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Why Biden will find it hard to undo Trump’s costly “America first” trade policy

Since becoming president-elect, Joe Biden has signaled that restoring America’s leadership on the world stage is among his highest priorities — an intention aptly demonstrated by his Cabinet picks.

Biden’s nominees are “ready to lead the world, not retreat from it,” he said on Nov. 24. “America is back.”

Perhaps nowhere is this return more urgent than in trade policy, a topic I follow closely as a scholar of international political economy. Over the past four years, President Donald Trump has ripped up trade deals, launched damaging trade wars and gunked up the workings of international trade organizations.

All of this has ceded global economic leadership to China, as we can see from the trade negotiations Beijing recently oversaw with 14 other Asian nations. In November, the countries met in China’s capital and formally signed what is now the world’s largest regional free trade pact, covering nearly a third of humanity.

Biden no doubt longs to return to some semblance of the “golden era” of U.S. leadership, the half-century following World War II when America helped create and sustain the rules and institutions that fueled globalization.

But after four years of Trump’s “retreat,” it may be harder to return to leading than Biden thinks — thanks to the growing number of Americans on both the right and the left who are skeptical of free trade.

The costs of “America first”

While Trump advocated a trade policy he labeled “America first,” it’s probably not the best description.

The policy has involved applying punitive tariffs on specific products such as steel and aluminum and on whole countries — most notably China — at a scale not seen in decades. But the price to the U.S. has been high.

Trump’s tariffs have cost American businesses and consumers tens of billions of dollars. And they have seriously hurt U.S. farmers and manufacturers by closing off export markets for American products in China and elsewhere. Moreover, the administration has spent tens of billions more trying to aid farmers harmed by the tariffs.

Putting Americans first was also the stated reason behind the president’s decision to withdraw from trade deals like the Trans-Pacific Partnership and focus on bilateral rather than multilateral agreements. Aside from denying American companies the benefits free trade pacts provide, this also has meant the U.S. increasingly sits on the sidelines when global trade rules are being written.

That’s bad news for America because even when rules apply only to the trade agreement in question, they generally serve as a foundation for future deals — including negotiations exclusively with the U.S. So if the U.S. government isn’t at the table, it could have long-term ramifications.

In America’s stead, other powerhouses will seek to dictate the terms of trade with U.S. allies, as Beijing did with the trade accord it signed in November. And Chinese interests — on the environment, labor standards and especially intellectual property protection — are not the same as those of the U.S.

Biden and the populist right

So there are very strong reasons to reengage with the world. Global trade may even be key to helping the U.S. recover from the coronavirus pandemic. But to do so, Biden will have to navigate two groups that could be a thorn in his side.

The first is the populist right — conservative, mostly working-class voters who warmed to Trump’s anti-trade platform in 2016.

Like Trump, they tend to see trade through a nationalist lens in which the “winner takes all.” That is, they understand trade not as beneficial for all parties but rather as a competition that can be won or lost based on who’s running a trade surplus or who’s gaining or losing market share.

Furthermore, as the base of the Republican Party increasingly shifts to encompass less educated white voters, this has critical implications for the GOP. Basic trade theory suggests that, in a rich country such as the United States, lower-skilled workers are hurt by free trade, while skilled workers and capitalists get most of the benefits. This is because lower-income countries will have a comparative advantage in lower-skilled labor.

Many working-class voters are understandably feeling left behind by this new economy and ignored by the government. Free trade has become a target of their ire, helping drive the Republican Party’s shift toward nationalism — and protectionism — and shoving aside the traditional pro-business conservatives.

If Republicans manage to hold onto the Senate in January, it’s very likely that the growing power of the populist right will continue to influence trade skepticism in the party. This would tie Biden’s hands when it comes to negotiating new trade deals or taking other steps that will require Senate approval.

But even if Democrats manage to take the Senate, Biden will likely still need to court these working-class, mostly white voters when he seeks to maintain his congressional majorities in the midterms. Either way, they will remain a potent force well after Trump is gone.

The protectionist left

But the populist right is not the only important part of the U.S. political spectrum that is skeptical of trade.

The populist left — led especially by Sen. Bernie Sanders — has long favored limiting foreign trade. Its motivations are somewhat different, focused more on a skepticism of corporate power and trade’s impact on labor rights and the environment. But they are also similar when it comes to the many working-class Americans and young people who form the left wing of the Democratic Party.

In the primaries, Biden beat Sanders and others who offered a more skeptical view of trade. But still, he will have to accommodate the new energy coursing through the left in America, including when it comes to its views on trade. And the populist left will have a lot more power than the right in Biden’s Washington, from members of Congress to key Democratic interest groups like labor unions.

Potent populists

A pro-trade optimist might point out that polls, like this one conducted in late 2019, suggest overwhelming support for free trade among voters in both parties. Polls, however, don’t always measure how strongly and consistently these views are held.

What’s more, because the harms of free trade are more concentrated than its benefits, the minority of voters who push for protectionist policies are often more powerful than their numbers might suggest. Ultimately, although populists on the right and the left represent a minority position on trade, they will remain potent political forces for the foreseeable future.

For these reasons, I believe it is unlikely that Biden will be able to return to business as usual on trade. While Trump’s aggressive protectionism will likely go away, Biden will probably keep up the pressure on China and has already adopted some of his predecessor’s “America first” rhetoric to appeal to the working class. And for his more progressive supporters, you’ll likely see him push for stronger labor and environmental protections in future trade agreements.

Biden might not be able to throw the door to global trade wide open, but he should be able to keep it from shutting any further.

Charles Hankla, Associate Professor of Political Science, Georgia State University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license.

White House calls out Texas’ coronavirus control efforts amid “full resurgence” of infections

Texas must ramp up efforts to slow the spread of the coronavirus as the state experiences a “full resurgence” of COVID-19 infections, according to White House guidelines. 

Texas is seeing an “unsustainable increase in hospitalizations” from the virus and “statewide mitigation must increase,” according to a White House Coronavirus Task Force report dated Nov. 22. The report was obtained and published by the Center for Public Integrity.

Among the task force’s recommendations: Officials in Texas should significantly reduce capacity in indoor spaces, including those that are privately owned. And state leaders should further increase the number of people being tested for the virus.

COVID-19 infections are spreading rapidly in Texas and nationwide. The report ranked Texas 34th among the states for cases per capita and found that more than three-quarters of Texas counties were experiencing moderate or high levels of viral transmission.

A spokesperson for Gov. Greg Abbott did not say whether the governor would adopt the White House report’s recommendations but said state officials were “working closely with local officials” and helping to distribute an antibody treatment meant to help keep people with COVID-19 from being hospitalized.

“Governor Abbott continues to rely on the data-driven hospitalization metrics used by doctors and medical experts to help inform and guide the state’s ongoing efforts to mitigate COVID-19,” Renae Eze, an Abbott spokesperson, said in an email.

Abbott has resisted calls from some city and county leaders to ramp up infection control measures as COVID-19 cases and hospitalizations have risen around the state. While a statewide mask mandate issued in July remains in place, the governor has ruled out further business lockdowns. And in recent months he has loosened regulations that outline when bars must close and businesses must reduce their occupancy limits.

A mid-September executive order from Abbott would scale back business reopenings if the number of COVID-19 patients in a region exceeds 15% of its hospital capacity for seven consecutive days. Regions that reach that threshold have to reduce the occupancy of most businesses from 75% to 50% of capacity.

A previous order set the threshold at 15% of “all hospitalized patients” in a region, but Abbott changed it to 15% of “total hospital capacity” — or total beds — in a region. That redefinition means that it would take a more severe outbreak to trigger additional restrictions, according to hospital administrators.

Even under the looser metric, six regions of the state have already hit the threshold for seven or more days, triggering additional restrictions under Abbott’s order, according to the Texas Department of State Health Services.

“Local officials have full authority to enforce these existing protocols to help mitigate this virus, including occupancy limits and mask requirements,” said Eze, the Abbott spokesperson. “The protocols proved effective in slowing the spread over the summer and containing COVID-19, and they can continue to work but only if they are enforced.”

Experts say widespread fatigue has hastened the virus’ spread as fewer people are following public health recommendations such as mask-wearing, maintaining distance from others, meeting outdoors or in well-ventilated areas and staying home as much as possible.

In Texas, the severity of the outbreak varies significantly by region, with the situation in El Paso being particularly dire. There, local officials have pleaded for more morgue workers as coronavirus fatalities climb and overwhelmed hospitals have transferred patients to other regions.

Hospital administrators in North Texas, West Texas and the Panhandle have also expressed concern about climbing numbers of coronavirus hospitalizations. Rural hospital administrators have reported difficulty transferring patients as larger hospitals in Lubbock, Amarillo and other larger cities run short on beds.

On Nov. 30, nearly 9,000 Texans were hospitalized for the coronavirus, according to the state health department. More than 21,000 people who tested positive for the virus in Texas have died.

The White House report also calls on the state to ramp up coronavirus testing. “The silent community spread that precedes and continues to drive these surges can only be identified and interrupted through proactive, focused testing for both the identification of symptomatic and pre-symptomatic individuals,” it said.

The Texas Tribune is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media organization that informs Texans — and engages with them — about public policy, politics, government and statewide issues. 

Where COVID is on the menu: failed contact tracing leaves diners in the dark

COVID-19 outbreaks have affected restaurants throughout Los Angeles County, from a Panda Express in Sun Valley to the University of California’s Bruin Cafe. If you live in Los Angeles, you can access health department reports about these outbreaks online.

But in most of the country, diners are left in the dark about which restaurants have been linked to outbreaks of the virus.

Restaurants appear to be among the most common places to get infected with the COVID-19 virus, but contact tracing in most areas has been so lackluster that few health departments have been able to link disease clusters to in-person dining.

When KHN contacted the health departments serving the 25 most populous counties in the U.S., only nine could confirm they were collecting and reporting data on potential links between restaurants and COVID cases.

As of Monday, 13 of the 25 counties hadn’t announced changes to their indoor restaurant dining policies, despite record-setting numbers of new COVID infections in the U.S.

While public health researchers are convinced indoor dining is a risky activity in areas where COVID-19 is spreading, getting solid data to justify restaurant restrictions has been difficult. It takes in-depth, resource-heavy disease investigations to determine where people were exposed to the coronavirus, and those contact-tracing efforts have never gotten off the ground in most of the country.

This has made it hard to develop more specific information about risky restaurants and bars, and may have contributed to an overall feeling of powerlessness in the face of the pandemic among people and officials.

It didn’t have to be this way, said Dr. Bill Miller, a senior associate dean of research at the Ohio State University College of Public Health.

“We’ve really missed an opportunity” to use contact tracing systematically to provide “useful information to give us ideas of where we might need to be intervening,” he said.

For contact tracing of other infectious diseases, such as HIV/AIDS, investigators usually ask patients to think through all the contacts with whom they might have shared a virus. They also dive further into the past to try to determine who might have infected the person in the first place.

But U.S. contact tracing for COVID-19 hasn’t taken this approach, in part because of a lack of resources and public trust. Contact-tracing departments are stretched thin, gathering minimum data and facing a suspicious and often uncooperative population.

Contact tracers in Maricopa County, Arizona, prioritize learning the names of individuals over the locations where the coronavirus may be spreading. With the exception of long-term care facilities and a few other locations, investigators don’t consider something an outbreak until they can trace 10 potential cases to a location, said Ron Coleman, a county spokesperson.

As winter looms and people increasingly gather indoors, many local governments are flying blind, lacking the data to create and adjust COVID restriction policies that could make a meaningful dent in rising case rates.

“Imagine there’s some major sporting event,” Miller said. “You might miss an entire cluster that came out of a social situation” if you didn’t check whether, for example, a COVID-positive person had gone to a crowded bar to watch it.

The COVID virus spreads mainly through respiratory droplets that an infected person can release by sneezing, coughing or talking, and a restaurant meal combines several high-risk activities in a single setting: going maskless to eat and drink, meeting up with people outside your household “bubble,” and chatting over a leisurely meal. If the meal takes place indoors, poor ventilation aggravates these risks because of the virus’s potential to linger in still air.

Published research on the role restaurants play in the pandemic is highly suggestive. Taken altogether, the studies paint a scary picture of how potent restaurants can be in spreading COVID-19.

A Centers for Disease Control and Prevention study across 10 states found that those who had tested positive for COVID-19 were more than twice as likely to say they had dined at a restaurant in the two weeks before their illness began, compared with those who tested negative. Dining at a restaurant was the only activity that differed significantly between those who tested positive and those who tested negative for the coronavirus.

For example, that study seemed to show no increased risk of infection linked to shopping, gathering with 10 or fewer people or spending time in an office, said Kiva Fisher, a CDC epidemiologist and lead author of the study.

Not surprisingly, restaurant restrictions appear effective at slowing viral spread in a community. Out of the many social distancing restrictions states chose to implement at the beginning of the pandemic, shutting down restaurants had the strongest correlation to reducing the spread of the disease, according to researchers at the University of Vermont.

A recent Stanford University-led study that used mobile phone data from different cities to create a simulation of viral spread suggests that restaurants operating at full capacity spread four times as many additional COVID-19 infections as the next-worst location, indoor gyms.

The model predicts that only about 10% of “points of interest” — public places where people gather — account for over 80% of infections that occurred in public places, said Jure Leskovec of Stanford University, lead author of the mobile phone data study.

“There are a small number of these superspreader sites that account for a large majority of infections,” he said. One characteristic of superspreader sites is that “people are packed and stay there a long time.”

Still, none of these studies can definitively prove that restaurant dining causes infections, the researchers said. Identifying any individual restaurant case or cluster requires the kind of shoe-leather investigation that few communities in the U.S. have been able to conduct.

“You’d have to follow the person and have a lot more detail and information to be able to make that claim,” said CDC epidemiologist Fisher.

Many countries have succeeded in following individual trails of virus. In China, for instance, contact tracing revealed how a restaurant’s air conditioning unit may have carried a positive patient’s viral droplets from one table to two others, infecting nine other people.

In Japan, investigators use contact tracing to identify clusters of disease where people live or congregate. Out of about 3,000 cases confirmed from January to April in that country, investigators could identify 61 clusters, 16% of which were in restaurants or bars.

The failure to achieve comprehensive contact tracing means that decisions about whether to close restaurants, or how many customers to allow at a time, have relied heavily on the local political climate. Because the data from contact tracing is sketchy, it’s not always easy to correlate a community’s restaurant restrictions with case rates.

In San Diego, where indoor dining had been permitted with restrictions since the debut of the state’s tiered reopening system in August, 9.2% of COVID-infected residents reported visiting a bar or restaurant up to two weeks before their symptoms appeared. All indoor dining ended in the county Nov. 14 because the county reached a threshold of case reports that led to state-required closings.

In Houston, meanwhile, 8.7% of COVID-positive people interviewed for contact tracing listed a restaurant, cafe or diner as a potential source of exposure since June 1. Restaurants there have been allowed to operate at 75% of indoor capacity since mid-September.

Other local governments have contact tracing completion rates so low that the data gleaned may not be meaningful.

For example, in Philadelphia, only about 2% of the COVID patients interviewed by contact tracers reported going to a restaurant, and the city allowed restaurants to reopen for indoor dining on Sept. 8. But it’s not clear how representative the city’s figures are. In one recent week, Philadelphia investigators were able to reach only 29% of the 2,110 positive cases they sought to contact. Despite this, indoor dining was stopped on Nov. 20 to combat a surge of cases.

In California, the state restricts the operation of establishments based on overall case and positivity rates in each county. But counties with more robust contact-tracing programs, like Los Angeles, have been able to glean striking insights from interviewing positive patients.

In Los Angeles, about 6% of COVID infections have occurred among restaurant customers, according to the public health department, though only outdoor dining has been allowed there since the state debuted its current tiered system in August.

That data suggests that even outdoor dining may spread the virus, said Shira Shafir, an associate professor of community health sciences and epidemiology at UCLA.

She gets takeout regularly to support the restaurants in her neighborhood but hasn’t eaten out since February, having concluded it isn’t worth the risk to herself and other patrons, or to the restaurant workers.

“I don’t want to ask someone else to take a risk that I’m unwilling to take,” she said.

Kaiser Health News (KHN) is a national health policy news service. It is an editorially independent program of the Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation which is not affiliated with Kaiser Permanente.

Pacific killer whales are dying — new research shows why

Killer whales are icons of the northeastern Pacific Ocean. They are intimately associated with the region’s natural history and First Nations communities. They are apex predators, with females living as long as 100 years old, and recognized a sentinels of ecosystem health — and some populations are currently threatened with extinction.

There are three major types of killer whales in the region: the “resident” populations that feed mainly on salmon, the “transients” that prey on other marine mammals like seals and sea lions, and the “offshores” that transit along the continental shelf, eating fish and sharks.

In the 1990s, an abrupt decline in the fish-eating southern resident population dropped to 75 whales from 98, prompting both Canada and the United States to list them as endangered.

Since then, southern resident killer whales, whose range extends from the waters off the southeast Alaska and the coast of British Columbia to California, have not recovered — only 74 remain today. Because killer whale strandings are rare, scientists have been uncertain about the causes of killer whale mortality and how additional deaths might be prevented in the future.

As a pathologist and wildlife veterinarian, and with the help of countless biologists and veterinarians, we have carried out in-depth investigations into why killer whales in this region strand and died. If we don’t know what is causing killer whale deaths, we are not able to prevent the ones that are human-caused.

We can do better

Human activities have been implicated in the decline and lack of recovery of the southern resident killer whale population, including ship noise and strikes, contaminants, reduced prey abundance and past capture of these animals for aquariums.

Only three per cent and 20 per cent of the northern and southern resident killer whales, respectively, that died between 1925 and 2011 were even found and available for a post-mortem exam. And in most cases, only cursory or incomplete post-mortem exams can be done, generating a limited amount of information.

To figure out why these killer whales are dying — and what it means for the health of individual animals and the population as a whole — we reviewed the post-mortem records of 53 animals that became stranded in the eastern Pacific Ocean and Hawaii between 2004 and 2013. We identified the cause of death in 22 animals, and gained important insight from nine other animals where the cause of death could not be determined.

Human-caused injuries were found in nearly every age group of whales, including adults, sub-adults and calves. Some had ingested fishing hooks, but evidence of blunt-force trauma, consistent with ship and propeller strikes, was more common.

This is the first study to document the lesions and forensic evidence of lethal trauma from ship and propeller strikes.

In recent years governments have focused on limiting vessel noise and disturbance. This study reinforces the need for this, showing that in addition to noise and disturbance, vessel strikes are an important cause of death in killer whales.

Direct human impact

We also developed a body condition index to evaluate the animals’ nutritional health — were they eating enough salmon, for example — to see what role food might play in the sickness and death of stranded animals. Observations of free-ranging killer whales from boats and by unmanned aerial drones have documented sub-optimal body condition or generalized emaciation in many southern resident killer whales.

In this study, we found that longer and therefore older animals tend to have thicker blubber. Our study also found that those animals that died from blunt-force trauma had a better body condition — they were in good health before death. Those that died from infections or nutritional causes were more likely to be in worse body condition.

This new body condition index can help scientists better understand the health of killer whales, and gives us a tool to evaluate their health regardless of their age, reproductive status and health condition.

Our team, working with numerous collaborators including the National Marine Mammal Foundation, is building a health database of the killer whales living in the northeastern Pacific Ocean so that their health can be tracked over time. This centralized database will let stranding response programs, regional and national government agencies and First Nations communities collaborate with field biologists, research scientists and veterinarians.

Ultimately, the information about the health of these killer whales must be conveyed to the public and policy-makers to ensure that the appropriate legislation is enacted to reverse the downward trend in the health and survival of these killer whales. We should now be able to assess future efforts and gain a better understanding of the impact of ongoing human activities, such as fishing, boating and shipping.

Stephen Raverty, Adjunct professor, Veterinary Pathology, University of British Columbia and Joseph K. Gaydos, Wildlife Veterinarian and Science Director, The SeaDoc Society, University of California, Davis

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

With rent due and evictions looming, Warren rips McConnell for “disgraceful” obstruction

With another rent payment due Tuesday for millions of Americans, Sen. Elizabeth Warren called out Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell and his fellow Republicans for continuing to stonewall an adequate coronavirus stimulus bill that would prevent mass evictions that are just around the corner and provide desperately needed relief to the unemployed.

“The rent is due. . . and Majority Leader McConnell and the Senate GOP still haven’t reinstated the $600 unemployment checks, extended unemployment programs, passed rental assistance, or anything else in months to help struggling families during this crisis,” the Massachusetts Democrat tweeted Monday. “It’s disgraceful.”

“With so many families struggling to put food on the table,” Warren added in a separate tweet, “it is cruel for Republicans to continue blocking real relief for working people during this crisis.”

According to the latest data from the U.S. Census Bureau’s Household Pulse Survey, more than 14 million people in October reported having “little or no confidence” they would be able to make rent in November, a number that is likely to grow as business closures and mass layoffs continue. An analysis released last week by the Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia found that a growing number of Americans are being forced to use credit cards to pay rent because their savings are running dry.

“If you’re putting your rent payments on to a credit card, that shows you’re really at risk of eviction,” Shamus Roller, executive director of the nonprofit National Housing Law Project, told NPR. “That means you’ve run out of savings; you’ve probably run out of calls to family members to get them to loan you money.”

With flimsy and inadequate eviction moratoriums set to expire across the nation at the end of the year — and as some are already being kicked out of their homes despite the moratoriums — housing advocates are warning of a flood of evictions if Congress fails to act. Due in large part to obstruction by McConnell and other Senate Republicans, coronavirus relief negotiations have been at a standstill for months, and no tangible progress has been made since the presidential election.

In an August report, the Aspen Institute estimated that 30-40 million Americans could be at risk of eviction in the coming months, a looming disaster that the organization described as possibly the “most severe housing crisis” in U.S. history.

“For nine months, this tsunami on the horizon has been completely predictable and entirely preventable; we’ve known the solution to this for months, [the problem] is the lack of political will,” Diane Yentel, president and CEO of the National Low Income Housing Coalition, told Vox last week. “We’ve been saying for nine months now that it’s going take at least $100 billion in rental assistance.”

The HEROES Act, passed by the Democrat-controlled House in May, includes $100 billion in emergency rental assistance as well as a new 12-month moratorium on evictions for non-payment of rent, but McConnell has refused to allow a vote on the legislation.

“We young, bro”: My friend lost a decade of his life, but I can’t go back to our youth with him

My friend Teethy won’t stay in during COVID. I’m supposed to be mad about that but I’m not. He moves through the world, in which so many of us 30- and 40-somethings are struggling to find our place, as if he’s still in his teens — effortlessly — and enjoys every minute. And even though I can’t do the same, especially not right now, I understand why he does.

“Do I gotta wear tight-ass jeans now?” Teethy asked me. “Like, how you get them over your feet? Like, your feet big as hell, D!” 

“Yo, the denim stretches are in nowadays,” I answered. “But you don’t gotta wear skinny jeans, bro. They got straight legs, which hit your sneakers better than boot cut. Just say no to boot cut.”

We laughed. Teeth had just come home from a 12-year stretch in federal prison for drug conspiracy, sent away on trumped-up charges created by agents who would’ve made poor fiction writers based on the stereotypes and lies that filled their reports. He had wanted a chicken box for his first meal after being released — four wings fried hard and French fries smothered in salt, pepper, ketchup and hot sauce, all in a red and white tight checked box­ — but I talked him into sitting down with me at Nando’s instead. 

In the 12 years since he went to prison, we both grew up. The chunky yellow face he went in with was hard now, browner, more defined. Those big teeth that earned him his nickname now fit his face. His slightly chubby body had morphed into solid, with muscles on top of muscles climbing through his fitted shirt. He’s a human action figure now. 

“All my jeans are boot cut,” he laughed. “I need to go shopping!”

“Man, I’m too old for these jean laws,” I said, before realizing how insensitive I sounded. Teethy wasn’t Scarface; he wasn’t a murderer or a millionaire kingpin. None of us were in those days. And yet they figured out a way to take 12 years of his life. We all hustled back then. He went away; I didn’t. The system has a way of playing Russian Roulette with our lives. 

“Nah, we young, bro. We young,” he said. “We got so much time.” 

Teethy tore into his Nando’s, calling it the best meal he’d ever had. I watched from the other side of the table, happy to see him happy, happy to see him home. But I also felt guilty. I could have been a better friend. I could’ve written more letters, been more responsive on Corrlinks, the federal inmate email system. I could have done more than put money on his books. But I didn’t. I kept my distance because everybody around me at the time was dying or catching 10 or 20 or 30 years, and their fate felt contagious. I hadn’t known who to trust, and self-preservation took over.

After Teethy went, most of the old crew followed him to jail or prison. Some were lucky enough to crawl out and find jobs or some type of normalcy. Some were gunned down. Some overdosed and died. And some found Allah and Jesus and disconnected from anybody who didn’t. 

“We young, bro,” I echoed, filling his glass up with more wine and telling the Nando’s clerk that I was sending my brother home — or to his halfway house — with four orders. “We young, bro.” 

They say you are as only as young as you feel, and I guess that feeling is an aggregate of perspective, a sense of freedom, and who you surround yourself with. Like me, Teethy was now in his mid 30s, but he still felt the age he was when he was put away. And he moved like it, too.  

During his first year out, it seemed like Teethy was making up for lost time. He became a regular at the clubs and went Instagram-crazy, posting party pics and memes and gym videos and evenly-cut sandwiches perched on rustic wood tables, all in an endless supply of skinny jeans. In fact, the only thing missing from this new chapter in his life was me. 

I had lost my taste for clubs and being on the scene. I worked a lot. I had books to write. Work kept coming in, and I had less and less time for a social life. Before I knew it, Teethy and I had been separated for a few more years. He knew I was busy and that I wasn’t distancing myself on purpose, but I still felt guilty. 

“Yo, grab a drink?” he texted right before the Baltimore Book Fair, one of the busiest times of the year for me. 

“For sure,” I replied. 

Grab a drink? Before Teethy went in, I bet our livers cringed every time we said that, though it was more like headed to the bar! because it was never really a question. If we weren’t at the bar, we’d roll up in the corner store pointing at fifths of Grey Goose or Remy or Belvedere high up on the shelf behind the foggy, nicked-up bulletproof glass. We’d throw our cash into the roll-around and the clerk would pass us bottles we’d drown until we ached and sometimes blacked out.

I can’t lie — the thought of drinking like we did back then now scares me. But I’m a sport, so I told myself that I’d roll with the punches and if drinks with Teethy came with a hangover, I’d deal. 

We went to Mount Vernon Marketplace, this indoor food hall, and found seats at a small craft cocktail bar — my choice, obviously. There we downed drinks served in rocks glasses with fist-sized ice cubes, half full of this type of rye or that type of vodka, and fancy fresh-squeezed juice with a fancier garnish. 

“You always was a flashy dude,” Teethy laughed. “I remember back when we was little and you was talkin bout not eatin imitation crab meat ’cause it ain’t real food!”

“Bro, imitation is in the name!” I laughed. “Plus, it stinks.” 

“How you eat a seafood salad without the fake crab meat?” he asked. 

“It’s easy, I don’t.”

Craft cocktails go down easy; they take 30 minutes to mix and one second to drink. We sat there and went over it all: his time behind the wall away from his kids, how he felt about my absence, how I felt, our old days, the dark times, the death, the binge drinking, the fallen and forgotten brothers, our shared memory, our shared pain. 

People sitting around us probably heard us say, yo, remember that time! a thousand times that night.

“I know you write about that stuff, the bad days” he said, downing a shot. “I can’t read it or think about it. I don’t want to.” 

“I do it because I want to show the world how we got it wrong, we were raised wrong,” I said. 

“I ain’t knockin ya move. One thing bout Watkins is he gonna keep a move!” Teethy laughed. “I’ve been kinda staying away from you, because people always talking about those years, you and that street stuff. I just wanna party with the partiers.” 

The bartender filled our glasses. Watching the liquor dance around gave me that icky feeling, but I downed mine with him. I had been feeling guilty about not hanging out with Teethy in his new life, and it turns out he had been avoiding me and mine. 

“But yo, we got some stories,” he admitted. “We got the stories of 80-year-olds — but that 20-something juice running in my veins, it’s in us.” 

We shut the spot down that night, clinking glasses with the bartender after the last pour, and promised to do it again. Leaving the market, I felt young. I felt like we hadn’t missed a beat with our new Nikes and clean sweat suits. That feeling faded right after I caught a hangover the next day, the kind where your brain pounds against the side of your skull. My homie must not have felt it, though, because he was out doing the same a day later, and the next. He continued even after COVID entered our lives, even after people we know died and the infection continued to soar.  

And even though he tries to stay away from me, I think the money I sent him while he was locked up makes him feel obligated to check in on me now. He’s invited me out a time or two since the pandemic began shutting things down in March. I always decline, but I try to keep it light: Busy writing bro, I owe you one. And then I make sure to drop another line or two to try to get him to be aware of the danger of the virus. Bro, the numbers are going up — wear a mask.

He doesn’t listen. And I don’t judge him. It’s easy for me to say stay indoors, practicing social distancing. I wasn’t the one locked up for a decade for nonviolent drug crimes that shouldn’t have earned him more than a couple of months, if anything. I don’t know what that’s like. I imagine if it had been me, I would be caught up in a never-ending party, too, happy to make my own choice to live day by day, hanging around kids in their mid-20s who are new to adulthood and just as eager to be out.

And when I see these young dudes, his new friends, on social media talking about how COVID was created to kill small businesses by Bill Gates, who also needed the virus to control the population so that he can make us think that 4G is actually 5G, even though it’s just 4G moving faster because so many people are dead due to the disease they say is made-up, I shake my head. Yes, you read that right — that’s how they talk. Reading it makes me feel like I’m closer in age to the 80-year-old Teethy called us that last time over drinks, and very distant from the bar-crawling young man my friend still gets to be.

I might feel ancient watching him live his young adulthood over on Instagram, but I’ve learned I can be there for Teethy when he needs me, even better now than I could when he was behind the wall. Because I’ve learned that support can mean pulling up if he gets in a bind, but it can also mean staying distant so he can protect himself from having to dwell on his past. Either way, I’m down. 

This simple, braided apple butter bread only looks complicated

Apple butter is essentially caramelized apple sauce — a fruit purée that slow-cooks with water or cider until the apple’s natural sugars turn a dark, toasty brown. The mixture is augmented with baking spices like cinnamon, cloves, nutmeg, and sometimes a dash of brown sugar for good measure, which makes it taste and smell like late autumn and winter baking. 

It’s a versatile preserve. Last year, as I wrote for Salon, I started experimenting with apple butter as an ingredient in cocktails after tasting Asheville’s Corner Kitchen’s twist on the French 75. Called the Fall 75, it featured gin, lemon and champagne with apple butter substituted in for the requisite simple syrup. That’s not its only cocktail application. 

As Corner Kitchen’s general manager Rachel Henry Morgan said at the time, “Try it with bourbon and it won’t disappoint.” 

But it also makes for a complement to baked goods — spread on biscuits and muffins, as the filling for old-fashioned apple stack cakes and doughnuts. It’s simple, but one of my favorite ways to eat it is slathered on a good hunk of bread, so I decided to capitalize on my pandemic baking obsession and combine the two. 

This braided apple butter bread is a simple play on babka, though you’re only “braiding” two strands of dough, which places this soundly within reach for beginners. That said, the ultimate presentation of the loaf is stunning, with deep, caramel-colored swirls running throughout the bread and a glossy, sugar crystal-covered top. 

And, of course, it’s delicious. The eggy, sweet dough has a pillow-like texture, and each bite pops with the taste of slow-cooked fruit and spices. 

***

RECIPE: Braided Apple Butter Bread
1 loaf 

Dough

  • ½ cup whole milk, warmed
  • 1 ¼-ounce envelope active dry yeast (about 2¼ teaspoons)
  • ¼ cup granulated sugar, plus more
  • 1 large egg
  • 1 large egg yolk
  • ½ teaspoon kosher salt
  • 3 cups all-purpose flour, plus more for surface
  • 6 tablespoons unsalted butter, room temperature, cut into pieces, plus more for bowl

Filling and Topping

  • ½ cup of apple butter, store-bought or homemade
  • 1 egg, whisked together with 3 tablespoons of water
  • 2 tablespoons of turbinado sugar 

1. In a large mixing bowl, whisk together milk, yeast and just a pinch of sugar. Let it rest for about 10 minutes until the mixture gets frothy. (This is how you know your yeast isn’t dead.)

2. Meanwhile, whisk together flour, salt and sugar in a separate mixing bowl. 

3. Add the eggs and the butter to the milk mixture and beat to combine. Slowly add the flour mixture in a steady stream. 

4. Knead until a smooth, elastic dough ball forms — 5 to 8 minutes — using either your hands or a standing mixer with a dough hook attachment. If the dough is still a little sticky, add flour a tablespoon at a time. 

5. Grease a separate large bowl with butter and place the dough ball inside. Cover with plastic or a light towel and let the dough rise until doubled in size. This will take about 90 minutes. 

6. Once the dough has doubled in size, gently punch it down and place it on a floured surface. Using a rolling pin, flatten the dough into a  22×12″ rectangle. 

7. Cover the rectangle with the apple butter, leaving a 1-inch border all the way around, and roll the dough away from you, like you were forming a jelly roll. (Here’s a good video, starting at 5:20, if you need a visual example.) Once rolled, place the dough onto a sheet pan and place it in the refrigerator for 40 minutes. 

8. Once chilled, slice the dough log in half crosswise. You will have two identical halves. Place them next to each other, filling-side up. 

9. Now, cross the dough strands in the center like you are forming an “X.” Twist two ends on one side, then repeat on the opposite side, making a total of four twists. Tuck the ends on either side of the loaf for a neat look. Preheat the oven to 350, and transfer the bread to a greased, nonstick loaf pan. 

10. While the oven is heating, brush the top of the loaf with the egg wash and cover with the turbinado sugar. Bake the bread for 50 to 55 minutes, turning the loaf pan halfway. 

11. Remove the loaf from the oven and allow it to cool completely before turning the bread out onto a wire cooling rack. 

 

Bryan Cranston is breaking bad in familiar ways for Showtime’s dark thriller “Your Honor”

A part of Bryan Cranston surely knows he’ll never outrun Walter White. From all appearances it doesn’t seems as if he’s yearning to do so, and based on the wide variation of roles he’s taken since “Breaking Bad” he doesn’t need to prove anything to anyone about his dramatic range.

This awareness makes his choice to star in “Your Honor” all the more curious given the similar moral trajectories between Cranston’s New Orleans judge and the Albuquerque meth kingpin that cemented his status among television’s greats.

You’re likely familiar with that part, right? You know, the one where Cranston plays an ethically upstanding man pressed to protect his family, sliding deeper into a morass of corruption with each step he takes. Along the way he makes unwitting accomplices of those closest to him, threatening to drag them down with him.

Quickly, now – am I describing “Your Honor” or “Breaking Bad”? Or, for that matter, any number of prestige dramas that have come and gone before the former and after the latter? Trick question. And the answer is “Yes,” to all of it.

We meet Cranston’s Michael Desiato during a jog, during which he runs directly towards a streetcar bearing down on him, only veering off the tracks at the last moment. Take in the symbolism: Here is a man who runs toward danger, who faces down impossible odds undeterred but knows when to blink. (Also, what a way to recall that infamous RV shot. At least this time Cranston’s fully clothed.)

This demonstrates his hidden character trait. To the world, he is a decent judge and the father to a teenage son, Adam (Hunter Doohan), a sensitive kid with asthma. Both are still mourning the death of Michael’s wife and Adam’s mother Pam, which makes it terrible luck when Adam accidentally plows into a young man on a motorcycle while driving panicked.

Naturally it’s not just any fellow teenager, but the son of local mobster Jimmy Baxter (Michael Stuhlbarg) . . . and that makes Adam’s choice to drive away particularly unwise. Unless, that is, your objective is to play out a familiar scenario using actors viewers will recognize from an assortment of series you’re aping.

Peter Moffat developed “Your Honor” from a 2017 Israeli drama called “Kvodo,” but if you’ve watched enough premium cable dramas over the past decade and a half you’ll see a few familiar numbers showing through the paint here, including work that circles back to Moffat. The British screenwriter is the mind behind the U.K. series “Criminal Justice,” whose format was adapted by Steven Zaillian and Richard Price to become “The Night Of” for HBO.

And if you’ve seen that work, you’ll recognize some of its undertones here and shades of other past greats too. That is the magic of whatever Prestige Television Generator one imagines cranked out “Your Honor.” It’s nothing you haven’t seen before, but what you remember of what you’ve already seen wasn’t bad, or at the very least justified the extra expense of your premium cable subscription. Therefore people will watch hungrily and strive to wring some profundity out of that they’re seeing.

After a point – if the four of its 10 episodes made available for review indicate anything – it’s hard to see or even imagine that anything original or surprising is waiting for us farther down these tracks regardless of the gripping work Cranston is churning out alongside the fellow acting powerhouses joining him here. This includes Isiah Whitlock Jr., Lorraine Toussaint and once she comes on the scene in the fourth episode, Margo Martindale.  

Stulbarg is an excellent brooder, and Hope Davis vamps it up for whatever Evil Gods to whom she sacrifices incense to get into character as Gina Baxter, the scheming Lady MacBeth to Stuhlbarg’s mobster.

Oh, and I almost forgot to mention that Carmen Ejogo is quite engaging as Lee Delamere, an attorney Michael used to mentor, to whom he turns for help . . . and on one very emotional night, with whom he has too many glasses of wine. That happens a lot on TV, especially in the best of shows.

Don’t misunderstand – everyone in this cast is tremendous. Cranston and Martindale are especially delectable when they crank out the type of tension that only a son-in-law and the mother-in-law that barely tolerates him can. Washington is winning as ever in his role as Michael’s best friend Charlie Figaro, candidate for mayor and the kind of man you want when you need a heavy favor.

It goes without saying that said favor comes at a price for Charlie and an assortment of innocents, which is how these things go. “The Wire” taught us that. Toussaint’s appearance is searing and memorable. Amy Landecker also cruises through as a detective who threatens to topple the fortress of lies Michael steadily builds.

Beyond these performances, however, isn’t much. And ultimately the paucity of substance is obscured by meaty acting becomes this drama’s undoing, and no, that is not a pun. But it could be!

Just as likely “Your Honor” will do fine in this time of reduced options in the premium space along with a yen to watch Cranston bleed every bead of sweaty agony and red rage out of Michael as he reckons poorly with is conundrum. And admittedly, few shed a character’s virtue layer by tissue-thin layer like Cranston.

Doohan, it must be said, is plausibly disastrous as a young man slowly coming apart, and he’s near incandescent in the scenes where his character pushes back against all the damage his father commits on his behalf. But then, even without this terrible accident hanging over him, Adam has a few secrets of his own, the likes of which a number of teen boy TV characters seem to have these days.

Ultimately much familiarity probably won’t be seen as a deal breaker in this time of such low expectations. People adore Cranston, Martindale and the rest. People need TV to get excited about. Therefore knowing there are collisions ahead and suspecting, often correctly, the nature of the collateral damage scheduled to occur along the way doesn’t necessarily make “Your Honor” unwatchable. All that’s required is for you to be fine with the fact that you’ve seen this story before, time and again.

“Your Honor” premieres Sunday, Dec. 6 at 10 p.m. on Showtime.

The pandemic is making Americans afraid of going to the doctor for any reason at all

Millions of Americans have postponed lifesaving screenings and other preventative care due to COVID-19, according to an alarming new study published in JAMA, one of the nation’s most prestigious medical journals.

Doctors performed 67 percent fewer mammograms, conducted almost 72 percent fewer colonoscopies, and administered 22 percent fewer childhood vaccines in March and April than in January and February, before the pandemic began. The new study builds on other research, which has found steep drop-offs in everything from regular checkups to emergency room visits. And while the total number of doctor’s visits and screenings rebounded somewhat this summer and fall, they’re still not back to pre-pandemic levels in many areas.

Early this year, patients’ fears of catching COVID-19 at doctors’ offices and hospitals were understandable. When the pandemic first came to the United States, public health officials still weren’t sure about how it spreads.

But we’ve learned a lot since then. Today, it’s clear that foregoing care is usually counterproductive. Many Americans — especially those with chronic conditions — are growing sicker due to a lack of proper diagnosis and treatment.

It’s incumbent upon politicians and the public health community to encourage and enable Americans to once again visit the doctor, so long as proper precautions are taken.

Diagnosing cancer, heart disease, diabetes, and other chronic conditions early can make the difference between life and death. That’s why the drop in screenings is so disconcerting. Outpatient visits — like wellness checkups, CT scans, and ultrasound imaging — declined nearly 60 percent between mid-February and early April of this year. Breast and colorectal cancer screenings plummeted nearly 90 percent in the first four months of 2020 compared to the same period in 2019.

For many patients, these delays prove far more dangerous than COVID-19 itself. Dr. Therese Bevers, medical director of the Cancer Prevention Center, recently remarked: “I’ve seen women who tell me they found a lump [in their breast] in March, and when I’m seeing them [in July] it’s in the lymph nodes.”

Dr. John Bose — director of the University of North Carolina’s Diabetes Care Center — similarly warned that foot ulcers and dangerous blood sugar levels are going undetected as diabetes patients avoid healthcare facilities.

Some Americans are so leery of COVID-19 that they’re even forgoing emergency care, with fatal consequences. In March and April, the total number of emergency room visits declined more than 40 percent compared to the same period last year. CDC officials cited a particularly notable drop in visits for chest pain and heart attack-related symptoms.

Were people actually experiencing fewer heart attacks? Of course not. They were simply dying at home, rather than calling ambulances. From March through May, the coronavirus-plagued states of New York, New Jersey, Massachusetts, Michigan, and Illinois recorded 27 percent more deaths due to heart disease than the historical average.

Skipping doctor’s visits also hurts patients who already know they’re sick. A majority of doctors’ appointments lead to either new prescriptions, prescription refills, or check-ins regarding a prescription.

In other words, when Americans don’t go to the doctor, it’s tougher to ensure they’re getting the right medication at the right time. The JAMA study found that in April, Americans’ use of statins — which help treat and prevent heart disease — and diabetes medications dropped 8.1 percent and 6.6 percent year-over-year, respectively. This drop is particularly concerning given that drugs are some of our most powerful tools to manage chronic disease. Medicines account for 35 percent of the improvement in U.S. life expectancy from 1990 to 2015, according to a new Health Affairs study.

Prescription nonadherence rates already fluctuated between 40 and 50 percent for most chronic disease patient groups, even before the pandemic. And nonadherence frequently leads to serious — and expensive — health complications. In fact, it causes roughly 125,000 deaths annually and one in 10 hospitalizations, and swells U.S. healthcare spending by nearly $300 billion a year.

This combination of unchecked chronic conditions and prescription nonadherence — all caused by delayed care — will strain on our nation’s healthcare system long after COVID-19 subsides.

Fortunately, it’s not too late to soften the blow. Politicians and policy experts need to level with the public and explain that, yes, COVID-19 is dangerous — but so are cancer, heart disease, and diabetes. Politicians, in particular, can pursue reforms making it easier and cheaper for people to visit the doctor and take their medications.

It’s time to send a clear message to patients — go back to the doctor, refill that prescription, and schedule that operation. Just put on a mask first.

These climate bills could get past Mitch McConnell, two senators say

Americans won’t be getting a Green New Deal as a late Christmas present, or even a carbon tax. Barring a Democratic sweep of a Senate runoff election in Georgia, Republicans will hold on to the Senate, effectively eliminating the odds of large-scale climate legislation passing anytime soon.

The last time Senator Mitch McConnell led Republican senators under a Democratic president, he rebuffed President Barack Obama’s attempts at bipartisan cooperation and stuck to a strategy of blocking any bill that Democrats wanted during Obama’s two terms. That’s why many climate advocates have focused their attention on what President-elect Joe Biden could do without the help of Congress.

But there’s lower-profile legislation in the works that McConnell has no incentive to block — efforts to clean up oceans, boost clean power, and support carbon-capture technology. Senators have already introduced half a dozen bipartisan climate bills, most of which are sitting in committee, and a couple are on the calendar to get their hearing on the Senate floor. None of these bills, to be sure, is revolutionary: You probably won’t hear progressives trumpeting this environmental legislation on Twitter, or conservatives on Fox News warning that it will lead us to destruction. But the fact that these bills aren’t swept up in the culture wars means that they have a strong shot at passing after a new Congress convenes next month. And they could make a significant dent in emissions. Call them stealth climate bills.

For decades, Democratic Senator Debbie Stabenow of Michigan thought that farmers and foresters would benefit by embracing climate action. When farmers capture carbon dioxide, it makes their soil richer. And she thought timber growers might embrace a carbon price since it would pay them for something they already do: Turn atmospheric carbon into wood. But for the most part, these people weren’t interested — until recently.

“I tried for years to get the attention of people in agriculture and forestry,” she said. “Now I’m having wonderful conversations with farmers in Michigan who are interested not only in carbon markets and carbon sequestration, but also putting up solar panels on excess land, and integrating wind power.”

Stabenow has witnessed a similar shift in the Senate. Over the years she snuck little seeds of climate action into the Farm Bill when it came up every five years, funding carbon-farming demonstration projects and reforms to allow farmers to grow soil-protecting cover crops. But she had to scrupulously avoid mentioning the two words that were to Republicans what sunlight is to vampires: “Because if we had said the words ‘climate change’ we would not have been able to get bipartisan support,” Stabenow explained.

Republicans are no longer so skittish, she said. Stabenow is working with Republican Senators Deb Fischer of Nebraska, John Thune of South Dakota, Mike Braun of Indiana, and Lindsay Graham of South Carolina, variously, on a trio of bills aimed at bringing carbon markets to farming and forestry. The most important of these three bills, The Growing Climate Solutions Act, would tell the Department of Agriculture to figure out which practices reliably remove carbon from the atmosphere, then set up a market allowing growers to make money for doing those things. There’s no longer a need for subterfuge: Republicans have begun putting their names on a bill explicitly aimed at climate change.

“The folks who used to come to the floor and rail about Chinese hoaxes and fake science — all that has been shut up,” said Senator Sheldon Whitehouse, a Democrat from Rhode Island. “We are just not hearing any of that nonsense any longer.”

Whitehouse has searched high and low for ways to make climate action bipartisan. He has his name on The Growing Climate Solutions Act and has Republican allies working with him on another five bills. One would help manufacturers squelch greenhouse gas emissions, another would create a federal program to get carbon dioxide out of the air, a third would pay nuclear power plants for producing carbon-free electricity to keep cheap gas plants from crowding them out of the market, and the fourth would protect and expand the best carbon-capturing ecosystems on the planet: mangrove forests, kelp beds, and sea-grass marshes. Finally, there’s a bill with eight Republican co-sponsors that would help anyone capturing greenhouse gas use to use their carbon dioxide to build new stuff.

When it comes down to a final vote, these bills will need more than just a handful of climate-curious Republican senators to pass. But that should be no problem, Whitehouse said. He’s already succeeded in getting four other low-profile climate bills passed into law under President Donald Trump. Most people haven’t heard of these — they really are stealth bills. One created a tax credit for carbon capture, another set up an initiative to support the next generation of nuclear power plants, and another instructed the Nuclear Regulatory Commission to “get off its butt and set up a separate path for next generation technologies,” Whitehouse said. “I used to describe the problem as trying to get a Tesla through a carburetor inspection.” The fourth set up a research program for the U.S. Navy to start making fuel from captured carbon.

All of these efforts passed with not only Republican support but also with near-unanimous votes in both the House and Senate in 2018.

Both Whitehouse and Stabenow acknowledge that these smaller bills, while helpful in the fight against climate change, aren’t enough. What they would really like to do is put a price on carbon, either through a tax or some kind of carbon market. And most Republicans still oppose making fossil fuel companies pay for their pollution.

“I think of it a little as trench warfare,” Whitehouse said. “As trenches become increasingly indefensible or preposterous to defend, Republicans fall back to a more acceptable trench. They have fallen back in several stages now, and it’s left a fair amount of room in the parts of the field they have abandoned. But they are still hanging on pretty hard. It’s not like the battle is over, they are just defending a much smaller trenchline.”

To activists, These bipartisan bills may look like a limp consolation prize. Still, sometimes stealth policy can make a big difference, said Ted Nordhaus, director of the environmental think tank, The Breakthrough Institute. He points out that, despite Trump’s best efforts, greenhouse gas emissions continued falling over the last four years at about the same rate that they had fallen under Obama’s administration.

“That was driven by 30 years of federal policy that no one paid attention to,” Nordhaus said. Research on fracking and super-efficient gas turbines made natural gas cheap and helped put coal companies out of business. Research that led to the development of LED light bulbs slashed electricity demand. And the tax credits that helped make wind and solar power affordable led to a renewable energy boom.

“All that is due to policies that were pretty damn uncontroversial,” Nordhaus said. “In my view, the quiet climate policy will prove much more effective over the long run. You just muddle through: It’s never the grand gesture, never the sweeping change people imagine.”

Harnessing the Asian American vote

Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders headed to the polls in record high numbers for the 2020 elections. Along with other voters of color, they may have accounted for the Biden-Harris ticket’s margin of victory in key states like Georgia.

Despite significant obstacles to voting — ranging from language barriers to fear of harassmenttargeted misinformation and higher than average ballot rejection rates — the increase in Asian American participation this year was so significant it has raised questions about how they might shift elections to come.

To understand Asian Americans’ growing role in the U.S. electorate, Capital & Main spoke to political scientist Janelle Wong.

Wong is an Asian American studies professor at the University of Maryland. She conducts nationwide polls on the community’s political and social attitudes, including the 2016 and 2020 National Asian American Survey. Wong is also the co-founder of Chinese American Progressive Action, an advocacy group focused on racial justice and immigrant and civil rights.

Note: This interview has been edited for length and clarity.

* * *

Capital & Main: Asian Americans, while currently a small percentage of the U.S. electorate, are the fastest-growing group of voters. What does their turnout in 2020 say about the future of elections in our country?

Janelle Wong: Many people are trying to figure out if the Asian American community is going to matter or not electorally. Did they matter or not in 2020? Georgia is a good case study. Early votes alone cast by Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders exceeded the narrow vote margin that decided the race for Biden.

That’s huge and deserves attention because those numbers of new voters, if you capture them, can make the difference in an election. Did they make the difference this time? They certainly contributed to the Biden win. There’s no doubt about that. Did they account for the full margin? Probably not.

We’re right on the precipice of really having an impact. Asian Americans are about 4% of the entire electorate, and we’re also mostly concentrated outside of electoral swing districts. Yet, Asian Americans are also the fastest-growing group in some battleground states like Georgia.

Asian Americans haven’t historically been active voters in Georgia. What happened there?

Stacey Abrams modeled a deeper kind of engagement. She pulled together a multiracial coalition of Asian American, Latinx and Black Georgians. And she did it around a health care agenda. She didn’t just swoop into the Asian American community and say, “Happy Lunar New Year” or run a couple of ads right before the election. During her time in the Georgia House of Representatives, Abrams built long term relationships with Asian Americans on the ground, with Asian American organizations and with elected officials. She hired Asian Americans to her team. She did all of that, and it made a difference.

What about the Democratic party’s outreach more broadly?

It’s remarkable that the Asian American vote went so solidly for Biden, even without almost any outreach from the Democrats.

We see a pattern in the final weeks before elections of campaigns starting to pay some attention to Asian Americans. The Biden campaign did more outreach than any other campaign. But it was very late, partly because they didn’t get an influx of cash for paid mediauntil just before the election.

The Democrats may think Asian Americans are low hanging fruit. Since the 2000s, there has been consistent consolidation with the party. Asian Americans are primed to go Democrat based on policy issues. That’s lucky for the Democrats. But data shows the party doesn’t have a lock on the Asian American population.

Why don’t the Democrats or Republicans do more to engage Asian American voters? About half of the Asian American voters you surveyed in 2020 never heard from either party

Asian Americans’ largest barrier to mobilization remains lack of attention from candidates and political parties. Every election cycle that Asian Americans participate at lower levels than other groups, it reinforces this idea that we’re low propensity voters. Then the parties and candidates don’t invest in us, and it reinforces the same vicious cycle.

The parties also don’t mobilize Asian American voters because of two important forces: stereotypes and structural conditions.

Asian Americans are subject to stereotypes that say we’re not interested in U.S. politics and care more about our country of origin. That leads parties to assume we’re not going to vote. 

Asian American voters have also historically been more non-partisan than other groups, which can lead to demobilization because parties are afraid to activate people when they don’t know which way they’ll vote. We’re seeing that change though. Even Asian American voters who were politically unaffiliated broke for Biden in this election.

If the Democrats put some time and investment into Asian American communities, such as year-round voter registration, it would really pay off in the long term. The benefit is generations of loyalty.

With party outreach still lacking, what accounts for Asian Americans’ record-high turnout?

Asian Americans are coming of political age on their own. Time has been one of the biggest mobilization factors, as I projected in my book about 15 years ago.

Since the 1990s, Asian American population growth has been significant. Asian Americans are a majority foreign-born community, and they are the only racial or ethnic group for which a majority of their voters are naturalized citizens. Yet, they are being asked to do the heavy lift of political incorporation with little help.

The new Asian American voters we’re seeing in 2020 are not new residents. They have been in the United States for decades, and that has catapulted them into the political system over time. The longer they’re in the United States, the more likely they are to identify with a political party.

More than two out of three Asian Americans vote Democratic, and the majority have progressive policy leanings. Is there an Asian American political agenda developing? 

So many people are always talking about how diverse Asian Americans are in terms of national origin, language, religion and generation. But despite these differences, we see this remarkable level of consensus around key policy issues that are Democratic candidates’ bread and butter.

There’s been this misconception that to win Asian American votes you need to focus on education because of the “model minority” stereotype or immigration because of the “forever foreigner” stereotype. Asian Americans aren’t particularly different from other Americans on those issues.

But there’s a tremendous amount of consensus among Asian Americans when you look at issues like government-sponsored health care, environmental protections, gun control and taxing the rich. That is true for Asian Americans regardless of partisanship, which is pretty unusual in the U.S. electorate.

That consensus is sometimes lost because we are a constructed community with a lot of internal differences. Yet, there’s something there with these core values that no political party has really capitalized on. You don’t get that much outreach to Asian Americans as environmentalists. We’re not characterized as health care voters or gun control voters. But imagine the kind of campaign that could emerge if political parties and candidates started to recognize that.

What other issues were top-of-mind for the Asian American voters you surveyed?

We see this heightened awareness of the fragile belonging Asian Americans have in the United States, and an understanding that racism affects the group as a whole. About half said that they were worried about hate crimes and harassment.

The anti-Asian bias we saw after Trump used terms like “China virus” and “kung flu” could be demobilizing. But we also saw that many groups were activated by it, and voting is one way to express political agency.

The pandemic has also exacerbated racial inequality more generally and has opened up some new fronts in terms of inequality between Asian Americans and whites. Asian Americans are harder hit by unemployment and the death rate too.

About half of the Asian American voters we surveyed said they worried about having access to health care. And, like other Americans, are very worried about the economic impact of this pandemic.

Did racial justice issues or the candidacy of Kamala Harris, who is of Indian and Jamaican descent, play a role for Asian voters? 

Kamala Harris activated some members of the Asian American community and generally added some excitement to the Biden ticket that wasn’t there before.

Straight up descriptive representation is exciting to some Asian Americans. You only have to look at their reception to Asian American stars in Hollywood to see that. But they also weigh trust over someone who looks like them when making political donations, according to research from social scientist Sono Shah.

Harris benefits from some Asian Americans identifying with her and might also face some anti-Black racism in the community.

Among progressive activists, Harris’ authenticity as Asian American is 100% unquestioned. But in broader Asian American communities, you see that East Asians are way less likely to consider people from South or Southeast Asian countries to be “Asian.”

Harris’ candidacy and representation brings up some of the best parts of Asian American politics and our shared experience. And it also raises up the hard work we need to do to recognize the diversity within the Asian American community, which today is minority East Asian, and majority South and Southeast Asian.

On the whole, Asian Americans tend to align with efforts to address systemic racism. But we do see some organizing tactics that are not aligned with racial justice goals. There’s a prominent faction that is anti-affirmative action and anti-racial integration in schools. Misinformation around the 2020 election oftentimes was anti-Black. And about 30% of Asian Americans still supported Trump after four years of xenophobic, and some would say anti-Asian or at least anti-Chinese, rhetoric.

Those things if unchecked could lead to some real breaks in the Rainbow Coalition and the progressive direction of Asian American politics.

Copyright 2020 Capital & Main

Some in media are supposedly “going hard” on Trump — but it’s too little and too damn late

“AP not mincing words,” said the viral tweet from Queens College radicalization expert Amarnath Amarasingam.

He linked to the Associated Press story from last Wednesday by Aamer Madhani and Kevin Freking, which started off:

Increasingly detached from reality, President Donald Trump stood before a White House lectern and delivered a 46-minute diatribe against the election results that produced a win for Democrat Joe Biden, unspooling one misstatement after another to back his baseless claim that he really won.

Washington Post media writer Paul Farhi tweeted: “As a colleague put it, this is @ap going hard in the paint.”

Author and scholar Peter W. Singer tweeted: “The second paragraph of this article might be the harshest thing the Associated Press has written since it was formed in 1846.” The paragraph in question:

Trump called his address, released Wednesday only on social media and delivered in front of no audience, perhaps “the most important speech” of his presidency. But it was largely a recycling of the same litany of misinformation and unsubstantiated allegations of voter fraud that he has been making for the past month.

Keep in mind that the AP’s political reporting has been hugely inconsistent in recent times. I have seen some tough-as-nails analyses of Trump here and there ever since I launched this website more than a year ago — but also a lot of remarkably credulous breaking-news accounts that simply quote Trump’s lies for paragraphs and paragraphs on end before some rebuttal lamely attributed to critics.

For instance, back on Nov. 19, Julie Pace, the AP’s Washington bureau chief, wrote a simply scalding analysis that opened this way:

President Donald Trump is trying to turn America’s free and fair election into a muddled mess of misinformation, specious legal claims and baseless attacks on the underpinnings of the nation’s democracy.

The resulting chaos and confusion that has created isn’t the byproduct of Trump’s strategy following his defeat to Democrat Joe Biden. The chaos and confusion is the strategy.

I cheered! But that very same day, reporters Ed White, David Eggert and Zeke Miller filed an egregiously empty-headed and credulous report on Trump’s outrageous attempt to browbeat Michigan legislative leaders into going along with his attack on the integrity of the election. Their lede:

President Donald Trump summoned Michigan’s Republican legislative leaders to the White House for a meeting Friday amid a longshot GOP push to overturn the certification of Democrat Joe Biden’s victory in the battleground state.

Contrast that with the New York Times’s now-famous headline: Trump Targets Michigan in His Ploy to Subvert the Election.

As it happened, the Times’ important word choice in that headline — using “subvert” instead of, say, “overturn” — set the tone for the more aggressive, accurate coverage we’ve seen almost everywhere since. The AP even updated its own lede, using the very word.

And yes, even NPR, which has been one of the most egregious abusers of false equivalence, is no longer treating Trump’s lying as a matter of debate.

Consider notoriously both-sides NPR host Steve Inskeep’s inordinately proud Dec. 2 tweet:

But let’s go back to that AP story I mentioned at the top, which got so much attention. It was certainly tougher than we’d grown to expect. But was it tough enough? Not according to Matt Negrin,senior digital producer for “The Daily Show With Trevor Noah,” who has also emerged as an astute media critic on Twitter and elsewhere. He tweeted:

Indeed, even in “fact checks” like this one by Hope Yen and Jill Colvin, the AP still uses euphemistic language about Trump’s outrageous lies and subversions — lamely writing that he “clung to false notions” and “failed to cite specific evidence when repeatedly asked to do so.”

Calling out Trump’s lies should have been job one for political journalists starting well over five years ago. There have been countless occasions in which the press failed in the interim, none more crucial than in their willingness to promulgate Trump’s dangerous and willful ignorance about COVID-19 and spiteful misinformation about voting.

Even now, these theoretically emboldened mainstream political reporters still stop short of calling out Trump’s enablers in the Republican Party for the same kind of lies and misinformation.

That’s what is really going to matter going forward, as Trump become increasingly irrelevant but the Republican Party is still in a position to block progress in bad faith.

Heck, this alleged journalistic toughness hasn’t even extended to Trump’s closest aides and family members, all of whom bear enormous responsibility for his destructive words and acts.

Consider the puff piece Washington Post reporter Ashley Parker wrote on Thursday about departing White House communications director Alyssa Farah. Parker wrote that “Farah largely played a behind-the-scenes role in the White House, earning a reputation as a hard-working professional who generally had a strong relationship with the White House press corps.”

This even though, as Parker noted: “Much of Farah’s final months focused on the coronavirus pandemic, which has left more than 275,000 Americans dead as the nation heads into a winter that experts predict will be especially brutal with the death toll continuing to spike.”

Consider the tongue bath the Washington Post’s Jacqueline Alemany gave Ivanka Trump this week, writing that  “Ivanka Trump has always been a business executive with a keen eye for marketing,” and “those who know the family say she could soon embark on a new venture: selling herself to American voters.”

Ironically, this came just as Ivanka was being deposed by the Washington, D.C., attorney general’s office as part of its lawsuit alleging the misuse of inaugural funds — and as the New York Times reported that Trump has discussed whether to grant Ivanka and her husband, Jared Kushner, among others, pre-emptive pardons.

A few days earlier, Elizabeth Williamson of the New York Times had penned a sympathetic examination of where Ivanka and Jared might live next. In spectacularly poor taste, the initial headline referred to the couple so deeply complicit in Trump’s treatment of immigrants as “well-to-do refugees.” It was eventually changed.

Acting with courage and integrity would have entailed news reporters and organizations calling Trump out when they would have taken some heat for it, rather than now, when Trump is quite literally a loser. It would not reserve truth-telling for the leader alone, but for his entire movement.

Let me tell you that from my own observation and experience that for our elite political reporters, kicking a president when he’s down is not actually an act of courage at all. It’s purely reflexive.

All the formerly glowing press coverage of George H.W. Bush suddenly went profoundly negative after he threw up in the lap of the Japanese prime minister in January 1992.

Political reporters treated George W. Bush like a hero until he sat idly by as New Orleans filled with water in 2005. Suddenly he was a goat, and always had been.

These days, of course, Dubya is widely considered some sort of benevolent elder statesman, not just because of the contrast with Trump, but because our political media has forgotten about all his extraordinary lies.

A few weeks of somewhat less mincing coverage of Trump means nothing. It does not mean lessons have been learned. It is no cause for optimism.

Why some voters felt harassed and intimidated at the polls

While the 2020 election went more smoothly than most had dared to hope, the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law, a nonpartisan election protection group, nonetheless received a steady drumbeat of complaints to its hotline about voter intimidation and harassment during early voting and on Election Day.

The reports described threats, overly aggressive electioneering, racist language and more. They came from states across the country, including those where the outcome was decided by relatively small numbers of votes.

Since Nov. 3, ProPublica has followed up on these reports, attempting to verify details with complainants and other witnesses and to review available documentation, including videos, social media posts and police records. In many cases, no one would go on the record or what happened could not be substantiated or did not rise to the level of intimidation. But we were able to confirm several of the incidents.

It is impossible to know how much intimidation and harassment affected voting this year; the record turnout suggests it was outweighed in most cases by voters’ determination to be heard. Even so, the cases we examined show that the issue remains all too real, and they reflect a deep political polarization that will long outlast the 2020 presidential contest.

Voter intimidation is characteristic of elections when the country is deeply divided, as it was during the civil rights movement, said Alan Abramowitz, a professor of political science at Emory University. “If you go back not too far, we have lots of examples of outright voter intimidation and violence to prevent people from voting,” he said. “There’s a long, long history of it.”

What was unusual during this campaign was that President Donald Trump stoked tensions by urging supporters to monitor polling places for voter fraud, especially in areas with large minority populations, Abramowitz said. “We’ve never had a president actually make comments like that.”

Here are six cases where voters felt intimidated or harassed, largely told in the participants’ own voices:

“There was a truck that kept revving his engine and driving really close to my car, kind of like playing chicken.” 

Springville, Utah

Kate Gabbitas, 22, left work at 6:30 p.m. to cast her first ever-ballot in a presidential election. As she neared her polling site at the Spanish Fork Fairgrounds, about 50 miles southeast of Salt Lake City, she hit a traffic jam. At first, she assumed it was a normal Election Day rush.

“Probably like four blocks away from the polling station, I was like, ‘Why am I hearing so much honking?’ Then three blocks away, traffic was pretty, pretty crazy … we were going probably 10 or 20 under the speed limit. Just car after car was going by me honking, honking, honking.”

As she got closer, she saw groups of people in pickup trucks waving Trump flags and yelling. It was a “Trump train” that the president’s supporters had organized on social media.

Gabbitas has autism. The noise overwhelmed her, and she called her boyfriend to tell him she was thinking of turning around. “I said, ‘It’s really noisy and loud, I think I’m going to go home.’ He said, ‘Wait, that’s voter intimidation.'”

She reluctantly stayed. Inside the building, poll workers were doing their best to tune out the commotion. She picked up her ballot, filled it out and returned to her car. Then she joined a line of drivers heading to another location to turn in their ballots.

“There were three pickup trucks in the parking lot trying to cut in line,” she said. “There was a truck that kept revving his engine and driving really close to my car, kind of like playing chicken.”

She struggled to drive despite all the distractions. “I probably saw, I don’t know, five to 10 Confederate flags, a couple of libertarian flags. I only saw two different trucks that had guns in the back … but it was really dark. I couldn’t see some well, and we were all driving. … But a lot of the trucks did have people sitting in the back. Then people were just yelling and some of the people who were pulled over on the side of the road were just yelling.”

When she got home, she cried “for a long time.”

County Clerk Amelia Powers Gardner, a Republican, said the region had an unprecedented 89% voter turnout. She said that poll workers handled disruptions well on Election Day, and that the sheriff’s department was on call and ready to be deployed. “We never ended up actually using them because the local folks did such a good job. People were very compliant.” To avoid such disturbances in future elections, she said, she plans to put trained poll workers outside.

Gabbitas told friends and family about her nerve-wracking experience. They “said it usually isn’t like that, that I shouldn’t expect it next time. But I wouldn’t be surprised if people didn’t want to vote.”

“If I was a voter and I had to go past a bunch of guys with guns, I would not feel comfortable going to the polls.” 

Weaverville, North Carolina

On a bright, warm late-October afternoon in western North Carolina, Deborah Lewis, a Sierra Club volunteer, pulled up to the Weaverville Town Hall polling station to hand out a list of candidates endorsed by the organization.

Soon, she saw two men show up together, one of them wearing camouflage pants and with a black pistol holstered to his belt. They stood by a brick fountain outside the 50-foot buffer zone in which electioneering and harassment are prohibited. Afraid of being noticed, Lewis surreptitiously snapped a picture of them. Several more armed men arrived, until the group numbered at least seven. Many voters had to pass them to enter the site. A Democratic Party poll greeter, Robert Thornton, confronted the men and told them they couldn’t carry guns there, but they responded that they were within their rights.

“I’ve never seen anything like that at a voting place,” said Lewis, who has volunteered at the polls in North Carolina for four years.

Under North Carolina law, the men had the legal right to carry weapons openly. They stayed beyond the buffer zone. According to Lewis, Thornton and other witnesses, the men never brandished their weapons. There is no evidence that they approached any voters.

Nonetheless, Lewis found them frightening. She left a half-hour into her three-hour shift. “If I was a voter and I had to go past a bunch of guys with guns, I would not feel comfortable going to the polls,” she said.

County Democractic Chair Jeff Rose said he “talked to plenty of people who didn’t want to be there anymore.” He added: “If they don’t want to be there as a volunteer, I don’t imagine they’d want to be there as voters.”

The Weaverville Police Department is next door to the polling station, and after Thornton called 911, officers arrived to de-escalate the situation. No arrests were made. Police said that the men left quickly, but Thornton said they stayed for at least an hour. After the incident, Thornton, a lifetime member of the National Rifle Association, asked state legislators to introduce a bill restricting open carry within 150 feet of polling places; he’s hopeful that they will do so in the next session.

Buncombe County Republican Chair Jerry Greene said that, while guns can intimidate voters at a polling place, North Carolina residents ultimately have the right to carry. “If folks know people are carrying there, they may feel intimidated. The other side of it is that folks have a constitutional right to carry. I still stick with the Constitution,” he said.

“One of the guys grabbed the megaphone and screamed, ‘Keep killing black men!'” 

Canton, Ohio

In Canton, Ohio, supporters of Trump and Democratic nominee Joe Biden lined up on opposite sides of a street leading to the early voting location at the Stark County Board of Elections.

On Oct. 31, Bishop G.L. Evans II, president of the Stark County Black Caucus, was setting up a booth on the Biden side of the street. His small group of Pastors for a Peaceful Election volunteers, which supported Biden, was handing out coffee, doughnuts and hand warmers to voters.

A few minutes later, a Trump supporter came over to Evans’ tent and placed a Trump sign directly in front of their stand. “It wasn’t 2 feet. It wasn’t 3 feet. It was inches from the tent,” Evans said.

Evans moved the sign away. A few minutes later, a group of Trump supporters came up to him, one of them holding a megaphone. “They ran over and a guy with the bullhorn got close to my face and screamed: ‘Don’t vote for the party that killed Malcolm X! Martin Luther King deserved it! Keep the genocide in the hood!'” Evans said. (Three Nation of Islam members were convicted of Malcolm X’s 1965 assassination, which had nothing to do with the Democratic Party.)

State Rep. Thomas West, a Democrat who represents Stark County, said he also heard Trump supporters targeting Black voters as they drove into the polling site. A white male Trump supporter called a Black female Biden supporter a “bitch,” West said. “It would only be for people in cars that passed them that were African American,” he said.

“One of the guys grabbed the megaphone and screamed, ‘Keep killing black men!'” said a white female voter, who requested anonymity to protect her privacy. “That is real legit voter intimidation.”

The commotion was unavoidable for voters driving in to vote and for many of those waiting in lines that stretched outside and around the block. More than 50 people left the polling site because they didn’t want to engage, although some returned to vote later, Evans said.

The group also tried to drown out the gospel music playing from his tent, Evans said. “They brought a big speaker and they started playing these songs by Johnny Rebel,” including one that used a racist term.

Evans called the Stark County Sheriff’s Office. It sent officers, but they didn’t help, he said. “These sheriffs were pretty much with the Trumpers,” he said. They checked his group’s food truck permits and permissions to have a booth at the voting location. And while the officers did ask both sides to keep things civil, they never addressed the Trump group’s racial comments, Evans said.

The Stark County Sheriff’s Office did not respond to requests for comment.

Michael Early, an administrative assistant for the Stark County Board of Elections, said that his office did not know of any formal police reports stemming from this year’s voting or any reports of racist language. Early said voters did call to complain about signs or pamphlets, but those are allowed if they are more than 100 feet from the polling place. “Both political parties were out there with signs and flags,” Early said, “but people tend to be intimidated by the ones they didn’t agree with.”

“I can’t imagine how a voter who had lost a loved one to COVID might feel at the sight of a hearse.” 

Spring, Texas

On Oct. 24, during early voting in Spring, Texas, Democratic Party volunteer Aimee Pearce, 35, was surprised to come face-to-face with an apparent corpse with a mail-in ballot in its hand. The body was actually a homemade mannequin in an open coffin sticking out of the trunk of a hearse parked near the volunteers’ tents. In the passenger seat was a skeleton holding a sign that read: “When I Die…Please Don’t Let Me Vote Democrat!!”

B.J. Apgar, 44, a lifelong resident of nearby Conroe and the hearse’s driver, created the macabre display, which he paraded at polling places throughout Montgomery County. “The car was not done to be an intimidation factor, it was done to be an educational factor,” Apgar said.

Apgar said his goal was to highlight the scenario that, as Trump has alleged without evidence, Democrats were casting votes under the names of dead people. “It was never done to make anybody afraid. It was done to bring awareness to get people voting,” Apgar said.

Apgar said he has been overwhelmed with support. Strangers sometimes offer to fill up the hearse’s gas tank. He’s also received cash donations. On his Facebook page, “Hearse Trump Train,” he updates the whereabouts of the automobile, which is owned by his mother.

Apgar covered every side of the car in signs. Slogans included: “All Lives Matter,” “God Guns Country” and “Trump Keep America Great 2020.”

The sign closest to the coffin boasted, “Collecting Democrat Votes One Dead Stiff At A Time.”

And in the back, “Clinton Foundation Suicide Limo Services 1-800-HANG-URSELF.”

A day after Pearce saw the hearse, she shared the description and a picture with ProPublica’s Electionland project. From Oct. 19 to Nov. 3, the Election Protection hotline received at least six other calls about the hearse from concerned voters in Montgomery County. Pearce doesn’t know whether or not the hearse deterred people from voting. But she wondered how the morbid suggestions would affect voters who had recently lost someone to the coronavirus.

“The ‘joke’ about suicide printed on the back of the vehicle, when mental health issues and suicide rates have increased dramatically during the last nine months due to COVID-related lockdowns and quarantines, is unconscionable,” Pearce said. “In Texas, COVID-19 was not a valid reason for obtaining a mail-in ballot. … I can’t imagine how a voter who had lost a loved one to COVID might feel at the sight of a hearse.”

“I thought we were just going to march in collective power, and I thought I was going to go vote. … But it didn’t happen that way.” 

Graham, North Carolina

Avery Harvey, 30, devoted months to registering people of color in Alamance County, North Carolina, to vote. “The whole summer we’d been pounding in these neighborhoods,” he said. He’d gone door to door and stood on street corners to spread the word to as many people as possible. On Oct. 31, the last day of early voting and voter registration in North Carolina, he was finally going to register himself.

That day, more than 200 people in Graham, a city of about 15,600 people, gathered for a march to the polls. “It was a historic march for us. I knew there was gonna be a lot of young voters that I’d reached out to specifically. I wanted to register and vote right there with them,” he said.

They planned to walk half a mile from Wayman Chapel African Methodist Episcopal Church to the polling place. The day was bright and clear, and the march had drawn a variety of participants: “Kids, old, young, Black, white, Hispanic. It was beautiful,” Harvey said.

But many of them, including Harvey, never reached their destination. They’d scheduled a rally at a Confederate monument on the way to the polling place. There they paused, many of them kneeling, for eight minutes and 46 seconds in remembrance of George Floyd.

“We’re marching for him too. For the ones who lost their lives, they can’t vote. Their voice was silenced. We uplift that,” Harvey said.

Police officers escorted the marchers down the street and stood with deputies from the Alamance County Sheriff’s Office on the outskirts of the square. The police were familiar with the march’s purpose. Its organizer, the Rev. Gregory Drumwright, had met with the City Council and police chief that month to discuss his plans for a march to the polls and to seek a permit, which the county gave him, according to court filings. But while participants were getting back on their feet after honoring Floyd, officers shot a chemical spray into the crowd, according to court documents.

“Chaos. You hear many sounds. Screaming. Yelling. Kids. Crying. Panic.” Some of the crowd ran away. A woman in a wheelchair began to have a seizure, according to a lawsuit filed on behalf of the marchers and video taken at the scene. Local news outlets reported that multiple kids were pepper-sprayed and vomited.

About a half-hour later, as the rally resumed, another round of pepper spray hit the marchers. According to the sheriff’s department, deputies were attempting to remove a container of gas that was near a generator used for the rally because it was a danger and against the rules of the permit. March participants began shoving deputies away from the generator, the sheriff’s department said, and an officer who was pushed to the ground deployed her pepper spray. Other deputies joined in the spraying.

Two days after the march, the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law and the ACLU of North Carolina sued the Alamance County sheriff and the Graham chief of police in federal court on behalf of the organizers and participants. The complaint alleges that law enforcement deprived Alamance County voters “of their fundamental right to vote free from intimidation, harassment, threats, or other forms of coercion.” In statements, the police and sheriff departments have denied wrongdoing. They have not filed a response to the allegations in the lawsuit, which is pending.

Both major police associations in the area endorsed Trump for reelection. Sheriff Terry Johnson, a Republican, clashed with the U.S. Department of Justice under former President Barack Obama, which sued him over alleged discriminatory targeting of Latinos for arrest, seizure and detention. The lawsuit was ultimately dismissed by a federal judge, and the sheriff reached a settlement with the DOJ in 2016.

March organizers dispute the sheriff’s version of events. According to their legal complaint, Drumwright had permission to use a generator for his PA system, and he approached a deputy to ask why the generator was being unplugged. The spray was then discharged onto the marchers without warning.

“I tried to hold my ground to be honest, but when people are using chemicals, you know, it’s hard to,” Harvey said. He was hit by the chemical vapor and was one of 23 people arrested for various offenses including failure to disperse. They all got out of jail by the evening, but for Harvey, it was too late to register to vote. Most, including him, were released on the condition that they leave the Graham city limits for 72 hours. The charges against them are pending.

Harvey said he’s still shaken from the incident. “That stuff can take a toll on you,” he said. “I feel disappointed. I feel let down. By the county, by the people that are supposed to be here and protect and serve us.”

“I thought we were just going to march in collective power, and I thought I was going to go vote,” Harvey said. “But it didn’t happen that way. Lethal force happened against a group of peaceful people. The way things are going in Alamance County, that’s not democracy.”

“Yeah, I lost my cool because I’m sick and tired of being spit at.” 

Brooklyn, New York

Around 10 a.m. on Election Day, Eric Nocera’s truck pulled up at a polling place at a middle school in the Park Slope neighborhood of Brooklyn. Nocera, 50, who owns a local auto repair shop, said that he was dropping off his son to vote, and that he didn’t intend to intimidate anyone. But he ended up parking his truck and staying for an hour. The truck was adorned with large Trump flags and voters nearby took issue with the display of political paraphernalia. New York State bans electioneering within 100 feet of a polling place; Nocera and the police say his truck stayed beyond that distance. Still, he was much closer to voters waiting in line on the sidewalk, observers said.

A man approached the rear of Nocera’s truck and began filming it with his cellphone. “I jumped out of my vehicle,” Nocera said. “I’m like: ‘What are you doing? Why are you touching my car? Why are you taking a picture of my license plate? What are you trying to do? Are you trying to intimidate me?'”

Hilary Shepherd, 30, a freelance journalist, was serving as a poll worker that day and saw parts of the exchange. Nocera, she said, initially refused to move his car and told someone to “get a fucking tape measure.” Shepherd said she heard Nocera shout: “All of you guys are fucking pussies. Liberalism is a mental disorder. All of you are sick.”

Whitney Hu, a community organizer and activist who’s running for City Council, was in front of the polling place passing out pamphlets for the Working Families Party. Hu, Shepherd and Kathy Park Price, a nonpartisan election observer, quickly posted videos of the argument to Twitter.

The dispute blew up on social media. Videos show Nocera using homophobic language as well as telling a man he’d “put him in the hospital” and to “go get some Vagisil,” a treatment for vaginal itching. Rex Chapman, a former NBA player turned viral video hound, tweeted the video out and called it “pure voter intimidation.”

Park Price called the city hotline twice. “It felt like it was a fragile situation where he could be set off or someone could be set off. It felt very volatile,” she told ProPublica.

At one point, Hu said, she was afraid of being attacked. “This goes beyond electioneering and is like literally intimidation,” she said.

Police who were stationed at the polling place or arrived later seemed reluctant to intervene. “The supervisors or patrol cops never asked us what we saw or what we heard,” Hu said. When police were asked whether Nocera was allowed to be within 100 feet of the line of voters, “they didn’t even address that,” she said. “They did not acknowledge the questions being asked. It was as if it wasn’t happening.”

Nocera said police told him he had the right to be there. After about an hour, they asked him to leave, and he and his son drove away. He voted at a different location without any problems, he said.

Nocera said that social media distorted the situation. Still, he acknowledged, “I said some shit I shouldn’t have said. Yeah, I lost my cool because I’m sick and tired of being spit at.”

Nocera said that he does not hate gay people and that he was on edge after his family was attacked at a “Jews for Trump” rally in late October. Rocks were thrown and an egg hit his mother in the face, he said. “We were just being Americans. We were supporting our president. And for some reason, it feels like I’m living in a Third World communist country that, you know, we can’t support who we want openly. And we’ve got to be afraid to be attacked.”

Since the incident at the middle school, Nocera said, he’s lost business and he and his son have received death threats. A Twitter user posted his license plate number and his parking tickets. Hu tweeted out a photo of his auto body shop. Nocera’s shop had a five-star rating on Yelp before Election Day; it now has a two-star rating and his repair shop’s page was temporarily disabled by Yelp after a flood of angry photos and posts, some of which call Nocera a racist. Nocera said he’s contacted Yelp, but the posts haven’t been removed. A Yelp spokesperson said that it added an unusual activity alert to the page on the day after the election, and that it has taken down some posts that violate its guidelines because they are “media-fueled reviews that are not based on first-hand consumer experiences.”

Regarding his critics, Nocera said: “You know, these people, they claim to be antifascist. What they’re doing is the epitome of being a fascist. To track me down, put my information out there. I mean, I don’t know how it’s not illegal, but that should be illegal.”

Although police officers witnessed the disturbance, no police report was filed, and Nocera was not charged with any offense. On Election Day, the department summed up the incident on Twitter: “Upon investigation, the vehicle was an appropriate distance away. There was no interference with voting.”

Bless Joe Biden for bringing pets (and compassion!) back to the White House

Over the weekend, President-elect Joe Biden fractured his foot while playing with Major, his German shepherd. After the news broke, it was momentarily unclear what the collective response would be. 

Throughout the election, Biden struggled with being perceived, as “The Hill” contributor Charlie Gerow said in September, as a “fragile, frail old man.” This accident could have further spotlighted what some voters already saw as a shortcoming. However, it quickly became clear that most people — myself included — responded to the story by simply saying, “Thank God we have a normal human in charge of the country again.” 

It was a feeling that was only strengthened when the Biden-Harris transition sent out a special “paws release” that read, “Bark Bark Bark Bark Bark Bark Bark Bark Bark Bark Bark Bark Bark Bark Bark Bark Bark Bark Bark Bark Bark Bark Bark Bark Bark Bark Bark Bark Bark Bark Bark Bark Bark Bark Bark Bark Bark Bark Bark Bark Bark.” 

It offered a helpful translation for human readers: “I wish my adopted father a speedy recovery but I strongly maintain that I have done nothing wrong. I look forward to the Secret Service’s investigation, which I expect will confirm that I am a very good boy.”

Politicians’ pets have historically had an important part in American elections, from the campaign trail to their tenures at the White House. 

They serve as mascots; Bo and Sunny, the Obamas’ pair of Portuguese Water Dogs, were often photographed romping across the White House lawn. Pets also serve as a simple way to relate to constituents. For example, during the Clinton administration, First Lady Hillary Clinton wrote a children’s book, “Dear Socks, Dear Buddy: Kids’ Letters to the First Pets,” based on the numerous letters the couple’s chocolate lab and black and white cat received.

They can also imbue their owners with personality traits those politicians may not otherwise display. Remember when Bailey, Sen. Elizabeth Warren’s golden retriever, was caught on film stealing a burrito at a campaign event? That happened the same day Warren announced she would be suspending her campaign. While at the time Warren told backers, “‘I refuse to let disappointment blind me – or you – to what we’ve accomplished,” Bailey’s burrito-snatching moment soon became a cultural stand-in for the stress-eating Warren (and many of her fans) likely wanted to do that night. 

Donald Trump is the first president since James K. Polk to not have a presidential pet while in office. He has a notorious dislike of dogs. In his mind, people are “fired like dogs” (as was the case with conservative media figures Erick Erickson and Glenn Beck). They “sweat like dogs” “die like dogs,” “choke like dogs” and are “dumped like dogs.” 

Most recently, as the Washington Post reported, Trump used the phrase in one of his numerous, unfounded claims of voter fraud: “‘If you were a Republican poll watcher, you were treated like a dog,’ Trump complained, using one of his favorite put-downs, even though many people treat dogs well, like members of their own families.” 

To Trump, a dog isn’t the epitome of loyalty, fidelity, companionship or protection. It’s a pathetic, simpering creature. 

“To the president, dogs are capable of many things, none of which are particularly dog-like,” Vanity Fair’s Kenzie Bryant wrote. “Begging for money, for example. Getting dumped. Feeling ungrateful . . . The creatures have never done much good in the Trumpian universe.”

Could a dog have helped Trump’s image during the election? Among some voters, perhaps. A group called Dog Lovers for Joe released a campaign advertisement urging voters to “choose their humans wisely,” and international media ran headlines like “Donald Trump’s lack of a dog has become an election issue.” 

And, as “First Pets” author Brooke Janis said back in 2018, “This is a president who needs a friend. Having a dog offers unconditional love, and that is something that this president desires so deeply and can’t seem to find.”

That said, Trump expressed no desire to introduce a dog to the White House, even if just for show. “How would I look walking a dog on the White House lawn? Would that be right?” he asked attendees at a 2019 rally. “I don’t know. Feels a little phony, phony to me”

That’s why, despite his faults, Salon’s Mary Elizabeth Williams rightly asserts that “Joe Biden is the PTSD president we need.” 

“It would be fantastic enough just to have a leader who respects science and diplomacy and knows how to turn off caps lock; you could stop right there, and the world would exhale a sigh of relief,” she wrote. “But what will guide the Biden era is the example of empathy.” 

And empathy goes hand-in-hand with compassion; it’s worth noting that 2-year-old Major Biden is the first shelter dog to live in the White House, where he will be joined by the Bidens’ 12-year-old German shepherd Champ, as well as a soon-to-be-adopted cat. 

By way of disclosure, it should also be noted that I’m writing this story as I’m preparing for what is likely our dog’s last winter; Stanley is a 15-year-old dachshund and has been unwell for a while now. This week, he took a turn for the worse. As I sat up with him, feeding him from a spoon because it hurts his back to bend over a bowl, I remembered Jimmy Kimmel’s monologue following news of Biden’s injury. 

“Can you imagine Trump having a dog?” he said. “I can’t picture him feeding anyone but himself.”

I certainly can’t envision Trump caring for a pet through its stages of life — from rambunctious, (though not-quite-house trained puppy) to an elderly companion that needs extra attention. There’s no way you’d catch him spoon feeding a dog on the floor of the White House kitchen. Joe Biden, though? That I can easily imagine.

America’s children are facing a mental health crisis that no one is talking about

With a third wave of COVID-19 infections sweeping the United States and widespread infection around the world, some schools are grappling with how to stay open safely, while others remain shuttered with remote learning curricula. 

For many children, this new wave of infections will mean additional disruptions to their daily lives: reduced access to nutritious food, less physical activity, perhaps even limits on playtime with friends. Taken together, these and other overlapping impacts affect both their physical and mental health.

I’ve worked on health issues around the globe for decades, including during the Ebola epidemic and other crises. Though the pandemic has created global health challenges previously unseen, as president and CEO of UNICEF USA, I know that children are becoming the hidden victims of the pandemic.

A new CDC analysis finds that since 2019, the proportion of mental health-related emergency room visits for children aged 5 to 11 and 12 to 17 years increased approximately 24% and 31%, respectively. So why are more kids ending up in the emergency room for mental health issues? Part of the answer seems to be that critical mental health services, like counseling, are being disrupted by the pandemic. Indeed, a recent report found that 93% of countries worldwide are facing such disruptions. Many of those services are typically made available through schools and other community institutions, institutions that are now being forced to move online or adapt their programming.

I’ve seen firsthand — not just in the United States but in all corners of the globe, from Syrian refugees in Jordan to Sri Lanka — that psychosocial support for children in moments of crisis is the key to ensuring that critical years of learning are not lost. To help kids cope with this crisis today, and to reduce years of turmoil and future trauma and health impacts, governments, schools and nonprofit organizations must act urgently to expand equitable access to mental health services and other forms of psychosocial support. 

Even before the COVID-19 pandemic, the state of children’s mental health in the United States was alarming. A recent report indicated that the U.S. was ranked 36th out of 38 high-income countries in terms of child wellbeing. Black children are particularly vulnerable, and face a double burden of racial injustice and the disproportionate impact of COVID-19 on Black lives.

Children’s mental health is often deprioritized when it comes to emergency relief, and far too often, trauma is not addressed until long after disasters have subsided. When UNICEF USA was working to support disaster relief following Hurricanes Harvey and Maria, one of my colleagues noted that trauma is “as destructive as floodwater,” and can keep children locked in survival mode for life.

Natural disasters are different than pandemics, but there is a lot that we can learn from them when it comes to incorporating psychosocial support into COVID-19 responses. When I worked as an emergency responder in Sri Lanka following the 2004 tsunami, I met with medical teams on the ground in hard-hit coastal areas. Time and time again, they told me they needed counselors — both for themselves and their patients. 

Some leaders in the space are tackling this emerging crisis by starting with those most in need. In the United States, the Johns Hopkins Center for American Indian Health is adapting and piloting first aid training to make it culturally relevant for frontline and essential workers in the Navajo Nation and White Mountain Apache Tribe. The Center is also sending holistic wellness boxes with culturally relevant mental health resources, including a children’s book about handling COVID-19 in tribal communities, to families in need.

Technology is also providing new tools for socially distant psychosocial support. In Sudan, for example, UNICEF and members of the community-based child protection networks organized psychosocial support sessions through local radio broadcasts and WhatsApp messages to give families tips and guidance on how to support children’s wellbeing during the pandemic. In the United States, the Upswing Fund for Adolescent Mental Health, a new collaborative funded by Pivotal Ventures, was recently established to better support needs of young people of color and LGBTQ+ youth through digital technology and other mental health resources. 

Parents can also take an active role in supporting their child’s wellbeing by promoting play and physical activities. Play has long been documented as a critical tool to help children improve their social-emotional skills, and tools such as age-appropriate dance and yoga videos can also support children’s mental health and help them cope with the stresses brought on by the pandemic. 

With children around the world facing an incredible level of uncertainty and trauma, we must redouble our commitment to provide them with the psychosocial support that they need and deserve. Our collective response to that challenge will define us as a generation. Let’s celebrate our shared humanity by taking action as a global community and give children what they need to thrive. 

Amid COVID, the air hazards of gas appliances draw new scrutiny

As a physician and epidemiologist with the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, T. Stephen Jones spent his career fighting major threats to public health in the United States and globally, from smallpox to HIV to viral hepatitis. But it wasn’t until Jones was well into retirement that he learned about a widespread yet widely overlooked health risk in his own home in Florence, Massachusetts, and in most U.S. households: pollution emitted by natural gas appliances.

While many Americans might think illness linked to indoor cooking and heating is a problem confined to smoke-filled kitchens in the developing world, the natural gas-burning stoves and furnaces found in millions of U.S. kitchens and basements can produce a range of health-damaging pollutants, including particulate matter (PM), nitrogen dioxide (NO2), carbon monoxide (CO), and formaldehyde. Over the past four decades, researchers have amassed a large body of scientific evidence linking the use of gas appliances, especially for cooking, with a higher risk of a range of respiratory problems and illnesses.

Since the publication of two new reports on the subject from the nonprofit research group the Rocky Mountain Institute (RMI) and the UCLA Fielding School of Public Health, this past spring, the existence of these gas-fired health hazards has garnered increasing media scrutiny. But less discussed has been how the Covid-19 pandemic has compounded the risks of this pollution, especially for low-income and vulnerable populations, and how key regulatory agencies have lagged decades behind the science in acting to protect them.

“There’s no question this has been a neglected issue,” said Jones, who has drawn on lessons from his long career in public health epidemiology and disease prevention in sounding the alarm throughout Massachusetts and with former CDC colleagues over the past few years. The first step, he said, is “letting people know what the risks are — particularly when they can be substantial, life-threatening risks that can kill kids.”

One of the clearest signals emerging in the scientific literature is the connection between cooking with gas and childhood asthma — a disease suffered by people of color and lower-income groups at much higher rates than the rest of the population. A 2013 meta-analysis of 41 studies found that children living in homes with gas stoves had a 42 percent higher risk of experiencing asthma symptoms, and, over their lifetime, a 24 percent increase in the risk of being diagnosed with asthma. That study confirmed, in turn, what a 1992 meta-analysis found: Children exposed to higher levels of indoor NO2 (at an increment “comparable to the increase resulting from exposure to a gas stove”) had an elevated risk of respiratory illness. More recently, a 2018 study from the University of Queensland found that in Australia, where 38 percent of households rely on gas stoves for cooking, more than 12 percent of the total burden of childhood asthma was attributable to their use.

Meanwhile, troubling new findings suggest that exposure to NO2 — the primary pollutant of concern from gas appliances — could compound the dangers of the novel coronavirus in communities that are already at higher risk of infection and of dying from the disease. A recent peer-reviewed study led by researchers at Emory University examined Covid-19 mortality data in more than 3,000 U.S. counties, and found that long-term exposure to elevated NO2 was correlated with a higher risk of death from Covid-19 — and that NO2 appeared to be more dangerous than particulate matter or ozone.

The hazards now have a growing chorus of scientists and public health experts insisting that better and stricter oversight of burning gas indoors — a health threat that has been hiding in plain sight for decades, they say — can no longer be ignored. “It’s fundamental and imperative,” said Jones. “We ought to get up on the rooftops and shout about it.”

The cumulative evidence was enough for the venerable New England Journal of Medicine to publish an editorial in January recommending that “new gas appliances be removed from the market.” It was co-authored by Howard Frumkin, a former director of the CDC’s National Center for Environmental Health, which is responsible for investigating environmental drivers of illness and promulgating guidance about those risk factors.

Despite such calls — and despite compelling evidence that gas appliances can produce levels of air pollution inside homes that would be illegal outdoors in the United States — indoor air quality remains entirely unregulated in the U.S. today, and gas appliances largely maintain their industry-manufactured reputation as “clean.” The Environmental Protection Agency only monitors pollutants in outdoor air. And while building codes typically require natural gas furnaces and water heaters to be vented outside, many states lack requirements that natural gas cooking stoves be vented to the outdoors.

Still, recent signs suggest that some measure of regulatory action reflecting the current understanding of the health risks of gas cooking and heating devices might finally be forthcoming. At the end of September, the California Energy Commission held a day-long workshop on indoor air quality and cooking to inform its triennial update to its building energy efficiency standards. The California Air Resources Board (CARB), which regulates air pollution in the state, presented evidence that gas stoves harm health, and that a statewide transition to electric appliances would result in substantial health benefits. These obscure energy code deliberations have generated an unprecedented number of public comments — testament, advocates say, to mounting concern about greenhouse gas emissions, and to growing awareness of the health impacts of residential fossil fuel use.

Last month, the 16 members of CARB unanimously adopted a resolution in support of updating building codes to improve ventilation standards and move toward electrification of appliances — making California the first state to issue official guidance addressing the health impacts of gas stoves and other appliances.

This guidance — which cited the evidence linking gas appliances with asthma and exposure to air pollution more generally with elevated Covid-19 risks — boosts the hopes of those advocating for the decarbonization of California’s buildings that the Energy Commission will require new construction in the state to be all-electric in 2022. If that happens, it would instantly transform the country’s largest market for gas appliances, in a move that could reverberate nationwide.

Until then, advocates for reform suggest they’ll keep pushing — not least because, while this long chain of evidence would be worrying under any circumstance, the Covid-19 pandemic is keeping more people inside cooking at home than ever before.

* * *

Jones’ advocacy started with a phone call. In 2017, his wife, Adele Franks, also a retired public health physician, received a call from the local chapter of the Sierra Club, asking if she would like to help raise awareness among Massachusetts state public health officials about the health effects of gas appliances. She was too busy, so Jones took on the project instead.

He started digging into the peer-reviewed literature. He called experts on air pollution and respiratory health at research universities and reached out to former colleagues at the CDC. While the topic was new to him, analyzing epidemiological studies and assessing their rigor was not. At the CDC, Jones had worked on childhood immunization and child survival programs in Latin America and Africa and spent over a decade as its lead policy expert on HIV and viral hepatitis prevention. (He and Franks are both alumni of the CDC’s Epidemic Intelligence Service, which trains “disease detectives” to investigate and respond to public health emergencies in the U.S. and around the world.)

Jones says he was struck by the discrepancy between the firmness of the evidence and the nearly non-existent response from regulators and public health agencies. Indeed, he found the evidence so persuasive that he traveled around Massachusetts, making presentations to local boards of health in more than 70 different cities and towns.

“One of the things I would always ask them was, ‘Have you heard about this connection between cooking with a gas stove and increased asthma among children living in the household?'” Jones said. The answer he received — from health board members and from former colleagues working in medicine and public health — was almost always “No.”

At around this same time, Brady Seals, a researcher at the Rocky Mountain Institute (RMI), a nonprofit clean energy think tank, who co-authored its recent report summarizing decades’ worth of research on the health effects of gas stoves, was combing through the preceding 20 years’ worth of peer-reviewed studies on the subject. She pored over the EPA’s 2008 and 2016 Integrated Science Assessments on nitrogen oxides, the latter of which concluded that short-term NO2 exposure can exacerbate asthma and cause other adverse respiratory effects.

“The more I dug in and talked to experts in the field, I kept waiting to find out we were wrong,” Seals said. “It was the opposite. In every case, the evidence seems to be strengthening on NO2 and its impacts on health.” The RMI report (co-sponsored by advocacy groups Mothers Out Front, Physicians for Social Responsibility, and the Sierra Club) drew on that evidence to conclude that combustion products emitted by natural gas stoves can cause chronic respiratory illness.

“And the fact that these gas stoves contribute to elevated NO2 is indisputable,” added Seals.

Indeed, the EPA’s own analysis has found that American homes with gas stoves have much higher concentrations of NO2 than those using electric stoves — levels that would violate legal limits if measured outdoors.

Several of the studies cited in RMI’s report were led by Brett Singer, a staff scientist and leader of the Indoor Environment Group at Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory (LBNL), who has been studying indoor air pollution for two decades. Measurement studies have found higher concentrations of NO2 and other pollutants in homes that rely on gas cooking since at least the 1980s, he said in an email.

“It is still a big problem,” he said. “LBNL has done several moderately-sized measurement studies in California in the past 10 years to show that elevated pollutant concentrations are still associated with gas cooking.”

Given that more than a third of all U.S. households rely primarily on gas for cooking, the extent of the damage to people’s health, the RMI report concluded, could be quite large.

Seals spent over a decade working on clean cookstove programs in the developing world, where pollution from reliance on burning wood, coal, and dung for cooking kills 3.8 million people each year. But like Steve Jones, she wasn’t aware of these health risks from a fuel long touted by the natural gas industry, and embraced by the American public, as clean. “I was working on nothing but cookstoves for the past 11 years, but I didn’t really know a lot of this,” she said. “It’s humbling, in a way.”

* * *

The links between gas appliances and asthma — and the fact that environmental regulators and consumer protection agencies have long ignored the risk — have both been on Kevin Hamilton’s radar for a while. Hamilton is a licensed respiratory therapist and leader of the Central California Asthma Collaborative (CCAC), an organization that provides direct support to residents of California’s San Joaquin Valley who suffer from asthma and advocates for policy on their behalf.

In the San Joaquin Valley, which has long had some of the worst outdoor air pollution in the U.S., as many as 1 in 4 children have asthma. But from his years of working directly with asthmatics, Hamilton knows firsthand that their indoor air can trigger asthma, too.

His organization’s community health workers regularly visit homes to look for potential asthma triggers like mold, dust, and allergens, and help homeowners find ways to reduce their exposure. (Since the Covid-19 pandemic emerged, CCAC staff have been doing “virtual” home assessments using smart phones.) One of the key items on their checklist: the presence of a gas appliance. “We note whether or not they have a gas stove or electric stove, and gas for their heating and cooling,” Hamilton said. “Some homes are pretty old, and still have wall furnaces and floor heaters. We have concerns about all those things.”

Californians’ gas consumption is much higher than the national average. In about two thirds of California’s 14 million homes, gas is the primary cooking fuel, and a similar share relies on gas for heating. (Nationwide, 58 percent of households rely on natural gas as their main space heating fuel and 56 percent use gas for water heating, according to the Energy Information Administration.)

The vast majority of households that the asthma collaborative serves are low-income. “Our families are all on Medicaid or underinsured,” Hamilton said. Unvented gas-burning space heaters are illegal in California, but he noted that plenty of people still use them because they can’t afford alternatives or live in sub-standard rental housing.

These gas heaters can be even more dangerous than gas cooking appliances, Singer noted, because they are used for much longer periods, and are designed to vent directly into the living space, resulting in “very high pollutant concentrations.”

And some people, especially renters, even use their gas ovens as supplemental heating sources in the winter, or as a primary one if their electricity gets shut off.

“These are the most vulnerable folks, and have the least resources to do anything about this,” Hamilton said. “Especially in a home with poor ventilation, these particles can be highly concentrated with long-term health effects on people’s lives.”

Yifang Zhu, a professor of environmental health sciences at UCLA’s Fielding School of Public Health, underscored that point. “Smaller spaces, with more people in them, and poor ventilation, especially in rental apartment units, all mean higher levels of pollutants,” she said.

Zhu led a team of researchers that published a report in April examining the impact of natural gas appliances — including furnaces and water heaters — on health and air quality in California. One of the most striking findings from their modeling: In nearly all small apartments, cooking for just one hour on a gas stove results in NO2 concentrations that would far exceed ambient air quality limits set by the EPA and CARB.

Many of the houses and apartments that the asthma collaborative’s health workers evaluate don’t have functioning range hoods. And survey data cited by Zhu shows that only about a third of Californians who do have exhaust hoods use them regularly.

“Our work highlights that environmental-justice communities are disproportionately impacted by these issues,” Zhu said, referring to low-income and minority communities who often have higher exposures and greater vulnerability to environmental harms. “We need to understand there’s a cumulative, compounding health impact of those environmental conditions those populations are experiencing.”

Zhu’s team also calculated how much outdoor concentrations of nitrogen oxides and PM2.5 — microscopic, airborne particles 2.5 micrometers or less in diameter — would be reduced by eliminating natural gas appliances from California homes. They estimated that the health benefits of going all-electric — in the form of avoided deaths and chronic illness — would amount to $3.5 billion per year.

And that estimate does not include the added benefits of indoor air quality improvements. Gaining access to people’s homes to observe their cooking and heating preferences and patterns, understand the physical layout, and monitor personal exposure is both logistically and ethically challenging, given privacy concerns and funding constraints. As a result, there are comparatively fewer studies that involve direct measurements of indoor air and individuals’ exposure.

Still, Zhu noted that if the impacts of breathing indoor particulate matter, carbon monoxide, and nitrogen oxides from gas combustion were tallied up, the health benefits of avoiding that exposure would almost certainly be far larger. “We know the most serious impacts happen indoors, so we can assume most health benefits will occur from replacing those indoor polluting appliances,” she said.

The toll exacted by asthma alone gives a sense of the potential scale. Nearly 1.5 million children in California suffer from asthma. A 2015 report by the California Environmental Health Tracking Program found that childhood asthma results in more than 72,000 emergency room visits and 1.3 million missed school days per year. It calculated that the costs of childhood asthma — both the direct costs of treatment and hospitalization, as well as indirect costs from keeping sick kids home from school — due to environmental factors alone would be $208 million. The total cost of all asthma in the state, among children and adults, is estimated to be $11 billion.

During the recent wildfires plaguing California, CARB tweeted advice to stay indoors and shut windows to avoid breathing wildfire smoke. “Avoid vacuuming, frying foods or using gas-powered appliances,” the agency added.

For the millions of Californians who cook and heat with gas, however, that guidance presents an impossible choice — as does the specter of Covid-19, which has more of us worried about indoor ventilation. Several new studies suggest that people infected with SARS-CoV-2, the virus that causes Covid-19, who have higher exposure to air pollution are more likely to have severe cases of the disease.

“The people most burdened by these impacts are those who struggle the most to pay for cleaner alternatives,” says Seals. “We need policymakers to target those folks, and we need better rebates for electric stoves.”

* * *

For a long time, the blue flame coming out of a gas burner has evoked cleanliness. That was no accident, but the result of a concerted advertising campaign.

In the late 19th century, the nascent natural gas industry began marketing their product to homeowners as a cleaner, more hygienic alternative to coal and wood. After the famous comedian Bob Hope popularized the catchphrase “now you’re cooking with gas!” on his 1930s-era radio show, the slogan became synonymous with “modern, efficient, clean.”

Compared to the wood and coal it replaced in U.S. households, gas was, and is, undoubtedly far better for air quality and health. That’s still true for the billions of people in the developing world who rely on solid fuels for cooking and heating, and are exposed to dangerous smoke every day as a result.

But the catchphrase is in need of updating, critics of such marketing argue. Compared to electric-powered appliances, gas burners are unquestionably more polluting. Induction cooktops — which use magnetic fields to heat pots quickly, rather than burning gas or using the resistance heating coils of conventional electric ranges — have been widely used in Europe for many years, and are now becoming more available in the U.S.

“Induction is both cleaner with fewer pollutant emissions and also the most efficient and least dangerous in terms of burns and fires,” said Brett Singer, “but cooking on induction still can produce pollutants that need to be vented.” Using a ventilation hood is essential with any cooking system, he emphasized.

Electric-powered induction cooktops may save energy and help homeowners breathe easier, but they are more expensive than conventional gas stoves. Right now, the only incentive program in California is a rebate of $100 to $750 from Sacramento’s municipal utility for homeowners who switch to an induction cooktop.

“We’re not accounting for what the pollution from gas stoves is doing to health costs, so we can’t monetize those,” Seals argued. If policymakers took those health costs into account, she added, the dollar value of all those avoided emergency room visits for asthma attacks and lost school and workdays could make wide-scale programs incentivizing adoption of induction cookers look like a bargain.

California is the birthplace of a growing movement by towns and cities to ban natural gas use in new construction. Nearly cities and towns throughout the state have adopted ordinances mandating all-electric appliances in new residential buildings, with San Francisco among the most recent to do so. But those ordinances don’t touch the 70 million existing buildings in the U.S., including California’s 14 million homes — 90 percent of which use natural gas in some form. Retrofitting those homes with electric heat pumps and water heaters and induction cooktops would be an expensive, politically-fraught undertaking.

Organizations such as the Sierra Club and the Natural Resources Defense Council are pushing for state and regional air quality management districts to put in place tighter limits on outdoor emissions from gas appliances. If that happens, it could drive up the costs of those appliances. As homeowners and landlords increasingly switch to electric alternatives for space heating and heating water, keeping the gas line to a building just to supply a stove will become too expensive to justify.

But without targeted incentives, most homeowners and renters won’t be able to afford new heat pumps and induction cookers, and will be stuck paying for increasingly costly gas hookups.

“People are generally not aware of this issue,” said Hamilton. “Even our asthma patients who we educate about this, they just nod. They’d take a free electric range in a minute. But there’s no incentive to do that. There’s no source of funding — that’s key.” The frustration was evident in his voice when he said, “this is just not a regulated area.”

In Massachusetts, Steve Jones’ efforts helped persuade more than 100 boards of health (representing more than half of the state’s population, and including those from the three biggest cities of Boston, Worcester, and Springfield) to write to Gov. Charlie Baker to express concerns about the health impacts of natural gas consumption and infrastructure, and helped secure the adoption of an unprecedented resolution from the Massachusetts Medical Society, the nation’s oldest, recognizing that gas stoves contribute to childhood asthma.

But while these gestures might boost awareness, they haven’t precipitated any changes to the state’s building codes or official state health guidance, nor have they unlocked any resources to help lower-income households make the transition from gas to electric cooking.

Before the pandemic shut everything down, Jones would drive down I-91 to Springfield from his home near Northampton to meet with officials running the city’s Healthy Homes Program, which aims to help reduce environmental triggers of asthma in the home and provides zero-interest loans to upgrade housing for lower-income households.

The Asthma and Allergy Foundation of America ranks Springfield as the most challenging city in the country to live with asthma. Jones wanted to put them in touch with counterparts in Worcester, who were using Department of Housing and Urban Development funding to rehabilitate rental housing, including installing wiring to enable a switch to electric cooking.

Now those conversations are on hold, but the risks haven’t gone away, said Jones.

“Covid-19 has dramatically demonstrated the health threats of living in small, crowded housing, typically apartments,” he said. “The interior air pollution from gas cooking stoves may contribute to the higher rates of Covid-19 in Chelsea, Lynn, Worcester, and Springfield.” 

* * *

Nearly a quarter-century ago, a commentary appeared in The Lancet, the highly respected British medical journal. “The relation between respiratory health and indoor pollution from [gas] appliances has received considerable attention during the past 25 years; both positive and negative associations have been reported,” the authors noted. “Nevertheless, as the researchers suggest, continued investigation of the role of gas appliances and NO2 in the development and aggravation of respiratory disease is clearly warranted.”

The authors were commenting on a study published in the same issue of The Lancet that tracked 15,000 adults in East Anglia, U.K., and found that women who cooked primarily with gas stoves had a significantly higher risk of asthma-like symptoms and reduced lung functions in tests than those who didn’t. (Intriguingly, they found no significant association among men, perhaps explained by the fact that women spent more time in the kitchen cooking, and in the home generally.) They concluded: “Although the issue of indoor gas appliances, NO2, and respiratory health is not new, this remains an extremely common, possibly increasing, exposure throughout the world. The stakes are high.”

Despite those high stakes, the issue has received scant attention from policymakers and public health authorities up to this day. The natural gas industry points to this fact as an indication that there is nothing for homeowners to worry about, and that its product is safe to burn in the home.

Audrey Casey, a spokesperson for the American Public Gas Association (APGA), a national trade group for municipally-owned gas utilities, flatly denied any link between gas cooking and asthma, despite the emerging consensus from the scientific community. “The risks to respiratory health from NO2 documented in the scientific literature are not associated with gas stoves,” Casey said in an email message. “The association between the presence of a natural gas cooking appliance along with the increases in asthma in children is not supported by data-driven investigations that control for other factors that can contribute to asthma and other respiratory issues.”

She also noted that the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC), which oversees safety and performance standards for consumer appliances like water heaters, furnaces, and stoves, and the EPA “do not view gas ranges as a significant contributor to adverse air quality or a health hazard in their technical or public information literature, guidance, or requirements.”

While the EPA does not regulate indoor air quality, it does provide extensive information through its Indoor Air Quality program, based on its decades of analysis of the same pollutants found in outdoor air. The EPA includes NO2 on its list of asthma triggers; “unvented combustion appliances, e.g. gas stoves” is first on its list of primary sources of NO2 indoors.

“Existing regulations — including from the CPSC — have found no health or safety risk associated with normal use of gas appliances,” the APGA’s Casey added.

Writ large, the industry’s core response to the scientific indictments laid out in the Rocky Mountain Institute and UCLA reports might be summarized this way: If gas appliances are so dangerous, why aren’t they regulated more tightly?

But critics of the industry ask precisely the same question: Given the evidence, which has mounted for decades, why hasn’t the CPSC or the CDC taken any action to limit indoor pollution from gas appliances, or issue updated guidance to health professionals and homeowners?

One possible reason, experts say, is that it’s not clear which U.S. federal agency is responsible for regulating indoor air. The EPA has the authority, under the Clean Air Act, to regulate outdoor air. Should setting standards for the air we breathe indoors be under the purview of a health-focused institution like the CDC? Or should the CPSC take the lead?

In 1985, the chair of the CPSC wrote to the EPA, requesting help in determining whether gas stoves and appliances produced dangerous levels of nitrogen dioxide, and whether it should set targets for their manufacturers. The EPA directed its Clean Air Scientific Advisory Committee, a panel of independent experts that reviews the latest science and issues recommendations on air quality standards, to address the question, which it did in a 37-page review on the health effects of exposure to NO2 from gas appliances. The committee characterized the evidence as “equivocal” and stopped short of recommending a standard, but recommended further investigation.

Thirty-five years’ worth of subsequent investigation has yielded a large body of research confirming the risks, with little corresponding action from federal regulatory guardians of health and safety.

Change might be on the horizon. In an email message, Patty Davis, the deputy director of communications and press secretary for the CPSC, said that the agency was “aware of recent studies” and “looking at approaches for reviewing this latest research and understanding how this new information could be used to potentially update recommendations for indoor exposure levels and the development of new, or update of existing voluntary standards.” She noted that CPSC has, over the years, conducted emissions testing that led to the development of voluntary standards for nitrogen oxides from gas space heaters.

The CDC did not respond to a request for a telephone interview with a staff scientist, but in an email message, Ginger Chew, a deputy associate director for science within the CDC’s National Center for Environmental Health, said that, while the agency’s current guidance for health professionals on combustion sources and ventilation in the home was “up-to-date,” agency staff were nonetheless “actively reviewing the peer-reviewed literature” on indoor air quality and gas appliances. In the same email message, Chew also noted that one of the CDC’s scientists served on a recent expert working group investigating the effects of indoor environments on childhood asthma. Interestingly, that group’s 2017 report noted that, while HEPA filter technology has improved in recent years to capture particles in indoor air, only one technology offers similar promise on the cooking front: “Other than replacement of gas stoves with electric stoves,” the report stated, “fewer methods are currently available for indoor NO2 reduction.”

Until there’s more robust action from these agencies, Jones argues at the bare minimum doctors should be asking patients about the presence of gas appliances in their homes. He’s not alone: In a commentary published in September, one pediatrician in the Bay Area compared the risks associated with gas appliances to those posed by leaded gasoline until it was phased out in the 1980s.

“If a child with asthma is seen by a health care provider, the provider should ask about what kind of stove they have at home,” Jones said. “There’s absolutely enough evidence for that.”

But most parents are left to fend for themselves. Ellie Goldberg, who like Jones has worked to spread the word in Massachusetts on indoor gas pollution, agreed. As an advocate for children with chronic health conditions in the local school system in Newton, Massachusetts, she says she first became aware of the science connecting gas with asthma in the early 1980s, when she served on an asthma-focused subcommittee of the National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute.

“I began seeing the literature develop about combustion byproducts indoors from gas appliances,” she said, “and that’s when I saw information on gas as one of the inflammatory triggers for asthma.”

When she moved with her two young daughters, one of whom has asthma, to a home in Newton in 1986 — the same year the CPSC asked the EPA for guidance on the subject — she made the switch from gas to electric. “There was no way I was going to move into a house with gas,” she said. “You do everything you can as a parent to lower the risks and exposures.”

Goldberg, of course, was lucky enough to have had options and access to information. Over three decades later, many lower-income Americans, Seals noted, simply don’t.

“The idea that our homes are more polluted than outdoors, even in cities,” Seals said, “is just a staggering fact.”

* * *

Jonathan Mingle is a freelance writer and a 2020 Alicia Patterson Foundation Fellow. He is the author of “Fire and Ice: Soot, Solidarity, and Survival on the Roof of the World,” about the health and climate effects of black carbon pollution, and his work has appeared in The New York Times, The Boston Globe, Slate, Quartz, Atlas Obscura, and the Los Angeles Times, among other publications.

This article was originally published on Undark. Read the original article.

Trump’s EPA clears way for “Bhopal 2” here in the U.S.

Thirty years ago, President George H.W. Bush signed so-called Bhopal provision amendments to the Clean Air Act. Named after history’s worst toxic chemical accident that killed or injured more than 500,000 people in India the provision was meant to ensure  such a tragedy would never happen here.

The Trump EPA cherry-picked data and ignored accidents, explosions and fires to justify rolling back Obama administration regulations that toughened the original rules.

EPA Administrator Andrew Wheeler echoed chemical industry criticism of the Obama rule, writing in December that the Trump rule reduced “unnecessary regulations and regulatory costs.” Weakening the Obama rule benefits billionaire Len Blavatnik whose umbrella company donated $1 million to Trump’s inauguration.

A Dutch chemical company, LyondellBasell Industries, which Blavatnik helped create, is building a $2.4 billion plant near Houston that will be helped by the lax regulations. It is expected to open next year.

In April 2017, chemical company attorney Steven D. Cook, who worked for LyondellBasell, attended a meeting with the Trump EPA about the Obama regulations. Ten months later Cook was hired as the agency’s top political appointee at the agency’s Land and Emergency Management Office, the part of the agency that eviscerated the Obama rule.

Cook signed a memo recusing himself from participating in regulatory matters involving his former employer, which has U.S. operations based in Houston and is one of the world’s largest plastics, chemicals and refining companies. Blavatnik founded Access Industries and merged two companies to create LyondellBasell.

The memo says Cook could participate in matters affecting LyondellBasell if his actions also impacted at least five other similar companies.

“The rollback of the chemical disaster rule helps LyondellBasell – and all the other chemical companies,” said Kyla Bennett of Public Employees for Environmental Responsibility.

Mark Edgar, senior vice president at Hill+Knowlton Strategies, which represents Access Industries, referred questions to LyondellBasell. Neither the company nor the EPA replied to requests for comments.

In November, 16 states and the District of Columbia sued Wheeler and the EPA in federal court over the rule. Another plaintiff, Harris County, Texas, has sued a Houston refinery owned by LyondellBasell Industries.

“The Trump EPA is gutting critical safeguards against explosions, fires, poisonous gas releases and other accidents,” said New York Attorney General Letitia James.

The Obama regulations were supported by the Chemical Safety Board, our nation’s independent agency that investigates industrial chemical accidents. The board had pushed for tougher accident investigations and outside audits, both parts of the Obama rule.

Daniel Horowitz, the former managing director of the Chemical Safety Board, called the Obama rule “modest steps” that would have cost less than $150 million. A single accident can end up costing billions.

“To my way of thinking the rule didn’t go nearly far enough,” Horowitz said.

Blavatnik was born in what is now Ukraine and grew up in Russia. He emigrated to the United States in 1978 and became a U.S. citizen. He returned to Russia in the 1990s and made a fortune in oil and aluminum. His umbrella company, Access Industries, also owns Warner Music Group. Blavatnik also has British citizenship and now lives mostly in London. He was knighted in 2017 for his philanthropic activities.

Two other Senate-confirmed Trump officials are former lobbyists for Access industries. Interior Secretary David Bernhardt registered as a lobbyist for Access Industries in 2011 and 2012. So did Makan Delrahim, an assistant attorney general who previously represented Trump for America. Treasury Secretary Steve Mnuchin partied on Blavatnik’s yacht, and both invested in a Hollywood financing company.

Blavatnik, who has ties to oligarchs close to Russian President Vladimir Putin, and his companies donated $6.35 million to Republican political action committees during the 2016 campaign. Access Industries donated $1 million to Trump’s inaugural committee.

In July 2017, LyondellBasell announced plans to build the world’s largest propylene oxide and tertiary butyl alcohol plant near Houston. The $2.4 billion project is the largest in the company’s history.

Propylene oxide, used to make bedding and furniture, is regulated under the Bhopal provision of the Clean Air Act. One of the ingredients in the chemical, propylene, was involved in an explosion at Watson Grinding and Manufacturing in Houston in January that killed two people and injured 18. Police asked nearby residents to search their homes and neighborhoods for body parts.

The Trump EPA ignored that fatal accident when it finished its regulation rolling back the Obama rule which requiredcompanies to disclose what hazardous chemicals they use, share information with emergency planners, undergo third-party audits and publish reports on the root causes of explosions and leaks.

The Trump EPA also ignored an accident that could have killed or injured hundreds of thousands of people at a refinery in South Philadelphia. In June 2019, 5,239 pounds of hydrofluoric acid was released in a series of explosions and a fire that burned for more than 24 hours at a refinery owned by Philadelphia Energy Solutions, the largest refinery on the East Coast.

The acid boils at 67 degrees, producing a toxic vapor that stays low and can kill up to five miles away from where it’s released. The force of the explosion sent the acid high enough in the air that there were no serious injuries or fatalities.

Wheeler pointed to a decline in reported accidents by companies that handle, make, use or store hazardous chemicals. There were 94 such accidents reported in 2017.

Catholics will control two branches of government. What does that mean for American Christianity?

Catholicism is rapidly declining in our country everywhere — except in our government. A full thirteen percent of Americans — including me — identify as ex-Catholics. Church attendance is dropping sharply. But just last week, the Supreme Court flexed its newly-enhanced Catholic muscle. In little more than a month, Joe Biden will become only the second Catholic president in American history.

Religion has always been at the center of our politics. But it’s never had such a decidedly Catholic bent.

The surprise SCOTUS decision late Wednesday, blocking restrictions on religious gatherings, was exactly the sort of Catholic-v.-Catholic showdowns we can expect to see more of from now on. The case pitted Roman Catholic New York governor Andrew Cuomo against religious institutions — including the Roman Catholic diocese of Brooklyn — over pandemic-imposed restrictions. And with Amy Coney Barrett joining a Supreme Court jam-packed with fellow Catholics like Brett Kavanaugh and Clarence Thomas, it is unsurprising the outcome tipped as it did. Writing his decision, Justice Neil Gorsuch — who was raised Catholic but attends an Episcopalian church — declared, “there is no world in which the Constitution tolerates color-coded executive edicts that reopen liquor stores and bike shops but shutter churches, synagogues and mosques.” 

These are the challenges that await the future president whose motto is “Keep the faith” and who quotes scripture in public remarks. Who counted among his earliest well-wishers fellow chill dude Pope Francis, and who carries a rosary in his pocket. And as with other notable Catholic leaders in whose footsteps he follows, President-elect Joe Biden‘s practice of religion and public duty will have something in it to piss off everybody.

There are two dominant Christian factions in American politics, both uniquely scary. There is no better illustration of the unsettling pair than in the partnership of Donald Trump and Mike Pence.

There are those like Trump, a lip service Whateverstant who clearly can’t bear to be part of any dogma in which he’s not the highest deity. Trump can grimly hold a bible outside of a church while his goons are bearing down on protestors; he can mangle Corinthians while speaking at Liberty University, asking, “Two Corinthians 3:17, that’s the whole ballgame … is that the one you like?

But his is a Christianity of opportunity. He’s a serial liar, adulterer and full-time bully, just like the ample number of other greedy hucksters in his collection plate-passing coterie. Christianity for these people is a means to an end, the end being tax exemptions and a base primed on fear and obedience.

Side-by-side with them are worshippers like Pence, a born-again evangelical whose mood board is just a list of dystopian novels. Pence is a man who reportedly won’t dine alone with a woman he’s not related to, has vowed to “see Roe vs. Wade consigned to the ash heap of history where it belongs,” has supported “assistance to those seeking to change their sexual behavior” and whose seemingly sincere, apocalyptic faith helped worsen an HIV crisis in his home state of Indiana. He’s part of formidable coalition of what we have called here recently “corporate theocrats,” politicians willing to conveniently ignore the “Just be a kind, forgiving person” vibe Jesus preached and align themselves with charlatans to steamroller over basic human rights.

But then there are Catholics, unique in American politics and historically a much quieter voice. This is a nation, after all, founded by religious separatists, one that has historically cast a skeptical eye toward its Vatican-loyal citizens. When John F. Kennedy was running for the office, he contended with not only broad concerns that he “could not remain independent of Church control” but the directives of bishops who forbade their flock from voting for candidates who “disagreed with the Church.”

Caught between a rock and a hard place, Kennedy thoughtfully declared two months before the 1960 election that “I do not speak for my church on public matters, and the church does not speak for me. Whatever issue may come before me as president — on birth control, divorce, censorship, gambling or any other subject — I will make my decision in accordance with these views, in accordance with what my conscience tells me to be the national interest, and without regard to outside religious pressures or dictates. And no power or threat of punishment could cause me to decide otherwise.” It seems a good way to look at things, if you’re an elected official.

Yet generations of fellow Catholic leaders faced the same dilemma of suspicion from one side and threat of punishment from the other. In 1990, New York governor Mario Cuomo provoked the wrath of John Cardinal O’Connor for his refusal to interfere with abortion rights. Politicians who help “to multiply abortions by advocating legislation supporting abortion or by making public funds available for abortion,” he warned, “are at risk of excommunication.’‘ In 2004, Archbishop Raymond Burke of St. Louis announced that he would refuse to give communion to then–presidential candidate John Kerry for his pro-choice, pro–stem cell research stance. (He didn’t seem to care that, unlike his opponent George W. Bush, Kerry opposed the death penalty.)

And in 2019, Mario Cuomo’s son Andrew kept the family tradition alive, enduring clerical chastisement after expanding abortion rights in the state. Albany Bishop Edward Scharfenberger said that while excommunication was a last resort, “As the governor continues to distance himself from our communion, it may unfortunately result in that.” 

Joe Biden, who regularly attends Sunday mass, has come under similar pressure. Last year, as a candidate, the National Catholic Register said he “identifies as Catholic, but breaks with Church teaching.” You mean, in governing non-Catholics?

Last month, Fr. Paul Scalia, son of the late Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia, issued a dark warning: “Increasingly, the only Catholics celebrated in politics are those who will toe the party line by acting actually against Church teaching on essential issues, who are willing to be Catholic privately — to have Christ as King privately — but not publicly.” And across the country, priests have taken sides on whether Biden can receive communion, with Fr. Frank Pavone, national director of Priests for Life, advocating for “refusing the sacrament to politicians who not only support abortion but who advocate for taxpayer funding for the murder of children.”

One particularly prominent voice, Los Angeles Archbishop José Gomez, president of the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops, earlier this month spoke out against politicians who undermine our preeminent priority of the elimination of abortion. Announcing the formation of a working group to deal with issues like Biden’s support for the repeal of the Hyde Amendment, upholding Roe v. Wade and the restoration of the HHS mandate — the tenuous, oft-challenged provisions around healthcare coverage and religious exemptions —  Gomez opined, “when politicians who profess the Catholic faith support [these issues], there are additional problems.” 

Biden has not always been the most progressive on reproductive rights or women in general, but he has evolved. And he has shown over the past several weeks that he can definitely handle people not liking how he does things. Most important of all, he’s affirmed repeatedly that the job of upholding the Constitution requires acting on behalf of all Americans, all of them, not just the ones who go to the same church as you.

Speaking on “Religious Belief and Public Morality” back in 1984, Mario Cuomo eloquently observed that “There are those who say… that by history and practice of our people we were intended to be — and should be — a Christian country in law. But where would that leave the non-believers? And whose Christianity would be law, yours or mine? This ‘Christian nation’ argument should concern — even frighten —two groups: non-Christians and thinking Christians.” Which is actually most of us. 

To be American and to be Catholic means to exist within two different belief systems and two different sets of rules. And those rules can be interpreted in wildly different ways, as our range of Catholics on the Supreme Court shows. Biden will no doubt at times contradict himself and disappoint his citizenry, but he does seem poised to practice a kind of political Catholicism that would seem entirely impossible to his predecessor and his ersatz Christian toadies, one that sees us as part of the same body.

And while the Catholic-weighted Supreme Court will fight for your right to crowd together at mass, the pope himself takes a different view. Writing this week, Pope Francis chided those still “refusing to keep their distance,” and said, “It is all too easy for some to take an idea — in this case, for example, personal freedom — and turn it into an ideology, creating a prism through which they judge everything…. To come out of this crisis better, we have to recover the knowledge that as a people we have a shared destination.” 

A hard reckoning for the Democrats: Race, class and Joe Biden’s election

Joe Biden and the Democrats did not win the November election decisively enough to drive Donald Trump’s neo-fascist threat back to the shadows. 

Trump’s shadow victories

Trump — despite four years of corruption, incompetence and often clownish behavior — actually increased his share of the popular vote. 

The Republican Party that he remade largely into a weapon for his own personal ambition will probably win at least one of the two run-off elections in January, allowing it to keep control of the U.S. Senate.

Republicans also added seats in the U.S. House of Representatives. They held on to a majority of state legislatures as well. 

That allows them for the entire next decade to control the redrawing of political boundaries to their advantage.

And thanks to Donald Trump, six of the nine justices on the U.S. Supreme Court are conservative or reactionary Republicans. Several of them are bound to serve for another three decades — or more.

What does Biden’s success realistically mean?

Under a President Biden, the behavior of the U.S. government will certainly be more rational and progressive. 

But the country’s deep political divisions will make it harder for the new U.S. president to deal with the multiple crises at home, such as the COVID 19 pandemic, the economic recession and deepening racial divisions. 

Polarized domestic conflicts will also make it harder for Biden to address problems abroad, such as global warming, terrorism and relations with China, Russia and Iran. 

Democrats have to re-think their strategy

By any objective standard, Donald Trump is the worst president in U.S. history. That Democrats were only able to defeat him by so narrow a margin suggests that Democrats need to re-think their political strategy.

After the shock of Trump’s election in 2016, Democrats blamed Hillary Clinton’s failure to sufficiently mobilize the party’s base — white women and minorities. 

This year, however, they made an enormous effort to reach those groups. And with the outpouring of young people into the streets in support of “Black Lives Matter,” Democrats predicted a huge turn-out at the polls. 

They were correct. Democrats came out to vote for Biden in record numbers. 

Trump’s propaganda network proved effective

But so did the Republicans come out for Trump. Trump’s campaign used exaggerated images of violence and looting in the street demonstrations and it associated Democrats with radical demands to “defund” the police. 

This campaign of fear went viral — and generated an almost equal increase in turn-out among Republican voters. Trump received a larger share of the votes of white women than in 2016. 

The fading allure of demographic change

The disappointing election results also raise doubts about a widespread belief among Democrats that they are on the side of history because the population of non-whites — who tend to vote for Democrats — is growing faster than the population of whites. 

Therefore, many Democratic leaders have assumed that they do not have to worry about losing white working class voters to the Republicans because whites will be less important in the future. 

Two-thirds of U.S. Latinos consider themselves whites

There are two problems with this theory:

First, the often-cited numbers are misleading in and of themselves. The well-known New York Times columnist Tom Friedman recently wrote: “sometime in the 2040s, whites will make up 49% of the U.S. population, and Latinos, Blacks, Asians and multiracial populations 51%.” 

But Friedman, like many other political analysts, errs when he classifies the largest minority subgroup, Latin-Americans, as “not white.” In fact, at least 65% consider themselves racially “only” white. 

Thus, if Latino-Americans are correctly classified (by their self-identification), whites will still make up 69% of the U.S. population by 2060. 

So, if racial identity really determines voting behavior, then U.S. politics will be dominated by white people for a long time. 

Conservative and job-security focused Latino voters

Second, the assumption that people will vote as a bloc according to their ethnic or racial identity is simplistic. 

Yes, minorities still largely vote Democratic. Yet, despite Trump’s xenophobia and racism, a larger share of Latinos and black men voted for him this year than they did in 2016. 

This had significant political impact. For example, the Democrats had hoped that the growth in Latino voters would win them the electorally important states of Florida and Texas. But they lost Florida again. 

Why? Because conservative Cuban and Venezuelan-Americans voted Republican. 

Democrats also lost Texas again. During the campaign, the Democrats had targeted their appeal to Latinos by emphasizing Trump’s mistreatment of immigrants entering illegally from Mexico and Central America. 

But Mexican-Americans along the border supported Donald Trump because their jobs and wages are being undercut by the newer immigrants. 

National polls showed that Latino-American voters thought jobs and health care, not immigration, were the most important issues for them. 

The Republicans’ trap for the Democrats

White skin is still privileged in the United States of America and the Republican Party has increasingly pandered to racism. Democrats, for both moral and political reasons, must strongly support racial justice. 

But in an overwhelmingly white society, they cannot attract the necessary sustained political support with a message focused on generalized white guilt. 

Thus, for example, a majority of whites supported the Black Lives Matter movement against police brutality towards Blacks. But the support dropped sharply when demands rose for whites to pay reparations for past oppression of Blacks. 

After all, several decades of stagnant wages, precarious employment and the erosion of upward mobility have left most whites in the United States today who must work for a living no longer feeling very “privileged.”

Republicans of course have been the major promoters of policies that have beneftted investors at the expense of workers. But, shamelessly and cleverly, they have diverted white working class anger toward minorities, protecting the country’s elites. 

Economic class trumps racial affiliation

Most Latinos and black Americans are working class — like the majority of whites. And the data shows the economic problems of minorities are now more likely a function of their class than their race or ethnicity. 

Thus, the central issue of income and wealth inequality is not the privilege of “whites” any longer. Rather, it is the privilege of “rich whites.” 

As economist Adolph Reed, an African American, puts it: 

If you say to those white people in the bottom 50% (i.e., people who have basically no wealth at all) that the basic inequality in the United States is between black and white, they know you are wrong. More tellingly, if you say the same thing to the black people in the bottom 50% (i.e., people who have even less than no wealth at all), they also know you are wrong. It’s not all the white people who have the money; it’s the top 10% of (mainly) whites.

An engine of inequality

Thomas Piketty and others have shown that modern capitalism has become an engine for the expansion of inequality between capital and labor. 

Thus, in the absence of substantial reform, incomes and opportunities for most working Americans — whatever the color of their skin — will continue to shrink. 

Feeling abandoned by the Democrats

In a country where the social safety net is thin, this will inevitably continue to produce insecurity, frustration and anger, which demagogues like Trump know how to exploit. 

Trump succeeded in part because large numbers of white working people felt abandoned by Democrats. 

Over the last few decades, the Democratic Party’s establishment forged an alliance with Wall Street financiers who are liberal on social issues — such as racial discrimination, immigration and abortion — but very conservative on economics. 

One result was that Democratic leaders refused to help their trade union allies defend themselves against the sustained big business campaign to destroy organized labor. As union membership declined, the Democratic Party voter base shrunk. 

People’s champion? A dishonest, but effective lie

Dishonestly, but effectively, Donald Trump presented himself as the people’s champion. On Twitter, he regularly denounced big business while his government provided it with tax cuts, subsidies and freedom from regulation. 

One bizarre result was that throughout the campaign, voters saw the plutocrat Trump as better at creating jobs and prosperity than Biden. 

Have Democrats really learned the lesson?

Biden’s less elitist style helped him with enough white workers to win three key Midwestern states that Hillary Clinton had lost. Still, had Donald Trump shown a minimum of competence in responding to the COVID 19 crisis, he could well have been re-elected. 

Biden and his team say they have learned from their party’s past mistakes and now recognize the need to re-establish their economic credentials as the party of ordinary working people.

They have two years until the 2022 congressional elections to prove it. Historically, the president’s party loses seats in those “mid-terms.” But Biden cannot afford to lose any more. 

Big tasks ahead for the Biden team

As President, Joe Biden will need to concentrate on these three challenges:

1. A rapid and efficient distribution of the COVID 19 vaccines, which will include changing the minds of the 40% of Americans who say they won’t take it.

2. Overcoming Republican Senate opposition to a $2-3 trillion government spending stimulus to provide the unemployed with income and to create new jobs. 

3. Rescue and reform of the U.S. health care system that is cracking under the strain of the pandemic.

4. Raise the federal minimum wage, which helps all workers, especially minorities, who depend most on low-wage jobs.

If he does pull this off, Joe Biden will have the popular support to move on to broader domestic reforms and to shape a foreign policy that is better-suited to a world where the United States is no longer the hegemon. 

Republicans forcing the Democrats’ hands

Because Republicans will do everything they can to make the Biden presidency a failure, the Democrats’ disparate factions have to unite behind him in a “popular front” against the authoritarian right. 

This may be hard for many on the Party’s left, but they have no choice. If Biden fails, they fail. 

Trump has already indicated he wants to run again in 2024. He faces a host of legal and financial problems that may yet destroy his personal political future. But whether he runs or not, the reactionary right-wing following he has created will not go away. 

And we can count on the next version of Donald Trump to be smoother and smarter than the first — and more dangerous.

Conclusion

The election gave us some clues to where U.S. democracy might be headed, but the question remains unanswered: Can Biden and the Democrats restore enough security and prosperity to the American working class to finally eradicate the neofascist political pandemic? 

Fingers crossed.

This article is republished from The Globalist: On a daily basis, we rethink globalization and how the world really hangs together.  Thought-provoking cross-country comparisons and insights from contributors from all continents. Exploring what unites and what divides us in politics and culture. Follow us on Facebook and Twitter.  And sign up for our highlights email here.

Standing up for free expression means standing up for Julian Assange

As the world remains fixated on the COVID pandemic and a divisive presidential election in the United States, it’s crucial that we all remain mindful about the fact that freedom of expression is under attack. 

What happened to the fourth estate? Where is the honest reporting that we all so desperately need, and upon which the very survival of democracy depends?

I’ll tell you where it is: It’s languishing in Her Majesty’s Prison Belmarsh. 

WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange has spent the last year and a half in that London prison under terrible conditions. The U.S. wants to extradite him to face unprecedented charges under the 1917 Espionage Act, which could lead to a sentence of up to 175 years. Given that the federal court in Washington, D.C., has a 100% record of guilty verdicts in espionage cases, Assange would likely spend the rest of his life in solitary confinement. In effect, it would be a lingering sentence of death. And what grave crime might fit such a punishment? The crime of publishing the truth. 

Ten years ago, Assange worked with whistleblower Chelsea Manning to reveal U.S. misconduct and share it with the world. In short, he did what any respectable journalist should do: He shone a light on secrets that the U.S. government would rather keep hidden but which the public had an absolute right — and an absolute need — to know. 

Because of Manning, Assange and WikiLeaks, we learned of unreported civilian casualties, war crimes, human rights violations, the killing of journalists and the U.S. military’s efforts to cover up its misdeeds through misinformation. These revelations won numerous awards for helping to change the global conversation on the post-9/11 wars. 

But while human rights organizations and journalism societies have heralded Manning and Assange for the work they did in the public interest, the U.S. government has sought to make examples of them. To hang them like dead magpies in the hedge as a dire warning to others. 

If the U.S. extradites Assange, it will set the dangerous precedent that journalists can be prosecuted merely for working with inside sources, or for publishing information the government deems harmful. As many experts have testified, this would be the death knell of investigative journalism. It would become nearly impossible for a free press to fulfill its obligation to inform the citizenry, challenge government secrecy, expose concealed wrongdoing or share any information that might embarrass those in power. 

Citizens throughout the world should consider the important role that knowledge plays in democratic life. Knowledge makes us who we are, enables us to understand our fellow citizens and encourages us to grow. Without access to information, our power to express our will at the ballot box is weakened. And our access to information depends on the right to free expression. 

The U.S. military and its partners have been at war for nearly two decades. These wars have cost millions of lives and displaced at least 37 million people. We know that our governments, through bias, incompetence or manipulation, have played fast and loose with the truth about these wars. An independent press is the only safeguard we have against government deception. We should always celebrate brave whistleblowers and journalists committed to sharing with us the information we need to be responsible citizens. The information that Manning leaked and Assange published was true, released in the public interest, and never harmed anyone — unless damaging the reputations of public officials constitutes harm. 

Right now, with the connivance of Facebook, Google and Twitter, the U.S. government is attempting to dramatically reshape how we share information. It appears that the U.K. government is willing to help its closest ally and turn over Assange. 

So what to do now? I am sometimes accused of preaching to the choir. So be it. Choir — we are a very large choir, and in the name of truth and love and freedom we must raise our voices in unison, in a mighty choral roar to demand of the U.S. and U.K. governments that they end their war on journalism. That they dismiss the charges against Julian Assange and cancel the extradition proceedings in the kangaroo court in London. Certainly the future of democracy, and possibly the very future of life on earth, depends upon it. 

The history of the decline and fall of the American empire

We’re now living in an age of opacity, as Rudy Giuliani pointed out in a courtroom recently. Here was the exchange:

“‘In the plaintiffs’ counties, they were denied the opportunity to have an unobstructed observation and ensure opacity,’ Giuliani said. ‘I’m not quite sure I know what opacity means. It probably means you can see, right?’

“‘It means you can’t,’ said U.S. District Judge Matthew Brann.

“‘Big words, your honor,’ Giuliani said.”

Big words indeed! And he couldn’t have been more on the mark, whether he knew it or not. Thanks in part to him and to the president he’s represented so avidly, even as hair dye or mascara dripped down his face, we find ourselves in an era in which, to steal a biblical phrase from Swedish film director Ingmar Bergman, all of us see as if “through a glass darkly.”

As in Election Campaign 2016, Donald Trump isn’t the cause but a symptom (though what a symptom!) of an American world going down. Then as now, he somehow gathered into his one-and-only self so many of the worst impulses of a country that, in this century, found itself eternally at war not just with Afghans and Iraqis and Syrians and Somalis but increasingly with itself, a true heavyweight of a superpower already heading down for the count.

Here’s a little of what I wrote back in June 2016 about The Donald, a reminder that what’s happening now, bizarre as it might seem, wasn’t beyond imagining even so many years ago:

“It’s been relatively easy… — at least until Donald Trump arrived to the stunned fascination of the country (not to speak of the rest of the planet) — to imagine that we live in a peaceable land with most of its familiar markers still reassuringly in place… In truth, however, the American world is coming to bear ever less resemblance to the one we still claim as ours, or rather that older America looks increasingly like a hollowed-out shell within which something new and quite different has been gestating.

“After all, can anyone really doubt that representative democracy as it once existed has been eviscerated and is now — consider Congress Exhibit A — in a state of advanced paralysis, or that just about every aspect of the country’s infrastructure is slowly fraying or crumbling and that little is being done about it? Can anyone doubt that the constitutional system — take war powers as a prime example or, for that matter, American liberties — has also been fraying? Can anyone doubt that the country’s classic tripartite form of government, from a Supreme Court missing a member by choice of Congress to a national security state that mocks the law, is ever less checked and balanced and increasingly more than ‘tri’?”

Even then, it should have been obvious that Donald Trump was, as I also wrote in that campaign year, a wildly self-absorbed symptom of American-style imperial decline on a planet increasingly from hell. And that, of course, was four years before the pandemic struck or there was a wildfire season in the West the likes of which no one had imagined possible and a record 30 storms that more or less used up two alphabets in a never-ending hurricane season.

In the most literal sense possible, The Donald was our first presidential candidate of imperial decline and so a genuine sign of the times. He swore he would make America great again, and in doing so, he alone, among American politicians of that moment, admitted that this country wasn’t great then, that it wasn’t, as the rest of the American political class claimed, the greatest, most exceptional, most indispensible country in history, the sole superpower left on Planet Earth.

An American world without “new deals” (except for billionaires)

In that campaign year, the United States was already something else again and that was more than four years before the richest, most powerful country on the planet couldn’t handle a virus in a fashion the way other advanced nations did. Instead, it set staggering records for Covid-19 cases and deaths, numbers that previously might have been associated with third-world countries. You can practically hear the chants now as those figures continue to rise exponentially: USA! USA! We’re still number one (in pandemic casualties)!

Somehow, in that pre-pandemic year, a billionaire bankruptee and former reality TV host instinctively caught the mood of the moment in an ever-less-unionized American heartland, long in decline if you were an ordinary citizen. By then, the abandonment of the white working class and lower middle class by the “new Democrats” was history. The party of Bill and Hillary Clinton had long been, as Thomas Frank wrote recently in the Guardian, “preaching competence rather than ideology and reaching out to new constituencies: the enlightened suburbanites; the ‘wired workers’; the ‘learning class’; the winners in our new post-industrial society.”

Donald Trump arrived on the scene promising to attend to the abandoned ones, the white Americans whose dreams of better lives for themselves or their children had largely been left in the dust in an ever-more-unequal country. Increasingly embittered, they were, at best, taken totally for granted by the former party of Franklin Delano Roosevelt. (In the 2016 campaign, Hillary Clinton didn’t even consider it worth the bother to visit Wisconsin and her campaign underplayed the very idea of focusing on key heartland states.) In the twenty-first century, there were to be no “new deals” for them and they knew it. They had been losing ground — to the tune of $2.5 trillion a year since 1975 — to the very billionaires whom The Donald so proudly proclaimed himself one of and to a version of corporate America that had grown oversized, wealthy, and powerful in a fashion that would have been unimaginable decades earlier.

On entering the Oval Office, Trump would still offer them blunt words, which would ring bells in rally after rally where they could cheer him to death. At the same time, with the help of Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, he continued the process of abandonment by handing a staggering tax cut to the 1% and those very same corporations, enriching them ever so much more. So, of course, would the pandemic, which only added yet more billions to the fortunes of billionaires and various corporate giants (while granting the front-line workers who kept those companies afloat only the most meager and passing “hazard pay”).

Today, the coronavirus here in the United States might be more accurately relabeled “the Trump virus.” After all, the president really did make it his own in a unique fashion. Via ignorance, neglect, and a striking lack of care, he managed to spread it around the country (and, of course, the White House itself) in record ways, holding rallies that were visibly instruments of death and destruction. All of this would have been clearer yet if, in Election Campaign 2020, he had just replaced MAGA as his slogan with MASA (Make America Sick Again), since the country was still going down, just in a new way.

In other words, ever since 2016, Donald Trump, wrapped up eternally in his own overwrought self, has come to personify the very essence of a bifurcated country that was heading down, down, down, if you weren’t part of that up, up, up 1%. The moment when he returned from the hospital, having had Covid-19 himself, stepped out on a White House balcony, and proudly tore off his mask for all the world to see summed up the messaging of this all-American twenty-first-century moment perfectly.

Waving goodbye to the American moment

Unique as Donald Trump may seem in this moment and overwhelming as Covid-19 might be for now, the American story of recent years is anything but unique in history, at least as so far described. From the Black Death (bubonic plague) of the fourteenth century to the Spanish Flu of the early twentieth century, pandemics have, in their own fashion, been a dime a dozen. And as for foolish rulers who made a spectacle of themselves, well, the Romans had their Nero and he was anything but unique in the annals of history.

As for going down, down, down, that’s in the nature of history. Known once upon a time as “imperial powers” or “empires,” what we now call “great powers” or “superpowers” rise, have their moments in the sun (even if it’s the shade for so many of those they rule over), and then fall, one and all. Were that not so, Edward Gibbon’s classic six-volume work, The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, would never have gained the fame it did in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.

Across the planet and across time, that imperial rising and falling has been an essential, even metronomic, part of humanity’s story since practically the dawn of history. It was certainly the story of China, repeatedly, and definitely the tale of the ancient Middle East. It was the essence of the history of Europe from the Portuguese and Spanish empires to the English empire that arose in the 18th century and finally fell (in essence, to our own) in the middle of the last century. And don’t forget that other superpower of the Cold War, the Soviet Union, which came into being after the Russian Revolution of 1917 and grew and grew, only to implode in 1991, after a (gulp!) disastrous war in Afghanistan, less than 70 years later.

And none of this, as I say, is in itself anything special, not even for a genuinely global power like the United States. (What other country ever had at least 800 military garrisons spread across the whole planet?) If this were history as it’s always been, the only real shock would perhaps be the strikingly bizarre sense of self-adulation felt by this country’s leadership and the pundit class that went with it after that other Cold War superpower so surprisingly blew a fuse. In the wake of the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the Soviet Union’s plunge to its grave in 1991, leaving behind an impoverished place once again known as “Russia,” they engaged in distinctly delusional behavior. They convinced themselves that history as it had always been known, the very rise and fall and rise (and fall) that had been its repetitious tune, had somehow “ended” with this country atop everything forever and beyond.

Not quite three decades later, in the midst of a set of “forever wars” in which the U.S. managed to impose its will on essentially no one and in an increasingly chaotic, riven, pandemicized country, who doesn’t doubt that this was delusionary thinking of the first order? Even at the time, it should have been obvious enough that the United States would sooner or later follow the Soviet Union to the exits, no matter how slowly, enveloped in a kind of self-adoration.

A quarter-century later, Donald Trump would be the living evidence that this country was anything but immune to history, though few then recognized him as a messenger of the fall already underway. Four years after that, in a pandemicized land, its economy a wreck, its military power deeply frustrated, its people divided, angry, and increasingly well-armed, that sense of failing (already felt so strongly in the American heartland that welcomed The Donald in 2016) no longer seems like such an alien thing. It feels more like the new us — as in U.S.

Despite the oddity of The Donald himself, all of this would just be more of the same, if it weren’t for one thing. There’s an extra factor now at work that’s all but guaranteed to make the history of the decline and fall of the American empire different from the declines and falls of centuries past. And no, it has next to nothing to do with (blare of trumpets!) Donald Trump, though he did long ago reject climate change as a “Chinese hoax” and, in every way possible, thanks to his love of fossil fuels, give it as much of a helping hand as he could, opening oil lands of every sort to the drill, and dismissing environmental regulations that might have impeded the giant energy companies. And don’t forget his mad mockery of alternative power of any sort.

I could go on, of course, but why bother. You know this part of the story well. You’re living it.

Yes, in its own distinctive fashion, the U.S. is going down and will do so whether Donald Trump, Joe Biden, or Mitch McConnell is running the show. But here’s what’s new: for the first time, a great imperial power is falling just as the earth, at least as humanity has known it all these thousands of years, seems to be going down, too. And that means there will be no way, no matter what The Donald may think, to wall out intensifying stormsfires, or floodsmega-droughtsmelting ice shelves and the rising sea levels that go with them, record temperatures, and so much more, including the hundreds of millions of people who are likely to be displaced across a failing planet, thanks to those greenhouse gases released by the burning of the fossil fuels that Donald Trump loves so much.

Undoubtedly, the first genuine twist in the rise-and-fall version of human history — the first story, that is, that was potentially all about falling — arrived on August 6th and 9th, 1945 when the U.S. dropped nuclear bombs on the Japanese cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. It soon became apparent that such weaponry, collected in vast and spreading arsenals, had (and still has) the power to quite literally take history out of our hands. In this century, even a “limited” regional war with such weaponry could create a nuclear winter that might starve billions. That version of Armageddon has at least been postponed time and again since August 1945, but as it happened, humanity proved quite capable of coming up with another version of ultimate disaster, even if its effects, no less calamitous, happen not with the speed of an exploding nuclear weapon, but over the years, the decades, the centuries.

Donald Trump was the messenger from hell when it came to a falling empire on a failing planet. Whether, on such a changing world, the next empire or empires, China or unknown powers to come, can rise in the normal fashion remains to be seen. As does whether, on such a planet, some other way of organizing human life, some potentially better, more empathetic way of dealing with the world and ourselves will be found.

Just know that the rise and fall of history, as it always was, is no more. The rest, I suppose, is still ours to discover, for better or for worse.

Copyright 2020 Tom Engelhardt

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Trump’s final days: Who stood up to him?

We always knew Trump would contest the election results. He’s spreading wilder and wilder conspiracy theories about non-existent voter fraud. Of course, these claims haven’t held up in court because there’s zero evidence. But the integrity of thousands of people responsible for maintaining American democracy is being tested as never before.

Tragically, most Senate and House Republicans are failing the test by refusing to stand up to Trump. Their cowardice is a devastating betrayal of public trust, and will have lasting consequences.

They worry that speaking out could invite a primary challenge. But democracy depends on moral courage. These Republicans are profiles in cowardice.

Fortunately for our democracy, many lower-level Republican office-holders are passing the test.

Take, for example, Brad Raffensperger – Georgia’s Republican secretary of state who oversaw the election there and describes himself as “a Republican through and through and never voted for a Democrat.” 

Raffensperger is defending Georgia’s vote for Biden, rejecting Trump’s accusations of fraud. He spurned overtures from Senator Lindsey Graham, who asked if Raffensperger could toss out all mail-in votes from counties with high rates of questionable signatures. And Raffensperger dismissed demandsfrom Georgia’s two incumbent Republican senators, Kelly Loeffler and David Perdue, both facing tougher-than-anticipated runoffs) that he resign.

“This office runs on integrity,” Raffensperger says, “and that’s what voters want to know, that this person’s going to do his job.”

Raffensperger has also received death threats from Republican voters inflamed by Trump’s allegations. Election officials in Nevada, Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Arizona are also reporting threats. But they’re not giving in to them.

Let’s not forget other public officials in the Trump administration who have stood up for democracy and against Trump – public health officials unwilling to lie about Covid-19military leaders unwilling to back Trump’s attacks on Black Lives Matter protestersinspectors general unwilling to cover up Trump corruptionU.S. foreign service officers unwilling to lie about Trump’s overtures to Ukraineintelligence officials unwilling to bend their reports to suit Trump, and Justice Department attorneys refusing to participate in Trump’s obstructions of justice.

Some of them lost their jobs. Some quit. Many were demoted. A few have been threatened with violence. That’s the price they had to pay to do what’s morally right under Trump, who has no idea what it means to do what’s morally right.

The question after January 20, when Trump is gone from the White House, is how many Senate and House Republicans will find the integrity to stand up for America rather than bend to the conspiracy theories and hatefulness that will be the legacies of Trumpism. 

As hospitals fill with COVID patients, medical reinforcements are hard to find

Hospitals in much of the country are trying to cope with unprecedented numbers of COVID-19 patients. As of Monday, 96,039 were hospitalized, an alarming record that far exceeds the two previous peaks in April and July of just under 60,000 inpatients.

But beds and space aren’t the main concern. It’s the workforce. Hospitals are worried staffing levels won’t be able to keep up with demand as doctors, nurses and specialists such as respiratory therapists become exhausted or, worse, infected and sick themselves.

The typical workaround for staffing shortages — hiring clinicians from out of town — isn’t the solution anymore, even though it helped ease the strain early in the pandemic, when the first surge of cases was concentrated in a handful of “hot spot” cities such as New York, Detroit, Seattle and New Orleans.

Recruiting those temporary reinforcements was also easier in the spring because hospitals outside of the initial hot spots were seeing fewer patients than normal, which led to mass layoffs. That meant many nurses were able — and excited — to catch a flight to another city and help with treatment on the front lines.

In many cases, hospitals competed for traveling nurses, and the payment rates for temporary nurses spiked. In April, Vanderbilt University Medical Center in Nashville, Tennessee, had to increase the pay of some staff nurses, who were making less than newly arrived temporary nurses.

In the spring, nurses who answered the call from beleaguered “hot spot” hospitals weren’t merely able to command higher pay. Some also spoke about how meaningful and gratifying the work felt, trying to save lives in a historic pandemic, or the importance of being present for family members who could not visit loved ones who were sick or dying.

“It was really a hot zone, and we were always in full PPE and everyone who was admitted was COVID-positive,” said Laura Williams of Knoxville, Tennessee, who helped launch the Ryan Larkin Field Hospital in New York City.

“I was working six or seven days a week, but I felt very invigorated.”

After two taxing months, Williams returned in June to her nursing job at the University of Tennessee Medical Center. For a while, the COVID front remained relatively quiet in Knoxville. Then the fall surge hit. There have been record hospitalizations in Tennessee nearly every day, increasing by 60% in the past month.

Health officials report that backup clinicians are becoming much harder to find.

Tennessee has built its own field hospitals to handle patient overflows — one is inside the old Commercial Appeal newspaper offices in Memphis, and another occupies two unused floors in Nashville General Hospital. But if they were needed right now, the state would have trouble finding the doctors and nurses to run them because hospitals are already struggling to staff the beds they have.

“Hospital capacity is almost exclusively about staffing,” said Dr. Lisa Piercey, who heads the Tennessee Department of Health. “Physical space, physical beds, not the issue.”

When it comes to staffing, the coronavirus creates a compounding challenge.

As patient caseloads reach new highs, record numbers of hospital employees are themselves out sick with COVID-19 or temporarily forced to stop working because they have to quarantine after a possible exposure.

“But here’s the kicker,” said Dr. Alex Jahangir, who chairs Nashville’s coronavirus task force. “They’re not getting infected in the hospitals. In fact, hospitals for the most part are fairly safe. They’re getting infected in the community.”

Some states, like North Dakota, have already decided to allow COVID-positive nurses to keep working as long as they feel OK, a move that has generated backlash. The nursing shortage is so acute there that some traveling nurse positions posted pay of $8,000 a week. Some retired nurses and doctors were asked to consider returning to the workforce early in the pandemic, and at least 338 who were 65 or older have died of COVID-19.

In Tennessee, Gov. Bill Lee issued an emergency order loosening some regulatory restrictions on who can do what within a hospital, giving them more staffing flexibility.

For months, staffing in much of the country had been a concern behind the scenes. But it’s becoming palpable to any patient.

Dr. Jessica Rosen is an emergency physician at St. Thomas Health in Nashville, where having to divert patients to other hospitals has been rare over the past decade. She said it’s a common occurrence now.

“We have been frequently on diversion, meaning we don’t take transfers from other hospitals,” she said. “We try to send ambulances to other hospitals because we have no beds available.”

Even the region’s largest hospitals are filling up. This week, Vanderbilt University Medical Center made space in its children’s hospital for non-COVID patients. Its adult hospital has more than 700 beds. And like many other hospitals, it has had the challenge of staffing two intensive care units — one exclusively for COVID patients and another for everyone else.

And patients are coming from as far away as Arkansas and southwestern Virginia.

“The vast majority of our patients now in the intensive care unit are not coming in through our emergency department,” said Dr. Matthew Semler, a pulmonary specialist at VUMC who works with COVID patients.

“They’re being sent hours away to be at our hospital because all of the hospitals between here and where they present to the emergency department are on diversion.”

Semler said his hospital would typically bring in nurses from out of town to help. But there is nowhere to pull them from right now.

National provider groups are still moving personnel around, though increasingly it means leaving somewhere else short-staffed. Dr. James Johnson with the Nashville-based physician services company Envision has deployed reinforcements to Lubbock and El Paso, Texas, this month.

He said the country hasn’t hit it yet, but there’s a limit to hospital capacity.

“I honestly don’t know where that limit is,” he said.

At this point, the limitation won’t be ventilators or protective gear, he said. In most cases, it will be the medical workforce. People power.

Johnson, an Air Force veteran who treated wounded soldiers in Afghanistan, said he’s more focused than ever on trying to boost doctors’ morale and stave off burnout. He’s generally optimistic, especially after serving four weeks in New York City early in the pandemic.

“What we experienced in New York and happened in every episode since is that humanity rises to the occasion,” he said.

But Johnson said the sacrifices shouldn’t come just from the country’s health care workers. Everyone bears a responsibility, he said, to try to keep themselves and others from getting sick in the first place.

This story is from a reporting partnership that includes Nashville Public Radio, NPR and Kaiser Health News.

Kaiser Health News (KHN) is a national health policy news service. It is an editorially independent program of the Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation which is not affiliated with Kaiser Permanente.

Small Axe: what Steve McQueen got right and wrong about Lovers Rock

Usually, I’m the first to fall asleep in front of the TV during a popular Sunday evening drama. But I stayed wide awake during the second installment of Steve McQueen’s Small Axe series, Lovers Rock. The series presents five insights into the lives of young Caribbean communities in London and this episode explored lovers rock reggae music, which was a distinctive genre of romantic love songs that came out of London during the mid-1970s.

These tender romantic songs merged roots reggae baselines from Jamaica, the soulful melodies of Chicago and Philadelphia soul with a touch of British pop to form the lovers rock vibe. It was an early expression of a definitive Black UK sound.

McQueen’s film documents the underground space of the reggae Blues party, a Caribbean cultural institution that arguably transformed the way popular music is played and experienced here in the UK. It’s a subject that I have been studying for a while now and since the episode’s release, I’ve been party to many debates about the merits and authenticity of McQueen’s interpretation of this important marker of Black British music and culture.

Setting up the Blues party

In Birmingham, where I’m from, Blues parties took place in people’s homes, community halls, leisure centres, Black-owned music and cultural venues as well as Irish pubs. During the 1970s and 80s, state authorities viewed the Blues party as a social menace that epitomised criminal activity and hedonistic disorder. However, for Blues party aficionados, these spaces were a vital sanctuary of communal pleasure and enjoyment, a self-created and self-defined space away from the everyday forms of racism that were commonplace in Thatcher’s Britain.

The film is attentive to some of the various elements needed to hold a blues party in your “yard”. The huge pots of rice and peas and curry goat. The removal of the carpet and furniture from your living room, as if you were moving house. The wiring up of the epic speaker boxes to balance the treble and the heavy baselines of the sound system. The eagerness to show off the latest style and fashion as you step into the party in shiny sateen dresses or your Gabicci shirt. These were all essential features in the film that captured the cultural tones and stylistic tenor of this period. These details are important because it’s very rare for them to be given such attention on British TV screens.

However, because such representations are so rare, this attention to detail is also the film’s weakness. The “dub” scene, where we see a young Rastafari bredrin falling to the ground in a frenzied spiritual trance, missed the significance of dub as a deeply educational form of communication. The Blues party was an erotic space as much as it was a space of thinking and learning from the wit, skill and lyrical dexterity of the DJ that chatted freestyle lyrics and verses over the mic.

In some ways, the DJ was a precursor to Black Twitter (an online subculture largely consisting of Black users focused on issues of interest to the Black community), offering detailed and critical social commentary but with a distinctive anti-colonial critique to “chant down Babylon“. An idea originating from the religious and political movement of Rastafarianism, Babylon is the society constructed by colonialism that oppresses Black people. So to “chant down Babylon” is to speak out against this society and its ills.

A Lovers Rock revival

The promotion of McQueen’s film hinged heavily on Janet Kay’s lovers rock classic, Silly Games and the iconic high-pitched note that soars and climbs during the chorus of the song. There’s no doubting the cultural significance of Kay’s track. Lovers rock enjoyed popular mainstream chart success during the 1970s when Kay performed Silly Games on Top of the Pops in 1979, reaching number two in the UK Top 40 chart.

But as joyful and compelling as the track is, at one point in the film the song is extensively featured for over 11 minutes at the expense of a plethora of other classic lovers rock tracks of the period. Now, any sound system worth their salt and anyone who has ever attended a Blues party knows that this would never have happened. Sound system culture is about the selector’s ability to “rinse tune”, meaning a sound system’s credibility rests on demonstrating the unique depth and range of their music back catalogue. This means that no one song would have been playing for as long as 11 minutes.

For those who may be new to the sound system scene, these details may not matter at all. But for the folks who do remember, they mark the line between flashes of genuine insight and moments of contrived nostalgia.

If there is going to be a revival of the genre, as some suggest, then those interested should explore the depth and range of the lovers rock back catalogue. The early popular voices of lovers rock in the UK were characterised by young Black teenage girls, such as Kay, Louisa Mark and Carroll Thompson to name a few. Mark is the vocalist that marked the birth of the UK lovers rock sound with her cover of the Robert Parker track, Caught You in a Lie.

Popular UK male acts included Maxi Priest, Vivian Jones and Peter Hunnigale. UK band Beshara’s track, Men Cry Too expressed masculine tenderness and vulnerabilities. Artists from Jamaica such as Sugar Minott and Dennis Brown both collaborated with UK lovers rock artists and where hugely influential in their own right, as too was Gregory Issacs.

Clearly, McQueen’s film cannot do the work of telling the full story of lovers rock and nor should we expect it to but it is an important moment in Black British culture that is well worth a revival.

Lisa Palmer, Deputy Director of The Stephen Lawrence Research Centre, De Montfort University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.