Hillary Rodham Clinton
Playing politics with death
Protesting the police killing of Amadou Diallo is no way to organize a movement for social justice.
In 1989, when a grand jury discredited Tawana Brawley’s claim that she’d been raped by white law enforcement officers, a defiant Rev. Al Sharpton brought her to the trial of six young men charged with raping and nearly killing a jogger in Central Park. Incredibly, he had her shake hands not with the victim (who lay comatose in a hospital) but with the defendants who’d soon be convicted of violating the jogger.
Sharpton claimed that the defendants, black and Hispanic, were being “railroaded” and that Brawley should “see how the criminal justice system responds differently for a white victim than it does for a black victim.” But the “system” had sought perpetrators aggressively in both cases, regardless of color. It was Sharpton who responded differently, to reinforce the lie that assistant district attorney Stephen Pagones, the Brawley case’s true victim, was a racist and rapist.
The lesson is that racially charged criminal trials and movements for social justice don’t mix well, even in the case of the moment — that of four New York City police officers who pumped 19 bullets into an innocent African immigrant, Amadou Diallo. Such cases win justice, if at all, only by subverting and confounding the sweeping racialist and ideological narratives that get attached to them — in this case, not only by Sharpton but by media moralists at the New York Times, which has flogged the Diallo case relentlessly and myopically as the fount of a new “movement” for social justice.
As New York’s monthly City Journal
noted, in the first eight weeks after the shooting the Times ran more than
three stories on the case every day, many asserting that, as one headline put
it, “Dazzling Crime Statistics Come at a Price.” Editorial after editorial
proclaimed the rise of a new “movement” against police abuses of minority New
Yorkers. Times
stories and another editorial read like promotional leaflets for an April 15
Diallo protest march over the Brooklyn Bridge. Yet attendance was anemic,
suggesting few in the city shared the Times’s sense of what Diallo’s killing meant.
Dramatizations of oppression may be compelling in churches or cultural theaters, but they don’t work in and around courtrooms, where people of vastly different persuasions have to affirm and enforce the legal and civic rules by which, to adapt Rodney King’s plaintive words, we all get along. And yet from the Brawley and jogger cases, through the O.J. Simpson trials, up to Diallo, the nation has watched as impresarios of racial street theater, political opportunists and naive media moralists sidetrack American liberalism again and again by turning criminal cases into “show trials” of their ideological opponents.
No one should have to die as Diallo did. To affirm this, many New Yorkers got themselves arrested at police headquarters, ceremonially but no doubt sincerely. Had he been white in a mostly white neighborhood, argues New York University law professor Jerry Skolnik, cops wouldn’t have cornered him in a vestibule and shot him. The Bronx district attorney accused the cops of harboring racial preconceptions that, beneath the formal courtesies of everyday etiquette and the law, deny blacks a chance to change misperceptions of them. And in this case Diallo paid for that misperception with his life.
But that argument itself harbors a preconception of what was in these cops’ heads. Diallo’s death may have reflected not the “racism” that looms so large in the liberal imagination but the stark correlation of violent crime with nonwhite skin — in statistics and in cops’ hard-won experience. The Diallo cops’ Street Crime Unit doesn’t operate in middle-class neighborhoods, black or white, as much as it does in poor black ones. But racism doesn’t explain that discrepancy; the demographics of violent crime do. A disproportionately high number of police killings of blacks are by black cops. Washington, D.C.’s heavily black police force uses deadly force far more often than New York’s does.
Yet charges of racism often succeed politically. Soon after the Brawley hoax and jogger trial, Sharpton’s marches to protest the clearly racist murder of young Yusuf Hawkins in Bensonhurst (a section of Brookyln, N.Y.) helped promote the idea that David Dinkins should defeat Ed Koch as mayor, even though Dinkins had no fire in his belly for the run and was so ineffectual against both violent crime and racism that, four years later, Rudolph Giuliani defeated him.
Those who used the Bensonhurst murder against Koch want to use Diallo against Giuliani, of course. Never mind that police shootings are down so much that as many blacks were killed by cops in Dinkins’ four years as in Giuliani’s seven. Since New York’s overall homicide rate has been halved, as many as 2,000 African-Americans who’d have been murdered are instead living.
It’s just not true that this was accomplished only at unbearable cost to the rights and dignity of poor New Yorkers. In 1994, before Giuliani had been mayor even three weeks, Sharpton denounced the mayor’s “war on black New York” after a Harlem mosque fracas, in which cops answering a robbery call were injured as worshipers shoved them down a flight of stairs. Giuliani then refused to meet with Sharpton and others — and they’ve tried ever since to make police abuses bring him down.
With Diallo, they thought their chance had come. But after Brawley and O.J. Simpson, fewer people think racism can be captured, or combated, through show trials. Playing politics with death forces a sullen scramble to find pure martyrs on each side of the color line — a Yusuf Hawkins or a Yankel Rosenbaum, a Rodney King or a Nicole Brown Simpson — and reinforces the very stereotypes the racial ringmasters claim to oppose.
The early Diallo demonstrations were an ephemeral mix of legitimate anger, naive moralism and political opportunism. Continued agitation — which is virtually certain now that the officers have been acquitted — is a political dead end. By calling the Diallo killing a “tragic murder” and courting Sharpton, even Hillary Rodham Clinton makes herself seem the unreconstructed bearer of a politics that has failed. Some liberals’ obsessions with cases such as Mumia Abu-Jamal’s and Hurricane Carter’s mirror conservatives’ preoccupations with Waco and Ruby Ridge — justified, perhaps, but not to the point where ideology displaces effective action on key issues, for both the left and the right.
I’d rather see such dead-end politics upset by the hardier faith of East Brooklyn congregations, South Bronx churches, the Queens Citizens Organization and other mostly nonwhite but doggedly integrated organizations trained by the Industrial Areas Foundation. They build housing (with hard-won help from Giuliani), sustain new schools and fight (against Giuliani) for “living wage” jobs. Their dynamism makes racial psychodramas pale. Not incidentally, they’ve changed police officers’ perceptions of their corners of tough neighborhoods.
Why don’t we keep faith with them? Haste to create a “movement” around the Diallo case is a sop to the consciences of white elites, who have no serious intention of redressing the inequities that divide not only whites from blacks but also whites from whites and, these days, blacks from blacks. Doing that requires more than the much-touted but eerily anticlimactic “movement” for racial justice sparked by the deadly bungling that killed Amadou Diallo.
Jim Sleeper is the author of Liberal Racism (1997) and The Closest of Strangers: Liberalism and the Politics of Race in New York (1990) More Jim Sleeper.
The politicization of the Secret Service scandal
What was once one of the right's favorite government agencies becomes a symbol of waste and moral degradation
President Obama, surrounded by members of the Secret Service, upon his arrival in San Diego, Sept. 26, 2011. (Credit: AP/Pablo Martinez Monsivais) It’s hard to work up much outrage about the Secret Service prostitution scandal, in which 11 members of the president’s elite protective service and various military personnel were found to have picked up escorts in Colombia, where they were doing advance work for the president’s visit. I guess it is probably not a good idea for the people in charge of protecting the president to leave themselves vulnerable to sexual blackmail, but on the other hand we do not live in a John Le Carré novel or “24″ episode, and I don’t think the threat of a honey-trap assassination conspiracy plot is very credible. If members of the Secret Service want to get drunk and hire escorts after work, that is their business. (As Melissa Gira Grant says, the only actual scandal here — and the reason this became an international incident — is that all these guys tried to bilk one of the women out of the money she was owed.)
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Alex Pareene writes about politics for Salon and is the author of "The Rude Guide to Mitt." Email him at apareene@salon.com and follow him on Twitter @pareene More Alex Pareene.
The silly 2016 speculation game
It may be impossible to make any serious predictions about a far-off race, but that has never stopped a pundit
(Credit: AP/Shutterstock/Salon) Being that it’s still March 2012 and we have no way of knowing who will actually be president by the end of January 2013 (besides “not Ron Paul,” obviously), it would seem to be a bit premature to speculate as to how the 2016 presidential race will shake out. And yet political reporters, finally bored perhaps with the inevitable Republican nomination of Mitt Romney, are already spewing forth predictions. Chris Cillizza at the Washington Post has even created a “Sweet 2016″ bracket.
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Alex Pareene writes about politics for Salon and is the author of "The Rude Guide to Mitt." Email him at apareene@salon.com and follow him on Twitter @pareene More Alex Pareene.
Bill Keller writes newest, dumbest Biden-Clinton 2012 swap piece
Former New York Times editor combines hackneyed analysis with shopworn topic, with predictable results
Joe Biden and Hillary Clinton (Credit: AP/Jason Reed) Bill Keller, a bad opinion columnist, has written a bad opinion column. It is about how Barack Obama will replace Vice President Joe Biden on the 2012 ticket with Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, a thing that will not actually happen.
The former New York Times editor has lately been celebrating his return to writing by fearlessly tackling hacky column ideas already exhausted by everyone who was writing bad opinion columns during Keller’s tenure as a person with an actually important job. Having offered his own takes on classics like “The Huffington Post isn’t as good as a real newspaper” and “Twitter is dumb,” Keller today tries the old “running mate switcharoo” scenario.
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Alex Pareene writes about politics for Salon and is the author of "The Rude Guide to Mitt." Email him at apareene@salon.com and follow him on Twitter @pareene More Alex Pareene.
Fake Democratic pollsters have stupid idea
The Wall Street Journal publishes nonsense from Doug Schoen and Pat Caddell, because they think you're an idiot
Hillary Clinton and President Obama (Credit: AP/Charles Dharapak) I think it’s best to understand the Wall Street Journal editorial board’s decision to publish any given column by con artist pollsters Doug Schoen and Pat Caddell as basically an expression of contempt for people who read the Wall Street Journal editorial page.
Caddell and Schoen, two loser “Democratic” “pollsters,” regularly publish very lame link-bait columns about how if Democrats want to succeed electorally, they must immediately cease being Democrats, and become, instead, Republicans. This week’s variation on that theme: Barack Obama should step aside (already heard that one last year around this time) and allow himself to be replaced by Hillary Clinton, for the good of the party and the nation.
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Alex Pareene writes about politics for Salon and is the author of "The Rude Guide to Mitt." Email him at apareene@salon.com and follow him on Twitter @pareene More Alex Pareene.
Does Hillary Clinton get too much credit?
She's a huge foreign policy asset to the president but this week's hosannas feel like overkill
Hillary Clinton (Credit: Reuters) I’m on record as a great admirer of Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, going back to her days as New York senator and certainly through her 2008 presidential campaign. But this week’s set of stories depicting the U.S. Libya intervention as “Hillary’s War” (The Washington Post) and an example of Clinton’s “smart power” doctrine (Time Magazine’s cover) go a little bit too far for me. They feel like someone’s effort to upstage or diminish President Obama. For the record, I don’t think the effort is Clinton’s. It may just reflect the mainstream media’s inability to give Obama his due.
Continue Reading CloseJoan Walsh is Salon's editor at large. More Joan Walsh.
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