Hazard your own guess as to why the soybean statistician had FWA chest measurements programmed into the computer, but the lesson here is that it’s not only important to get your statistics right, but also to get the right statistics. In the aftermath of this election, the media and political pros have zeroed in on one set of election figures, while totally ignoring another set that may be even more revealing about the presidential race. The national focus, of course, has been on the few-hundred-vote difference between Gore and Bush — a thin divide that was breathlessly termed a “crisis” for our democracy by assorted pipe-smoking pundits. Yet these same pundits didn’t give a puff about a far wider electoral divide that I think poses an actual crisis for our democracy: the more than 100 million votes that went astray on Election Day.

These votes weren’t “lost” to misaligned butterfly ballots, pregnant chads or some conniving election official who deposited them in a closet. Rather, these were the uncast ballots of almost half of the American electorate, who chose not to vote this year largely because they feel they’ve been cast out of the process by a vacuous, cynical and elitist political system that no longer addresses their needs and aspirations.

These mostly are middle- and low-income folks, people making less than $50,000 a year. While they make up some 80 percent of the U.S. population, exit polls on Nov. 7 found that for the first time they’ve fallen to less than half of the voting population. As the Clinton-Gore-Lieberman Democrats have jerked the party out from under this core populist constituency, pursuing the money and adopting the policies of the corporate and investor elite, the core constituency of the party has — big surprise — steadily dropped away. In 1992, the under-$50,000 crowd made up 63 percent of voters. In 1996, after Clinton and Gore had relentlessly and very publicly pushed NAFTA, the WTO and other Wall Street policies for four years, the under-$50,000 crowd dropped to 52 percent of voters. After four more years of income stagnation and decline for these families under the regime of the Clinton-Gore “New Democrats,” the under-$50,000 crowd dropped this year to only 47 percent of voters.

At the same time, those who are prospering under the Wall Street boom, cheered on by the policies of both the Republican and Democratic leadership, have become ever more enthusiastic voters. In 1996, voters with incomes above $100,000 (about 3 percent of the population), made up 9 percent of the turnout; this year, they were 15 percent of the turnout.

This rising income skew among voters causes both parties to push more policies that favor the affluent minority, which causes an even greater turn-off for the majority, which causes … well, you can see the downward spiral we’re in. This is especially damaging to Democrats, since the non-voters are their natural constituency. This constituency feels discarded, not only by the Democrats, but by the whole process.

What a dismal, disheartening, dismaying campaign this had to be for them. Gore and Bush spent less time with working-class folks than they did posturing for the cameras with elementary school kids, day after day squishing their broad boomer bottoms into tiny classroom chairs to get their pictures taken while reading to the tykes. Were they running for president of the United States or president of the school board?

And so it went, a silly non-campaign that treated voters as consumers of phony political events designed and test-marketed to entertain and distract attention from anything real. Gore planted that Big Wet Kiss on Tipper at the Democratic Convention, wowing the media, so Bush responded by going on “Oprah” and planting a smack on her cheek. Bush traded jokes with Jay Leno, so Gore went on “Regis” and hypnotized a chicken — Ha! Top that, Bush boy!

Meanwhile, no talk of a living wage, of renegotiating NAFTA to stop its job-busting impacts across the country, of the 100 farmers being forced out of business each day, of universal healthcare coverage or of other issues that might cause the majority’s ears and hearts to perk up. Even when Gore went skittering across the country in August on a widely ballyhooed “Working Families Tour,” he had the Clinton administration’s favorite Wall Streeter, Robert Rubin, by his side, sending a stage wink to the corporate powers, assuring them that all his quasi-populist posturing was only rhetoric — not to worry, Rubin still has a grip on policy.

It’s no surprise then that Thomas Patterson, director of Harvard’s Vanishing Voter Project, reports that throughout the election year, even among those who voted, his weekly surveys consistently found that more than 60 percent agreed, “Politics in America is generally pretty disgusting.” In a New York Times op-ed piece, Patterson writes, “There was no week in which more Americans thought the campaign had been exciting rather than boring. Even in the final week, the margin in favor of boring was 48 percent to 28 percent.” In only a fourth of the weeks did people find the presidential campaign informative, and in two-thirds of the weeks people found it “discouraging.”