Sexual Harassment

The future of sexual harassment

We've come a long way in our attitudes about sex and the office -- but not far enough. An expert explains

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The future of sexual harassmentA detail from the cover of "Sex and the Office: A History of Gender, Power, and Desire"

These days, it’s impossible to discuss sex in the office without immediately thinking of sexual harassment. The term shows up everywhere, from the campaign trail to, most likely, your nearest office cubicle. But the concept of inappropriate sexual behavior has evolved dramatically since the 1860s, when women first took jobs as clerks in the U.S. Treasury office. Over the past century and a half, people of both sexes have gradually rethought what is and isn’t appropriate sexual behavior in professional environments — a transformation that has paralleled dramatic reconfigurations in our conceptions of gender, equality and work itself.

In her new book, “Sex and the Office: A History of Gender, Power, and Desire,” Julie Berebitsky, professor of history and director of the Women’s Studies Program at Sewanee University and author, previously, of “Like Our Very Own: Adoption and the Changing Culture of Motherhood,” explores a vast array of sources, including advertisements, advice guides, archival sources and actual experiences of male and female office workers, to better understand which of our attitudes have changed, and which have stubbornly remained the same. It’s a dramatic reminder of the fact that men have claimed to be hardwired for sex — and women have been accused of being temptresses seeking special favors — long before Herman Cain and Clarence Thomas.

Salon spoke with Berebitsky over the phone about the evolution of sexual harassment, whether romance in the office is actually allowed, and the future of gender equality in the workplace.

Who coined the term “sexual harassment”? Why was there a need for the term then? How has sexual harassment in the office evolved since the term was coined?

Sexual harassment, the term, was coined in 1975 by a group of feminists at Cornell University who were working in the human relations office. They encountered a woman who had been sexually harassed in one of the science departments by her boss. He was doing things like putting his hand up her dress at office parties and trying to corner her. She was so distressed that she ultimately quit her job. When she couldn’t find another job she tried to apply for unemployment insurance but was turned down because they said she hadn’t quit for cause, she should have put up with her boss’s behavior. She complained to human affairs at Cornell where there were a number of feminists working. They had the first speak-out against sexual harassment in 1975 and the coin was termed. It became a term that activists and women could unite around and turn into a social movement. I argue that one of the reasons why it didn’t become a social issue before the 1970s is that it was too difficult for women who occupied a marginal place in the labor force to come forward.

How has it changed since then? How has sexual harassment in the office evolved since the 1970s when the term became something defined and a movement?

Laws have changed things dramatically. In 1986 the Supreme Court in Meritor v. Vinson declared quid pro quo sexual harassment and hostile environment sexual harassment to be a violation of Title 7. Certainly things have changed dramatically since then, especially in terms of quid pro quo sexual harassment, which is where bosses give favors or wield power in return for something sexual. That type of sexual harassment has dropped dramatically as companies have instituted various policies and awareness programs. Things have changed less in what’s referred to as hostile environment sexual harassment. Here, there’s a certain discourse that women are overly sensitive, that women are making things up, that sometimes women are using an accusation of sexual harassment to get back at a man. Overall there’s still a good deal of distrust towards women. After Herman Cain, the Washington Post did a survey where men were asked, “Are you worried about a false accusation of sexual harassment?” Fully one-quarter of men that were questioned said yes. So there’s still this belief that women lie.

You wrote that “Sex and the Office” isn’t so much a history of sex and the workplace but an attempt to answer the question: Who really needs protection from the predatory intentions of the opposite sex—women or men? This is the question that Americans have been debating since the early 19th century. What’s the answer?

I believe sexual harassment is about power. And I believe that sexual harassment is a form of discrimination because the way it works keeps women out of certain positions. It’s a given that men occupy powerful positions in the workplace. I think women are in more need of protection. I don’t deny that women can harass. And certainly there’s real harassment against gays and lesbians which is a whole other part of the problem—that anyone who doesn’t fit our gender norms can find him or herself under attack—so I think that we need to keep thinking about how our cultural values and a distrust of women in sexual matters work together to keep women down. For example, this whole notion of women as sexual temptresses existed from the minute women first entered the office to the present. Lots of successful women talk about how they have to worry if they’re promoted too quickly or if there’s a hint that have any sort of relationship with the man in charge, they’re going to get tagged that they slept their way to the top. We believe men are sexual creatures and that their sexual behavior, even when inappropriate, is natural. “The Male Brain” by Louann Brizendine M.D., has a chapter titled, “The Brain Below the Belt,” in which she says that men are hardwired in this sexual way. I think on one hand we have a cultural stereotype that women use their sexuality to take advantage of men’s sexual vulnerability. On the other hand we have: Men, that’s just the way they are sexually. I think those two cultural discourses hurt women more than they hurt men.

Why did you choose to focus on harassment of women working in white collar offices as opposed to institutions like schools, factories, hospitals, and private homes that have a longer history of employing women?

One of the things that makes the office so different is that it was widely understood that women and men who worked in the office were middle class. Already in the late 19th century people were saying: “Factory owners are coarse men, they might try to extort sex from the women who work under them, but middle class businessmen wouldn’t.”  I thought that was an interesting issue to examine. By the 1950s, a majority of American women who worked outside the home were employed in white collar jobs. I was interested in looking at cultural representations of behaviors that we would now define as sexual harassment. There are so many films about the white collar workplace, so many pieces of fiction about it, that it really allowed me to expand beyond the study of a more factual “this is what happens to women” approach, and also to talk about cultural representation. People always saw unwanted behaviors as the flip side of wanted behaviors. So we see sexual harassment as something distinct, but historically Americans haven’t made such a rigid distinction. It was just all part of the culture of the office.

Do women take the majority of the blame during instances of sexual harassment at work? If so, why do you think that is?

Before the 1970s, the only time that there had been widespread concern about sexual harassment was in the late 19th and early 20th centuries when many people were saying middle class women were without sexual desire. So here we had these passionless women working in offices in one-on-one situations with men: Will those men take advantage of those women?

Even as some reformers were talking about that, we already had a kind of counter discourse that said, “No, these office women are lust pirates who will destroy a businessman’s marriage. Women use their power over men to get a day off or easier workload.” By the 1920s, that desire to protect women completely vanished. What we see happen historically is that in the 1920s society started to acknowledge that women have sexual desire. At that point it became expected that the modern working girl in an office would know how to handle a man’s attention. If you look at guidebooks in the ’20s and ’30s designed for women workers they say: “It’s likely you’ll encounter a Felix the Feeler, but it’s your job as a modern woman to know how to handle him.” They also advise: “if you can’t deal with Felix the Feeler on your own, you’re going to have to quit because men are the valued employees.” In addition, you see the rise of psychiatry, which diagnoses these men as suffering from a midlife crisis. The problem with that is it says: “This is temporary behavior; we as a society don’t need to see it as a social problem. This man is going through a midlife crisis, eventually he’ll come out of it, and meanwhile the modern girl should be able to handle it.” It absolves the man for any responsibility and says it’s up to the woman to handle his behavior. 

Can you talk a little bit about what happens to a woman in the workplace once she’s accused a co-worker of sexual harassment?

I’m a historian, not an attorney, so this is a place where I’m not quite as confident in my analysis. If an employee accuses a co-worker of sexual harassment, she can take it to her employer and see what he would like to do. If she signed a contract that said: “If I have any problems I agree to solve it through confidential arbitration,” then it would become an in-house process decided through arbitration and she would have to live with the results. This came up with Herman Cain, the arbitration and confidential settlement. If she hadn’t signed that contract she could file a claim with the EEOC (Equal Employment Opportunity Commission) which is the central agency that is charged with enforcing Title 7, which makes sexual harassment illegal. About 12,000 claims are filed each year. The majority of those EEOC cases are settled out of court through arbitration. And then the other option would be to file a private civil case. A lot of men and women still quit.

You mentioned Herman Cain. Presidents Kennedy and Clinton have been accused of sleeping with interns. Do you think that the political office is more prone to sexual harassment?

No, not at all. I think that those cases get a lot of publicity. It’s an understanding that powerful manhood includes sexual access to women. That version of masculinity encourages sexual harassment in some ways. In the 1950s, there was a big scandal where General Electric and other businesses — Edward R. Murrow did an expose of this — were using prostitutes to close deals. And it was just what it meant to be a white collar man. My argument in part is that our cultural understanding of masculinity for businessmen and politicians, that realm, is all about sexual success with women. Sex is part of our understanding of successful men.

In addition to gender in the workplace, you write about race. African-American women were prominent in the first efforts to use the new sexual harassment laws. Why was this group on the forefront?

Most scholars argue that African-American women, because of their experiences of racism and the long history of African-American women sexual assaults from slavery to the present, were more sensitized to the issue and saw it as something that was about power and discrimination before many white women did.

How are other industrialized countries dealing with unwanted sexual attention at work?

France has a different attitude towards sexual attention. It’s not handled legally in the same way, it’s not considered discrimination. All industrialized nations are tackling the problem in some way, and in the last couple of years people have been talking about sexual harassment in India as more and more women enter the labor force there. I think all industrialized nations have certainly acknowledged sexual harassment. Going back to the notion of culture, sex is treated differently in every place. The French, for example, think the U.S. treatment of sexual harassment is crazy, that of course there are going to be romantic relationships in the workplace, that’s just the way things are. Certainly there are prohibitions against sexual harassment in France, but they think we’ve taken it too far.

How do you respond to critics of sexual harassment laws, like Katie Roiphe who wrote in the New York Times, “In our effort to create a wholly unhostile work environment, have we simply created an environment that is hostile in a different way?”

I don’t think she takes it very seriously. Roiphe and others are not really critical of hostile environment sexual harassment. The people who dismiss it always return to the idea of women being overly sensitive or that women just can’t take a joke. In fact, the examples of hostile environment sexual harassment that I’ve found are not minor incidents. The thing to remember is that it’s actually quite difficult to make a sexual harassment claim. At most, 5 to 15 percent of women who experience sexual harassment legally do anything about it. And of those 12,000 cases that the EEOC investigates each year, only about 50 percent are found to have any cause. There’s this unfounded notion that we’re all living in fear of sexual harassment and feminists are making mountains out molehills. These instances are not trivial. One incident in the early 1970s was when a secretary has a co-worker who keeps asking her out. She tells her employer he’s hassling her, the employer tells the man to cool it. But he really doesn’t. It goes on for a number of months, six or eight, until she comes back to her desk after lunch and finds a glass soft drink bottle covered in vaseline, dead flowers in it, and a rambling completely discombobulated note. I think most women would assume that as a threat of rape. In my opinion, men should not be allowed to do that in the workplace. A way to ensure they don’t is to make it illegal. I’ve seen evidence from the late 19th century to the present of bosses who call in their secretary to take dictation and dictate sexually explicit material that has nothing to do with the business at hand, just to watch the woman squirm, to get a thrill. I found a couple of examples where the boss calls the secretary into the office, and he drops his pants in front of her. It’s so bizarre, but it happens. It happened historically, it happens now. We need to take it seriously.

What does the future look like for sex and the office? Will there ever be gender equality in the workplace?

Yes. Someday there will be gender equality in the workplace. The thing to know about sexual harassment is that feminists are not anti-sex. What they are trying to do is create a workplace in which consensual sexual relations are possible, but all of the coercive ones are gone. Where a power element didn’t color relationships in the office. Feminists are not really against consensual sex, they’re skeptical about relationships in which there’s a distinct power differentiation. But the idea is for men and women to be able to work together as equals who are able to enter into romantic and sexual relationships as equals. We just need to get rid of the unwanted and unwelcome relationships that work against gender equality.

Megan L. Wood is an editorial fellow at Salon.

5. Katie Roiphe

The date rape-denier discovered the Internet this year, with embarrassing results

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5. Katie Roiphe

Katie Roiphe discovered long ago that the secret to perpetual employment in the world of ideas is to be a vocal dissenter from the perceived stogy liberalism of your non-white male demographic group. Thus, the success of the Black Republican Pundit and the anti-feminist woman author. No editor ever got fired for printing a “provocative” piece in which a woman — a woman! — trashes feminists.

Twenty years ago, Roiphe got glowing reviews for writing a “courageous” book blaming women for getting raped and attacking feminists for being too zealous in attempting to stop women from getting raped. And arguing that most rape is made up. And saying that women should just understand that men are going to have sex with them against their will if they’re foolish enough to imbibe alcohol. And dismissing statistics about the extent of sexual violence with the academically rigorous method of thinking she’d surely have heard about it if a bunch of her friends had been raped. It was dumb, but it was the ’90s, and that kinda shit sold. (Camille Paglia loved it!)

Some mostly harmless memoirs, one novel and one well-reviewed study of literary marriages later, Roiphe is back in the headlines, again for being a reliable source of controversial-sounding contrarian anti-feminist bullshit. (Seriously, if you’re a struggling woman writer with no soul, consider rape victim-blaming! It’s lucrative!)

This time, Roiphe is saying that what Herman Cain is accused of doing to multiple women is no biggie, because blah blah blah there is no such thing as sexual harassment, just men being men and feminists being too shrill and fragile to handle that.

Obviously there is a line, which if the allegations against Mr. Cain are true, he has crossed, but there are many behaviors loosely included under the creative, capacious rubric of sexual harassment that do not cross that line.

In other words, the news event that led to my writing this column pretty much directly contradicts my point about sexual harassment being the criminalization of perfectly acceptable behavior but on the other hand feminists want to make dirty jokes illegal.

Roiphe is not just a one-note anti-feminist hack, no! She also writes very badly about the Internet and people on the Internet who are mean to Katie Roiphe. At the beginning of this month, Roiphe broke the news that there are Internet commenters who are mean. They accuse Katie Roiphe of being rich, just because she went to Princeton and Harvard and wrote about her nice house in rich people magazine New York and was photographed for that article holding a very expensive-looking handbag. Roiphe basically adopts the “haters gonna hate” line beloved by people serene in their refusal to acknowledge what they’ve done to inspire the hatred. This is a line most utilized by teenagers, because it requires a slightly sociopathic narcissism to imagine that literally everyone who criticizes you is jealous of your wonderfulness.

When people who troll for a living act surprised to discover that their intentionally obnoxious work had the desired effect of annoying a great deal of people, you can generally write that off as more trolling.

Continuing her tour through the most popular hacky Internet trend essay tropes of 2007, Roiphe wrote a piece on how Gawker is stupid, because Gawker made fun of her. The Gawker post that inspired her piece was three years old. Seriously. It was a three-year-old post with three paragraphs and a block quote. Because poor Emily Gould asked Roiphe for a book blurb Roiphe wrote, in October of 2011, a lengthy Slate column in response to three paragraphs Gould wrote making fun of her in May of 2007. “I did not find the piece very wounding,” Roiphe writes, in case you’re worried that she is letting the haters get to her. She totally isn’t! She just devoted a column to how much she didn’t care about the mean thing someone said about her, three years ago, to show how much she is over it.

Though I imagine that with the sheer volume of critical things people have written about Roiphe, because she’s awful, it might simply have taken her three years to work through the backlog. I imagine she’ll respond to this (“Isn’t it interesting that Salon hates me so much, not that I care” by Katie Roiphe) in 2014.

HACKIEST 2011 MOMENT:
A truly wretched and self-parodic Slate column about how the popularity of the book “Go the Fuck to Sleep” — the joke is that it’s like “Goodnight, Moon” with swear words, and that is the full extent of the joke — “means” that dumb yuppie liberal parents are full of bleak existential rage because they aren’t as good at sex-having as Katie Roiphe, because feminist yuppie women have castrated their good yuppie liberal husbands, and Katie Roiphe is operating on a plane you yuppie liberal sex-hating feminists can’t even understand, maaaannn.
- – - – - – - – - -
(Read the introduction here. Read the 2010 Salon Hack 30 List here.)

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Alex Pareene

Alex Pareene writes about politics for Salon and is the author of "The Rude Guide to Mitt." Email him at apareene@salon.com and follow him on Twitter @pareene

Gloria Cain stands by her man

Herman Cain's wife defends her husband as "old school." But the line between protector and harasser can be thin

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Gloria Cain stands by her man Gloria and Herman Cain (Credit: AP)

Yesterday, on the same day that Gloria Cain stood by her man on Fox News against allegations of sexual harassment and assault, GQ published an interview with her husband in which he used the word “manly” six times, to refer to pizza with meat on it. These two interviews were intimately connected.

Speaking to Greta Van Susteren, the kindly Mrs. Cain said she didn’t recognize the man described by his accusers, that her husband “totally respects women.” That is to say, “If you understand what old school is, of that generation where men still wanted to open the doors for women, and if we’re walking along the street, he wants me to walk on the outside, next to the curb. It’s not just me, it’s any woman he’s walking with because old-school people think they’re supposed to be women’s protectors.”

Except for her insistence that she was not ”the little woman at home,” she was describing a man and a marriage that would, in terms of presidential family politics, roll back the clock, past the contradictory you-go-girl model of Sarah Palin and her first dude, past Michelle Obama ribbing her husband and being accused of emasculating him, past everything Hillary Clinton, at various intervals, has stood for. It made George W. and Laura Bush look like egalitarian Scandinavians. Which brings us back to the pizza, an assertion of anxious masculinity that looked to draw sharp lines between men and “sissies” even when it was entirely off-topic.

If that’s the marriage the Cains want for themselves, fine. But being “old school” and a “protector” is not the antithesis of the predatory behavior of which Herman Cain is accused. It’s the natural extension of it. Respecting women as full human beings is not the same as protecting them, particularly if you internalize the dichotomy of the type of woman you stay married to for 43 years and the type of woman whose head you shove toward your crotch.

Watching last night, I believed that Gloria Cain believed her husband and thought that the women were lying. She seemed winningly honest throughout, like your favorite prim but no-nonsense middle-school teacher. Describing their courtship, she openly said she was distinctly unimpressed by Cain’s constant chatter and his ego and his looks. “Did you think he was cute?” Van Susteren asked. “He was OK,” she said dubiously. He pursued her vigorously for a year, and she eventually relented. Had it been exciting to be married to Herman Cain, or exhausting? Gloria Cain said, three times, that it had been exhausting.

But she sounded the most skeptical when asked if her husband would make a good president.

At the end of the segment, an exceedingly awkward family reunion gathered around Van Susteren, who valiantly but unsuccessfully tried her best impression of folksy. Van Susteren ribbed the Cains’ daughter because her parents had revealed her to be — gasp — 40 years old.  Herman Cain remembered how on their first date, he was broke and therefore relieved that Gloria said she wasn’t hungry at dinner afterward. But, Gloria said, remembering how he sped away from the burger joint, she was actually starving. She just didn’t want to seem greedy — or perhaps, though she didn’t say it, unladylike. It was a reminder that even being the kind of woman whom men protect has its ordinary yet exhausting limits.

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Irin Carmon

Irin Carmon is a staff writer for Salon. Follow her on Twitter at @irincarmon or email her at icarmon@salon.com.

Katie Roiphe still doesn’t understand sexual harassment

In a staggeringly wrongheaded NYTimes piece, the controversial writer unloads more of the same-old cliched thinking

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Katie Roiphe still doesn't understand sexual harassmentKatie Roiphe (Credit: Deborah Copaken Kogan/Little, Brown)

Katie Roiphe may disdain blogs, but she was born to troll them. Exactly 20 years after erupting into the public consciousness with a piece that argued that hysterical feminists were unwisely legislating the brawny, intemperate sexual impulses of men and casting women as victims (with anti-rape activism, on campus), she’s back. In the same space, the Op-Ed page of the New York Times, Roiphe argued Sunday that, yes, hysterical feminists are unwisely trying to legislate the brawny, intemperate sexual impulses of men and casting women as victims (with sexual harassment laws, in the workplace).

“The Morning After” – the book that first rape-hysteria piece became – has given way to “Groundhog Day.”

Roiphe, of course, sometimes writes about other things. This year alone, she has written at least two 1,000-word columns about people mocking her. Just as it takes 20 years of repetition to polemicize away sexual violence, it takes at least two tries for Katie to indignantly convince us that her critics haven’t hurt her feelings.

But some things never change, including Roiphe’s blithe refusal, when it comes to making these claims, to look anywhere but her own navel and cocktail party circuit for evidence. (Sure, she has been on her share of campuses. But there’s no indication Roiphe has been in any other type of workplace.) Sunday’s piece is pegged to the accusations against Herman Cain. Even Roiphe sounds bored when she says, “After all these years, we are again debating the definition of unwanted sexual advances and parsing the question of whether a dirty joke in the office is a crime.”

We are? Last I checked, one of the two women with settlements from the National Restaurant Association hasn’t gone public with her story. Karen Kraushaar, who has, can’t legally divulge details, but has alleged that what Cain did was more serious than joke about his wife’s height, as he says he did. Roiphe complains that “sexual harassment includes both demanding sex in exchange for a job or a comment about someone’s dress.”

Let’s recap. Sharon Bialek says Cain groped her and shoved her head towards his crotch with the words, “You want a job, don’t you?” In other words, Herman Cain allegedly demanded sex in exchange for a job. No word on what he said about Bialek’s dress.

Roiphe also suggests workplace creativity might blossom if we removed legal safeguards that protect employees from bosses who exploit their power differentials. Maybe we can blame sexual harassment law for the fact that Cain allegedly used such a cliche.

It’s not clear what Roiphe’s excuse is, though. Back in 1993, in a devastating New Yorker review of Roiphe’s “Morning After,” Katha Pollitt wrote that the “message is one many people want to hear: sexual violence is anomalous, not endemic to American society, and appearances to the contrary can be explained away as a kind of mass hysteria, fomented by man-hating fanatics.” That message is clearly still resonant to the assigning editors of our nation’s large publications, since they keep paying her to repeat it — despite the rhetorical retreads, despite Roiphe’s reporting skills on the topic not having shown improvement since Pollitt first scolded her for not doing her homework. Meanwhile, even her colleague at Slate, where Roiphe has a column, finds her discussion of the issues wrongheaded, reductive and boring. “Is it really still contrarian to worry about the ‘capaciousness’ of the concept of sexual harassment, or the inherently amorphous nature of its definition? These are old arguments, made by defensive men and by women who prefer to sound, and maybe even are, confident that no environment is hostile to them,” asks KJ Dell’Antonia today.

Clearly, someone out there still finds this daring and brave. Luckily, what has changed in the last 20 years is that now we have blogs to tell Roiphe just how and why she is so wrong. In the same vein, there’s already a response to her demand that one show her “a smart, competent young professional woman who is utterly derailed by a verbal unwanted sexual advance or an inappropriate comment about her appearance, and I will show you a rare spotted owl”: The Spotted Owls Tumblr, formed Sunday night in response to Roiphe, will collect firsthand stories of harassment. 

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Irin Carmon

Irin Carmon is a staff writer for Salon. Follow her on Twitter at @irincarmon or email her at icarmon@salon.com.

Did Cain’s accuser act ethically?

The tricky law and politics of confidentiality agreements

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Did Cain's accuser act ethically? Herman Cain (Credit: Reuters)

The sexual harassment and assault accusations against Herman Cain raise an issue often in the news these days: the propriety of confidential agreements. From the facts the public knows, the National Restaurant Association, when it was run by Cain in the 1990s, entered into confidentiality agreements with several female employees who claimed he groped them and were paid to keep quiet about it. Confidentiality agreements have also figured in the controversy over the Catholic Church’s long-standing practices of requiring confidentiality agreements when paying lay complainants for their claims against predatory priests.

Are confidentiality agreements a good thing? They certainly encourage settlement. Most civil litigation, over 95 percent by most reliable estimates, concludes in a settlement. The risks, stress and costs of litigation encourage settling cases. The courts also encourage settlements as measures for judicial economy. And most settlements – in and out of courts – end with confidentiality clauses, which the parties sign, agreeing to keep the charges and settlements confidential. The motive for the defendant is to pay a price to keep a contested charge private, whether or not it is true. Cynics call that practice extortion; realists call it the price of doing business.

But should it be? And when such a deal is done, should the confidentiality ever be breached?

The facts of Cain’s situation are not yet entirely clear. From what has been credibly reported is that the Restaurant Association paid several employees who claimed Cain sexually harassed them. One of these cases reportedly involved litigation; all were settled privately. The complaining women employees agreed to keep their complaints confidential.

But after Politico reported the existence of the agreements, an attorney for one of the employees reported the anonymous charges of his client, embarrassing Cain and possibly derailing his campaign. The public does not know whether the Cain cases were examples of nasty incidents that were covered up, or were exaggerated claims kept quiet because they weren’t worth the battle, or something in between.

The leak of that information was, in my view, unethical. Individuals have a fundamental right of contract, and the women who made these deals took the money, promising to be quiet, then hurt the person whose silence the association thought it had bought. One can’t have it both ways. Either make the claim public, or take the money to be quiet. You can’t have both. A deal is a deal.

The fourth woman, Sharon Bialek, who just came forward, did not sign any confidentiality agreement, and she had every right to make her complaint public –- tardy as it was. Her claim has credence on its merits partly because it follows the revelations of the others, which compounds the question about the broken agreements of the others.

If Herman Cain were not a public figure running for the Republican Party’s presidential nomination, he would have every right to sue any woman who violated the confidentiality agreement whether through surrogates, or themselves. The law holds that contracted conditions of confidentiality are enforceable, and violations should be compensated. Breach of confidentiality in settlement agreements is generally viewed as a breach of contract and remedied in state court. Depending on the state, the usual remedies are damages, injunction, and specific performance. Courts rarely enforce monetary damages as they are harder to prove, but many settlements have liquidated damage clauses, which courts will enforce if they were entered into freely and voluntarily.

As a practical matter, Cain cannot sue them, however wronged he may be.

The larger question

The Catholic Church cases raise the same issue: that is, should courts allow confidentiality agreements when there is a public interest in knowing the information muzzled by these agreements.

In the case of the church, I would say, no, the courts should not permit confidential settlements that shield misconduct that could be repeated. For example, where a faulty car or toxic drug or dangerous structure is concerned, and might hurt others similarly situated, confidential agreements should not be sanctioned by courts. That was the situation with the cases that eventually bankrupted Catholic dioceses in the U.S. and abroad because it was shown that the church as an institution knew about the predatory priests, kept their misconduct quiet, and permitted them to repeat their misconduct.

Some may argue that the Cain situation is comparable to the Catholic Church cases, that sexual harassment, like faulty cars and toxic drugs, is a matter of public policy, that a systemic wrong is under consideration and the defendant should be outed to prevent future misconduct. Opening up the confidentiality agreement, in this line of reasoning, would prevent other similar offenses.

Following that logic, however, any defendant could be deemed a potential repeat offender in every disputed claim, and thus no confidentiality agreements should be permitted. That could be construed as violating people’s right of contract. Most courts would be against it, because it would force most disputes to go to trials.

If the question came before a court now, as a matter of pure law, not politics, I would expect that the Cain confidentiality agreements would be upheld. Only one incident gave rise to a legal complaint in a court case, as I understand, and the complaint was individualized, not systemic on its face.

The others complaints were addressed administratively within the Restaurant Association, as private, contractual matters. Challenging the right to open the confidential agreements years later would not be bullying the women into silence, it would be holding them to contracts they and their lawyers agreed to and were paid for.

Cain isn’t the issue 

There is an important point to be made, one that goes beyond Cain and the Catholic Church. Cain’s complaint that the press manufactured the scandal is naive; revealing stories is what the press does. His complaint that the charges are politically motivated also is naive. The timing suggests that there is a political motive, by the complainants and by his competitors in the primaries, but that is what political campaigns are about.

The point I make here is that private agreements should be honored by the parties. Just about every doctor, lawyer and businessman has settled a charge that he genuinely denied because it was not worth the time and public insult to publicly defend against the claim. Pay the money, bury the charge and move on, holding your nose, is a very common practice. Michael Jackson fans thought he was betrayed when a civil settlement was leaked during a later trial, because he claimed he only agreed to the payoff to avoid negative publicity. Secrecy lubricates dispute resolution.

Whether Cain was guilty of the claims against him or innocent, any of the women who made their claims and took the money, agreeing not to make the claims public, should not have broken their commitment years later. As a matter of policy, that is not proper conduct, whatever one thinks about Herman Cain.

When to keep secrets and when to require openness is a fundamental question our society is continuously balancing. On my scale, institutional issues like those raised by  the Catholic Church cases should be open, and private matters like the Restaurant Association’s should remain private.

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The boyfriend defense

Are single women less credible when charging sexual harassment?

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The boyfriend defenseSharon Bialek (Credit: Reuters/Brendan McDermid)

Sharon Bialek, the woman who went public to accuse Herman Cain of sexual harassment and assault, peppered her prepared statement with a dozen strategic references to her former boyfriend to drive home the point that the Republican presidential candidate’s advances had been unwanted.  In a seven-minute statement, Bialek mentioned her boyfriend every 40 seconds.

The boyfriend was the reason she called up Cain to use him as a possible contact for a job. It was he who suggested she meet Cain, in person, thereby explaining why she would be alone having drinks and dinner with a strange man. This boyfriend (a doctor!) was the plausible explanation for her room upgrade at the Capitol Hilton. He was the reason she rebuffed Cain’s alleged sexual overtures.

Bialek and her legal team wanted no confusion about that fact that she was in a serious relationship and not looking for a date with Cain, a married man who has denied the allegations against him.  But does a woman need a husband or boyfriend to be taken seriously when bringing allegations of sexual misconduct?  Would Bialak’s account of meeting Cain draw more doubt or scrutiny had she not had a knight in shining armor waiting for her at home?

The marital status of a woman bringing allegations of sexual misconduct has been raised before, even if it’s not legally condoned.  When seeking to complain, whether to a manager, human resources, authorities or even friends, victims have been told that their actions must have been “misinterpreted.” The implication is that single girls should just face the fact that they are fair game.

Alexis Moore, a California-based consultant and privacy expert, said she was sexually harassed at the age of 17 during her first job as a bagger at a grocery store. Her manager followed her through aisles, trying to rub against her, smell her hair or dole out lecherous comments.  When she had finally had enough, Moore said, “I did report it but the store manager took me into the office and said, ‘Oh you’re a pretty girl. And single. These things happen.’”

Moore’s response: “You know, I am an attractive lady but there’s no excuse for unwanted advances from a pervert.”

Christopher Olmsted, a discrimination attorney in San Diego, said no lawyer would ever invoke a woman’s marital status in defending a client against sexual harassment. But he concedes that when you “talk about what people’s subconscious predispositions and stereotypes might be, you might say that the general public might have a perception that a young, attractive single woman might be more inclined to be open to romantic overtures than an older woman, married or in a committed relationship.  But there’s all sorts out there and there’s married people who are philandering and there’s single people who are not interested in any sort of relationship with colleagues.”

So in the court of public opinion, celebrity attorney Gloria Allred was determined to have her client’s motives clear for doing something as outlandish as have dinner with a man she hardly knew.

“I think that’s what angered me as a sexual harassment victim,” said Moore, who now also works as an advocate for women who have been harassed.  “It’s so offensive. It doesn’t matter if I have 12 boyfriends or if I’m single on Match.com. Or if I’m a lesbian, for that matter. It really angered me that she had to keep repeating that [she had a boyfriend] in order to defend herself to ‘establish credibility’ or perhaps to be perceived as a real victim.”

Joshua Parkhurst, an employment attorney in New York City, points out that Bialek is not bringing a lawsuit against Cain but is seeking to fight any effort to delegitimize her character or motive.  “She’s not an active litigant in a case. She’s making an appeal to public opinion,” he said.

Parkhurst said that women seeking to expose their alleged harasser will often find themselves in a system that is unwilling to investigate or inclined to believe a “misunderstanding” had occurred. “I’ve found that in some cases where the harassment has been reported to HR, rather than attempting to perform a bona fide investigation, HR will look for alternative explanations. I don’t want to paint with too broad a brush, but often it will come  back [to an accuser] that ‘maybe you were just flirting.’ Or ‘he was just joking.’”

Abigail Saguy, a UCLA professor and author of “What Is Sexual Harassment?,” described Bialek’s statement as an attempt to combat skeptics who are “only too eager to disbelieve a woman’s real motive.”

“She is responding to a reality. Establishing that she had other relationships is one strategy for showing that the advancements were unwelcome, which is not a legal criteria in sexual harassment law but it is something that would be important to convince either a jury or people more publicly,” Saguy said.

Women who come forward with allegations of sexual harassment often see their character and personal life scrutinized in an effort to establish their motive or believability.  But in 2011, a woman’s marital status doesn’t seem like a precise instrument for assessing her overall credibility.

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Victoria Cavaliere is a journalist in New York City. Her work has appeared on NBC, The Cape Argus, Voice of America and Tavis Smiley’s radio show.

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