Evelyn Nieves

America’s pill-popping capital

Welcome to Kermit, W.Va. -- ground zero of the prescription drug epidemic

(Credit: iStockphoto/Salon)
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KERMIT, W.Va. — It takes less than a minute to drive past Kermit, five to tour the place entirely. An old coal mining town with barely 300 residents and one blinking light between the train tracks, Kermit has no supermarket, no clothing store, no main drag. Main Street is really a side street with rows of cottages, its biggest building, the Kermit community center, empty and boarded.

Yet in this tiny town, the Kermit Sav-Rite Pharmacy used to be as busy as a New York deli. Six employees worked the counter, lines at the drive-through window snaked around the square cinder-block building, and the parking lot was full day and night.

Of course, everyone in Kermit — just about everyone in the wooded hollows of Mingo County — knew the Sav-Rite was a pill mill. It handed out Xanax, Lortabs, Vicodin — all manner of the prescription painkillers and anti-anxiety drugs that are crippling Appalachia like a rogue disease — to anyone with an excuse. Kermit, which sits in the poorest, most remote corner of southwest West Virginia at the Kentucky border, was drawing pill addicts from all over the Eastern seaboard. People were throwing pill parties in the parking lot. Trading pills, buying, selling, injecting, snorting, the works.

This went on for years before the law could stop it. In February, more than two years after the DEA and FBI stormed the Sav-Rite, seizing cases of files, its owner, John T. Wooley, pleaded guilty to selling prescription pills by fraudulent means. Wooley, in cahoots with a pill mill “pain management” clinic that existed to sell scripts, was filling prescriptions as if the fate of mankind depended on it.  The Kermit Sav-Rite, along with another one Wooley owned in a tiny hamlet about 10 miles from Kermit, together doled out enough hydrocodone, the main ingredient in Vicodin and Lortabs, for every man, woman and child in West Virginia (population: 1. 8 million). The Sav-Rites moved almost 3.2 million dosage units of hydrocodone in 2006, the year the U.S. attorney used to make a case, compared with the national average of 97,000. Wooley, who sold the Kermit store a few months ago (he lost the other to the feds’ raid), faces four years in prison and a $250,000 fine at his sentencing in May. At 76 years old, he could probably better afford the fine than the time. Agents who raided the Kermit store said cash drawers were so stuffed they couldn’t close.

But shutting down pill mills in these parts is like playing Whac-A-Mole: As soon as a lawless “pain management” clinic or pharmacy is smacked down, others spring up. Investigations take years before prosecutions can be secured.  And pill mills are only part of the problem. Most often, pill addicts get their drugs from friends or on the street. Drug gangs from cities like Detroit, Atlanta and Columbus, Ohio, have also moved in on the action, setting up drug “stores” in residences and other fronts. Almost fondly, people here recall when Oxycontin was jokingly called “hillbilly heroin ”and pill addicts were “pillbillies.” No one is joking now. What is happening in Appalachia, about 10 years into an explosion of prescription drug abuse, is so pervasive a problem that law enforcement officials say they cannot solve it alone.

The West Virginia newspapers offer daily examples of what the Mingo County sheriff, Lonnie Hannah, calls the “spinoffs of drug abuse”: Murders, assaults, robberies, burglaries, domestic violence, child abuse, child neglect, elder abuse, DUIs, overdose deaths. West Virginia, the ninth smallest state, has the highest rate of prescription drug overdose deaths in the nation.

Hannah estimates that two-thirds of the crimes and incidents his department handles are related to pill abuse. Chasing down pill dealing is more than enough work by itself. “It’s all over the county,” Hannah said, at his headquarters in the city of Williamson (nickname: Pill-iamson), the Mingo County seat. Authorities keep busting pill mills and dealers in the city of 3,000 residents, only to see them start up again. “Whenever we move in,” Hannah said, “they move around to someplace else.”

People in these parts have a word for pill abuse: “pilling.”  So much of it goes on that everyone has a story. They know someone who has abused or is abusing pills. They know parents who have lost custody of their children or neighbors who have lost good jobs or friends who have died because of them. They are shocked to hear that in some places in the country, say, San Francisco, pilling is neither a word nor a fact of life.

But that could be changing.  As the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention keeps warning, prescription drug abuse is spreading. Pills, especially Xanax, the anti-anxiety drug manufactured by Pfizer, and Vicodin, Loracet and Lortabs, highly addictive opioid painkillers familiar to anyone who has had a wisdom tooth removed, are being abused more and more, all over. What started out as a situation in poor isolated areas of the country left to their own devices has taken root and spread, across Appalachia and beyond.

You can find pockets of pill abuse from Orange County, Calif., to Staten Island, NY (sometimes now called Pill Island). Nationally, the abuse of prescription pain relievers, as evidenced by treatment submissions, has gone up 430 percent in the last decade, according to a new report by the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration in Washington, D.C. The report says states with the highest rise in prescription painkiller abuse include Maine, Vermont, Delaware, Kentucky, Maryland, Arkansas, Rhode Island and West Virginia.

Last June, pill addiction on Long Island raged into the headlines when a 33-year-old Army veteran, David Laffer, shot and killed four people in a Medford pharmacy while he robbed the store for hydrocodone. A Vicodin addict, he had been getting the drug through doctor shopping — going from one doctor to another to sidestep the monthly limit for scripts — until he lost his job and his insurance.

“If there is a discussion of doctor shopping and prescription pill abuse,” Laffer said upon his sentencing to life without parole, “then perhaps some good can come from this.”

Laffer’s story lingered for barely more than a news cycle. But the spread of pilling may be the saving grace for Appalachia and the other mostly poor, mostly rural parts of the country where little white pills are leveling entire communities.

They offer the cautionary tale: Political leaders, health professionals and community groups in these parts who have been crying for help can show the rest of the country what can happen when pilling runs rampant.

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Once, maybe just a few years ago, domestic mayhem like the kind described in the March 28 Williamson Daily News would have been the talk of Mingo County for days on end.

A 911 call brought sheriff’s deputies to unincorporated Dingess, a cluster of houses off a gutted path that can only generously be called a road. A couple had been fighting over pills.

Officers found 32-year-old Charles Earnest Chapman bleeding from stab wounds over his left eye and his abdomen, blood all over the house, a small white pill and pill residue by a children’s play area, and two kids, barely toddlers, hanging out of wide-open windows. In the yard lay an empty bottle of Lortabs, 90 mg. April Dawn Vance, 24 years old, had stabbed Chapman and fled the house, she told officers, after Chapman had knocked her to the ground, beat her and choked her. The children became wards of the state, the couple wards of the county jail.

The story did not prompt a single comment in the local news. Nor did this home invasion, reported the same week: In Williamson, Mingo County’s big city, with 3,000 residents, a man arrested for robbing a house admitted to another robbery where he and a cohort stalked an 85-year-old man, busted into his house, beat him to the floor and stole $340 from his wallet. Police said the man admitted he used the money he stole from the elderly man to buy pills. The Williamson police chief advised residents to lock their doors and windows and be vigilant.

Shootings have become news briefs. On April 2, a 33-year-old Mingo County woman, an admitted pill addict, was sentenced to 40 years in prison for shooting her husband to death during an argument.

Too many pill stories have knocked the shock out of the populace. Southwest West Virginia in the age of pilling is like a country that has been living with war for so long, people could barely remember peace.

Ask people how pilling started and most blame coal mining and Oxycontin. Miners spend much of their time in backbreaking positions, crouched, bent and folded over, and men anxious to keep their jobs have long relied on strong painkillers to keep going. Oxycontin began making the rounds here in the late 1990s. Its maker, Purdue Pharma, touted it aggressively to doctors as a safer alternative to hydrocodone-based pills like Percocet or Vicodin because of its time-release formulation.

That proved a boon to Purdue Pharma, which sold over $1 billion worth of Oxycontin a year. It also proved a lie: In 2007, Purdue Pharma pleaded guilty in federal court in Virginia to misleading doctors and patients by making false claims about Oxycontin’s safety. It paid a $600 million fine, the only time that Big Pharma has been publicly implicated in the pill abuse epidemic.

These days, the coal mining industry in West Virginia is rife with pilling.  In March, a lobbyist for the West Virginia Coal Association told state lawmakers that the association suspects that miners from Kentucky and Virginia who were suspended after failing mandatory drug tests are now working in West Virginia. West Virginia is considering mandatory drug testing as well, especially after several incidents. In one recent accident, the lobbyist said, a miner high on prescription drugs crashed a locomotive into a mine car, killing a co-worker.

Oxycontin, public health experts and addicts themselves will tell you, is not the most-abused prescription drug in West Virginia. In 2010, the drug was reformulated to make it harder for addicts to crush, snort and inject it.  But public health experts say that even before then, by the mid-2000s, hydrocodone-based pills like Vicodin and Lortabs, and Xanax (generically, alprazolam), a benzodiazepine used to treat anxiety and panic disorder, were the drugs of choice in the dirt-poor areas of Appalachia, along with methadone and Percocet. Research on why points to “social determinants” such as poverty, lack of education and lack of opportunities, said Robert Pack, a public health expert at the East Tennessee University College of Public Health who has been studying pill abuse since 2002.

Mingo County (population.: 27,000), which became famous for the Hatfield-McCoy feud of the late 19th  century and the Matewan union-busting massacre of 1920, is second only to its neighboring county, McDowell, for the highest rate of overdose deaths from pills in West Virginia.  Both counties are poor, McDowell the poorest in the state.

But the women at Crossroads, a kind of halfway house for recovering addicts in the town of Gilbert, at the southern end of Mingo County, come from very mixed backgrounds. Some come from broken homes and awful childhoods, others from loving parents. Some never finished high school, others are college graduates.

They consider themselves lucky. They landed in jail or committed to mental wards and were forced to go clean.

Crossroads, run by the Mingo County STOP  (the Strong Through Our Plan Coalition, a nonprofit community organization focused on drug prevention and treatment), requires a 90-day commitment. But many of the women end up staying longer, some longer than a year, as they earn high school equivalency diplomas and, often, try to regain custody of children they lost to the state.

Crossroads is a white single-wide trailer with a big sign on it; the whole town knows what it is and why its residents are there. But that has not hurt their job prospects. Every woman at Crossroads has a job. Local employers like hiring them, they say, since they know the women are clean and routinely drug-tested.

On a recent visit, the women were buzzing over the break-in, the night before, of one of Gilbert’s four pharmacies. The thieves had sawed through concrete dividing the building’s cinder blocks, the same break-in technique used at the Kermit Sav-Rite some months ago.

Long discussions with six of the eight women, who ranged in age from 21 to 37, found few patterns. Several had started using pills after doing other drugs. Others were given a pill by a friend. One had become hooked after receiving a legitimate prescription.

Most ended up on the Oxy Express, driving 15 hours with others, every two weeks, to central Florida to obtain scripts from pill mills there. Until recent crackdowns in Florida, it was the go-to place for pill heads from Appalachia to get their drugs. They’d buy cheap prescriptions and come up and sell them for five times what they paid. The general price on the street for pills is $1 per milligram, so that a 30 mg. Lortab costs $30. But in rural southern West Virginia, because of the demand, the pills cost more: 30 milligrams for $40, 90 milligrams for $100.

Now, the women said, more pill users are heading to Georgia and other states.

Several of the women became criminals: thieves, armed robbers.  One of them had just found out that her best friend and pill partner, 21 years old, had been sentenced to 30 years in prison for armed robbery.

Christine, a 35-year-old recovering opioid addict from Charleston — she did heroin, pills, “anything I could shoot up” — works as a bookkeeper at a local company.  She had done drugs all through college and for years on end afterward, supporting her habit by selling pills and manufacturing methamphetamine. She was saved, after two overdoses in a month, when her mother and brother had her committed to a hospital. Now, a year and a half after entering Crossroads, she is a sponsor to other women and to inmates at the county jail.

Gilbert, with 450 residents, is not exactly a haven from pilling. Its nickname is Pillbert. The former executive director of Crossroads was forced to quit when she confessed that she herself was in active addiction.  Her husband, a church pastor, was fired from the church after he was spotted at a methadone clinic, receiving treatment for his pill addiction.

But the women at Crossroads tend to come from other parts of the county, or outside it altogether. For them, Gilbert is safer than returning to their own towns.

Christine said she thinks Gilbert will be a great place to raise her son, now 3 years old. She is hoping to get him back from her sister in Columbus within a year.  “Of course,” she said, “nowhere is completely safe.”

Saturday night in Slab City

It's party time at the Range, where weekly sundown concerts draw squattersville residents -- and even tourists

An 11-year-old girl hula-hoops while listeneing to the music at the Range in Slab City. (Credit: Misha Erwitt)
This is Part 2 of a two-part series on Slab City. Read Part 1 here.

SLAB CITY, Calif. — A punishing sun was finally giving way to night, and that meant show time at the Range.

In the desert of southeastern California, about 190 miles east of Los Angeles and 127 feet below sea level, people filed out of trailers and trucks and buses and headed to a stage built on a concrete slab. Under rows of Christmas lights and a million stars, they took their seats on busted sofas, junked lawn chairs, the extracted back seats of old sedans. Then they started hooting. William “Builder Bill” Ross had strapped on his six-string.

“Good audience!” he said, and people hooted some more.

It was Saturday night at Slab City, when people who live here will tell you that the best of the Slabs is on display. Not just the performers who play the Range, but also the audience. Everyone in this remote squattersville off the grid and off the map shows up: the hermits, the tweakers, the preachers, the old-timers, the newcomers, the families.

These weekly sundown concerts at Slab City, made famous by the 2007 film “Into the Wild,” are always packed come November, when trailered retirees from all over the country come here to live free for the winter. But in the last few years, the wretched economy has brought more people who’ve lost everything to Slab City than ever before, and the concerts fill up all the time. About 150 people show even in high summer, nearly double the summer population of Slab City just four years ago.

People come in a party mood, toting six-packs and fifths of whiskey and gin. Dogs roam the stage. Even the families who tend to park far from Slab City’s main drag, fearful that the Imperial County Child Protective Services will take their children away — it does happen — come to watch and perform.

“No, no, don’t talk to me,” a woman with three towheaded children of elementary school age said when approached on a recent night. But otherwise, she seemed happy.

Everyone seemed happy. And Slab City, which likes to bill itself as the last free place in America, a community built by hobos and hippies out of concrete slabs left by a decommissioned WWII-era Marine base, almost seemed like the carefree bohemian haven shown in “Into the Wild.”

The reality is more complicated, of course. People in Slab City are not just very poor, living off SSI checks, if they’re lucky; they’ve survived more than their share of hard knocks. As Patrick McFarland, the pastor of the Slab City Christian Center says, “Everyone here is damaged in some way.”

McFarland calls Slab City “the Last Stop,” the endgame for people who’ve played all their moves in society and have nowhere else to go. That seems fitting. Everyone in Slab City has some sorrowful story. Some can’t bring themselves to discuss it, while for others, the story gushes out right after “hello.” Someone they loved died a horrible death, they lost their children and money to divorce, their best friend robbed and cheated them. They got cancer.

Even the newcomers, who say, “It’s the economy, stupid,” when asked why they’re here, have complicated tales to tell. If you want to know how people end up in a squatters’ camp these days, the Range would be a good place to start.

“My sisters bought me this 35-foot camper after my mother died and told me to move out here,” said Glenn — just Glenn — who moved to Slab City last January.

He had been caretaking his mother for 15 years, he said; then, at 55 years old, he found he had nothing on a résumé to impress employers. No one would hire him. Plus, he had a drug possession conviction, for a small amount of heroin.

“I’m unemployable,” he said, sitting on sofa with his lab mix, Oprah. In a booming economy, he brooded, he would have a job. But 55 is so much older than it used to be. “I know a lot about computers, I can design websites, but who would hire me?” he said. “In a month, I get the last of my inheritance checks. And then what will I do?”

He is better off than most slabbers. His camper has a kitchen, a shower, access to the Internet. He does not rely on the ministries that come to Slab City to give him food. Still, he has found Slab City a difficult adjustment. He is neither a hobo nor a hippie. He does not like communal living. “I’m parked way over by myself,” he said.

Plus, after San Diego’s perfect weather, he was unprepared for the 125-degree days of August at the Slabs, when just walking from one end of his camper to the other took all his energy. He didn’t like the winter sandstorms, either, which send slabbers running with their arms over their faces, as though locusts were raining down.

Newcomers keep discovering that Slab City is not for everyone, or even most people. Charlie B — so many people in Slab City are coy about revealing their real, full names — had moved here last January. He had gotten divorced, then lost his job after he got cancer and couldn’t find another. And that was it. Life was too hard, and too short to keep trying to get by.

“My dream was to go out on Route 66,” said the 55-year-old native of East Tennessee. “I got here right before Christmas, before the sandstorms and the summer. It seemed just fine at the time.” Now, he is thinking of leaving by February.

James Edward, who moved his family to the Slabs nine months ago from Alabama to wait out the recession, said he and his wife were rethinking the move because of their children. A school bus takes their 11-year-old daughter and 14-year-old son to Calipatria, 12 miles away. But the children refuse to let friends see where they live, Edward said. And there are few other children in Slab City. “They hate it,” he said.

But “Drummer Gene” Malone, who ended up in Slab City three years ago after giving up his landscaping business in Staten Island for a woman in Oregon who left him, said his move was an unqualified success. He was free now. “It’s kind of like living in a carnival here,” he said. He had let his hair, mustache and beard grow, to odd lengths, and had stopped bathing.

“I’ve always been in bands,” Malone said, swigging Jack Daniel’s, slurring his words, “and now I get to play and not deal with anything else. What could be better than that?”

Some success stories here are genuine. Builder Bill, so dubbed because he created Slab City’s Range and co-founded its winter-only cafe, the Oasis Club, was an alcoholic, homeless in San Diego. Then, tired of being chased by police he knew by name, 12 years ago, he moved to Slab City.

He stopped drinking and started evaluating how he might live the rest of his days. Slab City was smaller back then, with maybe 50 year-round residents, and many of those were dying off.

“There was a kind of community here,” he said, “but they were such independent sorts that there really wasn’t a community. I thought, ‘I’m on the other side of 50. How the heck am I ever going to meet people, meet that someone, this way?’”

So he built the Range, using two old buses to hold equipment and the generators used to power the lights, the microphones and everything else. He built a refreshment stand out of scrap wood. He gathered old chairs and sofas from junk heaps.

Slab City

Builder Bill, who created Slab City's Range Misha Erwitt

People started organizing shows at the Range. And Builder Bill, now 62, met his goal. “I met my girlfriend here,” he said.

Several couples have courted and married at the Range in the last 10 years, though the ratio of men to women here is about 10-to-1.

Among committed slabbers, the idea of community spaces became contagious. One slabber, who has since died of breast cancer, decided to create a library. She gathered books donated from local libraries in Imperial County and created the Slab City library, “Open 24/7″ on the honor system.

A few years ago, Builder Bill said, his girlfriend started the annual Slab City prom, where couples dress up in donated gowns and tuxes and vie to be king and queen of the slabs. The Range also hosts talent shows, plays, poetry readings.

And the Range has become a big tourist draw. The week before, a Danish film crew came to tape a concert.

The crew even staged a video op by having slabbers light a fire in a trash can off the stage and stand around it, just like they saw in “Into the Wild.” It was 99 degrees, but the slabbers obliged.

Builder Bill didn’t sing or play before he built the Range. And while Slab City seems to have more than its share of people who are musicians or at least musical, it keeps bringing out the performer in people.

The other night, one of the newcomers, a girl no more than 16 years old, probably younger, was introduced by her father, who was fairly busting with pride.

Like most performing slabbers, she sang a song she wrote herself. It went on and on and everyone was very polite. “No pictures!” the father barked at a photographer as she sang. But he encouraged everyone to applaud, and everyone did.

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Apocalyptic squattersville for recession refugees

They come to Slab City, out of work and low on hope, to endure heat, sandstorms and life on the edge SLIDE SHOW

(Credit: Misha Erwitt)

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How George Carranco wound up in Slab City, a squattersville at the end of the earth, is a story for these hard times.

Carranco, an ex-Marine and jack-of-all-trades, lost his job at a factory in San Diego when it shut down, lost his apartment when he couldn’t pay the rent, lost his temporary home when the city towed his van, and lost the van for good when the parking fees climbed to unattainable heights. More than a thousand dollars — might as well have been a million.

Three years of bad breaks later, Carranco had had enough. He revived an ’83 Dodge camper that he picked up for free and, with his girlfriend and five Chihuahuas, headed east, 155 miles from San Diego, to where the roads give up and the desert takes over.

Unwittingly, the 56-year-old Carranco had joined the latest wave of migrants to Slab City: refugees of the recession. Beaten down by a brutal economy, they’re straggling to this desolate outpost of societal dropouts to recover their wits and duck the national malaise.

Of course, Slab City is no city, and no picnic. Some 640 acres of state-owned sand and scrub near the Salton Sea, it offers no electricity, no sewerage, no running water. Once, it was a Marine training base. When it was decommissioned, nothing was left but the concrete slabs where barracks once stood. Gradually, people with souls to mend or demons to kill started camping on the slabs.

Maybe after the apocalypse the world would look like Slab City. Slabbers live in trailers, trucks and old buses scattered as though a twister had tossed them up and dropped them. Power comes from solar panels, batteries and portable generators — you’re rich here if you have one. Signs and structures are made from tires, wires and spare parts.

Until recently, only about 75 to 100 people called Slab City home all year, and they have their own sad stories to tell, usually involving breakups, bankruptcies or booze. But these days, they’re more interested in talking about the newcomers, who’ve swelled the ranks of the year-round population to about 200.

It says something about the state of the nation, slabbers will tell you, shaking their heads, when Slab City is becoming more of a refuge for the down and out than ever before.

“Some people come by foot,” said Ben Morofsky, who is 49 and has lived in Slab City for 22 years. “They’ve lost everything.”

Tent cities started cropping up all over the country once the recession began taking its toll, and a couple, like Dignity Village in Portland, Ore., or Nickelsville, in Seattle, are officially sanctioned by city officials. Dignity Village even makes prospective residents fill out applications

But there is no squat in the country like Slab City. Here, residents make the rules as they go along, and county and state officials let them be unless real trouble happens. Rarely does a sheriff happen by. It’s even rarer still that one is summoned. Utter detachment from the rest of society may be Slab City’s main attraction.

While there are no official statistics on Slab City — no one counts who comes and goes — judging from interviews here, the newcomers are trekking to the slabs from all over. Seattle to Staten Island, San Diego to Tennessee. Single men, mostly, in their 40s and 50s. But couples, too. Even a few families.

“It’s not the best place for kids,” said James Edward, who moved to the slabs nine months ago from Montgomery, Ala., with his wife and two children, 11 and 14 years old. Edward, 38 years old, was working as a regional manager for the Applebee’s restaurant chain, he said, for many hours and not enough pay. He looked and looked, he said, but could not find a better job. So he and his wife decided to ride out the economy at the slabs.

People come here out of desperation. But like Edward, many also want or need a reprieve from the newest normal, where workers toil longer for the same pay in jobs they hate but fear losing. They’ve heard of Slab City through the 2007 film version of “Into the Wild,” and like the rich pageant of life the movie displays.

“Into the Wild’s” Slab City is a hobo-boho Shangri-La. People live free and happy, selling books to tourists for a living, cooking communal meals. They take visitors to Salvation Mountain, a three-story sculpture made of clay, straw and paint that stands near the entrance to the slabs. They have nightly concerts, strum guitars, clink beers around warming fires.

That’s the Slab City that a 25-year-old woman who hitchhiked to Slab City from Kansas wanted when she decided she didn’t want to worry about paying bills all the time. It’s the Slab City that attracted a 48-year-old man who had left his landscaping business in Staten Island for a relationship in Oregon that failed, leaving him with nothing. “Into the Wild” showed him, he said, that there was a happy alternative to going back to Staten Island a bum and moving in with his parents.

Slabbers are friendly. And Slab City does hold weekly concerts. But it is hardly a romantic life.

Only the strong or the mad survive here. During the summer, temperatures reach 125 degrees in the shade, and the runty Joshua trees are precious and few. Just living is a full-time job. Water, which residents buy in the nearby town, is always being hauled, boiled or bottled. Everything is rationed, and chores like washing dishes or cooking take twice as long as in the real world. Bathing is a luxury, one indulged only when very necessary.

The broken-down town of Niland, five miles west, provides a grocery store and post office. For gas or more shopping, slabbers head to Calipatria, 12 miles south, Brawley, 25 miles south, or across the border to Mexicali, about 50 miles down, where a dollar still buys more than it does in the States.

Most slabbers survive on government checks, food stamps and donations from ministries. Come winter, when hundreds of trailered retirees, or snowbirds, descend on the slabs for the season, the regulars make money doing odd jobs for them. Some newcomers come with a little money in their pockets. Others, like Carranco, rely on the kindness of slabbers.

Carranco, with no cellphone or post office box, had been waiting for word from his girlfriend, who had an actual job and a place to stay near Palm Springs, for nearly two months. Then she came back, broke up with him, took their Chihuahuas and his food stamp card.

“Thank goodness for charity,” Carranco said, rocking himself on the remains of a recliner outside his lean-to. It was 105 degrees, getting dark and he had no source of power save for a solar light on top of his camper and batteries for his portable stereo.

A wiry man with sharp cheekbones, black hair to his shoulders and a growing beard, Carranco looks like an apostle from Da Vinci’s “Last Supper.” After a couple of months, new slabbers look like they’ve lived here forever. The men grow beards, the women go gray. People age in dog years. Even the children.

Minister Patrick McFarland, who runs the Slab City Christian Center, a trailer more popular for its daily bread offerings than its sermons, has watched newcomers flee as if being chased.

“It’s kind of a raw experience,” McFarland said. “People don’t expect how hard it is.” He and his wife ran a ministry for outlaw bike groups in Joshua Tree, Calif., before moving here a year and a half ago. Then he was diagnosed with bladder cancer and had to leave for treatment. Back for six months, McFarland still seemed to be adjusting.

He was wondering, he asked an Imperial County sheriff’s deputy who had led an out-of-town visitor to the slabs, whether he could carry a firearm if it was concealed, or displayed?

Neither, without a permit, the deputy said.

“Then, I could carry a knife, I guess,” McFarland said.

The Christian Center had been burglarized a few times, Carranco said, as had his own encampment. The old-timers blamed newcomers who haven’t learned slabber rules.

Jerry Ray Jones, who has lived 62 years the hard way, 26 of them in Slab City, said any article should warn newcomers away.

When he arrived, he said, with a story too long to tell, only about 10 people lived in Slab City. They were bona fide loner types. Crack, meth and liquor brought more people to the slabs, and other reasons. Outright poverty was never No. 1 before now.

You’re a real slabber if you can stick out more than one summer, the saying goes here. But Mary Dillon and her husband had lasted three summers — “Into the Wild” brought them — and they never felt at home.

They were in Niland, buying ice and supplies to take on the road. Dillon, who is 52, said she and her husband were going back to Washington state. They had just sold their trailer, were checking their mail, and were taking off.

Dillon’s husband, a 66-year-old retiree, didn’t want to talk or give his name. He said it was just better that way, given the topic was Slab City.

“We don’t want no trouble,” Dillon said, though she managed to give a sheriff’s deputy an earful about some goings-on at the slabs. “We just want a normal life again.” They had 1,300 miles to drive, and were looking forward to it.

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Oakland votes to permit large marijuana farms

Small medicinal pot growers argue plants capable of producing 21,000 pounds per year would put them out of business

Oakland has moved closer to becoming the first city in the nation to authorize wholesale pot cultivation.

The Oakland City Council voted 5-2 with one abstention late Tuesday in favor of a plan to license four production plants where marijuana would be grown, packaged and processed.

The vote came after more than two hours of public comment, with speakers divided between those who opposed the measure — largely on the grounds that it would put small medical marijuana growers out of business — and those who said it would generate millions of dollars for Oakland in taxes and sales and create hundreds of jobs.

The plants would not be limited in size — one potential applicant for a license wants to open a plant that would produce over 21,000 pounds of pot a year — but they would be heavily taxed and regulated.

Those vying for one of the four licenses would have to pay $211,000 in annual permit fees, carry $2 million worth of liability insurance and be prepared to devote up to 8 percent of gross sales to taxes.

Proponents of the measure also touted the possibility of Oakland becoming the nation’s cannabis capital, especially if California voters approve the legalization of recreational marijuana in November.

“Do you want to be the “Silicon Valley of Cannabis?” said Jeff Wilcox, a local businessman who wants to build “AgraMed,” a 7.4-acre plant with a bakery, a lab and 100,000 square feet of cultivation space.

But Stephen DeAngelo, executive director of Harborside Health Center, the largest medical marijuana dispensary in the world, said small growers were coming to him terrified that the ordinance would mean the end of their livelihoods.

One of the co-sponsors of the ordinance, Rebecca Kaplan, said the ordinance would not take effect until January, giving the council time to come up with a plan for medium-sized growers.

Councilwoman Nancy Nadel said she worried about quality of the product, wanted environmental protections and questioned why the council was voting on the measure now if it wasn’t going to take effect until January.

The measure will go before the council one more time for a final vote, but the outcome isn’t expected to change.

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San Francisco proposes controversial pet sale ban

The city by the Bay stokes anger with a possible outlawing of animal dealing

As Philip Gerrie tells it, the idea of banning pet sales in San Francisco started simply enough, with a proposal to outlaw puppy and kitten mills.

West Hollywood, Calif. had done it, with little fanfare. Why not the city of St. Francis, patron saint of animals, which prides itself on its compassion toward all creatures great and small?

So Gerrie, a bee keeper and secretary of the San Francisco Commission of Animal Control & Welfare, a seven-member advisory board on animal issues to the city’s lawmakers, decided to suggest adding the idea to the commission’s agenda.

“Then we came across the idea of adding small animals as well,” Gerrie recalled, “since all these animals are being euthanized” by animal shelters.

The proposed ban on puppy and kitten mills became a proposed ban on the sale of just about every animal that might end up in a shelter: gerbils, guinea pigs, birds, hamsters, turtles, snakes, rats. Sales of rabbits and chicks are already banned in the city.

The idea came back to bite the commission. It led to the panel’s biggest, longest monthly meeting in recent memory, not to mention blogger fodder around the world.

Animal control and welfare commissioners say all they planned to do at their regularly scheduled meeting Thursday evening was discuss the idea, hear out those on all sides of the issue — pet store owners, rescue groups, pet owners and maybe, just maybe, take a vote on a ban.

After a vote, the proposal would have to find a sponsor, preferably two, on the Board of Supervisors, pass muster as legislation with the city attorney, and then pass the Board.

But once Gerrie’s idea made the front page of The San Francisco Chronicle Thursday — “Sell a guinea pig, go to jail,” the story began — it was famous.

Or infamous. The Chronicle story prompted 793 comments and counting, many playing on only-in-San Francisco stereotypes. “Bay area people truly are nuts!” read a common refrain. It prompted CNN’s Jack Cafferty, who called the idea “not half bad,” to ask readers their thoughts, prompting 15 printed out pages of debate from around the globe.

And the commission’s regularly scheduled meeting, usually attended by a handful of spectators, became a standing room only spectacle of close to 100 people, with some spilling into the hallways, and speakers lined up for hours.

The guinea pig rescue people showed up. The rabbit rescue folks came. The bird rescue people showed up in force, including Mira Tweti, who decried the plight of captive parrots and how often they are dumped by owners who find them too demanding.

“I thought it was the longest meeting we’ve ever had,” Gerrie said, adding that he thought the several hours were productive, brought a lot of attention to the issue nationwide and “got people talking.”

And yet, he said, “I would love to get this behind me.”

That will have to wait a little while. The commission, overwhelmed with varying opinions, voted not to vote, tabling the debate until at least another month.

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Famous SF sea lions leave in droves

Mysterious post-Thanksgiving exodus continues

FILE - In this Jan. 14, 2008 file photo, Tourists watch sea lions on boat docks at Pier 39 in San Francisco. Last month, marine scientists counted more than 1,500 sea lions on fabled Pier 39, a record number that delighted tourists and baffled experts. Why so many? Why were they sticking around? But now, almost all of the sea lions are gone, leaving the experts guessing where they went and why. (AP Photo/Ben Margot)(Credit: AP)

Two mysteries surround a huge herd of sea lions that were hanging out on a pier in San Francisco Bay: Why did so many show up, and why did so many leave at once?

Just last month, Pier 39, famous in San Francisco for its sea lions and the throngs of tourists they attract, was groaning under the weight of more than 1,500 of the animals. The record number delighted tourists and baffled experts.

Marine experts suspect the sea lions came and stayed for the food, then left largely for the same reason.

“Most likely, they left chasing a food source,” said Jeff Boehm, executive director of the Marine Mammal Center in Sausalito, which runs an information center and gift shop at Pier 39. “It’s probably what kept them here in the first place.”

The animals began leaving in droves the day after Thanksgiving, almost as if someone had issued an order. But Boehm said the fact that so many sea lions stayed for so long is even stranger than their disappearance.

“They do move off,” Boehm said, adding that in the fall, older sea lions head to breeding colonies in the Channel Islands, off the coast of Southern California along the Santa Barbara Channel. Younger sea lions, he said, “don’t mind those rules and tend to travel far and wide.”

On Tuesday, 10 sea lions lounged and swam and dove from the docks, spreading themselves out where the animals were stacked three and four deep just a month ago. The bulk of the herd probably followed their favorite foods, sardines and anchovies, Boehm said.

The younger ones still sticking around Pier 39 were enough to satisfy hordes of visitors huddled against the wind to watch them. The sea lions huddled together, dove off the docks, and honked and barked.

“We’re happy with what we see,” said Carmen Fernandez of Miami Beach, Fla., who was watching the sea lions with her husband Carlos.

Despite the sea lions’ abrupt disappearance, Boehm said the Marine Mammal Center is not concerned that they have departed for good. While more than the usual number have left — usually about 40 remain — it is very unlikely, Boehm said, that they won’t come back. By spring, the herd will probably be back, as usual, he said.

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