Lacking magic wands, we have another tool, money, in limited amounts. That, combined with ingenuity and goodwill, can take care of some short-term things. Stop the dying. Provide food, shelter and basic sanitation. Help the Haitians to restore basic utilities and bury their dead. Repair the ports and roads enough to get commerce flowing again. So far, no arguments.

It’s when we start talking about longer-term solutions that the discussion gets clouded by preconceptions, dogma and real-world practicalities. Sixty years after the Marshall Plan proved that foreign assistance can work, some of the time, we still find our best-meant schemes mired by bureaucratic inefficiency, corruption, and unintended consequences. Nor does any political side have a perfect recipe. If the American left has often shown itself to be treacly and naive, the right is already back to its old, cynical sneer, deriding “the failed and discredited utopian fantasy of so-called Nation Building” — an actual neoconservative mantra, up till the very month that they plunged the U.S. into the most costly, inefficient, corruption-ridden and ill-conceived nation-building exercise ever undertaken. Now, the mantra that went dormant for a while is back.

In contrast to Iraq, Haiti has several traits that make it seem a rather good candidate for national makeover. It is small, nearby, desperate, and yet peaceful enough to be a possible test case. (Our misadventures in Somalia and elsewhere show how necessary the “peaceful” component is.)

On the downside, Haiti also suffers from crippling deficiencies of infrastructure, education and reliable civil law. Still, despite the challenges, suppose we wanted to really accomplish epochal and effective change in Haiti? Aside from humanitarian aid, what endeavors would be most helpful over the long run? Let’s try a few suggestions that aren’t on the regular lists.

1) Cooking. It sounds simple, even banal. But a major driver of Haiti’s tragic deforestation is the chopping of wood to prepare meals. For years we’ve seen articles and news features about innovative solar cookers, meant to wean people in developing nations off firewood — a worthy notion, in principle. Too bad it hasn’t proved popular among the poor women who need to boil up the rice and beans now — without spending hours worrying about clouds blocking the sun. (Better, more efficient wood-burning stoves have started making a difference in parts of Africa.)

A more prosaic palliative might be to establish communal kitchen facilities all over the island, where families could not only get food aid, but have access to shared, gas-fired cookers to prepare it. But whatever approach is found to be best, we need to be clear about one unintended consequence of food aid: Distributing uncooked rice, without taking into account the energy cost of preparation, is tantamount to killing trees.

2) Reward local self-organization. Infrastructure projects and jobs should flow toward those neighborhoods that manage to organize themselves to better benefit from the aid. Those that remove the trash, that set up kitchens, that have work crews ready for labor every day, and present a fait accompli structure that can be relied upon should get top priority.

It may sound callous to base help on something other than flat-out need. But word would soon spread, leveraging upon islands of enthusiasm and competence, without imposing any preconceptions upon how locals organize themselves. Moreover, if there is one thing that so many neighborhoods have, right now, it is underemployed hands. However they do it, via communes or co-ops or by working with local landowners, this would seem to be the simplest way to bypass corrupt officialdom, relying instead on simple metrics, right there on the ground. (See an article in the L.A. Times about such neighborhood committees, already in motion.)

3) Empower law and civil society. Much has been said about the micro-finance revolution that has been pioneered in the developing world by Grameen Bank and other institutions that lend very small amounts to many tiny businesses in a community, creating webs of credit and trust and invigorating local enterprise. Engaging the spirit of enterprise is now in vogue and it has been suggested that everybody in Haiti should be given $100 and a prepaid cellphone, and unleashed to develop their own self-interest.

At a somewhat more elevated level, go look up the work of Hernando de Soto (not the explorer, but the radical economist-reformer). The nation of Peru instituted his plan to simply give the people clear title to the land they already own, so they can then improve or borrow against it. The resulting surge in the market economy proved that left and right could work together, when not trapped by rigid-idiotic dogma, resulting in a boom in that Andean nation. To save time, might Peru’s reform laws simply be instituted in Haiti across the board, with the one proviso that they be translated into Creole?

Unfortunately, right now is the very time when those with property rights in Port-au-Prince are most likely to be bought out, cents on the dollar, by Haiti’s own oligarchs. (See a silver lining to this, below.)

4) Take advantage of the quake. Now, with the capital city in ruins, may be the ideal the time for urban planning in Port-au-Prince.

Sure, those words sound pathetically ’60s-ish. But I am not talking about utopian nitpicking, meddlesome zoning regulations or overspecifying architecture (though there are modern alternatives to cinder-block construction that could be cheaper, faster and much more quake resistant … and this would be a good time to start setting up firms over there, trained in these alternative methods. Also, imprisoning a few corrupt building inspectors, who share responsibility for recent deaths, might do a world of good.)

No, what I mean by “urban planning” is the very basics. Core essentials that are utterly pragmatic and that would best be done now, at the very moment that Port-au-Prince lies shattered.

As soon as people are being fed and all the children are safe, even next month, corridors and rights of way should be laid down and razed — wide swaths stretching from the port to downtown, to the airport, and to the factory zone.

Yes, superficially it sounds horrible — plowing aside the tottering shops that still stand after the quake, simply in order to create broad paths of urban renewal. But the benefits — to all Haitians — would be overwhelming, for a reason that seems to have escaped the attention of every aid organization or NGO that I know.

If done well, such corridors would allow very cheap installation of the organic elements needed by a modern city, the circulatory, pulmonary, lymphatic, nervous and other systems of a future, healthy metropolis. I’m talking about mass transit, sewer, water, fiber-optics, gas, electricity, sewers … and so on.

All of these services are fantastically expensive — in nations like the U.S. — primarily due to right-of-way costs and having to insert or maintain them through already-existing streets. The actual conduits themselves (e.g., rails, sewer pipe, water pipe, optical fiber) are fairly cheap, if laid down in a linear fashion. (Commuter trolley lines can be established aboveground at first. But if the land siting is done right, a trenched subway can go in later, alongside, at trivial added expense and without even interrupting service.)

Combine this with the laying down of several grand boulevards, parks and public spaces, and you could have the makings of a great and impressive city, rising from the ashes, drawing commerce and (even more important) proud confidence among its citizens.

Opportunities to wrest long-term good, by redesigning after disaster, go back a long way. Periclean Athens, with its magnificent Parthenon, rose from the ashes of Persian occupation and destruction. San Francisco’s current street grid was enhanced after the Great Quake of 1906. Baron Haussman rebuilt Paris, with its grand boulevards, without a propelling catastrophe (unless you call Emperor Napolean III a calamity). A more recent example is the way MCI and Sprint got their start — pioneering the new era of cheap long-distance calling — simply by following existing rail and gas rights-of-way into big cities. Clearly, there are billions in real value, to a nation and to investors, in establishing rights of way and then exploiting them as efficiently as possible.

On the other hand, Christopher Wren proposed great boulevards for London after the Great Fire in 1666, and others suggested modernization after the 1940 Blitz. But, except for the deeply delved Underground, these opportunities were successfully evaded and today’s London streets are a medieval mess. In my hometown, Los Angeles, legend asserts that GM, Firestone and Standard Oil not only made sure that the Red Car inter-urban transit system was shut down (that seemed likely anyway, given Californians’ car infatuation) but that all the rights of way got sold off, so that any future mass transit system could only come at grotesque cost.

In comparison, Port-au-Prince today has a surprisingly promising basis to work from. The city already has a few four-lane boulevards. Route de Delmas heads southeastward, pretty straight, from an area near the port into the suburbs. Route National No. 1 passes Parliament, the port, and then the airport before heading to Cite Soleil’s infamous slum. But these existing paths are already constricted. Moreover, they are ironically unuseful for the ambitious endeavor I’m describing here, for the very reason that they are vital for current national life. To rip them up would be both expensive and counterproductive, doing more harm than good.

(Worth noting is that the narrow, inadequate and obsolete airport at Port-au-Prince, which had lacked even a parallel taxi-way, is now being expanded, ad hoc, in a manner similar to the process described here.)

Port-au-Prince needs to be a city with a set of clear rights of way, if it is to establish inexpensive, capacious and flexible utility and transport corridors. One that lacks such rights of way will not.

Note that all of this needn’t be done rapaciously, e.g., imagine if the poor and displaced got shares in the soon-to-be-valuable plots that would front upon the new boulevards, and first options at the resulting apartments. In the short term, such pieces of paper would hardly make up for being asked to get their shacks out of the way of bulldozers. But the shares would grow much more valuable, in time.

Is such fairness really likely, especially in Haiti? Of course not. Already the country’s few dozen elite, oligarchic families are swooping in — partly to perform beneficent acts of noblesse oblige, and partly to seek opportunities within the chaos. If my suggestion were undertaken entirely on the oligarchs’ terms, with elites owning all the utilities and boulevard frontages, excluding even the people who used to live there, it would be a travesty.

But travesties are normal for Haiti. In this case, at least there’d be boulevards, parks, utilities, sanitation, trolleys, fiber-broadband, Wi-Fi and commerce. The people, participating in that new economy, could then engage in politics — the torts and courts and rights and wrongs — later, and good luck to them.

Anyway, what if foreign influences leaped onto this project first, with strong intent to make fairness a top priority? Note that a single billionaire could, right now, offer to do this in Port-au-Prince. His share, downstream, could be worth billions, without incurring bad karma because, with just a little care at the start, noting who lived where, the chief beneficiaries would still be the poorest citizens of Haiti.

This prospect — making money by increasing the value of a city that then becomes a wonder and source of pride for all — would seem at least worth pondering.

If you think of the rice as post-earthquake assistance money — the individual grains as donated dollars — you might get some idea about what’s happened since the earthquake of Jan. 12, 2010. Not to mention a sense of where the individual rice grains (or the dollars) have gone.

And, like the grains of rice aboard, the dollars mount into the hundreds of millions; even billions. According to some reports, the United States government, American individuals, families and humanitarian groups donated approximately $3 billion. That’s just from America with a total of something like $12 billion coming from all donor nations for funds to be disbursed.

Still, somehow, no one seems quite sure precisely how many grains — or dollars — we’re talking about. The accounting seems to have a sliding scale that can move hundreds of millions of dollars one way or another. At the time of publication, President Bill Clinton, the UN Special Envoy to Haiti and the co-chair of overseeing the nation’s re-construction for the last two years, hasn’t responded to repeated requests by GlobalPost regarding specific aid and cash donation figures.

Where those billions went following the 7.0-magnitude earthquake that left a government-estimated figure of 220,000 people dead — and at least 1.6 million more homeless — remains a confounding mystery. Inside of the recovery effort, however, are unquestionable successes along with the failures. And, to be fair, because the money came in so quickly and in such great volume, much of it has been wasted or lost like so much rice spilling on the docks. Or stolen, like the sacks of rice from here which will end up in Haiti’s black market for food.

The situation grows complicated … fast. And the metaphor here of this crane off-loading rice by the metric ton packs a still larger and more complex metaphor, according to aid experts, about this country’s history along a still-active fault line of aid, politics and blame in the aftermath of the quake.

As for this specific ship, the Sarine, it has a double-steel hull and is roughly 330 feet long. And now, pulled up to the quay in Port-au-Prince, the “grabbing box” from a huge off-load crane reaches down into the vessel’s hold, and, like the hand of God, lifts another half-ton or so of rice out — hundreds of thousands of individual grains of rice. Then the loose rice is dumped into a white, V-shaped steel hopper whose nozzle sits inside a small hut on the Port-au-Prince waterfront.

Using gravity, the hopper directs the rice into 25-kg (55-pound) white plastic bags, with blue stars on their fronts and the words “AMERICAN RICE” written on their sides. After that — using a sewing machine — the top of each bag is sealed.

As I watch, over and over — bag after bag after bag — a man running the V-shaped hopper turns to me. He rubs his belly.

“I’m hungry,” he says in French.

“Well,” I respond, “why don’t you take some rice for yourself? There’s a lot.”

The man flashes a grin back, and shrugs. “Yes,” he says, “that’s possible. But I’m not that kind of hungry.”

The rice bags move from the factory along an assembly line to waiting trucks which will travel deeper into Haiti to feed a nation still suffering from hunger on a vast scale.

But the economy of rice in Haiti says everything about the condition the country is in. The U.S. government subsidizes and “donates” ton after ton of rice in Haiti and in so doing has through the last several decades completely undercut Haitian rice farmers and left them destitute and migrating into cities where they live in hovels that were destroyed by the quake.

As recently as the early 1980s, Haiti was producing just about all of its own rice. Now more than 60 percent is imported from the U.S., making it the fourth largest recipient of American rice exports in the world. That was before the quake and now with donated rice coming in as well, Haiti is even more awash in rice while American agribusiness makes billions of dollars every year through generous government subsidies.

There is perhaps some bitter irony here that the subsidies were promoted in large part by President Clinton to help his home state of Arkansas, the largest rice producing state in the U.S., thereby crippling a sector of the economy in Haiti where Clinton has worked so tirelessly to help with the recovery.

“You might say it is a perfect metaphor for what is wrong with aid to Haiti,” says Marc Cohen, a senior researcher for Oxfam, one of the largest non-government organizations (NGOs) in the world, which raised approximately $106 million for a three-year response in Haiti and finds itself struggling to deliver the aid effectively.

“Instead of bringing subsidized rice in on ships from Miami, we could be helping Haiti grow rice in its own fields,” adds Cohen, who worked for many years in Haiti with the International Food Policy Research Institute and studied the broad economic impact of U.S. rice subsidies, or “Miami rice,” as it is known here.

Cohen was part of a team at Oxfam America that this week delivered a scathing report on how reconstruction in Haiti was proceeding at a “snail’s pace,” leaving half a million Haitians still homeless two years after the quake. It urged the Haitian government and donor countries to accelerate the delivery of funds for reconstruction. It applauded the initial emergency relief effort, but said the Haitian government and donor countries have failed to come up with a coordinated strategy to rebuild the country and house the more than 500,000 people still living in tents and under tarpaulins without access to running water, a toilet or a doctor.

According to recently published reports by Oxfam, the UN, the U.S. Government Accountability Office and international aid experts interviewed by GlobalPost, billions of dollars of aid were pledged to Haiti’s reconstruction, but promises of funding have not translated into money on the ground. According to the UN report, as of the end of September 2011, donors had disbursed just 43 percent of the total $4.6 billion pledged for reconstruction in 2010 and 2011.

Officials heading up USAID’s efforts in Haiti say they are frustrated by the political and practical realities that slow the pace of reconstruction. They point to costly and painful failures such as the lack of preparedness for the cholera outbreak which still looms over Haiti. But they also point to hard-fought successes particularly in agriculture, where the average salary of a farmer has risen from $600 a year to $1,100 a year through improved irrigation and infrastructure which have resulted in higher yields.

Elizabeth Hogan, Director of Haiti Task Team for USAID, told GlobalPost, “Fixing Haiti is not something that can be done in the short term. It requires Haitians to take ownership of fixing their own country and their own problems with the support of the international community and increasingly private investment.”

A “star-crossed” history

Haiti is a formerly French colonial island nation occupying a little less than half of the Caribbean island originally called Hispanola (the other half of the island, the Dominican Republic, is a former Spanish colony).

Haiti’s capital and gravitational center, Port-au-Prince, is said to be named for the French sailing ship, Prince, which pulled into the island’s harbor in 1706. The island soon became a critical stop in the slave trade in the Americas, with Port-au-Prince being one of the most popular hubs. The colonial overseers grew rich, exporting sugar and coffee to the world.

Because of this history of slavery and repression, some Haitians believe their island is cursed. By 1793, and due somewhat to the slave trade — not to mention a wide-ranging naval war between Britain and France — a British ship called the HMS Hankey, sailing out of West Africa, arrived in Port-au-Prince, carrying with it some West Africans and some British citizens who had been unsuccessful in colonizing a West African island called Bulama. They were also carrying something new.

It was ultimately discovered to be a virus called Yellow Fever, and Haiti was its first New World landfall. The virus killed thousands around Port-au-Prince before the ship sailed for Philadelphia to join a convoy for safe passage back to London. (At Philadelphia, Benjamin Rush, a noted physician of the age, surmised the boat carried some new form of “pestilence” after more then 10,000 Philadelphians died within weeks; he ultimately ordered the ship burned to the water line during its trip home.)

This is the star-crossed history of Haiti. It is a nation blessed by location: it has rich farming soils, a lovely and temperate tropical climate and a stunningly resourceful island populace. It has periods of prosperity and hope that are recent enough for many Port-au-Prince residents — and the millions who live in the diaspora — to remember a time when it was a playground for rich tourists and when it confidently produced most of the food it ate.

But its geographic location makes Haiti uniquely prone to cataclysms such as tropical storms and hurricanes, while what is known in geological terms as the “Enriquillo-Plantain Garden fault system,” a ragged edge that runs along the North American and Caribbean tectonic plates, has triggered a string of earthquakes over the centuries.

Still, perhaps owing to the island’s difficult past, it remains one of the most hopeful places imaginable. Most of the people living there have historically had very little in the way of resources, and have been ruled and controlled by a small wealthy few, which means any good that comes non-wealthy Haitians’ way tends to be celebrated.

By 1804, due to several slave uprisings, the poor natives overthrew French rule and became the first free nation in Latin America. Like other new democratic successes of the Atlantic World, the Haitians discovered self-determination. They also discovered debt, saddled with a French demand for 150 million francs (more than $20 billion in today’s terms) to compensate the colonial power for its lost territory.

Haiti created home-grown problems, too: despots, self-interested rulers and military coups. Eventually people with names like Duvalier and Aristide and Cedras would become world famous for a power-lust and greed that has defined Haitian leadership. On three occasions in the last century, the U.S. military intervened, including the 20,000 U.S. troops deployed in 2010.

And along with political upheaval came regular hurricanes, mudslides and earthquakes, with international aid often “pledged” but few Haitians ever really seeing it. This exploitation by mercantile forces of seemingly beneficent empires combined with the squandering of aid amid a culture of corruption is the very history of the country, and the contemporary reality in which Haiti finds itself.

In the year following the 2010 earthquake, things were no different. In fact, of the $1.14 billion allocated to Haitian Rebuilding and Relief in 2010 by the U.S. Congress, according to the U.S. Government Accountability Office (or GAO), only $184 million had been actually “obligated to projects” at the end of 2010. Today as the guys with the green eyeshades get more deeply involved, it becomes clear that in the wake of the Haitian earthquake of 2010 the U.S. government began to pay itself back for its humanitarian graciousness as much as it actually helped the people of Haiti.

Of the original $1.4 billion allocated by Congress, according to a most recent GAO report, $655 million in funds was reimbursed to the Department of Defense (which, admirably, spent its own money to put ships offshore, drop food and medical aid to those who needed it, bring in troops to secure the airport at Port-au-Prince and provide emergency medical services).

Another $220 million went to repay the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (which gave goods, food and grants to Haitian evacuees for food and shelter); $350 million went to disaster assistance (an umbrella term that includes everything from medical care to sanitation); $150 million to the U.S. Department of Agriculture (for emergency food and forward-thinking agricultural programs in Haiti); and $15 million to the Department of Homeland Security for Immigration fees and aircraft fares for the lucky few Haitian refugees brought to the United States.

Expanding the picture doesn’t change it. The UN Special Envoy for Haiti reported that of the overall $2.4 billion pledged by the UN for humanitarian efforts in Haiti, 34 percent (or $864 million) of those funds were given back to donor civil and military organizations, 28 percent (or $672 million) was laid out to UN and non-governmental humanitarian projects such as housing and health-care, 26 percent (or $624 million) was given to contractors for things like road-building and infrastructure, and 5 percent ($120 million) was given to various international Red Cross/Red Crescent societies.

Not that the people of Haiti didn’t benefit from all this money and assistance. But, really, over the last two years, the effort to assist post-earthquake Haiti has mostly benefited — or at least subsidized — the aid and relief institutions and private corporations that nominated themselves to help Haiti in its 2010-based time of need.

“In the end,” says Robert Fatton Jr., professor of government and foreign affairs at the University of Virginia and a son of and authority on contemporary Haiti, “if you read the reports — the UN Report and so on — you’ll see that actual Haitians got less than 1 percent of all the American money pledged.”

In other words, Fatton explained, “99 percent of [the U.S. money spent] went back to the U.S. military, the State Department, NGOs and contractors. The money was clearly intended for Haiti, but it ended up returning to the same place it came from.”

Land Cruiser nation

In a land sometimes referred to as “The Republic of NGOs,” the money that does stay in Haiti often fuels the NGO crowd’s expensive taste for the aesthetic of international aid.

And if you really want to see the face of humanitarian spending post-earthquake in Haiti — the financial clout of the NGOs — there’s only one place to go: the Toyota dealership in Port-au-Prince.

As with any cataclysm or war zone, a white Toyota Land Cruiser is perhaps the ultimate symbol of international interventional power. And in and around Port-au-Prince, the vehicles are omnipresent. At the dealership, a modern and well-tended building on the city’s airport road (with mirrored-glass windows from floor to ceiling and a perfectly buffed showroom floor).

Inside the dealership, we finally run into nice woman in some sort of managerial position, (don’t use my name, she asks). We ask her how sales have been.

“Oh,” she says. “We buy a lot of Land Cruisers for sale to the NGOs. But, you know what? A lot come from Gibraltar, too. Loaded off cargo ships that the NGOs bring for themselves. You can tell those, they say Gibraltar on the back, sort of near the license plate. I’d say — here?— the numbers are probably 50 percent from us and 50 percent from Gibraltar.”

But business is good?

The woman is leaning against a desk in the sales office. “I’d say that, for us, 95 percent go to the NGOs, some go to rental agencies, which then rents them to the NGOs and others. But, you know, for all of the Land Cruisers in Haiti now, we also do the maintenance and repairs, if they get in accidents we fix them.”

How much does one cost?

“Each one, with taxes, is $61,100,” she says. “If you have tax-free status, you can get them for less, but then you have to take them with you or give them away here. If you pay the taxes, you can just sell the car.”

And how many do you sell a year?

The woman holds up her hand, right index finger pointed to the ceiling. “One second,” she says.

She disappears into an outlying office, then returns a minute later. Smiling. “This year, we sold 250 of this model. But, you know, right after the earthquake, for several months, we were probably selling that many Land Cruisers every month. Maybe twice that many.”

I start doing the math in my head. Let’s see: 250 Land Cruisers at $61,000 each is, like, upward of $15 million dollars. So even if they sold only a few more Land Cruisers in 2010 after the first few months (and you have to assume they did) plus the 2011 sales numbers so far (it is December as we’re reporting this), well, conservatively speaking that’s a gross cash influx in the neighborhood of $100 million in the last two years (though of course, some will have to go to taxes). Add to that the repair and maintenance fees, and you’re looking at maybe $110 million. Maybe $150 million. And that’s a conservative estimate.

The woman sees me starting to do the math. She knows this was probably not the right thing to say. After all, if the NGOs figure out that she’s being disloyal, they might not use the dealership anymore. And as the only dealership in the country, maybe all the Land Cruisers would begin to come from Gibraltar. In the world of post-earthquake Haiti, it’s the equivalent of killing a goose laying golden eggs.

She doesn’t want to talk anymore. In so many gentle ways, she suggests our time together is over. As I leave the dealership, I can’t help thinking about all the rice being off-loaded from the Sarine and the money behind it, getting there to help the people of Haiti. Some does appear to get spilled, a little bit, and some of it goes into the bellies (and lives) of the Haitians that need it so badly. But at least, after a week on the ground in this beautiful, star-crossed, and hopeful island nation, now we know a little better where all that money went — or never got to at all.

Haiti’s electoral council barred Lavalas from the elections for technical reasons that its supporters say were bogus. Many of its members are boycotting Sunday’s runoff election. Still, several people affiliated in the past with the now-less prominent party ran in the first round of the election.

Twice elected president and twice deposed, Aristide is a popular but also polarizing figure. The former priest is an advocate of the poor, who make up the vast majority of Haiti’s more than 9 million people, and he was a leader of the movement that shook off a hated dictatorship.

But he has many critics, who say he led a corrupt government, orchestrated violent attacks on foes and was as hungry for power as the leaders he denounced. He was last ousted in a violent 2004 rebellion that swept the country.

On Friday, Aristide was mobbed by close allies and journalists outside his private plane before being hustled into an airport VIP lounge as several thousand supporters rallied in the streets outside the terminal.

“It’s one of the most beautiful moments for the Haitian people,” actor Danny Glover, who accompanied Aristide from South Africa, told The Associated Press as he left the VIP lounge before Aristide. “It’s a historic moment for the Haitian people.”

In the street outside the airport, where people listened to his remarks on car radio, there was jubilation.

“This man is our father, without him we haven’t lived,” said 31-year-old Sainvil Petit-Frere, one of about 3,000 cheering and chanting supporters in a quickly growing crowd. “This is the doctor who will heal the country.”

Aristide compared his return to the Haitian revolution that ended slavery in 1804 in what was then a French colony. “Today, may the Haitian people mark the end of exile and coups d’etat,” he said with his wife, Mildred, and daughters by his side.

Despite his supporters’ insistence that Aristide will not get involved in politics, the U.S. and others fear his presence will bring further disarray to a country struggling to emerge from a political crisis, a cholera epidemic and the devastation of the January 2010 earthquake. It’s not clear how he might affect Sunday’s runoff between two candidates who in the past have opposed Aristide.

“We’re going to stay wherever he is until he tells us what to do,” said Tony Forest, 44, a minibus driver. “We will vote for the candidate he picks.”

Aristide’s aides have said he feared that if he waited, the winner of Sunday’s vote might block his return. But both candidates, former first lady Mirlande Manigat and popular singer Michel “Sweet Micky” Martelly, are now stressing their support for his right to return as a Haitian citizen under the constitution. Both candidates would like to attract votes from Lavalas party followers.

During a refueling stopover early Friday in Dakar, Senegal, Aristide reiterated that he wants to work in education. His comments also reflected his awareness of his huge popularity and influence among Haiti’s majority poor.

“I think that the Haitian people are very happy,” Aristide told Democracy Now!, a U.S.-based news program. “Happy to know that we are on our way heading to Haiti. Happy to know that finally their dream will be fulfilled by things on the ground because they fought hard for democracy. They always wanted the return to happen and now it is happening.”

Energy spread through Aristide’s followers Thursday as word spread across Haiti that he was heading home. Some joined in a raucous, horn-blaring victory procession. Others decorated the courtyard of his foundation headquarters with Haitian flags and photos of the former president. One woman waited with a bouquet of flowers.

Aristide, a former slum priest who became Haiti’s first democratically elected president, did not fully serve either of his terms. He was ousted the first time in a coup, then restored to power in a U.S. military intervention in 1994. After completing that term in 1996, he was elected again in 2001, only to flee a rebellion in 2004 aboard a U.S. plane. Aristide claimed he was kidnapped. U.S. officials denied that.

In exile, he has been reclusive, doing university research and polishing his academic credentials with a doctorate awarded by the University of South Africa for a comparative study of Zulu and Haitian Creole.

President Barack Obama was concerned enough about Aristide’s possibly destabilizing influence to call South African President Jacob Zuma on Tuesday and discuss the matter, U.S. National Security Council spokesman Tommy Vietor told The Associated Press.

In front of Haiti’s crumbled National Palace, a man who is supporting Martelly in the runoff election told Associated Press Television News that he had mixed feelings about Aristide’s arrival.

“Yes, I support Aristide. I love Aristide,” said the man who gave only his first name, Carlos. “But I don’t want him to come back right now because it can be trouble for the election.”

The initial Nov. 28 vote was so troubled by fraud, disorganization, instances of violence and voter intimidation that 12 of the 19 candidates, including the front-runners, initially called for it to be tossed out.

——

Associated Press writer Jacob Kushner contributed to this report.

Sir Richard’s and the Original Condom Co. claim to offer better, swankier condoms. Sir Richard’s condoms come in graphic-designy wrappers and the name implies some sort of English elegance. Original Condom offers a more sophisticated box that — perhaps inconveniently — looks like an engagement ring case. Both brag about the superior quality of their latex, the rigor of the tests, and the number of product-standard-approval stamps they’ve garnered. And you know what, the whole package is kind of compelling.

Aside from the above gimmicks, paying a little extra for luxury condoms provides a social incentive. Sir Richard’s does a Tom’s shoes sort of thing with its condoms: For each condom you buy, it sends a condom to a developing country to help fight the spread of disease. Inspired by Paul Farmer’s work in Haiti, founder Mathew Gerson said the company set out to fill a demand in the U.S. market, but also address a pressing global issue. He told Gothamist:

I had found out through some side-interest in the HIV pandemic [that] there is this massive need-gap for free condoms globally … We wanted to address this need gap with a one-for-one model where we will make one condom available for free for people who cannot afford them. The idea being that safe sex should be a human right, and if people want to have safe sex they should have the opportunity to practice it regardless of the economic condition.

All that and the condoms are vegan. (Evidently normal condoms contain casein, a dairy byproduct.)

Social good? Vegan? The “luxury” qualifier is starting to make sense.

In an increasingly David Brooks-style bobo universe, products depend less on the specific function or basic role. Consumers who can afford it don’t just look for milk that’s drinkable, but rather, milk that’s organic, non-pasteurized, sold under fair trade standards at the Park Slope Co-op. Condoms that save lives in Haiti and don’t hurt animals were bound to be a coda to the sustainable, social-good revolution of the last decade.

But do they feel different? We let the old guard do the hands-on test.

In observance of Valentine’s Day, Newsweek’s staff talked with the founders of the Original Condom Co., two self-identified French aristocrats who’ve based their company in Condom, France. The two men indeed looked sophisticated, but the Newsweek staff didn’t seem to notice much difference in their product in the (inappropriate?) interoffice product review — which included a taste test. Generally speaking, Newsweek journalists seemed confused. One woman asked, “Why would you need a luxury condom? It makes your penis feel special?”

Basically, yah. Whether it’s for the thought of helping stop the spread of HIV in Haiti or the feeling of  opening a microsuede box before sex, luxury goods and elite brands make rich people feel special. Kind of like sending your kid to a fancy private school not for the education itself but so you can tell everyone your kid goes to a fancy private school.

Sir Richard’s has thought about this angle with its frankly pretty funny New York City ad campaign:

 But what happens when you’re pressed, live in New York and can’t afford a condom at all? There’s an app for that.