in military flight gear or jackets, as George W. Bush famously did before his “Mission Accomplished” speech on the deck of the U.S.S. Abraham Lincoln in 2003 and as President Obama did on a visit to U.S. troops in Afghanistan in 2010. Military leaders are now regularly put in charge of previously civilian intelligence agencies, as in the case of General David Petraeus, now nominated to leave the Afghan battlefield and become director of the Central Intelligence Agency.

Civilian agencies now militarize themselves and wage war (as the CIA has done or is doing in various drone wars in the Greater Middle East, often in conjunction with the military). America’s part-time citizen-soldiers have morphed into full-time warriors and warfighters, if not the equivalent of foreign legionnaires. America’s civilian embassies continue to morph into so many militarized fortresses protected by armed mercenaries. And above all, among policy arguments in Washington, whether you’re a civilian official or a military one, the choices are increasingly between militarized alternatives — say, counterinsurgency versus counterterror — with that most civilian of all options, peace, not even on that “table” where officials eternally claim that all options are placed.

At the same time, a new civic religion at whose heart is military-worship implores us to “support our troops” (without any concomitant call to uphold our laws and our Constitution). And even as ordinary Americans express serious doubts about the wisdom and cost of an open-ended commitment to Afghanistan — 64 percent of Americans don’t believe the Afghan war is worth fighting, and 73 percent would prefer sizable withdrawals of U.S. troops this summer, according to a recent Washington Post/ABC News poll — the Pentagon continues to prepare for a future of “two, three, many Afghanistans,” as Michael Klare, defense correspondent for the Nation magazine, noted in April 2010.

Clearly, if we’re not careful, the civilian and military will become the Washington equivalent of Siamese twins, co-joined at the head and, however bitter their internecine arguments, sharing the same underlying militarized thought processes.

Militarism Run Rampant

To separate such twins is a dicey thing, medically speaking, and no less so politically when the lines between civilian and military authority are being so rapidly erased. Make no mistake, as President Obama is wont to say, the impact of this erasure has been devastating.

It’s both sensible and logical to argue that our president and elected representatives must serve as a check on the military establishment, rather than issuing blank checks to them. It’s both sensible and logical to argue that all wars, as required by the Constitution, must have a Congressional declaration before American troops and treasure are committed. It’s both sensible and logical to argue that, as good as our military is, it ultimately can’t win someone else’s civil war (Iraq) or nation-build in a place where the concept of “nation” is little more than notional (Afghanistan).

Sensible and logical, yes, but such arguments have been made — and roundly ignored. They aren’t given the time of day among serious policy types in Washington, where to question the efficacy and legitimacy of the forces and tactics being used is simply not acceptable. Sharing one brain and one ethos means being incapable of grasping one’s own militarized rigidity or truly recognizing the perils that have been unleashed on this nation.

There’s a word for this disease, even if after all these years it remains remarkably foreign to American ears: militarism. When Americans think of that word, they tend to conjure up images of fanatical jackbooted Nazis or suicidal Japanese kamikazes, and so the concept seems eminently dismissible. But militarism also describes a situation in which a country’s civil society and political culture are permeated to the point of dominance by military attitudes and values — an undeniable fact of life, I would argue, in America today.

Militarists see war as productive, as offering solutions rather than posing problems. They see it as heroic. (President Bush famously waxed poetic about the “exciting” and “romantic” nature of fighting in Afghanistan.) When wars are romanticized as action-packed tests of a nation’s warriors, cuts to war spending are naturally seen as perfidiously unpatriotic — as kneecapping those same heroes. Hence our ever-growing “defense” budgets, even as a sledgehammer of a national debt hobbles America’s economic vitality and social security.

The end result of this militaristic mindset is a garrison state, constantly girding itself for national security crises, real or perceived, as in the last decade’s open-ended and frantic “war on terror.”

A singular danger of such a mindset, as pointed out by Laurence Radway in a telling article on “militarism” in the “International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences,” is that militarists, unable to select means appropriate to true defense needs, end up jeopardizing the very national security they say they’re seeking to safeguard. By exaggerating threats, defining all responses to those threats in military terms, dismissing dissenters as weak and deluded (even when they prove right), and being incapable of questioning their principles, they repeat the same mistakes again and again.

Until Americans turn away from militarism and learn again how to “support our Constitution” more than our troops (and don’t worry: those troops swear an oath to that very Constitution), until we return to a broader vision of national security that deemphasizes a garrison mentality, we will continue to wound, perhaps mortally, a once great republic.

And that’s no fairy tale, it’s a fact.

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William J. Astore is a retired lieutenant colonel. He has taught cadets at the U.S. Air Force Academy, officers at the Naval Postgraduate School, and currently teaches at the Pennsylvania College of Technology. He is the author of "Hindenburg: Icon of German Militarism," among other books. He may be reached at wastore@pct.edu.

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