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“The Simple Life” reboot? Paris Hilton and Nicole Richie seen working at a California Sonic drive-in

Early aughts nostalgia struck a Sonic in California yesterday, as Paris Hilton and Nicole Richie were seen working at a Duarte location this week. For many, of course, this implied that the rumored reboot of "Simple Life" — a show that aired from 2003 to 2007, featuring the pair doing various jobs and living with working class people in remote or rural areas throughout the country. The "duck out of water" appeal, Hilton's "that's hot" persona and Richie's dry humor made the show a hit.

Now, all these years later, the ladies seem to be reuniting for a reboot or reunion of sorts. While the reboot hasn't been officially confirmed, Hilton posted an Instagram reel back in May, in conjunction with Peacock, that's captioned "New Era. Same Besties. Coming soon to Peacock."

According to Bustle, Richie "stayed tight-lipped about the project" in an interview with the outlet, "only confirming that it would celebrate the show's 20 anniversary." However, on Good Morning America, Richie confirmed "it was not a full-on reboot," according to Jake Viswanath at Bustle. 

When asked by TODAY, a Sonic representative provided the following statement via email: “While we cannot comment on the names or employment records of our crew members, we can share that a couple of our most iconic former carhops were rehired for a shift at our Duarte, California Drive-In yesterday. We cannot confirm any names, but we can confirm fun was had by both crew members and guests.”

According to Kirsty Hatcher at PEOPLE, Hilton said on Instagram last month, "Hey guys, just got home from shooting with Nicole . . . as some of you may know, we are doing a reunion special to celebrate 20 years of our show, 'The Simple Life.'" She added: "So basically, Nicole and I are planning something iconic." 

Betsy DeVos would work for Trump again if he agreed to “phasing out” the Department of Education

Former Secretary of Education Betsy DeVos has said she would serve a second term under Donald Trump if he wins in November, despite previously resigning from his administration after the attack on the U.S. capitol on Jan. 6, The Detroit News reported.

DeVos resigned in 2021, the day after the attack, calling it “unconscionable for our country” and directly blaming Trump’s rhetoric for inciting violence. 

The Michigan billionaire told The Detroit News she would resume her post only under certain conditions, though she was doubtful Trump would bring her back on.

"I don't think President Trump would ask me to again. But if he did, I would want to do so only if it was with the goal of phasing out the Department of Education as we tried to do through budgetary process in the first administration," Devos said. "And also getting a commitment to passing a major education freedom bill in the form of a tax credit mechanism at the Department of Treasury."

While she was secretary of Education, DeVos, who had no prior experience working in the field, fought for the privatization of public schools, rolled back protections for transgender students and advocated for guns in schools.

In her 2021 resignation letter, DeVos wrote that her tenure gave her the opportunity to advocate for “the forgotten students the traditional system leaves behind,” particularly throughout the global pandemic.

Despite her previous misgivings, DeVos last week said she is “definitely supporting the Republican ticket,” The Detroit News reported.

“His head is exploding”: Trump melts down on Truth Social as bad poll numbers get even worse

Donald Trump is handling the narcissistic injury of trailing a Black woman in the polls about as well as could be expected, which is to say: The former president is variously denying and lashing out at reality itself, lamenting that he’s no longer running against another elderly man and complaining in all-hours rage posts that his opponent's throngs of enthusiastic supporters are fake and actually generated by computers.

“Everything about Kamala is fake,” the three-time Republican candidate for president posted on Truth Social over the weekend. Tormented by the images of boisterous crowds at Vice President Kamala Harris’ full-capacity events from Pennsylvania to Nevada, including thousands greeting her and Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz at the Detroit airport on Aug. 7, Trump opted for a decisive break from the world that the rest of us are living in.

That rally on the tarmac in Michigan? Fake as the news industry. “There was nobody at the plane, and she ‘A.I.’d it,” the 78-year-old posted Sunday from his home-resort in south Florida, where he has largely been stewing while his rivals jet around the country. Photos (and videos, by the way) “showed a massive ‘crowd’ of so-called followers,” Trump wrote, “BUT THEY DIDN’T EXIST!”

If another elderly man running for president was outright denying the existence of his opponents’ supporters and claiming we live in “The Matrix,” there would likely be an ensuing conversation about mental health and that man’s fitness for office, elected members of their party forced to reckon with the truth about the visible decline at the top of their ticket; with Trump, it risks being just another data point lost in a torrent of bizarre but soon forgotten conspiracy theories.

For this reporter, any doubt that the enthusiasm seen online also existed in real life was removed by the Harris-Walz kick off event last week in Philadelphia. Earlier Biden rallies had the feeling of supporters going through the motions, supporting his pro-labor policies, perhaps, but none too enthused about fielding an 81-year-old for president. For Harris and her running mate, by contrast, upwards of 10,000 people braved rain and some grotesque humidity to dance and chant “not going back,” Democrats’ post-debate depression giving way to a frenzied hope that the future could in fact be better than the past.

Trump’s denial of this reality, if sincere, could well cost him. Even if were capable of a late-stage pivot, he seems incapable of even acknowledging the need for one. At a hastily-called press conference last week, the Republican candidate rambled off a series of quarter-formed thoughts on his personal grievances while fabricating a tale about a near-death helicopter experience, failing to coherently deliver his talking points about the economy and immigration.

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The latest surveys by The New York Times and Siena College show that the former president’s leads in key battleground states have all evaporated since President Joe Biden exited the race: In Michigan, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin, Harris now beats him by 4 points. Nationally, according to the 538 average of recent polls, Harris leads by 2.3%.

“Quite frankly, people like her more than they like him,” GOP pollster Frank Luntz conceded Sunday on CNN. Trump, sitting at home instead of campaigning, is seeing that and losing his mind, Luntz said: “His head is exploding and that’s part of the problem.”

According to Luntz, a more disciplined Trump — something Republican strategists have been hoping we’d see ever since 2015 — would be focusing on policy and likely winning as a result, capitalizing on the bad vibes around a strong economy. “If this is an issue-based campaign, Trump still has the advantage,” Luntz argued.

But that’s not apparent, either. Putting aside issues such as reproductive rights and whether, for example, the United States and Ukraine should remain free and democratic nations, it’s not clear that voters see Trump’s policies — a 10% across-the-board tariff that one analysis shows would raise costs for a middle-class family by $2,500 a year — as any better than Bidenomics and the relative continuity offered by the vice president.


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Trump’s issues-based campaign, put another way, could be just as much a burden as his personality. A poll commissioned by the Financial Times and released Sunday found that Harris, reversing a decades-long advantage for Republicans, is now more trusted to manage the economy than Trump. At 42% to 41%, her advantage is well within the margin of error, but it’s a seven-point improvement over Biden’s July performance in the same poll and the first time the survey has found a Democratic candidate beating Trump on the question.

Predictably, just as news outlets were beginning to publish their “AI crowd” fact checks, Trump allowed a new wave of denial to take over.

“I’m doing really well in the Presidential Race, leading in almost all of the REAL polls,” Trump posted Sunday night, assuring supporters and possibly himself that his 2024 run “is thus far my best Campaign,” with the “most enthusiasm and spirit, etc.”

Trump, eight years older and just weeks removed from an actual near-death experience, is no longer capable of vigorously campaigning like he did in 2016; even his boasting appears mailed in. The former president appears content to live in an alternate reality where he’s winning, by a lot, and can let Sen. JD Vance, R-Ohio, his historically unpopular running mate, do the hard work of leaving the house.

It’s only August and surprises no doubt await us in the months to come. For now, though, it’s clear Democrats have momentum and are enjoying the feeling of optimism for the first time in years — while their opponent melts down in an echo chamber of his own making.

Trump blasts billionaire GOP megadonor Miriam Adelson with angry text messages

Former President Donald Trump ordered one of his aides to send aggressive text messages to one of his campaign’s largest donors, accusing her of employing Republicans who do not support him, The New York Times reported

The texts were sent by Trump aide Natalie Harpe to Miriam Adelson, the widow of casino mogul Sheldon Adelson. They complained that Adelson’s super PAC, Preserve America, was being run by “RINOs” ("Republicans In Name Only") and that her late husband would not have allowed such people to be involved in the campaign.

The messages came just a week after Trump and Adelson had a “friendly meeting” at the Republican National Convention in July, according to the Times.

As tensions have run high in the Trump campaign since Harris replaced President Joe Biden as the Democratic nominee, some of Trump’s aides fear his anger has left him vulnerable to manipulation, The Time reported.

The texts to Miriam Adelson were reportedly prompted by another major Trump donor, Ike Perlmutter, in the hopes that Adelson would instead contribute to a rival super PAC that he supports. 

Preserve America is expected to spend as much as $100 million in pro-Trump ads in the lead up to the election, Politico reported in May.

Preserve America was spending nearly $18 million a week on pro-Trump ads in battleground states last month, the Times reported. One of those ads falsely claimed that Democratic nominee Kamala Harris was overwhelming American hospitals with “illegal immigrants.”

But the text messages have sparked concern among Trump’s aides that Preserve America may scale back their funding for the former president’s campaign.

Miriam Adelson, who is a dual Israeli-American citizen, took over her husband’s business ventures after he passed away in 2021 and has been a major donor to Trump, as well as pro-Israel causes. In 2018, Trump awarded with the Presidential Medal of Freedom.

“Vibe shift”: Young Texas voters, motivated by Kamala Harris, lock into the presidential election

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For Kaylee Caudle, 19, the vibes around the election were off.

This Nov. 5 is the first time Caudle will be old enough to cast a ballot in a presidential election. She won’t vote for former President Donald Trump; his rhetoric and conservative policies don’t line up with her values, she said, especially on issues like reproductive rights and the environment. So for a lack of better options she expected to vote for President Joe Biden, even though she thought he was a little too old to run again.

“It was hard to get excited when everyone seemed so depressed about the election,” said Caudle, a sophomore at Rice University. “The vibe wasn’t there.”

Then came the memes.

In July, Caudle’s social media feeds were flooded with clips of Vice President Kamala Harris’ speeches overlaid with synth-pop beats and viral dance sequences. Pop star Charlie XCX declared “kamala is BRAT,” a key endorsement that rang out across her Generation Z fandom. In a nod to a now-viral speech where Harris quoted her mother saying “You think you just fell out of a coconut tree,” coconut emojis rained across TikTok. All of a sudden, the election was fun.

Caudle says Harris’ ascendancy to the top of the Democratic ticket jump-started her excitement to cast her first vote this November — and encourage friends and family to get registered, too.

“The memes are ridiculous, but they’re really catchy and a good way of reminding people that this is a great candidate who isn’t like 80 years old and also has good policies,” Caudle said.

The new matchup between Trump and Harris is helping Democrats close the enthusiasm gap, in part by capturing the attention and interest of young voters who historically vote at lower rates than older generations. But the historic nature of Harris’ candidacy as the party’s first Black woman and South Asian presidential nominee, coupled with the rapid shift in the campaign’s tone, has young voters of all political stripes taking a hard look — some for the first time — at the role they could play in November.

“I feel like with a female president, it's a whole new perspective. You see it from a different angle,” said Daijha Davis, a sophomore at Texas Southern University. Davis, who will also cast her first ever ballot this November, said she hadn’t paid much attention to Trump or Biden’s records in office and had been a “little torn” on her vote. But the Harris campaign’s revitalized social media presence has won her over and she is now prepared to vote for Harris.

If motivated, Gen Z voters could have a major impact on elections. Texas’ population has the second youngest median age of any state, other than Utah. And in 2020, there were about 1.3 million Texans ages 18 to 24 who were registered to vote. Those voters have historically turned out to vote at rates lower than any other age range, with voter participation rates increasing steadily as age ranges increase.

About 43% of young Texans aged 18-29 voted in 2020 — an eleven point increase from 2016. 66% of all eligible voters and 76% of eligible voters age 64 and older voted that same year.

Jeremi Suri, a history professor at the University of Texas at Austin, predicted that Harris’ rise would help Democrats “enormously” with young Texans, who are especially concentrated in urban areas and disproportionately non-white. They might not be able to swing a presidential election on their own, he said, but could influence down ballot races.

“Harris can speak to young people's issues in a way that neither of the other two candidates can,” Suri said, citing gun violence and reproductive rights as top issues. “She's in the cultural, social, educational world of young people, much more than the two old men.”

The social media presence whirlwind surrounding Harris has engaged young Democrats, said Olivia Julianna, a Houston-based Gen Z influencer.

“So many young people who have kind of been filled with dread or not knowing what was going to happen … now have so much energy and are so excited, not just to vote for Kamala but also volunteer and make videos,” Julianna said.

But Gen Z isn’t monolithically supporting Democrats. Nationally, polling shows that Gen Z men are more conservative than previous generations. The ideology gap between young men and women has widened as reproductive rights have become one of the top issues for women and younger men feel more welcomed in the Republican party. Polls earlier this year have shown Biden losing support among young voters to Trump.

Those young conservatives are likely to be as repelled by Harris’ candidacy as they were with Biden’s, regardless of their age, said Sam Somogye, executive director of the Texas Young Republicans.

Harris’ handling of immigration issues and her stance on gun rights would be particularly alienating to young Texans, Somogye predicted.

Saying she wants to ban assault rifles and attack the Second Amendment is not going to play well,” said Somogye. “Whoever advised her to come to Texas, of all places and say that clearly shows that her campaign and the Biden administration is grossly out of touch with the American people and especially Texas voters.

Arshia Papari, a sophomore at UT-Austin, said he had been undecided between voting for Biden or a third-party candidate, citing the Biden Administration’s support for Israel amid the Israel-Hamas war despite the growing humanitarian crisis in Gaza.

While Biden has repeatedly called for an end of the war, the U.S. has continued to support Israel through military aid and diplomatic backing. The war has become a flashpoint for many college campuses, with many young progressives leading protests to support a free Palestine and calling on universities to divest from companies tied to Israel and weapons manufacturing.

Despite his frustration at the Biden administration’s response, Papari has come around to supporting Harris. The vice president is not only younger, but seems more open to listening to young voters’ concerns, he said.

Arshia Papari poses for a portrait on Tuesday, Aug. 6, 2024, at UT's campus in Austin. The rising Sophomore is majoring in Government, and currently works to get Democratic voters more involved in upcoming elections.

Arshia Papari stands below the UT Tower in Austin on Aug. 6, 2024 Papari, a rising sophomore is majoring in government. Credit: Olivia Anderson/The Texas Tribune

Harris said last month that she would “not be silent” about the humanitarian toll of more than 39,000 people killed during the campaign in Gaza.

“I would like her to take further action and decisive action to pull US support for Israel’s atrocities and bring us back to the right side of history,” Papari said of Harris, adding that she seems “more empathetic on the Gaza issue” than Biden or Trump.

Fatima Qasem, a senior at the University of Houston, disagreed. “Based on Kamala’s actions, or inaction, we have not seen evidence of her policy being different from Biden’s.”

Qasem, 19, said that many students who consider the Israel-Hamas war a central issue are unlikely to be swayed by Harris’ candidacy. Only a call for a permanent ceasefire and withholding of all aid from Israel would persuade such voters to support Harris, said Qasem, a member of her campus chapter of Students for Justice in Palestine.

Many SJP chapters are politically neutral and do not advocate on behalf of or against candidates, Qasem said. Still, her chapter has encouraged young people to consider a range of options outside of voting, including supporting third party candidates, or not voting at all.

Sneha Kesevan, 21, is one of those young voters who are undecided between voting for Harris or a third-party candidate.

The pre-med student at UT-Austin, said she too noticed a “vibe shift” upon Biden’s withdrawal but wanted to see more evidence that a Harris administration would actually put an end to the Israel-Hamas conflict.

“What are you going to do to stop it? Instead of just saying, like, we need to end this war,” Kesavan said. “Even if she is saying something and still doesn't lead to the action, then what does [Harris] believe?”

She would have a better understanding of Harris' positions, Kesavan said, if there had been any debates or primary process. Before the Democratic Party anointed Harris as the nominee – there were talks between party leaders of the idea of having a mini-primary if Biden decided to drop out.

“I really wanted to see how that pan[ned] out,” Kesavan said. “The idea of a mini party convention sounds more democratic.”

Disclosure: Rice University, Texas Southern University – Barbara Jordan-Mickey Leland School of Public Affairs, University of Texas at Austin and University of Houston have been financial supporters of The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan news organization that is funded in part by donations from members, foundations and corporate sponsors. Financial supporters play no role in the Tribune's journalism. Find a complete list of them here.

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A competition for domination: Harris is beating Trump at his own game

“Americans love a winner and will not tolerate a loser.”

As of about three weeks ago, Donald Trump was widely seen as the winner. Trump had crushed Joe Biden in their one and only presidential debate. Trump was so domineering, and Biden so overwhelmed, that the Democratic Party’s senior leaders and donors (and many of the party’s rank-and-file voters) turned against the president's re-election bid. The mainstream news media also participated, eagerly, in the feeding frenzy against Biden with allegations, greatly exaggerated, that he was no longer mentally sharp and that his age made him unable to continue as the party’s nominee (and that he should perhaps even step down from office).

Trump had just been handed victories by his right-wing activist justices on the illegitimate U.S. Supreme Court, a cabal that basically declared he was a king above the law. Trump’s federal trial on charges related to the Jan. 6 insurrection has therefore been delayed

Trump was leading Biden in the national polls and more important, in the key battleground states. Trump also led Biden and the Democrats in fundraising. Many serious political observers, on both sides of the partisan divide, had concluded that if current trends continued Biden and the Democrats would likely be defeated on Election Day.

Trump then survived an assassination attempt in Pennsylvania and, in an iconic moment that may still win him the presidency, rose from the ground with his ear bleeding and pumped his fist as he declared, “Fight! Fight! Fight!” to the applause and awe of his crowd. The following week Trump was elevated to the level of god-king and American Il Duce at the Republican National Convention in Milwaukee, where some delegates wore bandages on their ears in a show of cult-like devotion.

The news media and pundits were literally writing President Biden’s political obituary in real time as they waited for him to be forced out of office by the Democratic Party’s senior leaders and donors — with no small amount of help from the news media itself. They got their wish: Three days after Trump’s acceptance speech at the Republican National Convention, Biden stepped aside so that Kamala Harris, his vice president, could be the Democratic Party’s 2024 nominee.

With that courageous and wise decision, Biden rebooted the 2024 election. In the three weeks since then, Democrats and their donors and supporters have rallied behind Harris. Trump and his propagandists’ attacks on Biden as too old and mentally unfit are now being turned against them by Harris and her campaign. (Trump is 78 years old and appears to be experiencing serious verbal, emotional and intellectual challenges; Kamala Harris is nearly 20 years younger and appears vigorous and sharp.)

Public opinion polls and other metrics have shown a whiplash-like shift in political momentum. Within just two weeks, Harris is now tied with or leading Trump in national polls. She is also leading in key battleground states. A new poll from the Economist/YouGov also shows a change in the public mood and enthusiasm in her favor, with more respondents reporting that she will win the 2024 election than Trump.

The Democratic Party’s base is also rallying around Harris after being tepid towards President Biden. Her rallies are growing and pulsing with enthusiasm while Trump’s rallies are increasingly flaccid and his MAGA people appear to be bored.

Last Tuesday, Harris chose Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz to be her vice-presidential running mate. Walz is a more populist and rural politician, and in all a quite different type of Democrat than the establishment Blue State elite. His presence on the ticket has also energized the levels of enthusiasm for Harris’ presidential campaign. Walz is also a counterbalance and foil for Trump’s vice-presidential running mate, Sen. JD Vance, and his “Hillbilly Elegy” life story.

Donald Trump and his handlers developed a strategy to defeat Joe Biden. They are now having to retool against Vice President Harris, who is truly a historic figure as the first Black woman and first person of South Asian ancestry to be a major political party’s presidential nominee. It has been reported that Trump’s campaign is in a state of disorder as he and his advisers are turning on one another.

Ultimately, Donald Trump is a human predator and natural aggressor who only knows how to attack as he uses a dominant leadership style (which is true of Republicans and conservatives more generally) to defeat any person or group who opposes him. Because today’s Democrats and establishment liberals and progressives are mostly conflict-avoidant and believe that they should “go high” when the Republicans and “conservatives “go low”, they have proven themselves to be especially vulnerable to such attacks.

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In a recent conversation here at Salon, political scientist M. Steven Fish explains:

Donald Trump is all dominance, all the time. My research finds that his dominance game, much more than his policies or appeals to racism, is his most formidable political asset. He largely ignores the polls and tells you what he thinks, while low-dominance leaders tell you what they think you want to hear. His disdain for optics and polls isn’t a sign of real courage. Instead, they’re products of his narcissism combined with a lack of impulse control. But his congenital political gift is that the way these character defects manifest what looks like bravery, at least to a substantial minority. It’s what creates the perception that he’s his own man (however sociopathic) and acts on his own convictions (even if they’re nothing but ego-driven ambitions and resentments).

Trump’s dominance style is what separates him from every other politician and explains the ardor he elicits among those who thirst for strong leadership. And it’s what’s enabled him to retain his grip on his party, even as he’s proven to be a liability in elections. To many people, it makes him look indomitable—and other politicians like panderers by comparison.

Steven continues:

Trump’s high-dominance style taps into a complex combination of emotions. You’ve smartly written about how he triggers his voters with his horror movie strategy. Trump then piles on with narratives of self-pity, rage, and resentment. But what truly sets him apart, even from other Republicans, is his extreme high-dominance style that reassures his triggered followers that he will fix everything. Trump’s constant norm-breaking and crass behavior, which are also part of his high-dominance style, also makes his followers feel accepted and part of his group. And no one “owns the libs,” who they think look down on them, like Trump does.

Of course, many voters are repelled by Trump’s style. But overall he has gained more than he has lost because of his high-dominance strategies.

A high-dominance leadership style is not a superpower that is exclusive to Donald Trump. It can be turned and used against him by Kamala Harris and the Democrats to great effect—if they have the courage to do so.

Of course there are the obvious qualifier(s). Vice President Harris is a black woman. She will face inevitable scrutiny, criticism, and cautions for being “too aggressive” and “hostile” and “mean” that a white man would not. Even in “post-civil rights” America, racism, white supremacy, sexism, and misogyny continue to be a heavy and unfair burden on black women’s life trajectories and opportunities to the detriment of both Black America and American society as a whole. 

Writing at the Atlantic, Laura Kelley previews this:

The political universe that Trump helped create presents both an opportunity and a risk for the Democratic ticket: Harris and Walz likely “have a certain amount of leeway” to “engage in discourse that maybe in the pre-Trump world” they would not have, Joel Goldstein, a historian of the vice presidency and professor emeritus at Saint Louis University School of Law, told me. Some level of disagreement and self-defense is fair game in an election, he argued (for that reason, he’s skeptical of overusing the “attack dog” trope). Still, going too far carries its own dangers—particularly for Harris, who may face more scrutiny for throwing harsh jabs as a Black woman than Walz would as a 60-year-old white man….

Vance’s and Walz’s approaches may morph depending on the extent to which Trump and Harris do their own dueling. But so far, they’re presenting two diverging models of the modern vice-presidential candidate. For now, the VP campaign looks like a contest between the happy warrior and the resentful fighter. Voters will decide which line of attack they prefer.

In our conversation here at Salon, Fish addressed these concerns about gender and sexism:

A raft of recent studies, including excellent work by scholars like Deborah Jordan Brooks and Nancy L. Cohen, show that women can wield dominance no less effectively than men. Ovarian fortitude can beat the testicular variety in politics no less than in all other realms of social interaction.

One of my new liberal high-dominance heroes is Democratic Rep. Jasmine Crockett, the glamorous second-term congresswoman from Dallas. She revels in skewering MAGA loonies like Reps. Anna Paulina Luna and Marjorie Taylor Greene with a mix of lawyerly analytic mastery and gleeful gut punches wrapped in down-home—and often transgressive—language. Michigan Governor Gretchen Whitmer’s personal style differs from Crockett’s, but she’s another example of effective feminine high-dominance leadership. Whitmer doesn’t limit herself to protesting MAGA hardheartedness; she flips the script and owns her MAGA opponents. That helps explain why she won re-election in 2022 by beating her MAGA opponent by double digits in a state that swung to Trump in 2016, and her leadership helped flip the Michigan state legislature from red to blue. Then, of course, there’s Nancy Pelosi. Nobody ever owned that boss.

As the saying goes, Vice President Kamala Harris is now living inside of Donald Trump’s head rent-free. In response Donald Trump is raging and lashing out.


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I grew up in the 1980s watching the G.I. Joe Cartoon every day before and after school. At this moment I can’t help but imagine Donald Trump as Cobra Commander, discombobulated and throwing a tantrum when one of his schemes fails, as he beats his fists on a computer keyboard or dashboard or destroys whatever else is nearby. I do hope that someone makes an unauthorized version action figure of “Cobra Commander Trump" as I most certainly would buy it.

Last Thursday, Donald Trump held a “press conference”/speechifying event at his Mar-A-Lago headquarters. It did not go well. The felonious ex-president appeared to be even more lost as he made up even more lies, wallowed in delusions and fantasies, spouted out more racism and sexism, publicly tried to work through what seems like an extreme narcissistic injury, and was swallowed up by his fabulism and egomania as he fixated on the size of his crowds and compared them to Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s and other American titans.

“Nobody has spoken to crowds bigger than me….If you look at Martin Luther King, when he did his speech, his great speech, and you look at ours, same real estate, same everything, same number of people.”

As others have plainly observed something is quite wrong with Donald Trump.

There are less than 100 days left until Election Day. Given the collective emotional state of the American people at this point in the interminable Age of Trump, those days will likely feel like years or decades. As these last few weeks have shown, anything can happen in that time; political fortunes and fates are very fickle, especially so in a society that is experiencing an existential democracy crisis. But for now at least, Kamala Harris and Tim Walz are “happy warriors” who have Trump and Vance on the ropes. Now is the time to press the attack even more and show no mercy. Because the American people love to win and hate to lose, Kamala Harris needs to be the winner and champion they have been desperately waiting for.

Republicans can’t replace their old man nominee, so they’re pretending JD Vance is the GOP candidate

"What a stupid question this is!" Donald Trump recently raged at a journalist during a lengthy public meltdown that was billed as a "press conference." The reporter had correctly noted, "You have not had a public campaign event for nearly a week now." This factual observation set Trump off on a diatribe full of lies. "I’m leading by a lot," he insisted. "I am campaigning a lot," he pushed back. In reality, Vice President Kamala Harris is up two points over the former president in national polling. And while she's been hitting the road, even holding multiple rallies in a day, Trump has mostly been hiding out at Mar-a-Lago, only doing one campaign event in the last week in the MAGA-safe space of Montana. As Philip Bump at the Washington Post showed in a recent analysis, "Trump is holding far fewer rallies" and public appearances than he did in both 2016 and 2020. 

Last week's hastily assembled press conference was Trump's attempt to fake "campaigning" without actually leaving his house. The Washington Post reported that "When he heard his team had summoned reporters to Florida for a briefing without him, he asked them to arrange for buses to take them to his club so he could hold a news conference." His team needs to do a better job, in that case, of keeping secrets from their boss because that press conference, like most of Trump's public appearances before mainstream news media, was a disaster. As Joe Scarborough noted on MSNBC the morning after, "his people just don't want him to go out and give speeches. I'm sure they didn't want him to go out and give the press conference yesterday, but Donald Trump is still driven by that belief that 'I alone can do it.'"


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Trump's campaign managers surely know that the more voters see Trump, the more they hate him. Trump's team didn't go after President Joe Biden on the age issue just because it was low-hanging fruit. It was also a way to distract from the fact that their own candidate, who was never that cogent to begin with, is rapidly decompensating from age and the stress of being convicted of 34 felonies. Now Biden's out, and the "Is the candidate too old?" spotlight is on Trump.

Republicans won't be following Democrats by changing their candidate, however. Unlike Biden, Trump is a narcissist who will never accept the truth about his decline. And unlike Democrats, Republicans are too afraid of their leader to tell him the truth. But it's also clear that the GOP wishes they could do a switcharoo. Right now, the Trump campaign is acting like their candidate is not the ranting orange degenerate at all, but his much younger — though still quite weird — running mate, Sen. JD Vance of Ohio. 

Vance has been tailing Harris across her swing state tour. On their own, his events have been failures, with crowds "generally in the dozens or low hundreds," Dana Milbank of the Washington Post reported. But, because reporters are already in town to cover the overflowing Harris rallies, Vance has been able to get press attention. So with Trump hiding out at Mar-a-Lago, Vance is the face representing the campaign. Someone casually tuning in would possibly think that the Republicans, following the Democrats' lead, had dumped their elderly candidate for someone younger. On Sunday, for example, Vance appeared on three — ABC News’ “This Week,” CBS News’ “Face the Nation,” and CNN’s “State of the Union” — out of five major Sunday political news shows. 

At first blush, this would seem like a poor idea. Vance lacks charisma, isn't half as clever as he thinks, and has spent so much time marinating in the world of extremely online fascism that he just seems weird. He's a bearded doppelganger for the equally charmless Gov. Ron DeSantis of Florida, who Republican voters couldn't reject fast enough during the presidential primary. Running a carbon copy of a guy who couldn't beat Trump in a primary seems, on paper, to be a uniquely stupid campaign strategy. Under the circumstances, however, it makes sense. Vance is annoying, but he can speak in complete sentences, largely avoiding all talk of electrocution sharks and Hannibal Lecter. There are fewer logistical issues in a Vance-centric campaign, as well. He's decades younger than Trump, and so has the energy to travel. Even if the rumors that he wears eyeliner are true, Vance cannot need the hours Trump must spend in hair and makeup just to be seen in public. No doubt the campaign wishes they had a substitute candidate who was less aggravating, but Vance surely looks better than their alternative: an ever-nuttier Donald Trump.

If Vance were witty and charming and capable of drawing audiences larger than a bowling team, Trump would start feeling envious.

The Harris campaign certainly thinks they'll do better the more Trump is on TV. They continue to troll him about his failure to campaign. After his strange press conference Thursday, the Harris campaign sent out an email with language like, "Donald Trump took a break from taking a break to put on some pants and host a p̶r̶e̶s̶s̶ ̶c̶o̶n̶f̶e̶r̶e̶n̶c̶e̶ public meltdown," and "Split Screen: Joy and Freedom vs. Whatever the Hell That Was." The humor was fun but also served a larger purpose. By going viral, they made it likelier an already-unhinged and jealous Trump would hear about it, and react by vetoing his campaign staff's wish that he would shut up and sit in a closet. 

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It's a smart move, because Trump, ever the slave to his own narcissism, seems to be agitating to get back out in front of the cameras and microphones. After wisely canceling the ABC News debate scheduled for September 10 — which will showcase the dramatic differences in age, energy and coherence between Trump and Harris — he angrily canceled the cancelation. His team has held firm in keeping him from scheduling new campaign events this month, but in the face of regular, taunting emails from the Harris campaign, they may not be able to keep his hunger for attention in check. Redirecting his desire to rave and complain to Truth Social, where few will ever read it, can only satiate Trump for so long. 

This is the one small way Vance's lack of appeal serves the Trump campaign. If Vance were witty and charming and capable of drawing audiences larger than a bowling team, Trump would start feeling envious. Trump is already bent out of shape because Harris is drawing such enormous crowds. If his running mate was showing him up, the older man could not be contained. Trump would be booking more rallies, so he could be soothed by the MAGA mob. But with the Harris events as a comparison point, such rallies would start drawing the attention of a media that has mostly ignored them all year. The last thing Trump needs is for swing voters to catch a glimpse of him ranting about how he loves January 6 to a throng of bloodthirsty bigots. The Harris campaign is betting, however, he won't be able to resist for long.

4 Supreme Court decisions that have quietly jumpstarted Project 2025

Project 2025, Donald Trump’s authoritarian playbook on Christian nationalism, is already in motion.  While the media debates Trump’s disingenuous disavowals of the master plan, the real story is the extent to which the Supreme Court has already begun implementing it.

Project 2025 seeks to degrade civil rights nationwide by outlawing abortion, mandating Christianity and reducing LGBT+ citizens to second class status.

But these culture war flashpoints are merely a ruse, a distraction to disguise the real objective: Project 2025 is a massive undertaking financed by fossil fuel wealth to protect fossil fuels, abetted by Supreme Court justices with deep ties to Big Oil.

A compromised Supreme Court advances Project 2025’s agenda 

While many pundits have acknowledged the implausibility of Trump’s “lack of knowledge” about Project 2025, few have noted that the Supreme Court has already begun to implement its key objectives:

Bribery: SCOTUS implemented Project 2025’s deference to a strong (and crooked) chief executive in Snyder v. the United States. Republicans on the Supreme Court declared in Snyder that bribing an elected official isn’t bribery if it’s paid to the official after the fact, because then it’s really more of a “gratuity.” Despite (because of?) two justices facing backlash for accepting lavish gifts from donors with cases before the Supreme Court, the majority in Snyder weakened the federal anti-corruption statute, 18 U.S. Code § 666, which made it a crime for officials to corruptly solicit, accept or agree to accept “anything of value intending to be influenced or rewarded in connection with” any business or transaction worth $5,000 or more.

Weakening federal regulations: The Supreme Court continued implementing Project 2025’s goal of killing the administrative state and stopping “the war on oil and gas” in Loper Bright Enterprises vs. Raimondo. In Loper, Republicans on the Court overturned the well-established Chevron doctrine, the law of administrative agencies for the last 40 years, ruling outrageously that judges should not rely on federal experts’ scientific or medical expertise, but should rely instead on their own personal opinion, bias and scientific ignorance in interpreting statutory ambiguities. This ruling, coupled with other recent cases eviscerating the regulatory power of the EPA, will cripple climate initiatives in service to Project 2025 donors for years to come if this rogue court is not stopped. 

Advancing Christian nationalism: The Supreme Court helped advance Project 2025’s Christian nationalism in 303 Creative LLC and Kennedy v. Bremerton School District. In 303 Creative, the conservative majority designated the right to refuse to do business with gay people not as discriminatory conduct but as “free speech,” and held that requiring web designers to serve same-sex couples was “coercing” them to make “statements” with which their Christian religion disagreed. In Kennedy, the court’s religious bloc ruled that a football coach could lead his team in prayer on a public school football field despite Establishment Clause precedent dating back to the 1940s. Until Kennedy, courts prohibited school prayer because of the coercive pressure it put on atheist, Jewish, Muslim and other non-Christian students to either pray along or be ostracized. In both 303 Creative and Kennedy, the court’s extreme bloc distorted the 1st Amendment’s shield – freedom of religion – into a sword: Christians’ freedom to impose their religion on others.

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Abortion: The high court facilitated Project 2025’s anti-abortion goals with the Dobbs decision. In overturning Roe v. Wade after 50 years of protected abortion access, Justice Samuel Alito summarily declared that the 14th Amendment’s Equal Protection Clause could no longer protect women’s medical privacy because the Supreme Court previously determined “that a State’s regulation of abortion is not a sex-based classification.” After Roe deemed abortion access a “liberty” protected by the Due Process and Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, Alito and his Catholic colleagues ruled that “classification precedent” and ancient common law history were more important.

Each of these cases, endcapped with the shocking presidential immunity ruling to protect Trump, is in lockstep with Project 2025, while the ultimate goal of protecting fossil fuels remains obscured.

These same conflicted justices will stop climate action

Court reform, as embraced by Kamala Harris despite being deemed “dead on arrival” by Trump republicans, must include some combination of term limits and a fair appointment processes that can’t be circumvented on partisan grounds. It also must be matched with the same enforceable code of ethics that requires federal judges to recuse from cases in which they are compromised, found at 28 U.S.C. Sec. 455. This last point will stick because each of the 6 conservative justices is in bed with fossil fuels: 

Not only do Coney Barrett, Alito and Thomas have direct, personal ties to fossil fuel wealth, all six conservative justices belong to the Federalist Society, and are backed by the Heritage Foundation. Both organizations are driven and supported by Koch and fossil fuel dark money, and it is no mere coincidence that Big Oil-affiliated Rupert Murdoch’s Fox News amplifies their false messaging. 

Although the right and Murdoch’s Fox News use non-stop culture wars to distract the voting public, they and Project 2025 exist largely to advance climate change denial to protect their own formidable, private wealth.

Court reform has now become an election imperative. The media needs to step up and expose the dark money ties between Project 2025, Fox News, Donald Trump, and the 6 conflicted justices defending fossil fuels. Most critically, anyone concerned about rising temperatures and disappearing water sources needs to vote in November as if their lives depend on it.


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Some may despise scavengers like vultures, but we’d sorely miss them if they were gone

Beauty may be in the eye of the beholder, but it's fair to assume that vulture looks are an acquired taste. The hook-beaked, scrawny-necked and chunky-bodied birds were immediately described as "disgusting" by English biologist Charles Darwin, although his revulsion was also due to the vultures' diet of dead animals. Yet that same stomach-churning tendency also causes vultures to be indispensable to human ecosystems, since the rotting carcasses contain dangerous diseases that could spread to humans if not ingested by more iron-stomached scavengers.

Margalida referred to vultures as "the most efficient species at locating and disposing of carrion."

In fact, a recent study in the journal American Economic Review revealed that the unintentional decimation of India's vulture population has had tragic consequences for nearby humans. Scientists estimate that their near-disappearance on the subcontinent nearly two decades ago — an unintentional byproduct of human activity — has led to more than half a million excess deaths.

"Our study provides strong evidence that the anecdotal reports of a public health crisis following the collapse of vultures were capturing a true signal: human health deteriorated following the collapse of the vultures," study lead author Dr. Eyal Frank of the University of Chicago told Salon. "Before our study, there were anecdotal reports and claims, some back-of-the-envelope calculations about the potential magnitude of the effect, but our study uses annual district level data to quantify these impacts, and manages to reject other alternative explanations for the increase in mortality we observe."

Frank and fellow University of Chicago professor Anant Sudarshan classified "district" as any high or-low-suitability area for affected vulture species, then analyzed the existing data to compare all-cause human mortality rates in those districts over the past two decades. "Before the collapse of vultures, there was no systematic difference in how those two groups were trending," Frank said. "After vultures collapsed, we observe that the all-cause death rate in the high-vulture-suitability districts diverged from the low-vulture-suitability districts. By 2000, when vulture populations were effectively at their new population levels (less than 5% of their original population levels), we see that the divergence stabilizes."

The collapse occurred because of indirect actions from the agricultural industry, specifically farmers treated their cattle with an anti-inflammatory medicine, called diclofenac, that proved highly toxic to vultures. Even worse, a generic version had become increasingly popular, meaning that vultures regularly were poisoned by dead animals exposed to the pharmaceutical. The new study found other indicators that this drug's presence played a role in the current ecological crisis.

"We also report results that demonstrate that water quality deteriorated in the high-vulture-suitability districts, and that at the national level, there was an increase in the sales of rabies vaccines — consistent with the two main mechanisms highlighted by ecologists and public health experts," Frank said.


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"Even though there are options to substitute for the vultures in the form of building incinerators or burying the animals, those were not implemented because they are prohibitively expensive."

Dr. Antoni Margalida, who was not involved in the study but is an expert in conservation biology at the Spanish National Research Council, observed that the new research "demonstrates the cascading effects that the virtual disappearance of one or more species that provide important ecosystem services can have. In this case, the important regulatory service provided by vultures through carcass disposal."

Margalida referred to vultures as "the most efficient species at locating and disposing of carrion," which is why ecosystems suffer so seriously when their populations go down. Yet they are not the only scavengers upon which humans rely for our own survival.

"The results in our study apply not just to vultures, but to any scavenging species that performs the same function at a similar level of efficiency," Frank said, adding that vultures are arguably the most efficient scavengers out there. "We know that dogs and rats will grow in numbers and imperfectly substitute for vultures because they do not consume the carrion down to the bone as vultures do."

In fact, vultures are so efficient at ridding an ecosystem of all excess material that the ripple effects of their decline are often felt prior to them actually becoming locally or globally extinct.

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"It is enough for the population level to decline sharply for the species to effectively be functionally extinct — as in, they're no longer carrying out their role in the ecosystem," Frank said. "Even though there are options to substitute for the vultures in the form of building incinerators or burying the animals, those were not implemented because they are prohibitively expensive."

Even though vultures are not as widely beloved as more attractive species like panda bears and tigers, Frank suggested that "we might be missing out on other less charismatic species who are incredibly important in terms of their contributions to human well-being."

After researching India's ecosystem before and after it was full of vultures, Frank has no doubt that humans need vultures even if we do not like having them around.

"More broadly, our study contributes to our understanding of how big the benefits that vultures provide in setting where they play a large role in removing dead animals from the environment," Frank said. "Our findings highlight that by reducing the amount of carrion in the environment, humans benefit from vultures in meaningful ways, such as having better public health."

Trump falsely accuses Harris of using AI to create fake crowds at campaign events

On the same day that many major outlets wrote about Vice President Kamala Harris and Minnesota Governor Tim Walz packing every seat at their rally in Las Vegas on Saturday — attended by 12,000 people, with thousands more turned away due to lack of space — Donald Trump took to Truth Social to write a series of rants that serve as further proof that all this crowd size chatter is really getting to him.

Falsely accusing Harris of using artificial intelligence (AI) to doctor images of the crowds at her campaign rallies and other public events, Trump crafts a scenario about Harris' "image doctoring," beginning with his theory that her campaign made people appear out of nowhere during a stop in Detroit on Wednesday. 

"Has anyone noticed that Kamala CHEATED at the airport? There was nobody at the plane, and she 'A.I.’d' it, and showed a massive 'crowd' of so-called followers, BUT THEY DIDN’T EXIST!" Trump writes. "She was turned in by a maintenance worker at the airport when he noticed the fake crowd picture, but there was nobody there, later confirmed by the reflection of the mirror like finish on the Vice Presidential Plane. She’s a CHEATER. She had NOBODY waiting, and the 'crowd' looked like 10,000 people! Same thing is happening with her fake 'crowds' at her speeches. This is the way the Democrats win elections, by CHEATING – And they’re even worse at the Ballot Box. She should be disqualified because the creation of a fake image is ELECTION INTERFERENCE. Anyone who does that will cheat at ANYTHING!"

In one of Trump's posts on Sunday, he shares an image of a large crowd holding up Harris-Walz banners in front of Harris' plane as "proof" of his accusations. According to Snopes, the "image's origins are unknown," and they "were unable to identify who first posted the image online," but they have not found it to be "fake."

Snopes furthers that many social media users posted the photo shortly after Harris landed for a rally in Detroit on August 7 and that by using the Winston AI Image Detector, the results determined the image was "96% human" — or, that it was "likely photographed by someone and not created using an AI-generation tool." If anything, their findings indicate that "it's possible that lightening, shadows or filtering was digitally manipulated," but not the photo as a whole.

Spectrum News also looked into the validity of the photo shared by Trump, and Harris' rally that day in Detroit, writing: 

The crowd did in fact exist and the rally was attended by thousands of people, many of whom posted their own pictures and videos of the event, which was also live streamed by dozens of news channels and attended by a slew of prominent politicians. 

The outlet also quotes news source MLive in their dispute of Trump's accusations, writing, “About 15,000 people filled the hangar, the crowd spilling out onto the tarmac.”

As far as the verifiable crowd size at the Harris-Walz rallies, the numerous videos shared from the events are sweepingly authentic and would be very difficult to disprove, including the one below, shared by a user on X from the rally in Vegas this weekend:

The “Star Wars” moment when “Industry” star Ken Leung knew he’d arrived

For an actor who’s currently playing one of television’s most electrifyingly cutthroat characters, Ken Leung is refreshingly upbeat. As Eric Tao on HBO Max’s “Industry,” Leung has had a fitting vehicle for the volatility he’s so good at conveying in memorable roles from “Lost” to “Missing.” And in the show’s third season, he gets to fully descend into what Leung describes as Eric’s epic, high-decibel “midlife crisis” — just at the moment he’s being elevated to the highest peak of his career. 

But in real life, Leung, who got his first film role as a steely antagonist in 1998’s “Rush Hour,” is a thoughtful Brooklyn dad who says he got into acting because it “gave me a safe space,” and who easily names “standing in front of the actual Millennium Falcon” as a career high. During our recent “Salon Talks” conversation, Leung opened up about being part of some of Hollywood’s most beloved franchises, working with the “incredibly diverse team” on “Avatar: The Last Airbender” and how representation has changed in his decades-long Hollywood career. “I think we’re finally in a place where we can start,” he says. “All possibilities are open to us now.”

This conversation has been edited and condensed for clarity.

We’ve been waiting for this season for two years. Eric is in a completely different place, he’s been through a lot of ups and downs. Tell me about where he is when we are reintroduced to him after this long hiatus. 

When we first meet him way in the beginning, he’s this calm, collected, confident king of this world. But we see little cracks in that — the baseball bat. Something is threatening, something is missing. He seems very ready to take on a protege. Then in the second season, he goes through the series equivalent of a midlife crisis. He hooks up with an ex-girlfriend. He interviews, along with some colleagues, at other banks. He’s looking for a change. In season three, he finally makes partner, the seeming peak of his career. It comes a little late in his career, and it comes at great cost that we soon learn. His wife has left him. He has developed a drinking problem. He’s grappling with aging out of a young man’s game. So that’s where we meet him in season three, and he has no protege anymore. He’s starting from scratch in a very chaotic life transitional place. 

In the first season of a new show, I imagine that the writing and the directing are based on the original conceptualization of the characters. Now, three seasons in, they are writing for you, they are developing these characters knowing how you can play them. How do you see the evolution of Eric in line with your evolution behind the scenes? 

I feel like I asked for a season like this, because it’s one thing to play somebody who’s confident and is in control of everything. The next step that’s fun is to see how you lose control, partially because you’re not sure how that’s going to play out, so that’s a fun prospect to play. So I hoped for cracks, just to see how his suit of armor gets dismantled. What happens when

"Whenever I have to riff off finance, I’m incredibly thrown."

he doesn’t have a bat to wield around? Metaphorically, without the metaphorical bat, where is he? I don't know. That’s what I wanted to play, and that’s what we see in this season. 

You've talked in the past about the role of improvisation in your cast, parallel with this very technical, precise financial language the show uses, where there's very little wiggle room. How do you juxtapose those two things, the play and the precision?

They’re separate things. As far as the precision, our creators are very accessible to us, and they’re constantly answering just the dumbest questions, the most elementary concepts for us. They’re always there, so we don’t have to rely on just ourselves. For the playing of a scene, it’s not a clinic on finance. You have to know what is happening in this scene. What are the stakes in the scene? Then beyond that, the terms, and the terminology, it’s not really an issue. 

As far as the improvising, we’re playing people. Not only that, you’re in a business that is based on relationship building, so it makes sense that on a phone call, you're not always talking about finance, you’re reconnecting with a friend, you’re cracking jokes. In that sense, you can talk about anything. So those are kind of easy, and also helpful because you naturally loosen up when you can talk about anything you want, what’s on your mind that day. Things in your personal life can bleed into it. So they’re two different things that work well together. 

Has there been a moment or a scene where somebody really threw you a curveball on this show? 

Whenever I have to riff off finance, I’m incredibly thrown. As our props, we have a lot of financial papers on our desk. Some of them are real newspapers, so I’ll read a clip and then riff off that. That’s how I handle being thrown that way. But anytime it’s finance, I’m thrown. 

This season, Kit Harington joins the cast, and his arc explores the idea of sustainable and environmental investing. There’s a lot of cynicism and skepticism around this topic in the show. How did you feel about approaching it, and what did you learn? 

It seemed like a natural next thing. Season two is about the health space, and it was during COVID. I feel like our show is very topically reflective. It’s interesting with the whole green space thing. Pierpoint, Eric, this business, we only care about the good we’re doing as long as it positively affects our bottom line. We’re salespeople. So this is hot now, let’s sell this. 

"I’ve never been part of anything like that before."

The thing I think is interesting about this season is that it’s almost like the gamble that Pierpoint takes on ethical investing is crystallized in the form of one man’s gamble in episode four with Rishi’s episode. I love that episode because it’s almost like the show as seen through the lens of one person, so it distills. One can take that episode and extrapolate it to the series. So it made sense to me, I saw it as another thing to sell. 

Earlier this year, you were doing the live action version of “Avatar: The Last Airbender.” I heard that you didn’t know exactly what you were going up for. 

I didn’t. I know that's the thing everyone talks about. But like a lot of projects these days, they deliberately keep it under wraps, so you’re told very little. All I knew was “Avatar,” and the low-hanging fruit of “Avatar” is the James Cameron “Avatar.” So I thought, “Is it that?” for a second. People have made it into something. 

You have to translate this animated character, and you’re taking on a franchise that people feel very strongly about. What was it like coming into this? It’s not your first rodeo walking into a franchise that people love.  

It is the first in terms of the makeup of the cast and a lot of people behind the camera. It was almost entirely Asian and First Nations, and it was just this incredibly diverse team. I’ve never been part of anything like that before. A lot of people I knew from other things, so that felt comfortable in a new way, like seeing familiar faces or people I’ve wanted to meet and never gotten to. Daniel Dae Kim, for years since “Lost” we were always like, “We should do something together.” Finally, we’re in something together. 

As far as the "beloved" quality, I watched the animated thing just to see what I was getting into. The character in the animated series, my impression is that he’s drawn with very broad strokes, and it’s anyone’s guess how he got that way. I saw a lot of room to humanize him because it was kind of up to me how I did that, so that was fun. 

Ken, you talk about being on a set, being part of a cast of Asian and indigenous people. I read an interview with you from about two years ago where you said, “When I started my career, I didn’t know if there was going to be a place for me as an Asian American actor.”

True. But, I also didn’t worry about it. I knew I needed to act. I knew it gave me something that I was missing in my upbringing. It gave me a safe space to investigate what this is. I wasn't practiced in that, and being able to do it in a pretend setting, it’s safe, you're given the words that you need to say. You can really look into, "What are feelings? What do I do with them in the presence of another person?" I think I needed that as a person. I didn’t really think about career longevity, I didn’t really have reason to anticipate anything long-term, but I also didn’t care. I know it’s going to benefit me for as long as it’ll have me, so that’s why I persevered in it. 

And yet, you have lived through numerous decades now in this industry where things have changed. You’re a parent, you're looking at the characters your child is growing up watching. What do you think has shifted, and what do you think still needs to change in terms of casting, in terms of representation? 

I think we’re finally in a place where we can start. It’s like you weren’t allowed in the room before, then you were allowed in the room, but we were still doing this stuff over here while you’re standing over there. Finally, we’re looking at you and we’re saying, “Hey, you’re in the room. Who are you?” It’s like anything is possible. What you want to share is, like I said, not anybody’s guess, but it’s up to you. It could be anything. So all possibilities are open to us now, and we can finally start. You can start being in the room instead of just being there physically or nominally. 

"If that’s not an, 'I’m there,' moment, I don’t know what is. "

Earlier you talked about your opening scene in this season of “Industry” where you are basically being coronated, you’ve arrived. Have you had a moment like that in your career where you thought, “Oh, this is it. This is different. Something shifted. I’m there”?

Maybe standing in front of the actual Millennium Falcon, just something you never dream about. I think it was that, and watching Han Solo and Leia share what turns out to be their final moments together, and being there for it. That’s from your childhood, so if that’s not an, “I’m there,” moment, “I'm here,” moment, I don’t know what is. 

You play anger like nobody’s business. Your first film role in “Rush Hour,” you're an angry guy. You're doing anger now and it’s nearly 30 years later. What is different about playing that very masculine anger as a young person and revisiting it now as a less young person? 

Well, for Rush Hour, I had this whole character history that was never part of the story. It was never going to be part of the story. It had to do with why my hair was bleached. Also, it was my first film and, as far as I knew, it was going to be my last film. I didn’t know. I couldn’t count on doing another one. So, with that history, I just threw everything into it in a kind of devil-may-care way. Now, it’s not so devil-may-care. The difference now is, I wouldn’t even call it anger anymore. I obviously know what you’re saying, but now it has layers of what that is about as far as who I’m playing, not so much anger as its own thing, but it’s more baked into how I build whoever I’m playing. It’s less devil-may-care. The older you get, the more you know what goes where.

You’ve been in some big, big franchises like “Star Wars,” “Avatar,” “Saw,” "Lost." You’re going to be in the "Joker' sequel. Is there a franchise that you still feel like, “This is the one I really want to do. I want to be a Ghostbuster, I want to be a Bond villain?”

It’s over now, but I loved “Breaking Bad.” I think it’s the greatest show ever.

You know the Vietnam Memorial? You go to the Vietnam Memorial and you see one name, two names, people who have died in the Vietnam War. Then you walk, and then you see a dozen names, and you keep walking. Before you know it, you’re surrounded by names. As far as in the context of a TV show, you start with nothing, one little thing, and you keep going. It’s the “before you know it” element.

It’s a lot like acting in my life. I just want to do it because it teaches me how to say hello, and I’m going to keep doing it. Then, before you know it, I can have a conversation with you now. I don’t know if I could have done this when I started. I’d have been all awkward, or not know what to say, or be conscious of not knowing what to say and then become a mess, like maybe a lot of us growing up. It’s given me this facility, and this self-possession. 

“The Olympics of lying”: Pete Buttigieg blasts Trump for verified 162 lies told at recent presser

Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg spoke to Dana Bash on Sunday, during a segment of CNN’s “State of the Union,” weighing in on JD Vance presenting himself as someone who is "suddenly very particular about precision in speech and very concerned about honesty," directing attention to the man he's running with, Donald Trump, who was recently called out for making 162 misstatements, exaggerations and outright lies during his hour-long news conference on Thursday, fact-checked by NPR

On the subject of Vance stating in a recent interview of his own on CNN that Kamala Harris' VP pick, Tim Walz, lied about his military service for "political gain," Buttigieg told Bash:

"There’s something I think much bigger at play here . . . He’s running with Donald Trump, somebody who has set records for lying in public life. He just gave a press conference where fact-checkers estimate that he told 162 distortions or lies that, frankly, is just impressive in terms of being able to physically do that. It’s like the Olympics of lying. So maybe just because it’s Sunday morning, I can’t stop thinking about the scripture that says, how can you look at your brother and say, let me take the speck out of your eye when you have a plank in your own eye?”

Per NPR, the outlet that ran the numbers on Trump's fibs during his presser as being more than two a minute, Vance's questioning of Walz' service was met with grace by his opponents. In a statement from the Harris campaign, they write:

“In his 24 years of service, the governor carried, fired and trained others to use weapons of war innumerable times. Governor Walz would never insult or undermine any American's service to this country — in fact, he thanks Senator Vance for putting his life on the line for our country. It's the American way."

 

 

 

Kamala Harris appeals to progressives with a promise to “take on price gouging”

Vice President Kamala Harris is expected to tackle price gouging by corporations in her campaign, much to the enthusiasm of progressives who are counting on Harris to do more than Biden has done to combat food inflation.

Last week, Harris told a campaign rally in Atlanta that she would “take on price gouging and bring down costs” on “Day One” of her presidency.

That promise comes a few months after Biden called out so-called “shrinkflation” — the phenomenon of items shrinking in size, quantity, or, even, quality while their prices remain the same — during his annual State of the Union address to Congress. “Too many corporations raise prices to pad the profits, charging more and more for less and less,” the president said. He also joked about the candy bar Snickers, saying they are now smaller in size but available for the same price.

“The snack companies think you won’t notice if they change the size of the bag and put a hell of a lot fewer — same size bag — put fewer chips in it,” Biden added.

The president previously called out shrinkflation in anticipation of the Super Bowl and asked companies to “put a stop to this” in a game day commercial.

“I've had enough of what they call shrinkflation,” he said. “It's a rip-off.

“Some companies are trying to pull a fast one by shrinking the products little by little and hoping you won't notice," he said. "I'm calling on companies to put a stop to this.”

Although Biden vowed to fight high food prices and shrinkflation, he’s failed to wield executive power to target food retailers and major corporations at the center of the issue, per the request of progressives. Biden, however, has touted Sen. Bob Casey’s bill focused on shrinkflation, which he co-introduced alongside Sen. Elizabeth Warren, D-Mass. The Shrinkflation Prevention Act would allow the Federal Trade Commission and state attorneys general to crack down on corporations that reduce product size without a reduction in price. Section 5 of the Federal Trade Commission Act already prohibits “unfair or deceptive acts or practices in or affecting commerce.” If the bill is passed, then shrinkflation would also be qualified as unfair and deceptive.

“Corporations are trying to pull the wool over our eyes by shrinking their products without reducing their prices — anyone on a tight budget sees it every time they go to the grocery store,” Casey said. “Pennsylvania families are sick and tired of digging deeper into their wallets for their weekly grocery runs while corporate CEOs laugh all the way to the bank. I’m fighting to crack down on shrinkflation and hold corporations accountable for these deceptive practices.”

Thus far, Casey’s bill has been endorsed by Groundwork Collaborative, a progressive economic policy research group, along with Public Citizen, a non-profit consumer rights advocacy group. The bill currently has seven Democratic co-sponsors including Sens. Tammy Baldwin of Wisconsin, Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts, Jacky Rosen of Nevada, Cory Booker of New Jersey, Sheldon Whitehouse of Rhode Island, Sherrod Brown of Ohio and Patty Murray of Washington, as well Sen. Bernie Sanders. 


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Food inflation is a major topic of concern within the 2024 campaign, both among Democrats and Republicans. In addition to Harris’ promise, Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump has criticized the Biden administration’s policies and asserted that he’ll end the “inflation nightmare.”

According to the United States Department of Agriculture, prices for all food are predicted to increase 2.2%  in 2024. Food-at-home (defined as grocery store or supermarket food purchases) prices are expected to increase 1% while food-away-from-home (defined as restaurant purchases) prices are predicted to increase 4.3%. 

In 2025, prices for all food are predicted to increase 2%, with food-at-home prices expected to increase 0.7% and food-away-from-home prices expected to increase 3%. 

A daring escape from cynicism: Scientist explains why “hopeful skeptics” are outsmarting doomers

I don’t think I’ve ever been so blunt with an author as I was when I spoke with Stanford neuroscientist and professor Jamil Zaki about his new book, “Hope for Cynics: The Surprising Science of Human Goodness.” This thing is more than good — it might as well be required reading for anyone who wants to stay sane in a fractured and frightening world, without sticking their own head in the sand or denying the often harsh data about the state of the world.

Over the course of a couple of weeks, I’d pushed back my reading of the advance copy while tumbling through a wild spiral of pressing environmental news coverage, renewed political debates on immigration in the face of climate change, and some rather grim trend-reporting around vaccine disbelief. All told, it was more than enough for me to begrudge a book titled like a 2008 Barack Obama campaign poster.    

But one Sunday morning at a coffee shop, I set my grudge aside, and plopped down with the 260-page paperback for a skim. When I looked up, the staff were closing up and I’d devoured every page. Start to finish, I was in the grip of what one might describe as a secular “come to Jesus moment” — a “come to data moment” for my inner cynical scientist.

Zaki’s book, I later told him in an interview, is critical reading in a world where cynicism seems like the only justifiable psychological protection one has against climate despair and chaos. Zaki’s discovery here about how human hope and skeptical curiosity can change our daily and collective outcomes in the world isn’t some over-burdened academic reach about miracle drugs or trendy new life-coach talking points.

Rather, its premises and praxis are rooted in an adept, interdisciplinary command of so many others’ work. Woven in Zaki’s affable and deeply considered writing, latter day research into how optimism and hopeful skepticism build out creative problem-solving and intelligence seems to come to life for the first time. Hopefulness, it seems, can indeed be a choice leading to measurably improved outcomes — and here we are offered a clear continuum of logical, clinically studied and peer-reviewed proof.

"Cynicism is an attitude we have towards humanity, but not generally an attitude we have towards specific humans… Cynicism is on our screens, and hopeful skepticism is out there in the world with each other." 

What probably struck me the most is this issue of how cynicism blinds us to problem-solving is a cross-partisan problem of leaning too hard into a sort of defensive posture of cynicism in the face of feeling hopeless. Do you want to speak to any of the political context of this?

Increasingly, you see people adopting a need for chaos. And again, I think that it's one of these interesting things that actually binds people on both the left and the right who are just basically fed up with how things are going. And have decided that — rather than sort of quietly hoping for things to improve — we need to just start over. And that's an impulse that is not always wrong. I mean, certainly there have been many revolutions that have pushed us more towards democracy and egalitarianism in history. But it's also true that people who are high in need for chaos, for instance, are much more likely to believe and share conspiracy theories than those who are not.

So I think that the impulse to change things is great. The impulse to give up on everything and destroy it, maybe you could argue, is less productive, especially when it's driving people in all sorts of different directions that are all just moving them away from the ability to make progress together.

You’ve pointed to a Woodrow Wilson speech in the book to show us how we’ve been here before — in an age of political and social cynicism. Wilson’s excerpt is about the cynicism of his age, and how communities and governments rebuild trust in each other. Your book is suggesting that we’re not just that amid a Gilded Age nihilistic revival, but that social-emotional approaches to our thinking have historical patterns as well.

I really want to acknowledge that if people feel cynical it's a completely natural reaction to a world full of inequality, injustice, corruption and existential threats. That's part of why I wanted to open the book with it, and the book is actually permeated with my own cynicism. I'm not here as some sage on the stage trying to tell you, “Here's how it really is, and you've gotten it all wrong.”

I'm in this place with the reader and I think that there are so many reasons to feel like things must change. But cynicism is what happens when we take those real problems and extrapolate from them into a full-scale theory of what people are like. That is highly destructive to ourselves, to each other, to our communities, and to the goals that we have of overcoming collective problems.

 

One of the reasons I opened that section of the book with that Woodrow Wilson quote, and the idea of the Gilded Age and all the problems that we have, was when I started working on the book, I thought: “We’re stuck. We're losing faith in each other in our institutions all the time so steadily. Is there any victorious story? Is there any triumph that has ever occurred? Where a group of people, a community and nation has gone the other way, gaining trust instead of losing it, gaining unity instead of losing it?”

And I found out through my research, yeah, it's right here. It happened.

In Wilson’s case and in the case of today, that community and government trust means solving the biggest problems the U.S. faces in a way that may mean overhauling institutions. The institutional reorganization requires transparency, which is also required to re-establish this trust. These are big, broad moves. And it seems you’re saying that the time and conditions are right for them.

Yes, and a super majority of Americans agree on things they don't know they agree on. Like, we all hate Citizens United, the majority of us don't like gerrymandering, most of us want greater access to pre-K education. You know, there's just there's a bunch of things that most of us support, like if you pulled out policies from the Green New Deal and give them to voters as individual bullet points. There's so much agreement on what we want. And really, cynicism is very useful for people who don't want us to achieve those collective goals.

Cynicism is what convinces us that it's not just that these things are messed up and we collectively want to fix them — but rather that everything is messed up. and you can't trust anybody. A nation full of people who don't trust each other is much easier to control than a nation of people who are willing and able to band together to stand up for their common beliefs that supersede even things like partisan identity.

You’re arguing in the book here that, instead of facing the world with hardened cynicism, it’s more scientifically helpful to approach it with hopeful skepticism. It seems to me that the necessary skepticism required to dismantle cynicism and rebuild institutions is that same very skepticism that can actually build hope when we apply it toward political activism. By failing to use skepticism against our own political cynicism, we're not equipping ourselves to use it defensively when we’re offered false hope politically. Is that the experience that your research is shown for you?


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Of course, I feel the exhaustion of being told just to vote over and over again, for the same politicians who don't really seem to be moving to — when I'm expected to move towards them and they're never expected to move towards me. It's an exhausting process and it can leave you feeling disenfranchised and alienated from the whole political process. And I know that's how millions of people feel.

You look at the progressive movement [under Wilson] that I think brought us out of national cynicism and into a very hopeful period. What that had to do with is a lot of upward pressure, right? In no way do I think that we should be that, [or] we should put all our faith in politicians. Instead, I think it's about discovering the collective power of citizens to take up social movements. And not to “conspiracize” our way out right into this bubble-wrapped version of reality where we’re all alienated from one another and we trust nothing, but to find the things that we agree on, and then generate upward pressure.

You know, that's why I love the story in that section of the book about the voters — people, voters, not politicians — and the movement to de-gerrymander Michigan. This is a movement created by a 26-year-old person working in a recycling plant who just thought “This is bullshit. There must be a way for us to do this together.”

"If you think things are going to be great, there's no need to do anything — and if you think things are going to be awful, there's also no need to do anything. Hope sits in the middle of those, and it's the experience that will propel us."

So I think that social movements can turn cynicism into skepticism and, in the right moments, actually exert that pressure that can maybe, instead of trusting politicians, force their hand to come with us, even if it's incremental.

The data you’ve laid out talking about the superior cognitive performance and emotional wellness that can be found in groups testing low for traits of cynicism connects to emerging research on similar improvements for people who volunteer for environmental causes. It’s like, I know I'm not stopping the Exxon-Valdez damage by planting a tree, but when my feet are in the dirt, and when the experience of restoration is embodied in this way, there's something going on in this monkey brain of mine in connection with its environment. What is the research telling us about the physicality of developing this pro-social behavior and challenging our cynicism?

So what we would say in the clinical psychology world is that you're describing a locus of control, right? There's a problem. Where is the agent who can do something about that problem? If that agent is me, is there something, some action that I can take, small or large, that will at least contribute?

It talks about the physicality of stress, for instance, right there. The response that we have to threats is supposed to be a response that creates movement — as when you say “fight or flight.” You're supposed to move. Your body is telling you there's a problem and you must take action. And if all you do is just scroll, although that is technically movement of your thumb, it's not enough. And that’s what causes a response. Stress is supposed to be an acute response to a tiger or a flood. A stress response is supposed to last only as long as it takes for you to take the action you need.

This resonates so much with what you're saying and I'd love to see the work that you're pointing to as well in environmental activism, but it makes perfect sense because once you start to take action, then a couple of things happen. You feel efficacious that stress can dissipate. I'm not saying that the threat goes away, where you become complacent, but at least the stress dissipates. And that gives you energy to continue.

I think sometimes people feel as though it's their moral duty to feel really sh**** all the time, but actually feeling really sh**** makes it less likely that you'll do anything that helps. I think that's one thing: taking action allows that stress to abate. A second thing is that taking action helps you find community in common purpose and common cause with others. And that is enormously powerful at the level of our brain and body. We are social creatures after all. That's why I think it's also really important to delineate between cynicism and skepticism, also between hope and optimism.

So you’re not the “this is fine” meme with the dog sitting at a kitchen table in a burning house?

I'm not. [Laughter] I don't think this is fine. But I think that hope is the emotion and the experience of believing that even though things are not at all fine, and they might never be fine, we have some say in that. Optimism is the belief that things will be fine and it can lead to complacency, and cynicism can lead to complacency as well. That's another harsh horseshoe theory actually: if you think things are going to be great, there's no need to do anything, and if you think things are going to be awful, there's also no need to do anything.

Hope sits in the middle of those, and it's the experience that will propel us to do things which then will improve our health and also our efficacy. I'm not playing it up for the pages when I say I struggle a lot with all of these issues. I think that because I do a lot of public speaking and teaching and writing, there's the sense that “oh, this is a person who knows themselves or trusts themselves.”

That couldn't be further from the truth. You know, I'm a really anxious and neurotic person and I've had a lot of trouble in my life feeling safe and feeling like I can trust people for reasons that I lay out in the book as well.

It's also related to what people from Zen and other Buddhist traditions would say, which is that our minds extrapolate so much when we have a negative experience — and as primates who are oriented towards threat and protecting ourselves from threat. We take that information and run and we tell ourselves stories about our lives, about the world, about humanity, that destroy us from the inside out. I think that a lot of both spiritual and clinical traditions are an attempt to just get us to pause — not stop necessarily, but at least pause — and be a little bit more aware of the fact that our minds are often doing this to us. And I think that one of the main messages, from science and from spirituality, is you don't have to listen to that voice all the time. There are other voices inside you as well.

There are notes here about community building that evoke some ideas behind religious traditions about seeing to one’s neighbor. Immigration work comes to mind. Forgive me if it's painting you to be a bit traditional, but it feels like the book is telling me to go volunteer, get out, get offline, interact with people and then decide what you believe politically. There's an element of physicality to this book that can be hard to get across in words.

In many cases, people don't know what other Americans think about immigration. I have a graph in the book showing what Democrats and Republicans actually feel about how restrictive or open our borders should be. And there's an immense amount of overlap across parties. But then if you ask each party what the other one thinks? They think that the other side is extraordinarily extreme, right? Democrats think that Republicans all want to build a wall and bring immigration to zero. And Republicans think that Democrats want to just throw open the borders and allow all of them.

So there's huge misperceptions and I think those are fuel poured on the fire by politicians and, frankly, by right-wing journalists as well. Things like the idea that undocumented immigrants commit more crimes proportionally than U.S. citizens — something that a lot of people believe, and which is the exact opposite of the truth. Or that immigrants will take people's jobs — when it turns out that actually if we were to decrease immigration, farming economies, for instance, would collapse. These are errors that I don't blame people for because they think they're receiving information from sources that they trust. But those thoughts, those beliefs, then turn into visceral fear.

One of the things that is so interesting to me is that cynicism is an attitude we have towards humanity, but not generally an attitude we have towards specific humans. And I try to point out that even though surveys exist showing that Americans’ trust of each other has fallen, Americans’ trust of their own neighborhood and their own community has remained steady. Likewise, we think that crime is getting worse every year, but we don't think the crime in our neighborhood is getting worse. It’s this abstracted sense in which our biases are most likely to take over.

I think that if you want to overcome cynicism and get a little bit more realistic, one thing that you can do is reenter the real world to volunteer in community with people, and just have conversations even. I realize that “touch grass” is not always the deepest message, but I think it's an important one in this particular case.

We tell these narratives about how judgmental everybody is and how poorly all these conversations will go, but the minute that we actually move our feet out of our bedrooms and into the world, we realize how much warmer and friendlier and and more trustworthy people are than we thought.

Cynicism is growing. Cynicism is on our screens, and hopeful skepticism is out there in the world with each other.

Harris and Walz close out first week on campaign trail together at packed rally in Vegas

Capping their first week together on the campaign trail, Vice President Kamala Harris and Minnesota Governor Tim Walz led a packed rally in Las Vegas on Saturday, filling every seat at the Thomas and Mack Center.

According to coverage of the rally by local outlets such as the Nevada Current, over 12,000 people attended the event, and an estimated 4,000 people were turned away by local law enforcement "over concerns people were overheating while waiting to get through event security in triple-digit heat."

With only 87 days until the election at the time of the rally, both the excitement and the crowd size associated with the Harris-Walz campaign has put a hitch in Donald Trump and JD Vance's giddyup, with Trump bemoaning his relatively puny turnout at recent events of his own.

At the Vegas rally, both Harris and Walz continued their established trend of focusing on the positive — a sharp contrast to Trump's recent rally in Montana, where he steered away from any talk of policy to call opposers "freakish" and make fun of their weight — with Walz telling the crowd that Harris and the campaign's supporters have reminded him that politics “can be about goodness.”

“It can be about smiling,” Walz added. “It’s hard work but we can be happy doing it. Kamala Harris has done something we should be forever grateful for. She has brought out the joy in our politics.”

Humble in her address, Harris described herself and Walz as “two middle-class kids,” according to the Las Vegas Review-Journal, sharing an anecdote about having a summer job at McDonald’s in her youth and Walz "being the son of the Nebraskan plains" who grew up working on a farm.

“Think about it,” she said. “Only in America is it possible that the two of them would be running together all the way to the White House.”

“It is my promise to everyone here that when I am president we will continue to fight for working families, including to raise the minimum wage and eliminate taxes on tips for service and hospitality workers,” Harris said.

On Sunday, Harris will attend a major fundraiser in San Francisco to "court West Coast donors," according to NBC News. The event will be attended by Nancy Pelosi, who has represented San Francisco for nearly four decades in Congress.

Donald Trump, Honest Abe and Joe Biden: Which of these things is not like the others?

The worst president in American history is back at it, comparing himself to the best. But this is nothing new — the endless repetition of falsehoods is how propaganda works.

Last week, in his now-infamous appearance at the National Association of Black Journalists convention in Chicago, Donald Trump first questioned Vice President Kamala Harris’ racial identity and then literally claimed he was “the best president for the Black population since Abraham Lincoln.”

Trump started comparing himself with Lincoln at least four years ago. During the 2020 campaign, he began regularly informing us that Lincoln was a Republican — his ever-so-endearing way of boy-splaining a basic and well-known fact he thinks he has discovered.

During that campaign against Joe Biden, Trump started saying that he, like Lincoln, had been treated terribly by the press and probably belonged up there on Mount Rushmore with Lincoln and those other great leaders. (Not that I believe he could name the other three.)

Trump’s since-discarded vice president, Mike Pence, who hails from Indiana — where Lincoln lived for most of his early life — was enlisted to bolster this specious comparison. He recorded what I recall as a strained, somber video at the site of Lincoln’s boyhood cabin in Spencer County. That video seems to have been purged from the internet, but it was widely noted in the news at the time.

In an interview with Fox News that same year, Trump boasted that he’d done more for “the Black community” than any other president, except maybe Lincoln, though the “end result there,” according to him, was “questionable.” (I have no idea what he meant, but none of the possibilities are good ones.) 

In the same interview, Trump helpfully noted that Lincoln had a nickname: According to the most prolific liar in the history of U.S. politics, Abraham Lincoln was “Honest Abe, as we call him.” Earlier this year, facing massive defeats in both civil and criminal cases looming, Trump actually tried out calling himself “Honest Don.”

Schoolchildren learning about the Civil War should first study Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address, delivered Nov. 19, 1863, and then, if they dare, listen to Trump’s incoherent, stream-of-unconsciousness “Gettysburg! Wow!” Address, given there last April, in which he briefly adopted a pseudo-Irish accent while supposedly quoting “Robert E. Lee, who’s no longer in favor.” 

Perhaps children learning about the Civil War should first study Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address and then, if they dare, listen to Trump’s incoherent, stream-of-unconsciousness “Gettysburg! Wow!” Address from last April.

At an Iowa campaign event in January, Trump suggested that he could have outdone Lincoln by negotiating some unspecified solution to the Civil War. “So many mistakes were made. See, there was something I think could have been negotiated, to be honest with you,” he said. Speaking of that fratricidal slaughter that cost more than half a million American lives, Trump said: “It was, I don’t know, it was just different. I just find it  —  I’m so attracted to seeing it.” Sounds a lot like Lincoln to me! 

Trump’s absurd Lincoln comparisons are, of course, only one example of the poor-me whining and ahistorical nonsense that comes out of his mouth 24/7, which continues in his third campaign of sowing disharmony and mistrust among Americans.

During a typically tense exchange at the NABJ event in Chicago, Trump was asked about Republican claims that Harris was “a DEI hire,” something he has hinted at himself without actually saying it. He called such questions “rude and nasty.” (In a recent appearance on David Pakman's show, lawyer and Lincoln Project founder George Conway quipped that Trump is the actual DEI candidate: deranged, egomaniacal and incompetent.)

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After I wrote about Trump’s weird self-comparisons to Lincoln back in 2020, I reflected that it was actually Joe Biden who might be able to claim some similarities with our 16th president, who spoke so movingly of the better angels of our nature and tried to bind a fractured country. Biden would never make such a comparison, but I think it has only gotten stronger.

Biden has tried to be a president for all Americans in terribly fractious times, as Lincoln did. Despite the loathing and excoriation of his foes, Biden has managed to push through several important accomplishments, most notably the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, the CHIPS and Science Act, and the Inflation Reduction Act, all of which are bringing critical jobs and investment to rural counties (most of which didn’t support him). Like the president under whom he previously served, Biden has made clear that he refuses to see a “red” America or a “blue” America, perhaps to his political detriment.

Donald Trump has never tried to appeal to all Americans or truly address their economic needs. He just wants their votes, even if it kills them. His only goal is self-glorification, although he certainly seems to enjoy discrediting and demolishing our democracy. 

No legitimate American historian would call any of Trump’s behavior during his chaotic occupation of the White House Lincolnesque. If anything, he appeared to be acting more often as the president of the Confederacy might.

Beyond a deep respect for the rule of law and knowing the importance of governing for all Americans, Biden is most akin to Lincoln because of how much both men suffered in their lives. The experience of tragedy and grief almost always deepens a person’s empathy and challenges his faith. That certainly happened with both Lincoln and Biden.


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Abraham and Mary Lincoln saw three of their four sons die, one of them while they were in the White House. Lincoln lost his mother when he was nine years old. In 1972, Biden lost his first wife, Nielia, and their one-year-old daughter, Naomi, in a car accident that also severely injured his sons Beau and Hunter. Beau Biden, of course, died of cancer at age 46 in 2015, which was perhaps the main reason Joe Biden did not run for president the following year. 

George Saunders’ “Lincoln in the Bardo” is a brilliant fictional examination of Lincoln’s mind-bending grief at losing his son Willie. We know that Biden grieves whenever he visits a cemetery, and can’t help thinking about Beau. (Do we remember a Trump spokesman mocking the Bidens’ Memorial Day cemetery visit? We certainly should.)

Donald Trump appears pathologically unable to express sorrow or empathy, even at the deaths of those closest to him. He reportedly went to a movie while his older brother, Fred, was dying in a hospital. He chose to bury his first wife, Ivana, behind the first tee at his New Jersey golf course, possibly as a tax dodge.

Whatever his flaws, Joe Biden is soft-spoken, humble, thoughtful, generous, profoundly decent and good-humored, qualities he shares with Lincoln, whose character was forged in poverty, struggle, grief and solitary study. He too was known for his humor, often considered a clear sign of intelligence.

Trump does not possess any of those qualities and doesn’t seem to understand humor, beyond the low art of mocking others and old-guy grousing about things like low water pressure in the toilet. As Salon’s Amanda Marcotte writes, “Trump is not a fan of women laughing, which is no doubt one reason his wife rarely even cracks a smile.” To those not in his cult, Trump is sometimes inadvertently funny, to be sure, but almost always in cringeworthy fashion.  

Biden recently gained the release of dissidents and political prisoners held by Putin, another success in a presidency that began in the worst single month of the COVID pandemic.

In the most fractious era of our nation’s history, Lincoln steadfastly believed in the Union and urged Americans to see each other as friends, not enemies. As we have heard many times in the past four years — and during his passing-the-torch speech from the White House — Biden also steadfastly believes in the unique strengths of America. He warns us, “History is in your hands.”

One thing I couldn’t possibly have known when I wrote previously about Trump’s ludicrous and self-serving Lincoln comparisons was how Biden would be viewed by presidential historians. Of course his term is not yet over, but that thinking has begun to emerge

Lincoln invariably ranks at the top of any such list, but historians already recognize Biden as a consequential president, ranking him at or about No. 14, ahead of both Woodrow Wilson and Ronald Reagan. By a different measure, “overall greatness,” Biden stands shoulder to shoulder with John Adams, our second president. His recent negotiations to gain the release of hostages, dissidents and political prisoners held by Vladimir Putin marks another of his many successes during a presidency that began in the worst single month of the COVID pandemic, a disaster outrageously mishandled by the previous president, who also refused to accept his own defeat in a free and fair election.

Trump incessantly brags about being the best president ever — remember what I said about repetition and propaganda — but he knows he is ranked at or near the very bottom, even by historians who identify as conservative. He was utterly unqualified and twice impeached, he tried to stage an insurrection, he has been convicted of paying hush money and found liable for sexual assault, and he still faces an array of criminal indictments I hardly need to enumerate here. 

After more than a half-century of distinguished service as senator, vice president and now president, Joe Biden’s legacy as a public servant will conclude with his selfless decision to pass the torch to Kamala Harris and finish out his single, remarkably successful term. That may well be the act for which he will be most revered.

In defense of elaborate, unwieldy and fabulous nails – no matter what your profession is

My mom always asks me to see what my new nail set looks like whenever I travel back home to visit my parents in my sleepy hometown. 

My nails this time are covered in a baby blue hue overlaid with bright red airbrushed abstract cherries. I typically love an almond-shaped nail with pretty minimal feminine and delicate detailing. I hold my soft, unburdened by-labor hands out to hers, which have weathered the experiences of cuts, burns and age. 

She always says, “They’re so pretty!” Then she’ll ask how much it costs as I wince in pain thinking about my bank account. In return, she will show me the new gel nail set her local nail tech did on her too. Nails have always been how we’ve bonded.

Nails have always been how we’ve bonded.

Her natural nails used to be long, strong and doll-like just like how mine are now. This was before she owned a restaurant and cut her nails to stubs. Before that though, she’d paint them herself with different shades of drug store nail polish from red, green, blue and sometimes even do French tips. I’d watch her in awe, slowly processing and learning what it meant to be my mother’s version of a woman.

A part of that self-expression is represented in Olympians like Sha’Carri Richardson, Jordan Chiles and Noah Lyles. Medals aren't the only decorations Olympians have been showing off this 2024 Paris Games. Richardson is known for her inches-long theatrical red, white and blue press on nail sets. During her women’s 4×100-meter gold medal win on Friday, the athlete had the words “I’m not back. I’m better,” scrawled in her handwriting on her nails. The nail set featured gaudy silver sequins, red gems and gold hamsa hands on each nail. One nail even sported the Olympic rings. 

This wasn't even Richardson's only set of nails this Olympics. Richardson, who is known for her exuberantly colored wigs, elaborate nails and false eyelashes, pushes boundaries with her bold aesthetics and she knows it. She has changed her nails two other times during the Paris Games. Her first set sported a very patriotic ode to Team USA with red, white and blue polish and gems galore. The other set was a sharp stiletto shape with bright splatters of neon-colored gems like lime green (Brat summer, anyone?), hot pink, sunset orange and a black base. 

Meanwhile, during Chiles' Olympic performance, the gymnast showed off square-shaped, airbrushed blue and red snakeskin tips, separated by a wavy gold line to play with symmetry. And when it comes to Lyles' nails, he kept it funky and fresh too. The gold medal sprinter also showed patriotic support for the U.S. with white stars behind a blue base on a few of his nails. From long acrylic USA nails, short nails with Olympic rings on them, or just funky abstract gel nail art — all of these designs have created extra eye-catching drama beyond the sports. 

However, with lengthy and slightly absurd nails like Richardson and Chiles, it’s easy for people to question how these elite athletes perform. Most people would cut down their nails or choose to simply keep it natural if they're particularly active (like a competitive gymnast or sprinter) just like my former chef mom did. This makes sense.

Richardson has previously been critiqued for having her nails slow her running time. People online have called her nails “gross” and have told Richardson, “Remove the noise, remove the fake nails, focus and let your racing do the talking.”

In 2019, Richardson said in response to the criticism, “I didn’t know the weight of my hair or the length of my nails impact my legs going up & down but OKAYYYYY.” Now the sprinter’s nails are even more obnoxious and impractical. She says of her nail techs, "What they create just matches my energy and my vibe. So we’re locked in some energetic way. We’re all just locked in.” It seems to be working. Richardson is currently considered one of the fastest women in the world.

Gold medal gymnast Chiles has received similar comments with people questioning how she can perform with her nails' particular shape.

Chiles explained to The Associated Press, “A lot of people always ask me how I do gymnastics with such long nails. To tell you the truth, they actually help me with my technique. That's really how I make sure I don't break a nail.”

To all the naysayers who doubt these athletes' abilities because of their long nails, I ask them to look at pioneering nail queen and sprinter Florence Griffith Joyner. Better known as Flo-Jo, she was the first Black woman to win four gold medals and even set a historic record in the 1988 Seoul Games. She became the fastest woman in the world with red, white and blue two-inch square nails as an accessory. She's also one of Richardson's biggest inspirations – both for her speed and her style.

Florence Griffith JoynerFlorence Griffith Joyner of the United States displays her medals at the 1988 Olympic Games during a studio feature in Seoul, South Korea. (Tony Duffy/Allsport/Getty Images)

That is what nails are — an accessory to showcase a strong sense of self.

People like Chiles, Richardson and Flo-Jo allow their athleticism and nails to do the talking for them. It underestimates their talent to assume that because they want to play in fashion and design that their hard work and sometimes superhuman abilities would immediately vanish. Are athletes barred from enjoying their bodies that are so appreciated by millions across the globe? Their bodies are so attached to their performances that shouldn't they be able to revel in their exceptionalness through art? Because that is what nails are — an accessory to showcase a strong sense of self. And also, they're just fun fashion.

For me at least, I grew up associating the image of painted, beautifully ornamental nails with a way to show people I had my life together. There is a sense of relief and tranquility knowing that everything's going to be OK because your nails are done. Whether they are flashy or subtle — people still see me. When they compliment my nails or I compliment theirs — there is a sense that we understand the experience of pampering ourselves and feeling connected to a larger sense of self.

I only really started getting my nails done regularly when I turned 24. My 24th birthday fell on the week of the Barbenheimer cinematic experience. I decided it would be a birthday where I’d get a new tattoo, dye my hair blonde and get Barbie pink, square gel X nails, which is a clear nail tip that lays over your natural nail.

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More than a year later, I can’t stop getting my nails done professionally. Currently, I have cherries on my nails but before this, I had yellow French tips with hibiscus flowers for the summer. Before that, I had a mermaid-inspired gel nail set that glistened like when the sun beats on tropical waters. I've gone through many styles and lengths and broken nails. They may be impractical for my day-to-day but they are now a part of me. While I'm not on the Olympic stage, showing my nails off to millions across the world, the visibility my nails give me with other people is an easy way to communicate and bridge our appreciation for beautiful things.

In my experience, as someone who gets a fresh set every month, this conversation about nails hindering performance is so much larger than just that. Because let me be real, sometimes I struggle to unlock my apartment door with these claws. But regardless of the learning curve attached to long nails, I love the way my nails click-clack against my keyboard as I write 100 words in a minute.

I may not be an Olympian but Richardson, Chiles and Lyles are. I think their nails make them less superhuman and more like people who truly know themselves to the core. And it shows through their long, impractical and sometimes gaudy nails.

Vibes matter: Trump can hardly restrain his jealousy over the Harris campaign’s joy

Evolutionary biologists know why humans spend disproportionate energy on negative thoughts compared to positive: Teasing out threats, real or perceived, is a basic tool of survival.

Three a.m. isn’t the only time negative thoughts seize us. Even when we’re at ease, evolutionary instincts cause us to seek out whiffs of threat, real or imagined. Commonly called the human "negativity bias," we train our mental energy on perceived danger, releasing cortisol and triggering flight or fight instincts that have served mammals from the beginning. 

Donald Trump is a master of manipulating people with negativity and fear. He built a naked tribalism movement on us vs. them vitriol, with immigration, crime, race, and “vermin” of different political views topping his greatest hits. His running mate JD Vance’s negative divisiveness is next level: Hillbilly vs. Silicon Valley, parent vs. childlesscat ladies vs. those with a proper stake in democracy. Almost overnight, Vance served up new antagonisms between voter categories we didn’t even know existed.

Negativity Sells. It also kills.

Stewing in frustration over Kamala Harris’ meteoric rise, Trump can hardly restrain his jealousy. In a revolting pique of petty, confirming that he would destroy America for his own personal gain, Trump insulted American hostages’ release from Russia, praising Putin instead. He then drooled giddy when the stock market tanked last week, clucking, “TRUMP CASH vs. KAMALA CRASH!” but was silent when the market rebounded. 

Trump/Vance obviously understand that negativity sells, they recognize fear in particular as our most primal and powerful motivator. But too many years in the Trump hate machine, amplified by Fox News and similar propaganda, is also making people sick. Not only do negative thoughts lead to aggression and war, but compulsive or repeated negativity makes people physically ill. 

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It’s fairly well known that Trump supporters are more likely to die of COVID and gun-related homicides than the general population; less known is that negative thoughts create neural pathways in the brain that lead to illnesses too. Grievance politics in general may be killing its own adherents, as researchers have shown a gap in mortality rates between Republican and Democratic counties in nine out of 10 causes of death.

Even setting aside COVID deaths, American mortality rates differ by politics across the board, leading one researcher to conclude that “Political environment is a core determinant of health.” The Marquee Medical team explains that “people with high levels of negativity are more likely to suffer from degenerative brain diseases, cardiovascular problems, digestive issues, and (they) recover from sickness much slower than those with a positive mindset.” 

It’s more than a theory. Neural pathways caused by nonstop exposure to Trump’s repetitive, negative thoughts can be detected physically, as most features of neural circuits can be visualized with magnetic resonance imaging. 

Happy Warriors Harris and Walz to the rescue

The outpouring of enthusiasm for Kamala Harris and America’s dad Tim Walz suggests voters have grown tired of political negativity. As vice president, Harris faced relentless Republican criticism over her laugh, spun as unserious and intellectually weak. But now that she is in command, her intellect has become irrefutable, allowing her to embrace her laughter and smile often at the podium.   

Anyone who missed Harris-Walz’ first rally together should treat themselves and watch it. It was a joyful, positive event. Even when Walz delivered his obligatory zingers about Trump and Vance, he did it with humor and without nastiness.  

When he pointed out that crime was up under Trump, he added, laughing, “That's not even counting the crimes he committed!” On Trump’s abortion and culture wars, he delivered a plain spoken message:  “In Minnesota, we respect our neighbors and the personal choices that they make. Even if we wouldn’t make the same choices for ourselves, there’s a golden rule: Mind your own damn business.”

Joy, common sense and positivity have emerged as Harris/Walz superpowers. 

Rolling in the vibe shift 

The contrast between Trump/Vance vitriol and Harris/Walz joy seems to be resonating with voters. Partly, it’s relief. Our political discourse has been poisoned with Trump’s hate-filled spittle for nearly a decade.  We have watched Trump bully so many people that watching Harris/ Walz laugh at him delivers a catharsis. Everyone likes to see a bully get his comeuppance, seeing him get laughed at is a special treat. When the laughter comes from his would-be victim- eg, the one he tries hardest to dominate and bully— it’s delicious.  

Walz first tapped the psychological power of calling Trump/Vance “weird” instead of dangerous. The terms aren’t mutually exclusive, but, Walz intuits, repeatedly warning about how Trump threatens our 250-year-old democracy gives him too much power.  Walz advised, “Don’t lift these guys up like they’re some kind of heroes. Everybody in this room knows—I know it as a teacher—a bully has no self-confidence. A bully has no strength. They have nothing.” 

Not only does worrying about Trump’s Hitler parallels strengthen him, but having Walz defang “socialist” as free lunches for poor students so they can learn and stay off the streets already just feels right.  It feels like the homespun truth America has been waiting for.   

Walz said early, in his first rally with Harris, Thank you, Madam Vice President, for the trust you put in me, but maybe more so, thank you for bringing back the joy.Optimism for America’s future, personal freedom, and yes, joy, are new welcome strangers in the public square.

Like most unhealthy habits in life, negative thoughts can become addictive and can kill you. The good news is, this particular addiction can be broken. It’s been said that it takes 21 days to truly break a habit. We have almost 90 days

Refusing to indict Trump in Arizona was a grave mistake

The phrase “no one is above the law” has a long and storied history. But in the age of Trump it is coming to seem like nothing more than a comforting legal fiction. 

Over the last several years, the former president has given something of a master class in showing how to poke holes in the law. Donald Trump’s record of avoiding responsibility is not perfect, but this past week brought more bad news in the quest to show that he is not above the law. 

As the New York Times reported, “A state grand jury in Arizona that charged 18 people this spring in a scheme that sought to overturn Donald J. Trump’s 2020 election loss wanted to indict him, too.… But prosecutors … recommended that Mr. Trump should not be charged, citing a Justice Department policy that discourages bringing state and federal cases against the same defendant that are largely based on similar facts.”

The Arizona prosecutor’s decision is a serious legal and political mistake.

The Justice Department’s policy specifically establishes “guidelines for the exercise of discretion by appropriate officers of the Department of Justice in determining whether to bring a federal prosecution based on substantially the same act(s) or transactions involved in a prior state or federal proceeding.” It has absolutely nothing to do with what an Arizona prosecutor can or should do.

As the Times noted, “The grand jurors investigating allegations of interference in that state’s election seriously considered bringing charges against Mr. Trump. Some of the grand jurors even appeared to be upset when a state prosecutor suggested they should not.” 

They were right to be upset. The decision to let Trump skate by following the Justice Department policy was purely discretionary, and it was a bad one. 

It further fuels the perception that Trump is a legal Houdini escaping another jam. 

Responding to the chagrin of the grand jurors about the decision not to indict Trump, the prosecutor said, “I know that may be disappointing to some of you.” But it was more than that. It is a disappointment to anyone tired of seeing Trump get off scot-free.

The decision to let Trump skate in Arizona was purely discretionary — and fuels the perception that he's a legal Houdini escaping another jam.

Ultimately, the grand jury indicted 18 people on forgery, fraud and conspiracy charges, including the 11 Republicans who submitted a document falsely claiming Trump had won Arizona, five lawyers connected to the former president, and two former Trump aides. But not Trump.

The decision was odd in another respect. The former president has escaped indictment in the false electors scheme in several other states, including Michigan, Nevada and Wisconsin. 

Georgia is the only state where Trump has been indicted for participating in that scheme. In other places, such as Arizona, he has only been identified as an unindicted co-conspirator.

The fake electors' scheme is, however, also part of special counsel Jack Smith’s indictment of the former president, the disposition of which is pending in Washington before Federal District Judge Tanya Chutkan.

In the ordinary case, “if a single act violates the law of two states, the law treats the act as … [two distinct] offense(s)” and nothing prevents prosecution from proceeding in both states. 

The same is true for offenses that implicate both state and federal law. This is called the “dual sovereignty doctrine.” 

As the U.S. Supreme Court explained in 1985, quoting the original language and spelling of the Fifth Amendment, “The dual sovereignty doctrine provides that when a defendant in a single act violates the ‘peace and dignity’ of two sovereigns by breaking the laws of each, he has committed two distinct ‘offences’ for double jeopardy purposes.”

In applying the doctrine, the justices continued, “The crucial determination is whether the two entities that seek successively to prosecute a defendant for the same course of conduct can be termed separate sovereigns. This determination turns on whether the prosecuting entities' powers to undertake criminal prosecutions derive from separate and independent sources.” 

The court’s ruling concluded, “It has been uniformly held that the States are separate sovereigns with respect to the Federal Government because each State's power to prosecute derives from its inherent sovereignty … and not from the Federal Government. Given the distinct sources of their powers to try a defendant, the States are no less sovereign with respect to each other than they are with respect to the Federal Government.”

So here again, Trump is escaping legal responsibility and getting preferential treatment. He hasn’t done this alone. He has been aided and abetted by a shifting cast of characters, now including an Arizona prosecutor, as well as by unusually good luck.

We’ve seen it all before: Prosecutors and judges exercising their discretion in ways that help the former president make a mockery of the idea that no one is above the law. 

For example, former special counsel Robert Mueller had Trump dead to rights on obstruction of justice, but declined to seek an indictment based on a years-old opinion by the DOJ’s Office of Legal Counsel that recommends against indicting a sitting president. 


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When he appeared before Congress, Mueller said he had “never reached a decision on whether Trump could or should be charged with obstruction because of the OLC guidance…. We did not reach a determination as to whether the president committed a crime." As Rep. Ted Lieu, D-Calif., noted at the time, "a reasonable person looking at these facts could conclude that all three elements of the crime of obstruction of justice have been met.”

That did not stop then-Attorney General William Barr from telling the American public that “after carefully reviewing the facts and legal theories outlined in the report, and in consultation with the Office of Legal Counsel and other Department lawyers, the Deputy Attorney General and I concluded that the evidence developed by the Special Counsel is not sufficient to establish that the President committed an obstruction-of-justice offense. “

Trump benefited again when Barr offered a misreading of the Mueller report to whitewash allegations “that members of the Trump Campaign conspired or coordinated with the Russian government in its election interference activities.”  

Other examples of Trump escaping from legal jeopardy for his misdeeds abound. Think two impeachments and no convictions

One also could cite the Supreme Court’s decision that states could not bar him from the ballot because of his role in the Jan. 6 insurrection or, more recently, the court’s mind-boggling decision that the president has immunity from criminal prosecution for acts undertaken in his official capacity. Then there is Judge Alieen Cannon’s unprecedented dismissal of the classified documents case against Trump on the grounds that the appointment of the special counsel was somehow unconstitutional. 

It seems that the more off the wall Trump’s legal arguments have been, the more his MAGA-friendly judges buy them.

The former president has also benefited from the good fortune of being indicted in Georgia by a prosecutor who had an affair with a subordinate, creating a legal and moral morass that has yet to be untangled. 

This is not to say that the civil judgments that have been entered against him and his criminal convictions do not matter. They do. 

But Trump’s win-loss record in slowing down the wheels of justice and evading legal responsibility is both impressive and deeply corrosive of Americans’ faith in the rule of law. That is why the Arizona prosecutor’s grave misjudgment matters so much.  

It means that what unfolds in Judge Chutkan’s courtroom, when she picks up the pieces in the Jan. 6 election interference case, and when Trump is finally sentenced next month in the New York hush-money case, is more important than ever. Those judgments can help reassure Americans that when it comes to Donald Trump, the idea that no one is above the law is more than a comforting fiction.

Why is the U.S. spending $2 trillion on more weapons that could end the world?

The Pentagon is in the midst of a massive $2 trillion multiyear plan to build a new generation of nuclear-armed missiles, bombers and submarines. A large chunk of that funding will go to major nuclear weapons contractors like Bechtel, General Dynamics, Honeywell, Lockheed Martin and Northrop Grumman. And they will do everything in their power to keep that money flowing.

This January, a review of the Sentinel intercontinental ballistic missile program under the Nunn-McCurdy Act — a congressional provision designed to rein in cost overruns of Pentagon weapons programs — found that the missile, the crown jewel of the nuclear overhaul plan involving 450 missile-holding silos spread across five states, is already 81% over its original budget. It is now estimated that it will cost a total of nearly $141 billion to develop and purchase, a figure only likely to rise in the future.

That Pentagon review had the option of canceling the Sentinel program because of such a staggering cost increase. Instead, it doubled down on the program, asserting that it would be an essential element of any future nuclear deterrent and must continue, even if the funding for other defense programs has to be cut to make way for it. In justifying the decision, Deputy Defense Secretary William LaPlante stated: “We are fully aware of the costs, but we are also aware of the risks of not modernizing our nuclear forces and not addressing the very real threats we confront.”

Cost is indeed one significant issue, but the biggest risk to the rest of us comes from continuing to build and deploy ICBMs, rather than delaying or shelving the Sentinel program. As former Secretary of Defense William Perry has noted, ICBMs are “some of the most dangerous weapons in the world” because they “could trigger an accidental nuclear war.” As he explained, a president warned (accurately or not) of an enemy nuclear attack would have only minutes to decide whether to launch such ICBMs and conceivably devastate the planet.

Possessing such potentially world-ending systems only increases the possibility of an unintended nuclear conflict prompted by a false alarm. And as Norman Solomon and the late Daniel Ellsberg once wrote, “If reducing the dangers of nuclear war is a goal, the top priority should be to remove the triad’s ground-based leg — not modernize it.” 

This is no small matter. It is believed that a large-scale nuclear exchange could result in more than 5 billion of us humans dying, once the possibility of a “nuclear winter” and the potential destruction of agriculture across much of the planet is taken into account, according to an analysis by International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War.

In short, the need to reduce nuclear risks by eliminating such ICBMs could not be more urgent. The Bulletin of Atomic Scientists’ “Doomsday Clock” — an estimate of how close the world may be at any moment to a nuclear conflict — is now set at 90 seconds to midnight, the closest it’s been since that tracker was first created in 1947. And just this June, Russian President Vladimir Putin signed a mutual defense agreement with North Korean leader Kim Jong-un, a potential first step toward a drive by Moscow to help Pyongyang expand its nuclear arsenal further. And of the nine countries now possessing nuclear weapons, it’s hardly the only one other than the U.S. in an expansionist phase. 

Considering the rising tide of nuclear escalation globally, is it really the right time for this country to invest a fortune of taxpayer dollars in a new generation of devastating “use them or lose them” weapons? The American public has long said no, according to a 2020 poll by the University of Maryland’s Program for Public Consultation, which showed that 61% of us actually support phasing out ICBM systems like the Sentinel.

The Pentagon’s misguided plan to keep such ICBMs in the U.S arsenal for decades to come is only reinforced by the political power of members of Congress and the companies that benefit financially from the current buildup. 

Who decides? The role of the ICBM lobby

A prime example of the power of the nuclear weapons lobby is the Senate ICBM Coalition. That group is composed of senators from four states — Montana, North Dakota, Utah and Wyoming — that either house major ICBM bases or host significant work on the Sentinel. Perhaps you won’t be surprised to learn that the members of that coalition have received more than $3 million in donations from firms involved in the production of the Sentinel over the past four election cycles. Nor were they alone. ICBM contractors made contributions to 92 of the 100 senators and 413 of the 435 house members in 2024. Some received hundreds of thousands of dollars.

In any given year, the arms industry employs between 800 and 1,000 lobbyists. Most of them come through the “revolving door” from careers in the Pentagon, Congress or the executive branch.

The nuclear lobby paid special attention to members of the armed services committees in the House and Senate. For example, Rep. Mike Turner, a Republican from Ohio, has been a relentless advocate of “modernizing” the nuclear arsenal. In a June 2024 talk at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, which itself has received well over a million dollars in funding from nuclear weapons producers, he called for systematically upgrading the nuclear arsenal for decades to come, while chiding any of his congressional colleagues not taking such an aggressive stance on the subject.

Although Turner vigorously touts the need for a costly nuclear buildup, he fails to mention that, with $305,000 in donations, he’s been the fourth-highest recipient of funding from the ICBM lobby over the four elections between 2018 and 2024. Little wonder that he pushes for new nuclear weapons and staunchly opposes extending the New START arms reduction treaty.

In another example of contractor influence, veteran Texas Rep. Kay Granger secured the largest total of contributions from the ICBM lobby of any House member. With $675,000 in missile contractor contributions in hand, Granger went to bat for the lobby, lending a feminist veneer to nuclear “modernization” by giving a speech on her experience as a woman in politics at Northrop Grumman’s Women’s conference. And we’re sure you won’t be surprised that Granger has anything but a strong track record when it comes to keeping the Pentagon and arms makers accountable for waste, fraud and abuse in weapons programs. Her X account is, in fact, littered with posts heaping praise on Lockheed Martin and its overpriced, underperforming F-35 combat aircraft.

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Other recipients of ICBM contractor funding, like Rep. Mike Rogers, R-Ala., have lamented the might of the “far-left disarmament community,” and the undue influence of “anti-nuclear zealots” on our politics. Missing from the statements his office puts together and the speeches his staffers write for him, however, is any mention of the $471,000 in funding he’s received so far from ICBM producers. You won’t be surprised, we’re sure, to discover that Rogers has pledged to seek a provision in the forthcoming National Defense Authorization Act to support the Pentagon’s plan to continue the Sentinel program.

Lobbying dollars and the revolving door

The flood of campaign contributions from ICBM contractors is reinforced by their staggering investments in lobbying. In any given year, the arms industry as a whole employs between 800 and 1,000 lobbyists, well more than one for every member of Congress. Most of those lobbyists hired by ICBM contractors come through the “revolving door” from careers in the Pentagon, Congress or the executive branch. That means they come with the necessary tools for success in Washington: an understanding of the appropriations cycle and close relations with decision-makers on the Hill.

During the last four election cycles, ICBM contractors spent upwards of $226 million on 275 extremely well-paid lobbyists. For example, Bud Cramer, a former Democratic congressman from Alabama who once sat on the defense subcommittee of the House Appropriations Committee, netted $640,000 in fees from Northrop Grumman over a span of six years. He was also a co-founder of the Blue Dog Democrats, an influential conservative faction within the Democratic Party. Perhaps you won’t be surprised to learn that Cramer’s former chief of staff, Jefferies Murray, also lobbies for Northrop Grumman.

While some lobbyists work for one contractor, others have shared allegiances. For example, during his tenure as a lobbyist, former Senate Appropriations Committee Chair Trent Lott received more than $600,000 for his efforts for Raytheon, Textron Inc. and United Technologies (before United Technologies and Raytheon merged to form RX Technologies). Former Virginia congressman Jim Moran similarly received $640,000 from Northrop Grumman and General Dynamics.

Playing the jobs card

The argument of last resort for the Sentinel and similar questionable weapons programs is that they create well-paying jobs in key states and districts. Northrop Grumman has played the jobs card effectively with respect to the Sentinel, claiming it will create 10,000 jobs in its development phase alone, including about 2,250 in the state of Utah, where the hub for the program is located. 


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As a start, however, those 10,000 jobs will help a minuscule fraction of the 167 million-member American workforce. Moreover, Northrop Grumman claims facilities tied to the program will be set up in 32 states. If 2,250 of those jobs end up in Utah, that leaves 7,750 more jobs spread across 31 states — an average of about 250 jobs per state, essentially a rounding error compared to total employment in most localities.

Nor has Northrop Grumman provided any documentation for the number of jobs the Sentinel program will allegedly create. Journalist Taylor Barnes of ReThink Media was rebuffed in her efforts to get a copy of the agreement between Northrop Grumman and the state of Utah that reportedly indicates how many Sentinel-related jobs the company needs to create to get the full subsidy offered to put its primary facility in Utah.

A statement by a Utah official justifying that lack of transparency suggested Northrop Grumman was operating in “a competitive defense industry” and that revealing details of the agreement might somehow harm the company. But any modest financial harm Northrop Grumman might suffer, were those details revealed, pales in comparison with the immense risks and costs of the Sentinel program itself.

The influence of special interest groups and corporate weapons-makers over these life-and-death issues should be considered both a moral outrage and perhaps the ultimate security risk.

There are two major flaws in the jobs argument with respect to the future production of nuclear weapons. First, military spending should be based on security considerations, not pork-barrel politics. Second, as Heidi Peltier of the Costs of War Project has effectively demonstrated, virtually any other expenditure of funds currently devoted to Pentagon programs would create between 9% and 250% more jobs than weapons spending does. If Congress were instead to put such funds into addressing climate change, dealing with future disease epidemics, poverty or homelessness — all serious threats to public safety — the American economy would gain hundreds of thousands of jobs. Choosing to fund those ICBMs instead is, in fact, a job killer, not a job creator.

Unwarranted influence in the nuclear age

Advocates for eliminating ICBMs from the American arsenal make a strong case. (If only they were better heard!) For example, former Rep. John Tierney of the Center for Arms Control and Nonproliferation offered this blunt indictment of ICBMs:

Not only are intercontinental ballistic missiles redundant, but they are prone to a high risk of accidental use.…They do not make us any safer. Their only value is to the defense contractors who line their fat pockets with large cost overruns at the expense of our taxpayers. It has got to stop.

The late Daniel Ellsberg made a similar point in a February 2018 interview with the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists:

You would not have these arsenals, in the U.S. or elsewhere, if it were not the case that it was highly profitable to the military-industrial complex, to the aerospace industry, to the electronics industry and to the weapons design labs to keep modernizing these weapons, improving accuracy, improving launch time, all that. The military-industrial complex that Eisenhower talked about is a very powerful influence. We’ve talked about unwarranted influence. We’ve had that for more than half a century.

Given how the politics of Pentagon spending normally work, that nuclear weapons policy is being so heavily influenced by individuals and organizations profiting from an ongoing arms race should be anything but surprising. Still, in the case of such weaponry, the stakes are so high that critical decisions shouldn’t be determined by parochial politics. The influence of such special interest groups and corporate weapons-makers over life-and-death issues should be considered both a moral outrage and perhaps the ultimate security risk.

Isn’t it finally time for the executive branch and Congress to start assessing the need for ICBMs on their merits, rather than on contractor lobbying, weapons company funding and the sort of strategic thinking that was already outmoded by the end of the 1950s? For that to happen, our representatives would need to hear from their constituents loud and clear.

Trump campaign claiming security breach by Iran government-tied hackers

According to a new report — the details of which are still under investigation — Politico received emails containing "internal communications from a senior Trump campaign official," sent from an AOL email account by a person identifying themselves only as “Robert," and Trump campaign spokesperson, Steven Cheung, is pointing towards “foreign sources hostile to the United States” as being responsible for the data breach.

According to Politico, the emails from the hacker included "a research dossier the campaign had apparently done on Trump’s running mate, Ohio Sen. JD Vance, which was dated Feb. 23," some of which detailed Vance's past criticisms of Trump — identified in the document as “POTENTIAL VULNERABILITIES.” The mysterious situation — which began in July — has yet to be commented on by Iranian government officials, presumed to be behind the breach.

“These documents were obtained illegally from foreign sources hostile to the United States, intended to interfere with the 2024 election and sow chaos throughout our Democratic process,” Cheung said in a statement shared by the outlet. “On Friday, a new report from Microsoft found that Iranian hackers broke into the account of a ‘high ranking official’ on the U.S. presidential campaign in June 2024, which coincides with the close timing of President Trump’s selection of a vice presidential nominee.”

Per Politico, when "Robert" was asked how they obtained the documents, they replied, "I suggest you don’t be curious about where I got them from. Any answer to this question, will compromise me and also legally restricts you from publishing them.”

“The Iranians know that [former] President Trump will stop their reign of terror just like he did in his first four years in the White House,” Cheung said of the campaign's suspicions. 

In “House of the Dragon,” mystic women reach beyond the patriarchal imagination

"You're a strange kind of woman," Daemon Targaryen (Matt Smith) tells Alys Rivers (Gayle Rankin), the resident witch of Harrenhal who intimately, inexplicably understands his every thought and desire. First introduced near the beginning of "House of the Dragon's" second season, Alys perches alongside Daemon throughout his sojourn in the haunted castle, beguiling, provoking and instructing the prince until the season finale, when he, following her directions, steps into the cosmic ether and briefly reunites with another strange woman.

"It's all a story, and you are but one part of it," says Helaena Targaryen (Phia Saban), her voice echoing across the hall. "You know your part. You know what you must do."

While it's not yet fully known how Daemon will use Helaena's guidance, the convergence of these three characters adds additional weight to the idea that the baseborn healer and the neglected queen, two women separated by status and distance, have a hand behind much that will transpire from now until the dragons stop dancing.

Alys occupies the position once held by a maester in leaky, understaffed Harrenhal, even though induction as a so-called "knight of the mind" is reserved strictly for men. Helaena, fortified by Valyrian blood, has claimed the dragon Dreamfyre as her own, but hates the prospect of burning people and refuses to mount her. Unlike most women in Westeros, Alys and Helaena are elevated by circumstance to peer over the constructed limitations of their sex. But instead of leaping across to the other side and trying to adopt the roles of men, they accomplish something more subversive: reaching deep into their well of supernatural powers and recasting their supposed weakness into a kind of influence and authority that far transcends mere politics, war and temporal science.

Alys and Helaena fulfill their truest purpose outside the confines of mind and materiality, using the heart tree of Harrenhal's godswood.

In Westeros, a woman is measured by her supposedly weaker body's ability to perform the rituals of emotional labor so that a man can reap the political benefits, and beget trueborn children so that a man can pass on his family name. She who can command a dragon may ride to war, but that is rare, and even the most esteemed of women are deemed unfit to consider theological questions or the higher learning reserved for maesters. In this context, Alys and Helaena fulfill their truest purpose outside the confines of mind and materiality, using the heart tree of Harrenhal's godswood, a nexus of the Old Gods' power, as their conduit to travel across time and space. It's not the kind of undertaking the maesters would sanction, but it's also not something that the maesters could even comprehend accessing.

“Perhaps magic was once a mighty force in the world, but no longer," Maester Luwin (Donald Sumpter) insists to Bran Stark (Isaac Hempstead Wright) in "A Clash of Kings," the second book of George R.R. Martin's main series. "What little remains is no more than the wisp of smoke that lingers in the air after a great fire has burned out, and even that is fading. Valyria was the last ember, and Valyria is gone."

House of the DragonGayle Rankin as Alys Rivers in "House of the Dragon" (HBO)Luwin, of course, is wrong. Bran, like Alys and Helaena, possesses gifts of magic, and his potential manifests itself only after a fall that deprives him of the ability to ride a horse, stab people with pointy objects, defend the innocent and carry out the other traditional duties of a Westerosi knight. In the eyes of society, Bran has become unmanned by his disability, but while he can no longer walk, he learns how to fly.

Bran's disability and Alys' and Helaena's apparent frailty mirror the pervasive belief in medieval Europe that a woman's weakness trapped them within a body that acted as a "prison for the soul," preventing them from intellectually connecting to God and tempting them with sin. Their defiance of binary patriarchal standards, in turn, reflects a shift in the later medieval period in which women reframed that very notion to claim a relationship with God no less significant than that of men; if they were indeed meek, gentle and weak in body, then they imitated Christ, whose caregiving, affective emotion and physical suffering muddled the negative connotations of those traditionally feminine attributes.

As such, women could access "divinity," initially the exclusive preserve of men, and the social influence that came with it, through embodying the physicality of a sometimes feminine-coded Jesus Christ. "The mother can give her child to suck of her milk, but our precious Mother Jesus can feed us with himself, and does, most courteously and most tenderly, with the blessed sacrament, which is the precious food of true life," wrote Julian of Norwich (c. 1343-1416), an anchoress who documented her visions of God, in "Revelations of Divine Love."

Furthermore, if a woman was susceptible to impulses of the flesh as was commonly believed, then by enduring self-discipline they would prove themselves worthy of receiving and transmitting God's messages. But to experience divine visions through the mortal body came at great physical cost, often in the form of seizures, migraines and other afflictions. Or, perhaps, it was the other way around. Martin alludes to this suffering in his books, where Melisandre of Asshai (Carice van Houten), the red priestess of R'hllor who advises Stannis Baratheon (Stephen Dillane), leaks black, smoking blood and feels fire searing her insides while searching for a vision in the flames.

“It was an art, and like all arts it demanded mastery, discipline, study. Pain. That too," he writes from her point of view, referring to Melisandre's prophetic sight. She believes that her visions do not come from the mind, but from R'hllor himself, who speaks to his chosen people "in a language of ash and cinder and twisting flame that only a god could truly grasp."

Women could access "divinity" . . . through embodying the physicality of a sometimes feminine-coded Jesus Christ.

To some of these women, pain in general could also induce feelings of "indestructible joyness" because of the meaning they found in their suffering. Julian, who was afflicted with a terrible life-threatening illness at age 30, compared Christ's crucifixion to the experience of childbirth as both painful and redemptive, a mother's hardship contrasted with a father's obligation to defend his children with his body. Both were seen, in different ways, as imitating Christ and his passion.

Women who sought spiritual emancipation were not always welcome, especially if they strayed too far from orthodoxy, associated with heretical sects or, in the transition from feudalism to capitalism, frustrated efforts to subjugate women, their labor and their reproductive power into exploited and unpaid economic resources. Ironically, it was the Church's growing tendency to limit female participation in religious life that caused many of them to turn to nonconformist traditions that allowed them to preach the Gospel and engage in theological discussions. Secular and religious authorities who sought to persecute those women suggested that rather than speaking in communion with God, they had, true to their nature as weak-willed and weak-bodied individuals, been seduced by illusions from the Devil.

The Faith of the Seven now dominates religious life in most of Westeros as the state-sanctioned church, dividing men and women among the seven aspects of its great divinity. "The Father rules, the Warrior fights, the Smith labors, and together they perform all that is rightful for a man," says Septon Meribald in "A Feast for Crows." While Helaena appears to worship the Seven as befits a queen, her connection to the Old Gods provides an outlet to express powers far beyond a patriarchal imagination. Unlike some of the bolder mystics of medieval Europe, however, she is relatively circumspect about her powers and thus attracts little unwanted attention. Only when her brother Aemond Targaryen (Ewan Mitchell) keeps badgering her into joining another smallfolk-burning spree does she sharpen her insights and prophecies into threats.

"Will you burn me as you did Aegon?" Helaena asks, referring to their brother the king (Thomas Glynn-Carney). "You burned him and you let him fall."

"What you say is treason," he warns.

"Aegon will be king again. He's yet to see victory. He sits on a wooden throne. And you . . . you'll be dead," she tells Aemond, who loses the will to keep pressing.

Alys does not appear to arouse much suspicion for now, though in "Fire and Blood," one maester will later record that she was a witch who lay with demons and "[brought] forth dead children for the knowledge they gave her." The book also notes that Alys is much older than she looks and can see visions in the flames, much like Melisandre from "A Song of Ice and Fire." The possibility that Alys and Melisandre can tap into the power of two supernatural systems has all sorts of implications, though only Melisandre holds easily visible political power. And in her quest for the truth, Melisandre must contend with enemies whose sordid, hateful imagination of a foreign, baseborn woman with magical and political agency more closely resembles the show's heavily sexualized adaptation of the character than the more complex (but still sexually liberated) portrayal from the books.

If "Game of Thrones" fell into the same Madonna-Whore trap that Martin laid to take apart, "House of the Dragon" is much more careful in its depiction of Alys, who stays comfortably in her clothes. In this regard, she and Helaena hew closer to traditional medieval mysticism, which did not typically use sex for religious emancipation, rather than the practices ascribed to some of the more esoteric heretical sects. In other ways, however, the differences are vast. Martin's world is one in which metaphorical strokes materialize seemingly distant themes into something more palpable; power with responsibility is a fire-breathing dragon, climate change is a horde of icy demons and spiritual conviction is, at times, a command of occult powers with tangible effects.

In Westeros, the fate of the world may well depend on Alys and Helaena, who peer into the wisdom of the Old Gods and convey their insights to Daemon and others who have a part. To most people, they are much like the existential threat that casts its shadow over the margins of their vision — omnipresent, and yet unperceived.

Australia put a unique spin on breakdancing at the Olympics, leading to “disappointing” ridicule

Rachael Gunn, a 36-year-old lecturer at Macquarie University in Sydney, delivered a historic display at the Paris Olympics, representing Australia as their first competing breakdancer. And although Gunn (AKA "Raygun") lost all three of her group matches, she stole the show regardless.

Displaying a series of moves that could easily be mistaken as performance art, people on social media seemed to have a great deal of fun sharing clips of her at the games — referring to her in action as being "possessed by the spirit of Julia Stiles in 'Save the Last Dance'" as she debuted a maneuver now being referred to as "the kangaroo" — which Gunn herself took in stride, although Anna Meares, Australian two-time Olympic cycling gold medallist, viewed the reception as "really disappointing."

In a quote obtained from The Guardian, Gunn comments on what could be seen as trolling for her unique breakdancing and costume choice — which some said resembled a fast food worker's uniform — saying, “All my moves are original. Creativity is really important to me. I go out there and I show my artistry." And there's certainly no doubt about that.

"I was never going to beat these girls on what they do best — the dynamic and the power moves — so I wanted to move differently — be artistic and creative — because how many chances do you get in a lifetime to do that on an international stage?" Gunn said this week to BBC Sport. "I was always the underdog and wanted to make my mark in a different way."

Gunn, who represented Australia in 2021, 2022 and 2023 at the World Breaking Championships, per CNBC, is known as the country's best female breakdancer. Which is fun. 

Shrinking around: Should you stay faithful to your therapist in August?

The whole country's having a mental health crisis over political unrest, foreign wars and climate disasters, all while your therapist — like most in the profession — is away for the month of August. For an urban shrinkaholic like me, being forced off the couch for four weeks can be a scary proposition. If you're anxious about your head doctor's vacation or haven't been making progress, is it wrong to soothe your psyche with someone new who is in town?

"When I go away, I make sure another doctor is covering for me and share their contact info on my phone message and out of office email," Manhattan psychiatrist Carlos Saavedra told me. "A patient's treatment plan may include medication, seeing a trauma specialist or getting more support from Twelve Step meetings, depending on an individual’s needs." But he prefers they discuss it with him first.

My addiction specialist, Dr. W, promoted this type of open relationship, as long as he was "the primary" (as polyamorists and detectives on "Law & Order: SVU" called it). Because I was having a hard time giving up cigarettes, alcohol and pot, he recommended a psychopharmacologist colleague of his, hoping antidepressant medication would ease my extreme withdrawal. It didn't.

Wellbutrin, touted as a stop-smoking aid, almost gave me seizures. The Adderall the doctor prescribed for my potential ADD turned me into a speed freak for 24 hours, proving I didn't have attention-deficit disorder. (If I did, the pills would have calmed me.) He then suggested group therapy and 12-step meetings, but they gave me flashbacks of feeling misplaced as a kid within my big boisterous family. I managed to get clean and sober, improve my career and marriage with the talking cure, preferring to confide in just one person who knew my whole history.

Yet my dependence on him backfired one August, when we had a falling out after I learned that Dr. W had lied to me by treating someone from my life who he'd promised not to. I felt betrayed and told him that he owed me an apology. He replied, "I'm sorry for the imaginary crime you think I committed," which made me want to commit a real crime. Instead, I stopped speaking to him, ready to quit analysis altogether. But his sudden bizarre insensitivity jarred me, causing me to lose sleep and question my sanity. My crisis management strategy became my crisis. I needed a shrink to help me deal with my shrink!

If, as Erica Jong said, "every lover is a reaction against your last," so is every therapist. Dr. W — whose diploma for Ph.D. in clinical psychology hung on the wall of his office in Greenwich Village — was a father figure who I'd seen as kind of my WASP rabbi. For a fresh perspective, I called Vatsal Thakkar, a Connecticut psychiatrist with a M.D. who was younger than me and from a Hindu family. Over a few talk sessions, I chronicled Dr. W's transgression, assuming Dr. Thakkar would take my side.

I needed a shrink to help me deal with my shrink!

"It sounds like he made boundary mistakes," he told me. "But if you build up a man inappropriately, he has to fall."

"Do you mean that he's just human?" I asked. 

"When he helped you quit your addictions, you imbued him with supernatural power," he opined. 

"I did," I conceded. "It felt like magic."

"If he was kind and helpful to you for a long time, his recent behavior is uncharacteristic," Dr. Thakkar calmly said. "What if there's something you can't see that would solve the mystery of why he changed?" He offered the metaphor of a commuter who was angry that a woman in front of him had stopped her SUV in the middle of the street to get something in her backseat. "The furious driver couldn't see that her infant was choking."

The comparison was oddly apt. Not long later, Dr. W emailed me to apologize. His wife had been very sick in the hospital, he admitted, saying he'd lost a whole year. Afraid she wouldn't recover, he wasn't able to compartmentalize to do his job well. If I thought my husband was dying, I wouldn't be able to work either.

"I'm so sorry to hear that," I heard myself saying.

"I'm sure you'll write about this," he commented.

"You're not cheating on your therapist if you're honest about it."

I did. Though I ended our weekly sessions, we later co-authored an addiction book together. Our reconciliation inspired my memoir "The Forgiveness Tour," where I quoted the wisdom Dr. Thakkar shared when he'd become my substitute guru. Ultimately, I realized that taking control of my health and well-being was my job, and looking for Dr. W's replacement saved me. If I'd known it would be so helpful, I might have shrunk around sooner. And it turned out this was a thing; some therapists even vacationed in July to fill the end of summer void.

"I encourage my patients to shop around and try other methods when I'm not available, especially if they want treatments I don't do like CBT, EMDR or grief counseling," Miami psychoanalyst Justena Kavanagh said. "Sometimes, it's helpful to get a second opinion and consider a new approach or multi-layered strategy."

She added, "You're not cheating on your therapist if you're honest about it."

"Look, I don't like when other therapists poach patients, but it's your right to explore other approaches when your regular therapist is away. You should be a smart and open-minded consumer," said Los Angeles psychotherapist and author Dennis Palumbo, who studied Buddhism and has a creative clientele. "If you're stepping out on your therapist in August, try a different modality that might offer illumination. No patient ever came back and told me, 'I liked the other guy better, goodbye.' But they have pointed out something the second therapist suggested they hadn't thought of and wanted to explore with me in September, which enhanced their treatment — and our relationship."