Of the various dorm-room pastimes that divert the adolescent mind in its occasional attempts at sublimity, making up lists of “the greatest writers of all time” is one of the most gratifying. What could be more enjoyable than to assemble, from the comfort of a decaying thrift store chair, your own personal Literary Rotisserie team, each author appearing on a baseball card with his or her lifetime stats printed on the back?
The charms of Literary Rotisserie are as endless as they are mindless. Should you trade franchise player Will Shakespeare, the Willie Mays of English letters (.354, 708 HRs, 1770 couplets batted in) for a blockbuster package including brilliant but neurotic closer Franz Kafka (45 saves and an earned-angst average of 1.09), dependable second baseman Jane Austen, and fleet-footed but erratic center fielder Henry “Tropical Heat” Miller?
Of course, those sophomoric arguments about whether Hemingway or Faulkner was a better writer can never be settled —
that’s what makes them fun. And the publication of “The New York Public Library’s Books of the Century,” even though it only fitfully addresses questions of literary supremacy, should lead to plenty of table-pounding in bookish circles.
“Books of the Century” is a compilation, based on a 1995 exhibition curated by Elizabeth Diefendorf, the New York Public Library’s research chief and editor of the book, of what the institution deemed to be the books that would best “recall this past century and its tremendous changes.” Not the best books, be it noted, or even the most influential, but simply those that “recall” the salient events of the 20th century. If a major social movement or phenomenon or genre or psychological state or ethnic group didn’t happen to produce any major works, no problem — minor ones will do. (In fact, books suitable for conveniently “recalling” historical events are often minor — as some of these selections prove.) The overriding concern here is to represent important 20th century events and historical changes, not to honor the best or most important books or writers. This leads to certain awkwardnesses.
What kind of events and changes do New York’s librarians (the list was drawn up by soliciting suggestions from librarians throughout the city) deem important? In her introduction, Diefendorf proclaims that “our choices, though certainly diverse, represent a perspective that is urban, American, and profoundly concerned with issues of social justice and freedom of expression.”
This sounds unobjectionable, and if the editors had been allowed to choose 500 books, they probably could have gotten away with some of the feeble titles on their list. They only had 175, however, and so this becomes a stark zero-sum literary game: every mediocre work selected because it recalls “issues of social justice and freedom of expression” takes a slot that could otherwise have gone to a magisterial work that had a significant impact on 20th-century literature, thought or society.
The book is divided up into 12 sections, including “Landmarks of Modern Literature,” “Nature’s Realm,” “Women Rise,” “Protest and Progress” and “Optimism, Joy, Gentility.” These wedges make up a respectable enough combo pizza, but it’s a Procrustean one: literary works are repeatedly shoved into categories that are too small for them. Are Conrad’s “Lord Jim” and Camus’ “The Stranger,” for example, best described as novels about “Colonialism and Its Aftermath”? Is it really appropriate to place “The Age of Innocence” in the “Women Rise” chapter?
The impression of didacticism is only furthered by the disproportionate attention paid to certain subjects. The “Women Rise” chapter includes not just such reasonable selections as Betty Friedan’s “The Feminine Mystique,” Simone de Beauvoir’s “The Second Sex” and Zora Neale Hurston’s “Dust Tracks on a Road,” but also such dubious selections as “Sisterhood is Powerful,” “Against Our Will,” and “The Color Purple.” The point is not that the issues addressed in those books are unimportant: it is that mere association with important issues should not be sufficient reason to canonize books of limited influence and literary merit. In a related vein, it’s hard to escape the conclusion that Randy Shilts’ “And the Band Played On” was chosen not on its merits but because the AIDS crisis “needed” a book.

In some ways “Books of the Century” resembles an exercise in intellectual affirmative action, in which there are a certain number of places reserved for feminist works, a certain number for black works, a certain number for gay works, a certain number for “post-colonial” works and so on. Those seeking a Maya Angelou-like celebration of diversity, a kind of State of the Century speech in which every constituency is patted rhetorically on the head, will find “Books of the Century” enthralling. Those who welcome diversity, but are concerned to preserve shared critical and historical standards and respect for the great works of 20th century literature, will be considerably less happy.
To which, those responsible for this list might respond: WHOSE 20th century literature? — and then go on to make the familiar argument that the Western tradition, dominated by Dead White Euro-American Males, isn’t worth preserving in the brave new multicultural world.
The problem, of course, is that the Western tradition (which, in the 20th century, has increasingly become the world tradition) isn’t owned by any one group: it’s the tree that all Americans, whatever their skin color or ethnicity, are sitting in. Langston Hughes is the spiritual son of Walt Whitman, just as Walt Whitman is the great-great-grandson of Shakespeare. Everyone wants an inclusive canon, but you don’t create one by destroying the tradition itself, any more than you can expect fruit to grow in a tree if you chop down its trunk.
This collection doesn’t exactly chop down the great tree, but it certainly doesn’t go out of its way to water it. And it ignores some pretty big apples.
The illustrative approach chosen by the editors ignores what T.S. Eliot called the “ideal order” that books form, the fact that they are just as related to their strong predecessors as they are to the political events of their time. Unable or unwilling to acknowledge this, the editors are forced to pick and choose through an eclectic assortment of issues, ideologies and constituencies. The result is a politicized collection that, although it does include some offbeat, fun choices, is ultimately thin, watery, and predictable. “Books of the Century” is a typical product of a contemporary “sensitive” cultural bureaucracy: in trying to say everything, it manages to say almost nothing.
Perhaps the most unfortunate consequence of this book’s politicized selection criteria is that it makes it difficult to evaluate the actual influence of many of the works. Not being familiar with the book or its reception, I have no way of knowing whether Carrie Chapman Catt’s “Woman Suffrage and Politics” had any actual influence or was simply included because women’s suffrage, like AIDS, “needed” a book to represent it. (The short, uninspired paragraphs of text accompanying each book don’t help, either: why weren’t notable writers hired to write idiosyncratic appreciations?) The same holds for works by two little-known (to me, at least) African writers, Tayeb El-Salih and Buchi
The complete list of the “Books of the Century”
Emecheta. By putting forward works of underappreciated writers rather than established figures like Wole Soyinka or Naguib Mahfouz, the editors may well be performing a valuable function — but one may wonder, probably unfairly, whether these works are included more because of their subject matter than because of their literary merit.
Or take “There Are No Children Here,” Alex Kotlowitz’s fine 1991 study of two small boys in a bleak Chicago housing project. How much influence did this book really have? Did people suddenly become aware of the tragedy of the contemporary American inner city after it came out, as people became aware of the corrupt and deadly practices of the meat-packing industry after Upton Sinclair wrote “The Jungle”? Did social policy change? Was welfare given a shot in the arm, were draconian drug laws liberalized, did wretched ghettos schools get more money, were job programs created? No to all of the above — but, as the accompanying note says, “‘There Are No Children Here’ was adapted as a TV movie, produced by and starring Oprah Winfrey, which aired on ABC in 1993.”
Again, the point is not to belittle the power of Kotlowitz’s moving book, or to deny that its subject is enormously important, but to question whether it really stands as one of the 175 most important books of the century: They might just as well have chosen Susan Sheehan’s New Yorker pieces on the devastated lives of African-Americans in the New Haven ghetto. Straining after contemporary relevance, the editors overlook works that have proven staying power: wouldn’t Claude Brown’s “Manchild in the Promised Land” or Piri Thomas’ “Down These Mean Streets” be better choices?
Strangest of all, “The Books of the Century” doesn’t even get its multiculturalism right. It’s strong on sub-Saharan African and African-American writers, decent on Latin Americans, weak on East Indians (no Narayan, no Rushdie) — and includes not a single work by an Asian writer except “Quotations From Chairman Mao.” Where are Mishima, Kobe, Endo and Oe, to name just four from Japan?
In the book’s blue-chip literary category, “Landmarks of World Literature,” the choices are mostly on target. No matter how much the curators may have wanted to, they couldn’t exile such Eurocentric masterpieces as “Ulysses,” “The Magic Mountain,” “The Three Sisters” and the poetry of Yeats. But in a spasm of political correctness, or just plain stupidity, the curators originally decided that William Faulkner wasn’t good enough to make the cut — a fact which by itself makes it hard to take this collection seriously. Public outcry led to Faulkner’s inclusion, along with seven other writers.
Another major eyebrow-raiser is the choice of Edna St. Vincent Millay as one of the century’s five “landmark” poets, rubbing shoulders with Eliot, Yeats, Lorca and, bringing up the rear of this Olympian company, Auden. (Elizabeth Bishop is honored in another category.) Millay is a wonderful poet, but to choose her over Pablo Neruda, or Ezra Pound, or Robert Frost, or William Carlos Williams, or Wallace Stevens — to take five of the most deserving candidates — seems a bit peculiar, at least on grounds of influence. One may be forgiven the cynical assumption that it’s gender-payback time. As with some of the other dark horse selections, however, there is a positive side: it leads readers back to a first-rate writer they might otherwise have ignored.
Not surprisingly, it’s when “Books of the Century” turns to contemporary writing that it is most controversial. In the original exhibition, the only post-WWII American writers included under the “Landmarks” heading were Ralph Ellison and Toni Morrison: Philip Roth and Jack Kerouac were added later, along with Faulkner. Bellow? Updike? Still not ready for prime time.
Saul and John shouldn’t brood, however — they’re in good company. Most people not suffering from a bad case of didactic multiculturalism would probably be fairly pleased with a Literary Dream Team composed of Thomas Hardy, Henrik Ibsen, August Strindberg, Rainer Maria Rilke, Ezra Pound, Robert Musil, D.H. Lawrence, Pablo Neruda, William Carlos Williams, Eugene O’Neill and Yukio Mishima. Nor would they complain if Martin Heidegger, Ludwig Wittgenstein, Bertrand Russell and Michel Foucault made the philosophy cut. Or if Noam Chomsky, Claude Levi-Strauss, Antonio Gramsci, Simone Weil, Walter Benjamin or Marshall McLuhan came aboard on general intellectual grounds.
None of those figures made it into the exhibition. (In another howler, even Samuel Beckett, a no-brain choice if there ever was one, didn’t make the first cut either.) Instead, the book elevates the likes of Shilts, Tom Wolfe, Margaret Atwood, Alice Walker, Susan Brownmiller, Maya Angelou, Rigoberta Menchu, Kotlowitz, Marguerite Duras, Ed Krol and Robin Morgan (in her capacity as editor of the no-longer-epochal-if-it-ever-was feminist anthology “Sisterhood is Powerful”).
There’s nothing shabby about these writers (well, maybe there is something shabby about some of them), but putting them up against the aforementioned Big Kids, whether on grounds of aesthetic quality or cultural and literary influence, is, to be blunt, a colossal joke. Even the second-tier names that are left out — Theodore Dreiser, Heinrich Boll, Gunter Grass, Milan Kundera, Andre Gide, Alfred Jarry, Italo Calvino, Bertolt Brecht, Salman Rushdie, Iris Murdoch, Arthur Miller, Henry Miller, William Styron, Allen Ginsberg, Robert Lowell, Norman Mailer, Thomas Pynchon, etc. — can whup most of these featherweights with ease.
It may be objected that Diefendorf et al. do not claim to be creating a canon at all, so criticizing them for creating the wrong canon may seem a bit like apples and oranges. But there is something slightly disingenuous about this argument. Like it or not, this is indeed something of a canon — after all, these are “The Books of the Century.”
The editors do come up with some creative and stimulating, even inspired, choices. Michael Herr’s “Dispatches” is an unusual, and eminently worthy, selection under the “War” heading. Dos Passos’ too-often neglected masterpiece “U.S.A.” receives its due, as does Sarah Orne Jewett’s lovely “The Country of the Pointed Firs.” And to tear into tiny pieces any list of 20th-century books that doesn’t have P.G. Wodehouse’s name on it would be for me the work of a moment.
Other selections, or non-selections, inspire debates that take the reader back, for better or worse, into that paisley-decorated room where the nasal-voiced guy holding a bong is forever holding forth. Why is Hemingway represented by “For Whom the Bell Tolls,” instead of by the superior “The Sun Also Rises”? Or, better still, why not by a short story collection like “In Our Time” or “Across the River and Into the Trees”? Should that wiggy Ayn Rand have been allowed in? Shouldn’t “Howl” have made the cut? What about some New Age pabulum? Was “Peyton Place” really a better choice than Jacqueline Susann’s deathless “Valley of the Dolls”? Where is “Little House on the Prairie”? Did “Mein Kampf” and “Quotations From Chairman Mao” kill as many people as the “Surgeon General’s Report on Smoking” saved?
In the end, despite its shortcomings, “The Book of the Century” does manage to do what books like this are supposed to do: stimulate, amuse and provoke. No matter how hard you try, you just can’t go wrong with a list.
“I once threw a party at my house on Capitol Hill where 40 right-wingers danced with crazed abandon to ‘Burning Down the House’ by the proto-punk band the Talking Heads,” writes John Podhoretz in his contribution to “Backward and Upward: The New Conservative Writing.” “A pretty blonde who worked for then Secretary of Transportation Elizabeth Dole shouted out, ‘It’s our anthem! Burn down the House! Smash the State!’ I can assure you this is not what David Byrne intended what he wrote the song.”
It is a vision that would have terrified Hieronymus Bosch: A roomful of Young Beltway Conservatives in
heat, doing the frug and other wild, proto-punk dances with crazed abandon, while forbidden thoughts of immoral, value-destroying premarital sex stir deep within and those relentless, hypnotic, jungle rhythms drive them closer…closer…closer to a burning, explosive, proto-punk climax — “END THE WELFARE STATE!!!”
Podhoretz’s horrifying reminiscence recalls a peculiar beer ad that ran during the Bush administration. In an attempt to prove the dubious and frightening thesis that “The night belongs to Michelob,” Anheuser-Busch presented a triumphantly gyrating yuppie, power tie loosened, wailing some heavy rock guitar in a bar.
“Backward and Upward” tries to do for conservatives what the Michelob ad attempted for beer-quaffing young stockbrokers: make them hip.
It doesn’t work.
American conservatives are doomed to suffer in squaredom for a simple reason (besides weak hair): their stance of Permanent Moral Disapproval. Whatever virtues this state may possess, hipness is not one of them. Fred MacMurray may be an admirable paterfamilias and a model of bourgeois rectitude, but he will not win the dance contest on Soul Train.
The Right has a serious fun problem. Like evil runes possessed of a curious power, the words carved on the id of every teenager worth her salt — sex, drugs, and rock ‘n roll — send conservatives into a howling, medieval fury. The inconvenient fact is that all hipness contains a spice of nihilism, a tiny but flavorful soupcon of who-gives-a-shit, that is anathema to the Right. To the degree that conservative writers embrace Cool Style, they simply cease to be conservative.
Well aware of the Right’s venerable dorkiness, editor David Brooks (a senior editor at conservative strategist William Kristol’s The Standard), tries to stick some blue suede shoes on its moist, deodorized feet. It is instructive that he opens his introduction by referring to a 1995 New York Times Magazine cover story about the new right-wingers whose not-so-subtle point was: Hey, they’re YOUNG! (Just as Susan Sontag’s beauteous book-jacket photo is probably the only thing most readers remember about “Against Interpretation,” so the image of one young female reactionary — I think it was former Quayle speechwriter Lisa Schiffren — in a tigerskin top was pretty much the entire justification for the Times’ forgettable piece. Right-wing blondes in tigerskin have an Ayn Rand-ian, whip-me appeal that transcends partisan allegiances.)
For the under-40 conservatives flooding into the Beltway in the wake of the Republicans’ ’94 congressional landslide, the Times Magazine story must have seemed like a harbinger of way-coolio times ahead. Here they were, the former killjoys, the ideologues, the perversions of nature, finally getting to bust a dope move on the big cultural stage. (The fact that this book is published by Vintage, not the usual Right organ Free Press, is another measure of the conservative’s supposed new cultural sexiness.) According to Brooks, the result has been “a new conservative personality that is urbane, self-assured (rather than defensive), cosmopolitan, and diverse in race and gender.”
Part of this new urbanity, Brooks says, is an openness to fun. One of the book’s six sections, in fact, is titled “Pleasures”; it contains celebrations of such bipartisan amusements as romantic love, Cole Porter, and Dorothy Parker, as well as the slightly gamier pleasures of TV violence, multiple-car ownership, and — yoicks! — “hunting to hounds.” There are repeated denunciations of the supposed liberal bias against smoking. And one writer finds the image of a man settling down with “his hound and his jug” so wonderful, he uses it in each of his two pieces.
While conservatives are having all this vigorous fun smoking up a storm, pushing the speed limit, watching Chuck Norris and rinsing their Rottweilers with Old Grand-Dad, liberals are worrying about whether their lo-fat ice cream will save the rain forest. The Left, says Brooks, has authored a “new form of social puritanism…Everything in liberalism gets wrapped up in a prissy etiquette.”
In other words, we had it all backwards: The Right, far from being the uptight faction, is the party-down party — the Left is may-I-touch-your-breast-world.
It is not an argument that is immediately convincing, and closer inspection does not improve it. Brooks’ equation of liberalism with PC is crude — PC is primarily a disease of academia, and while the Left has much etiquette-mongering to live down, smarminess isn’t innate to it. And in his desire to present a cooler, sexier Right, Brooks shoves the distasteful Torquemada wing of the party under the bed — where, no doubt, it sets about monitoring the proceedings.
The dirty secret of modern American conservatism, one which goes all the way back to the bitter ’50s disputes between Russell Kirk and Frank S. Meyer, among many others, is that it is not in fact one ideology, but two fundamentally irreconcileable ones: classic economic liberalism on one side, and Christian traditionalism on the other. As George H. Nash points out in his fascinating study “The Conservative Intellectual Movement in America Since 1945″ (Basic, 1976), a shared anti-Communism and the exigencies of political ambition allowed the libertarian, free-market followers of Friedrich Hayek and Ludwig von Mises to paper over their differences with the “values” conservatives like Kirk and Richard Weaver (who thought the West went off the tracks in the 14th century) — traditionalists who held no brief for big business or festishized capitalism. But despite the best efforts of William F. Buckley and Meyer, who championed a so-called “fusionism” of the two positions, no final reconciliation was, or is, possible. It’s hardly surprising that Brooks plays up the Right’s less strident libertarian face and downplays its appeals to resentment and its tendency to authoritarianism and theocracy.
Still, even if mainstream conservatism is more censorious than Brooks wants to admit, the very fact that he and others on the Right are proclaiming the virtues of irreverence might seem encouraging — if one didn’t suspect that it was just another partisan strategy to exploit the perceived “moralism” of liberalism. Some of the essays in “Backward and Upward” do indeed demonstrate a commendable open-mindedness: Richard Brookhiser, in his piece on Cole Porter, deals directly and respectfully with Porter’s homosexuality and even writes, heretically, that “couples and families can lead lives as coldly empty as those of promiscuous narcissists.”
But such willingness to challenge received conservative pieties is rare. More often, these pieces simply reflect no political perspective whatsoever. Of the 41 essays and articles reprinted here, about half are completely non-ideological, chosen, it would seem, because their authors hold right-wing political views. Thus, there are articles on the pleasures of life in Washington, on a scandalous child-abuse case, on spaying a dog. Brooks clearly intends these pieces to demonstrate the new breadth of conservative thinking — but all they demonstrate is that right-wingers, like left-wingers, centrists, Trotskyites and followers of Idi Amin, can write mediocre pieces on a wide variety of issues.
For, unfortunately, a lot of the work here is mediocre — or downright awful. There’s some good stuff — a fine essay by classicist Donald Kagan knocking the stuffing out of George Will’s “Men at Work,” Kay Hymnowitz’s intelligent analysis of how we have demystified love to our peril, Clifford Orwin’s stirring tribute to Allan Bloom, Florence King’s critique of the Left’s de-clawing of Dorothy Parker — but overall this is a remarkably tepid collection, devoid of literary elan. Even the stars don’t shine: Christopher Buckley can be a howlingly funny writer, but his essay here, on how truly tough guys don’t posture (he should tell it to some of his hairy-chested mates on the Right), is no more than competent. Philosopher Roger Scruton, another big gun, doesn’t do much except egregiously stick his fox-hunting hobby in the Left’s sure-to-be outraged ear.
One would like to believe that the breezy, sophisticated, multicultural new Tory proclaimed by Brooks does exist — the stagnation of American intellectual life cries out for fresh approaches. But if the mark of intellectual self-assurance is a willingness to question one’s own beliefs and values — not to mention those of one’s political party, a feat which requires considerably less mental integrity — there is little evidence here that political success has bred anything more than partisan complacency in the Right.(This isn’t actually surprising: conservative writers, by definition, already know the answer – which is why their prose so often exudes an airless smugness.) With a few exceptions, those dozen or so pieces in “The New Conservative Writing” that address central issues of conservative ideology — welfare, the role of government, patriotism, self-defense, the nature of liberalism — betray the same old doctrinaire, resentful, I’ve-got-mine-Jack dogmas familiar to readers of National Review.
Take the bombastic-frat-boy rantings of Rolling Stone correspondent P.J. O’Rourke, captured here in embarrassingly sectarian Libertarian Toastmaster mode as he leads the faithful of the Cato Institute in a fatuous attack on the very idea of government, stopping to lustily excoriate that Satan of “liberalism,” Bill Clinton. (The frequent demonization of Clinton, perhaps the most centrist President since Eisenhower, in this collection reveals the humiliation that can befall a putatively intellectual movement when its “thinkers” are speechwriters, columnists, radio bullies, and party hacks.) At his best, O’Rourke is one witty reactionary, but he comes off here like a second-rate attack comedian working a room of drunks. (My favorite line: “We believe in God. Clinton believes in going to church.” The Ayatollah K., almost as adept as O’Rourke at using “God” as a club to bludgeon the unrighteous, couldn’t have put it better.)
Or take the challenging but ultimately mean-spirited speech by novelist Mark Helprin to a West Point class, in which he confesses to his own guilt over not fighting in Vietnam — then denounces all those others who refused to serve. By Helprin’s logic, no citizen of any state could ever follow his own conscience and refuse to fight. (Strange — all the other conservatives say the state is too coercive.) In this showdown between Thoreau and Helprin, Helprin does not emerge victorious.
To judge by this singularly weak collection, contemporary conservatism is far more intellectually exhausted and threadbare, has less to say to Americans confronting a rapidly-changing world, than its supposedly out-of-gas liberal counterpart. (This year’s pathetic crop of Republican presidential candidates, with the exception of the gravely flawed populist Buchanan, have done little to dispel this impression.) At least the intellectual Left, led by writers like Michael Lind, Robert Hughes, Stanley Crouch, Russell Jacoby and Todd Gitlin, has subjected its own pieties to withering self-criticism. More important, it has acknowledged the increasing irrelevance of the terms “Left” and “Right” in an age when the power lies not with Big Federal Government but with Big Corporate Government — and begun working on new theories that are less driven by ideology than reality.
For its part, the Right, instead of trying to understand why its faithful are turning to Pat Buchanan, the one candidate who addresses such bread-and-butter issues, desperately recycles pie-in-the-sky supply-side economic theories and even more abstract trickle-down cultural theories (introduce “risk” back into society, they intone, with all the social-engineering zest of lab-coated ideologues who face very little risk themselves). With their obsessive, infantile prating against “government” (a position utterly without intellectual coherence, unless you accept the daunting ideology of anarchism), conservatives are hopelessly incapable of grappling with the real issues that are plaguing America — downsizing, the structural job loss caused by technology, the decline in real wages, the widening gap between rich and poor.
In one of the few pieces in this collection to even mention the issue of corporate power (why is it OK for these freedom-loving souls to be ruled by a corporation but not a government agency?), Wall Street Journal editor Robert Bartley points out that in the coming world, “the real economic competition will not be between nations but between companies.” But Bartley has nothing to say about how those companies will relate to their workers or to their nations.
Instead of addressing those issues, or the inconvenient question of the relation between a late-capitalist commodity economy and the erosion of “traditional values,” the conservatives find it more worthwhile to beat up on that enormous threat to American society, the men’s movement. Bongos, the last redoubt of liberalism, must be ruthlessly exposed for the cosmic menace that they are.
“Bad writing is now on the Left, with all the other sloppiness,” writes Florence King. Based on the evidence here, wretched prose is an equal opportunity employer.
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First and always, there was the voice: silky, insinuating, impeccable, its languid Oxford cadences reflecting a malice so well-bred, a lasciviousness so refined, that even the most exacting hostesses would always make a place at their tables for it. Then there was the face: supercilious, intelligent, a mask of urbanity that did not quite conceal a lingering hope that life might yet hold some surprise. It was the face of a man who had seen it all, but was too polite to point it out — the face of George Sanders, the greatest cad of all time.
What gives Sanders’ persona its enduring charm? Part of the answer lies in its strangeness: a Sanders
character is an emissary from a world that no longer exists. Just as there are no longer any circumstances in which one can imagine saying, with the chorus of puffing 19th century husbands, “Sir, your insolence is intolerable!” so the lamentable fact is that there are no longer any cads. Our
diminished modern keyboard of sexual villainy no longer possesses that peculiar note. Assholes, losers, creeps, yes. Bozos, jerk-offs, schmucks and idiots, to be sure. Men with
“issues,” co-dependents, sex addicts and those “unable to commit” — these can be found on every bar stool. But cads? They have gone the way of dueling scars, vapours and the monocle — an ocular accessory, not coincidentally, much favored by our hero.
To be sure, if one defines a cad simply as a man who trifles with the affections of what inexplicably used to be called “the sex,” he is indistinguishable from a garden-variety asshole. And perhaps, at bottom, there is little ethical difference between the two. This makes Sanders’ feat all the more impressive: virtually single-handed, he sublimated the scoundrel, transformed the bounder into a work of art. “In matters of grave importance, style, not sincerity, is the vital thing,” said Oscar Wilde’s Gwendolyn, a phrase one can almost hear emerging from Sanders’ slightly-curled lips; and indeed, in the course of a long career in which he played every variety of sexual adventurer, he gave such glorious style to his characters that one would rather burn in hell with them than sit in heaven with the good, the true and the maritally dutiful.
It would be disingenuous to deny that a certain element of adolescent fantasizing informs one’s delight in Sanders’ slithering, inexorable progress from boudoir to boudoir. But the cad’s appeal runs deeper than that. Without occasional plot twists, love stories, like other fables, grow stale and treacly. We are drawn to the cad for the same reason we are drawn to unhappy endings: He offers a holiday from a romantic vision that has become excessively sentimental. He knows himself too well to believe in the permanence of his feelings, and that icy knowledge is both horrifying and seductive. The continual deconstruction of his own heart is an impulse that he has long ago given up resisting. He is all mind and body — no spirit. Beneath his elegant accent, his tailored clothes and his seat at the Paris Opera lurks a ravenous beast. The contrast is irresistible: the cad simultaneously represents the fullest flowering of civilized behavior and its decadence.
And nobody embodied stylish decadence better than George Sanders. Even when asking a hatcheck girl for his coat, he conveyed the impression of a malevolent cat fastidiously licking its chops over the prospect of a particularly toothsome mouse.
The definitive Sanders cad is generally considered to be Addison DeWitt, the cold-blooded theater critic he played in Joseph L. Mankiewicz’s superb “All About Eve” (1950). (The role won Sanders his only Oscar.) Some sense of DeWitt’s personality can be gleaned from his self-description — although mere print can never do justice to the mellifluous Sanders voice, or the ironic hauteur of his delivery. “To those of you who do not read, attend the theater, listen to unsponsored radio programs or know anything of the world in which you live, it is perhaps necessary to introduce myself,” he purrs. “My name is Addison DeWitt. My native habitat is the theater. In it I toil not, neither do I spin. I am a critic and commentator. I am essential to the theater — as ants to a picnic, as the boll weevil to a cotton field.”
DeWitt spends most of his time commenting sardonically on the machinations of Eve, an aspiring actress as ruthlessly unprincipled as he is. He finds time, however, to squire around a dimwitted would-be starlet — played, serendipitously, by Marilyn Monroe in one of her first screen appearances. DeWitt introduces his protigi as a “graduate of the Copacabana School of Dramatic Arts” — and that was when he was being nice. “You have a point,” he says after Ms. Monroe unbosoms herself of a particularly inane statement. “An idiotic one, but a point.”
“All About Eve,” along with Hitchcock’s “Rebecca,” was probably the best movie Sanders ever appeared in. But DeWitt, although one of Sanders’ finest roles, represents just one facet of the quintessential Sanders cad. He lacks the requisite element of sexual voraciousness; he is driven not by lust but by a desire for power. An icy, asexual manipulator, he is the apotheosis of wit, not of carnality — which makes the film’s ending, in which he blackmails Eve into becoming his mistress, disturbingly artificial.
The Sanders cad, in fact, is made up of various parts of all his lounge-lizard incarnations: the lustful impertinence of supercharged bounder Jack Favel (“Rebecca”), the sexual maneuverings of ruthless climber Georges Duroy (“The Private
Affairs of Bel-Ami”), the obsessive pre-Trump-era passion of robber baron Clemente Sabourin (“Death of a Scoundrel”), the gross, authoritarian appetites of Baron Von Tranisch (the hideous musical “Bittersweet,” in which Sanders’ only redeeming deed is that he kills Nelson Eddy before he can sing again).
These are not figures likely to be chosen as poster children by the Fund for the Feminist Majority, and confessing to a love for George Sanders is uncomfortably similar to admitting that one owns the complete six-video set of “Bobby Riggs’ Greatest Court Triumphs.” In fact, even before our enlightened age, in which moviegoers demonstrate their moral rectitude by hissing at dialogue they deem chauvinistic, Sanders’ ungallant, at times explicitly misogynistic, screen persona got him in trouble.
“It was a remark I made in ‘The Moon and Sixpence’ which resulted in my acquiring a reputation as an authority on women,” Sanders notes in his witty, guarded, oddly moving autobiography, “Memoirs of a Professional Cad” (G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1960). “In the film I said — and they were Maugham’s words, not mine — something to the effect that the more you beat women the better they were for it. I thought nothing of it at the time, but several months later, when I was making another film, I suddenly found myself in the center of a storm … a whole mass of women were up in arms against me. I begged them to see that I wasn’t responsible for my own dialogue — I just spoke the words that were given to me. The fact that on this point Gauguin, Maugham and I were in unanimous accord was, in my opinion, neither here nor there.”
Not surprisingly, Tinseltown journalists seized upon the “woman hater” theme with alacrity, turning out magazine pieces on Sanders with titles like “He’s Allergic to Skirts,” “George Sanders Puts Women in Their Place” and “Ten Ways to Avoid Matrimony” (advice that Sanders apparently failed to implement properly, since he was married four times — including once to Zsa Zsa Gabor and once to her sister Magda). Sanders did nothing to dispel the notion that he shared the less than enlightened views espoused by some of his on-screen characters. “If I have occasionally given brilliant performances on the screen, this was entirely due to circumstances beyond my control,” he wrote. “The blunt truth is that I invariably play myself.”
Despite his own droll professions of caddishness, however, the real George Sanders — although unquestionably a ladies’ man — seems not to have been a cad at all. The portrait that emerges from his memoirs, and from Richard VanDerBeet’s biography, “George Sanders: An Exhausted Life” (Madison, 1990), is of a shy, complex, obscurely troubled, imperfect but basically decent man (he was heartbroken when his beloved wife Benita died of cancer) who hid from the world behind a cynical mask. “I know, in my own case, that the kind of actor I have become has been determined to a large extent by the weakness of my character,” Sanders wrote. “On the screen I am usually suave and cynical, cruel to women and immune to their slights and caprices. This is my mask, and it has served me faithfully for 25 years. But in reality I am a sentimentalist, especially about myself — readily moved to tears by cheap emotions and invariably the victim of woman’s inhumanity to man.”
It is this softness, this sense of romantic idealism behind the disdainful front, that lends pathos to those roles in which Sanders was allowed to move beyond the mechanical definition of the cad. Even in his most misogynistic role, as a thinly veiled Gauguin in Albert Lewin’s finely intelligent “The Moon and Sixpence” (1942), he reveals great depths of hidden tenderness; it is a marvelous portrait of a Nietzschean amoralist who discovers, late in his life, that he has a heart. In “The Ghost and Mrs. Muir” (Joseph L. Mankiewicz, 1947), not by any means a great film but a strange and strangely melancholy one, a lonely widow (Gene Tierney) is seduced by the outrageously flirtatious Sanders, plans to marry him — and then discovers he is married, has children, and has done this kind of thing before.
In their last scene together, before Tierney discovers the truth, she tells him happily that they have all the time in the world. If Sanders had played the scene as a straight, villainous cad, he would have carried smoothly on with his lovemaking. But an expression of utter anguish shoots for an instant across his face, and we realize that he actually loves Tierney, desperately, and knows there is no way out for him. His ugly behavior is revealed to be tragic, as if moonlight had suddenly illuminated a blasted landscape.
One of Sanders’ finest achievements, his portrayal of Charles II in the uneven Restoration drama “Forever Amber” (Otto Preminger, 1947), captures the essence of a man utterly disillusioned with life who still possesses the integrity to acknowledge his own emptiness. The ambitious Amber (Linda Darnell) has become the king’s mistress, but she makes the mistake of making it too clear to him that she loves another. In a devastating speech before he sends Amber away forever, Sanders says, “If I hadn’t been king, I might have managed sometime in my life to fall in love myself. But instead I’ve had to create an illusion of happiness. I’ve had to pretend to love, pretend to be loved. At best it was a fragile device, too easily shattered. And you’ve shattered it.” It is a devastating speech, delivered with enormous skill by an actor who has touched something deep in the human character.
On April 23, 1972, George Sanders checked into a hotel near Barcelona. He was in poor health, lonely, bewildered, without a home: a woman he had taken up with in his last years had convinced him to sell his beloved house in Majorca. Two days later, his body was discovered next to five empty tubes of Nembutal. A note read, “Dear World. I am leaving because I am bored. I feel I have lived long enough. I am leaving you with your worries in this sweet cesspool. Good luck.”
The man who had made a career out of his mask, whose impeccable wit, unflappable demeanor and elegant force of life had brought joy to those who could appreciate pure, cold style, had died alone, in confusion and grief. But — as one last gift, or perhaps one last ironic bon mot — he had died in character, a wisecrack on his lips, professing boredom to the end. Of the thousand varieties of courage that exist in the world, perhaps this, too, is one.
In the meantime, in a penthouse somewhere in the sky, a lady is settling back on a luxurious divan in a sunken ’40s living room. The hidden orchestra is playing, the moon is turned up to 10 on the heartbreak scale, and suddenly a man glides through the open 52nd-story window, dressed to kill, insinuation written all over his face. Love trouble is his business and it’s useless to resist. He’s three steps ahead of her, he’s got the skyline on a dimmer switch, his voice is a three-martini buzz in the blood and the feeling of silk sheets and summer rain. He’s James Bond quoting Byron, Don Juan with the original etchings, Jeeves with a hard-on. He’s The Cad With the Broken Heart, he’s the face half-glimpsed behind the mask, he’s George Sanders, and he wants to be with her, tonight …
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The most deeply held beliefs cannot be changed by argument. They live in an inward and secret place, a dark sanctuary where the desires and fears, prejudices and reasonings of a lifetime stand like silent totems.
And no beliefs are more deeply held than those concerning vengeance for the taking of human life. From the implacable Biblical injunction “an eye for an eye” to Camus’ impassioned plea that men be “neither victims nor executioners,” from the tragedies of Aeschylus to the nightmare of unleashed revenge in Jacobean drama, from the self-crucifying moral dialectic of Dostoevsky to the hunt ‘em down and kill ‘em ethos of a thousand Hollywood films, blood atonement has haunted the human imagination.
The ultimate retribution obsesses us because it exists beyond the small circle of light cast by everyday morality. There are no signposts in this realm — or, if there are, they cancel each other out. “An eye for an eye”? “Vengeance is mine, saith the Lord.”
The instinct to kill the killer of one’s child is as clean as the lion’s instinct to hunt — yet if we live under the rules of
civilization on Monday, shall we suspend those rules when the unthinkable happens on Tuesday? We are taught that human life is sacred: under what conditions, if any, should it cease to be regarded as such? What place does the jungle have in our moral mathematics?
Two new films, Tim Robbins’ “Dead Man Walking” and John Schlesinger’s “An Eye for an Eye,” explore this issue from different directions. Neither film will probably change the minds of those who are certain that they possess the truth. What they reveal — one through its artistic success, one through its failure — is that such moral certainty does not, and should not, come easily. In these days in which every two-bit politician sets himself up as an apostle of virtue, this is a useful lesson.
John Schlesinger’s “An Eye for an Eye” is too slight and flawed a film to bear much discussion. Trying to make hay off the O.J. Simpson debacle, it offers a stale variant on the venerable what-to-do-when-the-law-fails plot. The twist here is that the aggrieved party (her daughter’s killer gets off on a ludicrous technicality involving, of course, DNA testing) is a yuppie housewife. Even this formulaic story line could have been potentially interesting, but Schlesinger makes things much too easy for himself. By presenting the killer as a monster whose extinction is obviously justified (after being freed, he kills again and threatens the mother’s surviving daughter), the director avoids having to deal with more profound issues — pathological obsession, the moral questions of taking the law into one’s own hands. Schlesinger’s vision is about as deep as a New York Daily News headline: his wish-fulfilling tale appeals to our shallowest O.J.-irritated emotions, and so says nothing.
By contrast, “Dead Man Walking,” Tim Robbins’ remarkable film about convicted murderer Matthew Poncelet and the nun who comes into his life as it nears its state-sanctioned end, possesses that rarest of qualities: moral humility. Robbins, like Sister Helen Prejean, on whose autobiographical book the film is based, clearly opposes the death penalty, but there is a curious, and moving, agnostic quality to his opposition. There are no grand, Clarence Darrow-like perorations about how the state has no right to play God. Ideology, intellectual abstractions, arguments for or against the death penalty, matter less here than a profoundly communicated sense of something ordinary, indefinable, and of inestimable value — life itself, even though it is the life of a miserable, hate-filled man who has destroyed two families.
The images that linger in the mind are ephemeral, banal: Poncelet’s little brother pacing back and forth in the visiting room at the family’s last visit, making his shoes squeak as bored young children do, as his mother and his brothers sit in a now-what-do-we-say silence that speaks of great and ordinary love. The tough mask of Poncelet’s face, in perhaps
the most revelatory moment of a performance of great pathos by Sean Penn, cracking just for an instant as his mother breaks down. Sister Prejean, lying dazed on a bed, saying in confusion, “Oh, it’s so bizarre, a man’s going to be killed tomorrow in front of me.” It is her confusion, not her conviction, that touches the heart, just as it is Robbins’ moral uncertainty that gives his film its moral credibility.
Throughout, Robbins refuses to load the dice. He refuses to portray the grieving, bitter parents of the victims as caricatures: their desire for revenge, or closure, is never cheapened. He scrupulously balances the scene in which Poncelet is executed with horrifying flashbacks to the murder: we are never allowed to forget what Poncelet did. Film, with its unrivalled capacity to keep the past ghoulishly alive, is a superb instrument for moral exploration: like Krzysztof Kieslowski’s “A Short Film About Killing,” which portrays a murder and an execution with the same cold-blooded detachment, “Dead Man Walking” is a kind of ethical laboratory. Those who oppose capital punishment are forced to watch the crimes, while those who support it are forced to look into the killer’s soul.
Indeed, more than anything else, this is a film about watching. Its central image is the open, courageous, pained face of Sister Prejean (played wonderfully by Susan Sarandon), whose vocation has placed her outside the world — and given her the moral courage to face it unflinchingly.
“I think killing’s wrong, whether I do it or the state does it,” Poncelet says as, the fatal IV in his arm, he is tilted upright on a gurney so that he may speak his last words to the observers. In one sense, this is clearly the film’s moral; but it is not its only, or perhaps even its ultimate, one. For in the end, this is a story about redemption — a secularized version of Christ’s passion. In its piercing spiritual simplicity, “Dead Man Walking” recalls Dickens, the great artist of spiritual regeneration (who would probably be regarded by some of today’s self-assured moralists as the original bleeding heart).
Yet Robbins avoids playing the sentimental card. The issue of whether or not the state has the right to kill Poncelet remains separate from the issue of his salvation: it is left to the viewer to decide whether the two things should be connected. And this reticence speaks most powerfully of all. In this realm, those who are certain they have the answer are revealed to be those who are lost in darkness.
Continue Reading
Close
The most deeply held beliefs cannot be changed by argument. They live in an inward and secret place, a dark sanctuary where the desires and fears, prejudices and reasonings of a lifetime stand like silent totems.
And no beliefs are more deeply held than those concerning vengeance for the taking of human life. From the implacable Biblical injunction “an eye for an eye” to Camus’ impassioned plea that men be “neither victims nor executioners,” from the tragedies of Aeschylus to the nightmare of unleashed revenge in Jacobean drama, from the self-crucifying moral dialectic of Dostoevsky to the hunt ‘em down and kill ‘em ethos of a thousand Hollywood films, blood atonement has haunted the human imagination.
The ultimate retribution obsesses us because it exists beyond the small circle of light cast by everyday morality. There are no signposts in this realm — or, if there are, they cancel each other out. “An eye for an eye”? “Vengeance is mine, saith the Lord.”
The instinct to kill the killer of one’s child is as clean as the lion’s instinct to hunt — yet if we live under the rules of
civilization on Monday, shall we suspend those rules when the unthinkable happens on Tuesday? We are taught that human life is sacred: under what conditions, if any, should it cease to be regarded as such? What place does the jungle have in our moral mathematics?
Two new films, Tim Robbins’ “Dead Man Walking” and John Schlesinger’s “An Eye for an Eye,” explore this issue from different directions. Neither film will probably change the minds of those who are certain that they possess the truth. What they reveal — one through its artistic success, one through its failure — is that such moral certainty does not, and should not, come easily. In these days in which every two-bit politician sets himself up as an apostle of virtue, this is a useful lesson.
John Schlesinger’s “An Eye for an Eye” is too slight and flawed a film to bear much discussion. Trying to make hay off the O.J. Simpson debacle, it offers a stale variant on the venerable what-to-do-when-the-law-fails plot. The twist here is that the aggrieved party (her daughter’s killer gets off on a ludicrous technicality involving, of course, DNA testing) is a yuppie housewife. Even this formulaic story line could have been potentially interesting, but Schlesinger makes things much too easy for himself. By presenting the killer as a monster whose extinction is obviously justified (after being freed, he kills again and threatens the mother’s surviving daughter), the director avoids having to deal with more profound issues — pathological obsession, the moral questions of taking the law into one’s own hands. Schlesinger’s vision is about as deep as a New York Daily News headline: his wish-fulfilling tale appeals to our shallowest O.J.-irritated emotions, and so says nothing.
By contrast, “Dead Man Walking,” Tim Robbins’ remarkable film about convicted murderer Matthew Poncelet and the nun who comes into his life as it nears its state-sanctioned end, possesses that rarest of qualities: moral humility. Robbins, like Sister Helen Prejean, on whose autobiographical book the film is based, clearly opposes the death penalty, but there is a curious, and moving, agnostic quality to his opposition. There are no grand, Clarence Darrow-like perorations about how the state has no right to play God. Ideology, intellectual abstractions, arguments for or against the death penalty, matter less here than a profoundly communicated sense of something ordinary, indefinable, and of inestimable value — life itself, even though it is the life of a miserable, hate-filled man who has destroyed two families.
The images that linger in the mind are ephemeral, banal: Poncelet’s little brother pacing back and forth in the visiting room at the family’s last visit, making his shoes squeak as bored young children do, as his mother and his brothers sit in a now-what-do-we-say silence that speaks of great and ordinary love. The tough mask of Poncelet’s face, in perhaps
the most revelatory moment of a performance of great pathos by Sean Penn, cracking just for an instant as his mother breaks down. Sister Prejean, lying dazed on a bed, saying in confusion, “Oh, it’s so bizarre, a man’s going to be killed tomorrow in front of me.” It is her confusion, not her conviction, that touches the heart, just as it is Robbins’ moral uncertainty that gives his film its moral credibility.
Throughout, Robbins refuses to load the dice. He refuses to portray the grieving, bitter parents of the victims as caricatures: their desire for revenge, or closure, is never cheapened. He scrupulously balances the scene in which Poncelet is executed with horrifying flashbacks to the murder: we are never allowed to forget what Poncelet did. Film, with its unrivalled capacity to keep the past ghoulishly alive, is a superb instrument for moral exploration: like Krzysztof Kieslowski’s “A Short Film About Killing,” which portrays a murder and an execution with the same cold-blooded detachment, “Dead Man Walking” is a kind of ethical laboratory. Those who oppose capital punishment are forced to watch the crimes, while those who support it are forced to look into the killer’s soul.
Indeed, more than anything else, this is a film about watching. Its central image is the open, courageous, pained face of Sister Prejean (played wonderfully by Susan Sarandon), whose vocation has placed her outside the world — and given her the moral courage to face it unflinchingly.
“I think killing’s wrong, whether I do it or the state does it,” Poncelet says as, the fatal IV in his arm, he is tilted upright on a gurney so that he may speak his last words to the observers. In one sense, this is clearly the film’s moral; but it is not its only, or perhaps even its ultimate, one. For in the end, this is a story about redemption — a secularized version of Christ’s passion. In its piercing spiritual simplicity, “Dead Man Walking” recalls Dickens, the great artist of spiritual regeneration (who would probably be regarded by some of today’s self-assured moralists as the original bleeding heart).
Yet Robbins avoids playing the sentimental card. The issue of whether or not the state has the right to kill Poncelet remains separate from the issue of his salvation: it is left to the viewer to decide whether the two things should be connected. And this reticence speaks most powerfully of all. In this realm, those who are certain they have the answer are revealed to be those who are lost in darkness.
Continue Reading
Close