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Wednesday, Nov 2, 2011 12:45 PM UTC2011-11-02T12:45:00Zl, M j, Y g:i A T

A declaration of independence — from Wall Street

Washington can't -- or won't -- fix the economy. So we're going to have to do it ourselves

Wall street

 (Credit: iStockphoto)

After three years of political nonsense, we can hold one truth to be self-evident about our government. It is broken.

A financial crisis that should have inspired a grand new set of rules for Wall Street instead delivered a hopelessly compromised reform package — and even that weak sauce is under daily withering assault from the banking industry. The devastating aftermath of a Great Recession that should have demanded unrelenting executive action instead degenerated into a fruitless squabble between two parties competing to see who could best cut and cripple government.

Great challenges face us — on climate change, energy, healthcare, the economy — but Washington has proven itself incapable of coping with any of them. An entire generation of voters who believed President Barack Obama’s election would usher in a new era has every right to be disappointed and disillusioned: Gridlock has never seemed so entrenched.

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Andrew Leonard

Andrew Leonard is a staff writer at Salon. On Twitter, @koxinga21.  More Andrew Leonard

Sunday, Feb 19, 2012 3:00 PM UTC2012-02-19T15:00:00Zl, M j, Y g:i A T

America’s last hope: A strong labor movement

To achieve economic justice in the 21st century, we need to fight for democracy in the workplace

labor_protest

The 99 Percent Plan is a joint Roosevelt Institute-Salon series that explores how progressives can shape a new vision for the economy. This is the third essay in the series.

The fate of the labor movement is the fate of American democracy. Without a strong countervailing force like organized labor, corporations and wealthy elites advancing their own interests are able to exert undue influence over the political system, as we’ve seen in every major policy debate of recent years.

Yet the American labor movement is in crisis and is the weakest it’s been in 100 years. That truism has been a progressive mantra since the Clinton administration. However, union density has continued to decline from roughly 16 percent in 1995 to 11.8 percent of all workers and just 6.9 percent of workers in the private sector. Unionized workers in the public sector now make up the majority of the labor movement for the first time in history, which is precisely why — a la Wisconsin and 14 other states — they have been targeted by the right for all out destruction.

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Dorian T. Warren is a Fellow at the Roosevelt Institute. He is also an Assistant Professor of Political Science & Public Affairs at Columbia University. You can follow him on Twitter @dorianwarrenMore Dorian Warren

Sunday, Feb 12, 2012 3:00 PM UTC2012-02-12T15:00:00Zl, M j, Y g:i A T

America’s failed promise of equal opportunity

To achieve a truly fair society, we need to look to Lincoln, not Jefferson

jefferson_lincoln_99

The 99 Percent Plan is a joint Roosevelt Institute-Salon series that explores how progressives can shape a new vision for the economy. This is the second essay in the series.

Americans are increasingly aware that the ideal of equal opportunity is a false promise, but neither party really seems to get it.

Republicans barely admit the problem exists, or if they do, they think tax cuts are the answer. All facts point in the opposite direction. Despite various tax cuts over the past 30 years, not only have income and wealth inequality dramatically increased, but the ability of individuals to rise out of their own class has declined. Social stagnation is increasingly the norm, with poverty rates the highest in 15 years, real wage gains worse even than during the decade of the Great Depression, average earnings barely above what they were 50 years ago, and more than 80 percent of the income growth of the past 25 years going to the top 1 percent. In fact, since 1983, the bottom 40 percent of households have seen real declines in their income and the same goes for the bottom 60 percent when it comes to wealth. We know what the economic status quo does: It redistributes upwards.

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Alex Gourevitch is a postdoctoral research associate at Brown University's Political Theory Project. He also co-authors the blog The Current Moment.   More Alex Gourevitch

Aziz Rana teaches law at Cornell University and is the author of "The Two Faces of American Freedom," recently published by Harvard University Press. He writes on American constitutional development, with a particular interest in issues of citizenship, immigration and national security.   More Aziz Rana

Sunday, Feb 5, 2012 3:00 PM UTC2012-02-05T15:00:00Zl, M j, Y g:i A T

The progressive vision America needs

Only a strong alternative to free-market ideology can solve our economic and political woes

99percent (1)

 (Credit: AP)

This piece introduces The 99 Percent Plan, a joint Roosevelt Institute-Salon series that explores how progressives can shape a new vision for the economy.

The 2012 presidential election is rapidly shaping up to become a critical battle for the future of the American economy. In his State of the Union address, Barack Obama attempted to draw a sharp contrast with the “you’re-on-your-own economics” on display in Republican primary debates.

But progressives have their work cut out for them. Despite a triumphant election in 2008, a financial crisis that seemingly discredited the free-market deregulatory fervor and the significant policy achievements of the Obama administration in economic stimulus, healthcare reform and financial regulation, the very notions of government regulation, of social safety nets and of economic fairness are under attack.

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K. Sabeel Rahman is a fellow at the Roosevelt Institute, a PhD candidate in Political Theory at Harvard University, and a JD candidate at Harvard Law School. His research focuses on progressive political thought, economic policy and public law.   More K. Sabeel Rahman

Sunday, Feb 5, 2012 2:00 PM UTC2012-02-05T14:00:00Zl, M j, Y g:i A T

The privatization trap

From schools to prisons, outsourcing government's works typically ends with cronyism, waste and unaccountability

An employee of Immigration and Customs Enforcement's Stewart Detention Center in Lumpkin, Ga., waiting for the front gate to be opened.

An employee of Immigration and Customs Enforcement's Stewart Detention Center in Lumpkin, Ga., waiting for the front gate to be opened. The detention center is operated on contract by Nashville-based Corrections Corporation of America.  (Credit: AP)

The 99 Percent Plan is a joint Roosevelt Institute-Salon series that explores how progressives can shape a new vision for the economy. This is the first essay in the series.

Privatizing the government is one of the most active projects of the early 21st century.

Everything we once expected the government to do — from education to regulatory rule-writing to military operations to healthcare services to prison management — it now does less of, preferring to support markets in which these services are done through independent, profit-maximizing agents. Tools such as contracting out, vouchering and the selling-off of state assets have been used to remake the government during our market-worshipping era.

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Mike Konczal is a Fellow at the Roosevelt Institute.  More Mike Konczal

Sunday, Jan 29, 2012 3:00 PM UTC2012-01-29T15:00:00Zl, M j, Y g:i A T

“It looked like a trap”

An Open Salon blogger gives a firsthand account of how the police beat and teargassed protesters at Occupy Oakland

A young Occupy Oakland protester is arrested on Saturday, January 28th, 2011

A young Occupy Oakland protester is arrested on Saturday, January 28th, 2011  (Credit: Kevin Army)

This report also appears on Kevin Army's Open Salon blog. See something important happening at your local Occupy protest? Blog about it on Open Salon -- and we might cross-post your report on Salon

On Saturday, Occupy Oakland held their largest action since the Port Shutdown in December. It was “Move In Day,” and the goal was to Occupy a vacant building. I wasn’t really sure how I felt about this action, in part because the Occupiers had to keep the identity of the building secret. I wasn’t necessarily against, but let’s just say I was undecided.

commune move in

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