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“Future Fake Electors,” crazy encounters and confused RNC visitors

When thousands of Republicans descend upon a heavily Democratic city, there is a surrealness that goes beyond the familiar strangeness that a political event like the Republican National Convention (RNC) usually brings to town. And it’s not just the crazy costumed folks like the man dressed as Uncle Sam maneuvering his Segway between conventioneers on Milwaukee's Wisconsin Avenue.

As I was walking to the corner of Water Street, for example, a guy riding a 10-speed bicycle had a few choice words with two Republican conventioneers and soon the skinny and tall young man in a black T-shirt and shorts jumped off his bike to chase the dark-suited men around with his fists raised. Some shoving erupted and a few choice swear words were exchanged. A nearby policewoman soon intervened. After a minute of shouting and near blows, another officer came out of a nearby air-conditioned squad car to help out. 

A couple of Marquette University students clutching their TJ Maxx bags stopped to watch, a hometown Harley-Davidson motorcycle roared by, and I noticed the “Welcome Future Fake Electors” sign in the window of the storefront of Penzeys Spices, which is large national spice retailer based in Milwaukee and known for its liberal and anti-Trump views. The faint outlines of the “Trump” graffiti someone had spray-painted on a Penzeys window a few weeks earlier were still visible. Eventually the bicyclist-Republican confrontation was defused when the police sent the man angrily pedaling off on his bike while the Republicans were left yelling that the guy was a “crazy addict high on drugs.” 

I’m pretty sure he was not one of the Downtown Milwaukee Public Service Ambassadors who are supposedly welcoming delegates and others attending the RNC at Fiserv Forum and roaming the downtown area in the summer heat to keep the streets “clean, safe and friendly.” I also didn’t notice any of those ambassadors while watching thousands of protesters marching along those downtown streets – or even afterward when I was walking in the blazing sun trying to find a cool place to grab a beer. 

I eventually did find a place for a beer, the lobby bar at the fancy arts hotel, Saint Kate, conveniently across the street from that day’s protest assemblage. Sadly, I asked about happy hour but the bartender told me the hotel canceled its normal happy hour this week. I guess the rich Republicans sitting all around me didn’t need happy hour. I stayed for just one beer, as the big screen TVs that were moved in for the occasion blared Fox News coverage of the RNC while the poor guitarist-singer hired for the now-suspended happy hour tried his best to be heard above the TVs, including one inches away from his head. It was a losing cause.

Some serenity was found at the nearby RiverWalk along the Milwaukee River. As I climbed the stairs on Wells Street up from the RiverWalk, two exasperated Republican women lugging huge suitcases saw me and pleaded with me for help. “Are you from here? We keep going in circles trying to find our Airbnb, and our GPS is going crazy.” I calmly reassure them they are not far, but they will have to walk around the RNC Security Zone to find their lodging on Old World Third Street. They don’t seem to believe me, but I explain the straightforward Milwaukee street system to them. “There’s Second Street, right there, see the sign? Third Street is the next one over.” 

When they learned that I had once been a city editor at a daily newspaper near their home in northern Wisconsin, everyone started excitedly telling me their own story.

I point to where I think their Airbnb is – near the Usinger’s Sausage factory with its sign towering over the river to the north. “Well, it does say it’s along the water, but why are you pointing that way if Third Street is over there?” gesturing to the west. I explain the angled street and a curving river. I tell them to walk north on Plankinton Avenue until they hit the security zone and then walk along the RiverWalk until they get past it and then aim toward Usinger’s. They look disbelieving but I walk with them to Plankinton and show them an address on a seemingly abandoned building and explain the numbering system again. They thanked me and headed off in the heat, rolling their luggage down the street in roughly the correct direction.

A few other lost Republicans also asked me for some directions – a few even wanted to see the nearby sculpture of Fonzie, who was the tough greaser guy played by Henry Winkler on the popular old ABC sitcom in the 1970s and ‘80s called “Happy Days,” which supposedly was set in Milwaukee in the 1950s and ‘60s. I debated whether I should just stay on the street directing the visiting delegates to the “Bronze Fonz,” but it was too hot to linger. 

The scene reminded me of a couple of pin-striped delegates – the man wearing a blue suit jacket while the woman had on a pink dress – who were sweating outside the 3rd Street Market Hall earlier. They sat on some chairs next to me soaking in the 85-degree, 63-percent humidity, while waiting to enter the RNC security zone. “We’re from North Carolina. We thought it would be a lot colder here,” they told me as I improvised as an unofficial downtown ambassador and welcomed them to Wisconsin, noting it had been comfortably cooler the previous few weeks. “We must have brought the heat with us,” the woman chuckled with a Southern drawl.

On my way to protests later, I stopped at Zeidler Union Square, thinking there were going to be some speeches there, but except for dozens of young temporary workers hired to handle crowd control, nobody else was around. Well, there was a picnic table with four women who seemed like they might know what was going on, so I walked over there to chat. There, I found a candidate for the U.S. Senate – Rejani Raveendran – and three very enthusiastic supporters, Jane Dombrowski and her two daughters, Allison and Crystal Wisinski, who all soon told me their life stories, while occasionally discussing their favorite candidate, Raveendran, and why I needed to vote for her. “She isn’t a millionaire so can’t get on the ballot otherwise,” referring to the Wisconsin Republican primary in August, where Republican millionaire Eric Hovde is running to take on the Democratic incumbent senator, Tammy Baldwin. 

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I soon learned that Raveendran is a single mother, a survivor of domestic violence and homelessness, a nurse and a “regular mom fighting for you,” who wants to make groceries, gas, and housing affordable, end foreign wars, pass term limits and ban insider training. As they handed me a stack of campaign cards, I tell them I am registered to vote in Colorado but will pass along her campaign information to my brother who lives in West Allis. Then, after learning I teach journalism in Colorado, they proceeded to tell me all about their lives and their polka connections – “Have you heard of Norm Dombrowski and the Happy Notes?” Jane asked me, promoting her husband’s polka band. “When my son is governor, we will start a big Polish festival in Wisconsin,” she added.

When they learned that I had once been a city editor at a daily newspaper near their home in northern Wisconsin, everyone started excitedly telling me their own story. Allison is Miss Northwoods Wisconsin and is competing for Miss Northern Lights and eventually wants to win the Miss Wisconsin title. “I want to be the first plus-size Miss America,“ Allison said, proclaiming her body-positive message as she thrusts her phone at me showing a video of her singing “Don’t Rain on My Parade” at the Miss Northwoods competition. Meanwhile, upon learning that I teach at Colorado State University, where their sister is studying, the quieter Crystal found a photo on her phone of a journalism student at Colorado State University. “This is my sister’s roommate and she’s studying journalism. Do you know her?” she asked. It turns out the roommate, Sophie, was indeed a student of mine. Crystal quickly took a photo of me and sent it to Sophie, who confirms it. “Where did you run into him?” Sophie texts to Crystal.

I finally remembered that a protest march was going to start a few blocks away at Red Arrow Park, so I handed the sisters my business card and told them we can reconnect when they visit the sister in Fort Collins, Colorado, and I headed off to the protests. On my way there, I wondered what more could possibly await. I eventually heard the chanting protesters and found them across the Milwaukee River. The estimated 3,000 protesters seemed to represent a wide variety of interests – from people protesting Israel and supporting Palestine to others who denounced racism, fascism, and discrimination against women. They all were anti-Trump, of course.

After walking alongside the march for a few blocks in the heat, I decided to sit down in Red Arrow Park with a bottle of warm water being freely distributed to everyone and wait for the marchers to return to the park, where the participating groups in the Coalition to March on the RNC 2024 would conclude with speeches. When the protesters and the hundred or so journalists following them returned, ready for the speeches to start, I saw one spectator pass out and he was carried out to a waiting ambulance. 

I had found a nice quiet spot in the park next to some young protesters who were discussing lunch options – I suggested going to the Milwaukee Public Market but the young woman next to me said that seemed a bit too much – “I just want a nice quiet place where I can drink some cold water.” A couple of anti-abortion protesters – a woman in a blood-stained wedding dress and a man in a blue suit coat with red-and-white striped tie – were preparing a little show. “They’re anti-Trump but pro-life,” the young woman next to me explained to her friends. Soon, the pro-life couple were joined by others, started their wedding performance and railed against the “abortion-industrial complex.” The group chanted, “Babies never choose to die,” while the opposition chanted, “Pro-life, that’s a lie. You don’t care if people die.” Nearby, the speeches had started, and the woman next to me sprung up when she heard her group called and ran up to the rally’s main microphone and started urging the crowd to support abortion rights.


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As the chants continued from both sides, I decided to leave that incredibly noisy corner of the park. Then, some journalism students from Syracuse University interning for a local Washington, D.C., TV station stopped me and asked me if they could interview me – and I said, “Sure.” I think I overwhelmed them, though, with my stories about Milwaukee, my love of a giant music festival called Summerfest I attend in Milwaukee each year, and my experience with the Democratic National Convention in Milwaukee (mostly moved virtual because of COVID) four years earlier. I then gave them ideas for cheap food and drinks for students but they started packing up their equipment, disinterested in what an old guy had to recommend for nightlife. 

A few minutes later, I saw a reporter I recognized, Maggie Vespa from NBC News, eating lunch under some shade trees in the park, and introduced myself and invited her out to Colorado to talk to my students. Her producer cut me off, though, telling Maggie her deadline was in 10 minutes. 

Across the street, a small group of Milwaukee Police Department officers on horseback were out front of about 50 officers on bicycles. I asked the equine squad for the breed of horses and one policewoman told me, “Percherons, with a few Clydesdales in the back.” I then asked, “Are you here just in case….?” And she responded, “Yes. Have a good evening.” 

About 4,000 out-of-town police are reportedly helping out with the RNC security. The Secret Service and police presence was felt throughout the downtown area. And Saturday’s assassination attempt of Trump, who was injured in the Pennsylvania shooting, which also resulted in the killing of a volunteer firefighter and the wounding of two other rallygoers, made the armed presence and barricaded streets even more noticeable.

Back at the protest rally, I noticed many of the police officers there were from Columbus, Ohio, where I lived for a year while getting an MA in journalism at Ohio State University. I chatted with a couple of Columbus officers about the university and the Ohio State Fair, but they showed no interest in small talk. The next day, Columbus police officers working in Milwaukee were reported to have killed a man about a mile from the convention. Witnesses said two homeless men were fighting in a park and one of them was carrying a couple of knives. Witnesses said several of the Ohio officers fired upon the man with the knives when he charged at the other man. Over at the nearby RNC, the theme of the day was "Make America Safe Once Again."

This surrealism is tragically getting too real.

“Nation in decline”: Trump, promising unity, delivers divisive address at RNC

Donald Trump delivered his first public speech since he was struck in the ear in an assassination attempt last Saturday, promising unity and seeding division in the same address.

“The discord and division in our society must be healed, and we must heal it quickly,” Trump said, despite his violent rhetoric throughout the presidential campaign, dating back to his first run and presidential term.

Accepting his official nomination, the former president shared the stage with the firefighter’s uniform of Corey Comperatore, a rally attendee who he called a “serious Trumpster… [in] the past tense,” who was killed by Trump's shooter. Following this moment, many on social media were quick to point out that the firefighter’s name was misspelled on the back of the jacket. 

The speech, apparently re-written to support “unity” after being grazed by a bullet, which he purported “came within a quarter of an inch” of taking his life, began with a 15-minute recap of the event that took a chunk out of his ear, causing him to wear a bandage — quickly adapted by his fans as a new fashion trend.

Trump, who revisited the day of the shooting for the “only time,” recalled speaking “strongly, powerfully, and happily” about the U.S. border when he was shot. He recalled a loyal crowd who waited to see if he had died, noting that he was “not supposed to be here tonight.”

“Many people say it was a providential moment. Probably was,” Trump said. “I raised my right arm, looked at the thousands of thousands of people who were breathlessly waiting, and started shouting, ‘fight, fight, fight.’”

Here, Trump quickly pivoted his attempts to garner sympathy into jabs at the judicial system and his political opponents.

“We must not criminalize dissent or demonize political disagreement,” Trump said, despite his calls to deport student protestors earlier this year. “In that spirit, the Democrat party should immediately stop weaponizing the justice system and stop labeling their political opponent as an enemy of democracy.”

Trump, who led boos against “Crazy” Nancy Pelosi and the Democrats, said “They’ve gotta stop that,” because “they’re destroying our country,” undermining the unifying message he promised.

The president announced Ohio Senator JD Vance as his vice presidential nominee on-stage, declaring that the heir-apparent of the MAGA movement would be “doing this for a long time.”

Vowing lower taxes, more patriotic schools, and less war, Trump promised to only say “Biden” once, but went on to blast the incumbent. 

“To achieve this future, we must rescue our nation from failed, and even incompetent, leadership,” he said. “We are indeed a nation in decline.”

The former president doubled down on election lies, accusing the Democrats of cheating in his 2020 loss. 

“They used COVID to cheat. We’re never gonna let that happen again,” Trump said. His attempts to overturn the results of that race earned him a House impeachment and multiple state inquiries into the illegal scheme he participated in.

Trump, who started his first presidential run with the infamous “they’re sending rapists” speech, repeated his classic attacks on immigrants.


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“It’s a massive invasion that is taking place at our southern border that has spread misery, crime, poverty, disease, and destruction to communities all across our land,” he said, before baselessly blaming as many deaths as car accidents and gun violence combined on immigration. “We have to stop the invasion into our country that’s killing hundreds of thousands of people a year.”

The Republican convention, which passed around signs reading “mass deportation now” on Wednesday, centered on the former president’s scheme to militaristically deport up to 20 million immigrants.

Trump, who walked out to “Proud to be an American,” was less than patriotic about the state of the country, citing “a state of depression and despair” under the Biden administration. Attacking the United Auto Workers union, U.S. allies, and federal officials, he frequently led boos and jeers in the crowd.

But even before the former president’s speech, the Republican National Convention’s pivot to unity didn’t seem to be going so well. 

Former wrestler Hulk Hogan, who spoke moments before Trump, referred to the former president's shooter in a rather vague way, suggesting that Thomas Matthew Crooks wasn’t a lone actor.

“They tried to kill the next President of the United States,” Hogan said, referring to Trump’s would-be assassin as “they” several times, despite the FBI’s finding that Crooks, a 20-year-old male, acted alone in his attempt on the former president’s life.

Similarly, Eric Trump suggested that Democrats tried to “take his life” in his own RNC address, despite no evidence to suggest that the shooter’s motivations were political at all. On the contrary, Crooks was a registered Republican who former classmates and neighbors described as conservative.

Trump talked policy in the speech, too. Blasting environmental policy and calling for increased oil production, he vowed to "drill, baby, drill." The candidate, who demonized inflation under Biden, also shared his inflationary plan to put massive tariffs on imported goods.

But Trump was sure to circle back to his original anti-immigrant rhetoric.

"At the heart of the Republican platform is our pledge to end this border nightmare," Trump said, showing "the chart that saved my life" of undocumented border crossings. "They are coming in from every corner of the earth, not just from South America, but from Africa, Asia, the Middle East, they're coming from everywhere. They're coming at levels we've never seen before. It's an invasion, indeed."

Melania Trump skips out on speaking at the Republican National Convention

Former First Lady Melania Trump, who has largely abdicated her public role since her husband left the Oval Office, will not speak at the Republican National Convention as Donald Trump accepts his presidential nomination, despite several requests to do so. 

Per CNN, her refusal to speak at the convention breaks with tradition, leaving Usha Vance as the lone spouse of the ticket to speak. 

The former first lady has stepped off the campaign trail, alongside the former president’s daughter, Ivanka Trump, who’s also taken a scaled-back approach. But they're stepping out tonight.

In an interview with CBS News, Eric Trump spoke of their appearance at the event, saying, “They're coming in full force and effect, so they'll certainly be here. Ivanka's been an incredible supporter of my father and loves him dearly, and obviously Melania, as well.”  

Melania's previous remarks at the 2016 Republican National Convention spurred accusations that her speech was lifted from First Lady Michelle Obama, while she chose to give her 2020 RNC speech from the White House Rose Garden, months before she tore up the historic plants put in place by former First Lady Jackie Kennedy.

“My hero”: Hulk Hogan to speak at RNC ahead of Trump

Hulk Hogan, the '80s wrestler whose racist remarks tanked an already-dwindling career, is set to take the stage at the Republican National Convention ahead of former President Donald Trump’s remarks.

The WWE personality took to Fox News to voice his support and explain his endorsement of the former president.

“I got tired of remaining silent,” Hogan said. “When they took a shot at my hero, Donald Trump, I realized I couldn’t be silent anymore. I had to step up, I had to be a real American.”

Hogan’s remarks will come ahead of Trump’s partially pre-written speech, which he reportedly updated after a shooting attempt on his life.

Hogan went on a racist tirade, unleashed in 2015 by a leaked explicit video, which led the WWE to sever all ties with the Hall-of-Famer, a move they reversed in 2018.

Hogan joins the roster of C-listers, including Amber Rose, Dana White, and Russel Brand, in speaking at the convention, as Trump seeks to fill in the gaps with unconventional endorsements.

In a May rally, Trump accepted an endorsement from a pair of rappers indicted in a murder plot. Additionally, influencers Jake and Logan Paul publicly backed the president.

Elon Musk’s X pushes Trump tags on all US users

X, the social media platform owned by Trump megadonor Elon Musk, is promoting Trump campaign-curated content to all U.S. users, regardless of whether they have opted out of Trump-related content.

On the platform formerly known as Twitter, banner ads for the Trump campaign donning the #Trump2024 tag appear for all U.S. users, even those who’ve blocked words, topics, and hashtags related to the candidate or his campaign or muted the advertiser.

Additionally, the #MAGA tag displays an edited image of the former president from his attempted assassination and the #Trump2024 hashtag displays an American flag.

It is unclear whether the Trump campaign paid for the images on the #Trump2024 and #MAGA tags, though an advertisement for the tag on the site’s trending page reads “Promoted by Team Trump.” As Mashable noted, it is the first time the platform has enabled the image feature to promote a specific political candidate.

Clicking the Trump2024 tag also prompts American flag graphics to flood the screen.

A 2019 ban on political ads, enacted due to election misinformation and other harmful content, was axed by Musk in 2023, months after he restored Trump’s account on the platform

Salon confirmed reports on social media that even users who muted or blocked the tags were served the advertisements at the top of the “explore” section of the app.

Elon Musk, who endorsed Trump and pledged a whopping $45 million a month to support the former president's efforts, purchased the platform in 2022, overseeing massive changes that resulted in more misinformation and dangerous content on the platform. He also removed a suspension on Trump's account, which had been in place since after the January 6th attack.

X and Musk join other platforms in their promotion of the president’s campaign, along with Meta, which removed guardrails on Trump’s accounts earlier this month, reversing policies set to ensure political stability on the platforms after Trump led the attack on the U.S. Capitol.

The move seems to undermine Musk’s previous assertion that the platform, which he describes as a town hall or public forum, should be politically neutral.

Bob Newhart, comedy trailblazer, dead at 94

Bob Newhart, groundbreaking sitcom star and deadpan comic, has passed away at 94. 

The “Newhart” star died in his Los Angeles home after a battle with an illness, his publicist said, after an illustrious career leading his three comedy TV shows, contributing to CBS’s powerhouse comedy line-up.

Newhart, known for his dry delivery and iconic satire, began his comedy career in 1960, recording a pair of stand-up specials that year, sweeping the nation and earning the jokester a long-lived sitcom career.

“The Button-Down Mind of Bob Newhart” was praised upon release, eventually earning entry into the Library of Congress and spurring a successful stand-up and recorded comedy career. His observations on '60s and '70s American life and culture defined much of the era, breaking the mold of the typical sitcom.

Newhart, whose wife of 60 years Ginnie Quinn — daughter of comedian Bill Quinn — passed away in 2023, is survived by the pair’s four children. 

The Mark Twain Prize winner is remembered for his comedic chops and his dedication to his work, in addition to touching on groundbreaking topics like mental health and gay rights on the air in “The Bob Newhart Show.”

The Chicago-born comic, who joined “The Big Bang Theory” as a guest star later in his career, won an Emmy for his performance, in addition to the three Grammy awards he earned for his specials. 

 

The people who feed America are going hungry

Standing knee-deep in an emerald expanse, a row of trees offering respite from the sweltering heat, Rosa Morales diligently relocates chipilín, a Central American legume, from one bed of soil to another. The 34-year-old has been coming to the Campesinos' Garden run by the Farmworker Association of Florida in Apopka for the last six months, taking home a bit of produce each time she visits. The small plot that hugs a soccer field and community center is an increasingly vital source of food to feed her family. 

It also makes her think of Guatemala, where she grew up surrounded by plants. "It reminds me of working the earth there," Morales said in Spanish. 

Tending to the peaceful community garden is a far cry from the harvesting Morales does for her livelihood. Ever since moving to the United States 16 years ago, Morales has been a farmworker at local nurseries and farms. She takes seasonal jobs that allow her the flexibility and income to care for her five children, who range from 18 months to 15 years old. 

This year, she picked blueberries until the season ended in May, earning $1 for every pound she gathered. On a good day, she earned about two-thirds of the state's minimum hourly wage of $12. For that, Morales toiled in brutal heat, with little in the way of protection from the sun, pesticides, or herbicides. With scant water available, the risk of dehydration or heat stroke was never far from her mind. But these are the sorts of things she must endure to ensure her family is fed. "I don't really have many options," she said. 

Now, she's grappling with rising food prices, a burden that isn't relieved by state or federal safety nets. Her husband works as a roofer, but as climate change diminishes crop yields and intensifies extreme weather, there's been less work for the two of them. They have struggled to cover the rent, let alone the family's ballooning grocery bill. "It's hard," she said. "It's really, really hot … the heat is increasing, but the salaries aren't." The Campesinos' Garden helps fill in the gap between her wages and the cost of food.

Her story highlights a hidden but mounting crisis: The very people who ensure the rest of the country has food to eat are going hungry. Although no one can say for sure how many farmworkers are food insecure (local studies suggest it ranges from 52 to 82%), advocates are sure the number is climbing, driven in no small part by climate change

The 2.4 million or so farmworkers who are the backbone of America's agricultural industry earn among the lowest wages in the country. The average American household spends more than $1,000 a month on groceries, an almost unimaginable sum for families bringing home as little as $20,000 a year, especially when food prices have jumped more than 25% since 2019. Grappling with these escalating costs is not a challenge limited to farmworkers, of course — the Department of Agriculture says getting enough to eat is a financial struggle for more than 44 million people. But farmworkers are particularly vulnerable because they are largely invisible in the American political system.

"When we talk about supply chains and food prices going up, we are not thinking about the people who are producing that food, or getting it off the fields and onto our plates," said Nezahualcoyotl Xiuhtecutli. 

Xiuhtecutli works with the National Sustainable Agriculture Coalition to protect farmworkers from the occupational risks and exploitation they face. Few people beyond the workers themselves recognize that hunger is a problem for the community, he said — or that it's exacerbated by climate change. The diminished yields that can follow periods of extreme heat and the disruptions caused by floods, hurricanes, and the like inevitably lead to less work, further exacerbating the crisis.

There isn't a lot of aid available, either. Enrolling in federal assistance programs is out of the question for the roughly 40% of farmworkers without work authorization or for those who fear reprisals or sanctions. Even those who are entitled to such help may be reluctant to seek it. In lieu of these resources, a rising number of advocacy organizations are filling the gaps left by government programs by way of food pantries, collaborative food systems, and community gardens across America.

"Even though [farmworkers] are doing this job with food, they still have little access to it," said Xiuhtecutli. "And now they have to choose between paying rent, paying gas to and from work, and utilities, or any of those things. And food? It's not at the top of that list."

Historically, hunger rates among farmworkers, as with other low-income communities, have been at their worst during the winter due to the inherent seasonality of a job that revolves around growing seasons. But climate change and inflation have made food insecurity a growing, year-round problem

In September, torrential rain caused heavy flooding across western Massachusetts. The inundation decimated farmland already ravaged by a series of storms. "It impacted people's ability to make money and then be able to support their families," Claudia Rosales said in Spanish. "People do not have access to basic food." 

As executive director of the Pioneer Valley Workers Center, Rosales fights to expand protections for farmworkers, a community she knows intimately. After immigrating from El Salvador, she spent six years working in vegetable farms, flower nurseries, and tobacco fields across Connecticut and Massachusetts, and knows what it's like to experience food insecurity. She also understands how other exploitative conditions, such as a lack of protective gear or accessible bathrooms, can add to the stress of simply trying to feed a family. Rosales remembers how, when her kids got sick, she was afraid she'd get fired if she took them to the doctor instead of going to work. (Employers harassed her and threatened to deport her if she tried to do anything about it, she said.) The need to put food on the table left her feeling like she had no choice but to tolerate the abuse. 

"I know what it's like, how much my people suffer," said Rosales. "We're not recognized as essential … but without us, there would not be food on the tables across this country."

The floodwaters have long since receded and many farms are once again producing crops, but labor advocates like Rosales say the region's farmworkers still have not recovered. Federal and state disaster assistance helps those with damaged homes, businesses, or personal property, but does not typically support workers. Under federal law, if agricultural workers with a temporary visa lose their job when a flood or storm wipes out a harvest, they are owed up to 75% of the wages they were entitled to before the disaster, alongside other expenses. They aren't always paid, however. "Last year, there were emergency funds because of the flooding here in Massachusetts that never actually made it to the pockets of workers," Rosales said. 

The heat wave that recently scorched parts of Massachusetts likely reduced worker productivity and is poised to trigger more crop loss, further limiting workers' ability to make ends meet. "Climate-related events impact people economically, and so that then means limited access to food and being able to afford basic needs," said Rosales, forcing workers to make difficult decisions on what they spend their money on — and what they don't.

The impossible choice between buying food or paying other bills is something that social scientists have been studying for years. Research has shown, for example, that low-income families often buy less food during cold weather to keep the heat on. But climate change has given rise to a new area to examine: how extreme heat can trigger caloric and nutritional deficits. A 2023 study of 150 countries revealed that unusually hot weather can, within days, create higher risks of food insecurity by limiting the ability to earn enough money to pay for groceries. 

It's a trend Parker Gilkesson Davis, a senior policy analyst studying economic inequities at the nonprofit Center for Law and Social Policy, is seeing escalate nationwide, particularly as utility bills surge. "Families are definitely having to grapple with 'What am I going to pay for?'" she said. "People, at the end of the month, are not eating as much, having makeshift meals, and not what we consider a full meal." Federal programs like the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, or SNAP, are designed to help at times like these. More than 41 million people nationwide rely on the monthly grocery stipends, which are based on income, family size, and some expenses. But one national survey of nearly 3,700 farmworkers found just 12.2% used SNAP. Many farmworkers and migrant workers do not qualify because of their immigration status, and those who do often hesitate to use the program out of fear that enrolling could jeopardize their status. Even workers with temporary legal status like a working visa, or those considered a "qualified immigrant," typically must wait five years before they can begin receiving SNAP benefits. Just six states provide nutrition assistance to populations, like undocumented farmworkers, ineligible for the federal program.

The expiration of COVID-era benefit programs, surging food costs, and international conflicts last year forced millions more Americans into a state of food insecurity, but no one can say just how many are farmworkers. That's because such data is almost nonexistent — even though the Agriculture Department tracks annual national statistics on the issue. Lisa Ramirez, the director of the USDA's Office of Partnerships and Public Engagement, acknowledged that the lack of data on hunger rates for farmworkers should be addressed on a federal level and said there is a "desire" to do something about it internally. But she didn't clarify what specifically is being done. "We know that food insecurity is a problem," said Ramirez, who is a former farmworker herself. "I wouldn't be able to point to statistics directly, because I don't have [that] data." 

Without that insight, little progress can be made to address the crisis, leaving the bulk of the problem to be tackled by labor and hunger relief organizations nationwide.

"My guess is it would be the lack of interest or will — sort of like a willful ignorance — to better understand and protect these populations," said social scientist Miranda Carver Martin, who studies food justice and farmworkers at the University of Florida. "Part of it is just a lack of awareness on the part of the general public about the conditions that farmworkers are actually working in. And that correlates to a lack of existing interest or resources available to build an evidence base that reflects those concerns."

The lack of empirical information prevented Martin and her colleagues Amr Abd-Elrahman and Paul Monaghan from creating a tool that would identify the vulnerabilities local farmworkers experience before and after a disaster. "What we've found is that the tool that we dreamed of, that would sort of comprehensively provide all this data and mapping, is not feasible right now, given the dearth of data," she noted.

However, Martin and her colleagues did find, in a forthcoming report she shared with Grist, that language barriers often keep farmworkers from getting aid after an extreme weather event. Examining the aftermath of Hurricane Idalia, they found cases of farmworkers in Florida trying, and failing, to get food at emergency stations because so many workers spoke Spanish and instructions were written only in English. She suspects the same impediments may hinder post-disaster hunger relief efforts nationwide.

Martin also believes there is too little focus on the issue, in part because some politicians demonize immigrants and the agriculture industry depends upon cheap labor. It is easier "to pretend that these populations don't exist," she said. "These inequities need to be addressed at the federal level. Farmworkers are human beings, and our society is treating them like they're not."


Tackling hunger has emerged as one of the biggest priorities for the Pioneer Valley Workers Center that Claudia Rosales leads. Her team feeds farmworker families in Massachusetts through La Despensa del Pueblo, a food pantry that distributes food to roughly 780 people each month.

The nonprofit launched the pantry in the winter of 2017. When the pandemic struck, it rapidly evolved from a makeshift food bank into a larger operation. But the program ran out of money last month when a key state grant expired, sharply curtailing the amount of food it can distribute. The growing need to feed people also has limited the organization's ability to focus on its primary goal of community organizing. Rosales wants to see the food bank give way to a more entrepreneurial model that offers farmworkers greater autonomy. 

"For the long term, I'd like to create our own network of cooperatives owned by immigrants, where people can go and grow and harvest their own food and products and really have access to producing their own food and then selling their food to folks within the network," she said. 

Mónica Ramírez, founder of the national advocacy organization Justice for Migrant Women, is developing something very much like that in Ohio. Ramírez herself hails from a farmworker family. "Both of my parents started working in the fields as children," she said. "My dad was eight, my mom was five." Growing up in rural Ohio, Ramírez remembers visiting the one-room shack her father lived in while picking cotton in Mississippi, and spending time with her grandparents who would "pile on a truck" each year and drive from Texas to Ohio to harvest tomatoes and cucumbers all summer. 

The challenges the Ramírez family faced then persist for others today. Food security has grown so tenuous for farmworkers in Fremont, Ohio, where Justice for Migrant Women is based, that the organization has gone beyond collaborating with organizations like Feeding America to design its own hyperlocal food system. These hunger relief efforts are focused on women in the community, who Ramírez says usually face the biggest burdens when a household does not have enough money for food.

Migrant women, she said, "bear the stress of economic insecurity and food insecurity, because they are the ones who are organizing their families and making sure their families have food in the house."

Later this month, Ramírez and her team will launch a pilot program out of their office that mimics a farmers market — one in which farmworkers and migrant workers will be encouraged to pick up food provided by a local farmer, at no charge. That allows those visiting the food bank to feel empowered by choice instead of being handed a box with preselected goods, and they hope it will alleviate hunger in a way that preserves a sense of agency for families in need.

Although federal lawmakers have begun at least considering protecting workers from heat exposure and regulators are making progress on a national heat standard, so far there's been no targeted legislative or regulatory effort to address food insecurity among farmworkers. 

In fact, legislators may be on the verge of making things worse.

In May, the Republican-controlled U.S. House of Representatives Agriculture Committee passed a draft farm bill that would gut SNAP and do little to promote food security. It also would bar state and local governments from adopting farmworker protection standards regulating agricultural production and pesticide use, echoing legislation Florida recently passed. The inclusion of such a provision is "disappointing," said DeShawn Blanding, a senior Washington representative at the Union of Concerned Scientists, a nonprofit advocacy organization. He hopes to see the version that eventually emerges from the Democrat-controlled Senate, where it remains stalled, incorporate several other proposed bills aimed at protecting farmworkers and providing a measure of food security.

Those include the Voice for Farm Workers Act, which would shore up funding for several established farmworker support initiatives and expand resources for the Agriculture Department's farmworker coordinator. This position was created to pinpoint challenges faced by farmworkers and connect them with federal resources, but it has not been "adequately funded and sustained," according to a 2023 USDA Equity Commission report. Another bill would create an office within the Agriculture Department to act as a liaison to farm and food workers.

These bills, introduced by Democratic Senator Alex Padilla of California, would give lawmakers and policymakers greater visibility into the needs and experiences of farmworkers. But the greatest benefit could come from a third proposal Padilla reintroduced, the Fairness for Farm Workers Act. It would reform the 1938 law that governs the minimum wage and overtime policies for farmworkers while exempting them from labor protections.

"As food prices increase, low-income workers are facing greater rates of food insecurity," Padilla told Grist. "But roughly half of our nation's farmworkers are undocumented and unable to access these benefits." He'd like to see an expedited pathway to citizenship for the over 5 million essential workers, including farmworkers, who lack access to permanent legal status and social safety benefits. "More can be done to address rising food insecurity rates for farmworkers."

Still, none of these bills squarely addresses farmworker hunger. Without a concerted approach, these efforts, though important, kind of miss the point, Mónica Ramírez said. 

"I just don't think there's been a fine point on this issue with food and farmworkers," she said. "To me it's kind of ironic. You would think that would be a starting point. What will it take to make sure that the people who are feeding us, who literally sustain us, are not themselves starving?"


For 68-year-old Jesús Morales, the Campesinos' Garden in Apopka is a second home. Drawing on his background studying alternative medicine in Jalisco, Mexico, he's been helping tend the land for the last three years. He particularly likes growing and harvesting moringa, which is used in Mexico to treat a range of ailments. Regular visitors know him as the "plant doctor." 

"Look around. This is the gift of God," Morales said in Spanish. "This is a meadow of hospitals, a meadow of medicines. Everything that God has given us for our health and well-being and for our happiness is here, and that's the most important thing that we have here."

He came across the headquarters of the state farmworker organization when it hosted free English classes, then learned about its garden. Although it started a decade ago, its purpose has expanded over the years to become a source of food security and sovereignty for local farmworkers. 

The half-acre garden teems with a staggering assortment of produce. Tomatoes, lemons, jalapeños. Nearby trees offer dragonfruit and limes, and there's even a smattering of papaya plants. The air is thick with the smell of freshly dug soil and hints of herbs like mint and rosemary. Two compost piles sit side by side, and a greenhouse bursts with still more produce. Anyone who visits during bi-monthly public gardening days is encouraged to plant their own seeds and take home anything they care to harvest. 

"The people who come to our community garden, they take buckets with them when they can," said Ernesto Ruiz, a research coordinator at the Farmworker Association of Florida who oversees the garden. "These are families with six kids, and they work poverty wages. … They love working the land and they love being out there, but food is a huge incentive for them, too."

Throughout the week, the nonprofit distributes what Ruiz harvests. The produce it so readily shares is supplemented by regular donations from local supermarkets, which Ruiz often distributes himself.

But some of the same factors driving farmworkers to hunger have begun to encroach on the garden. Blistering summer heat and earlier, warmer springs have wiped out crops, including several plots of tomatoes, peppers, and cantaloupes. "A lot of plants are dying because it's so hot, and we're not getting rains," said Ruiz. The garden could also use new equipment — the irrigation system is manual while the weed whacker is third-rate, often swapped out for a machete — and funding to hire another person to help Ruiz increase the amount of food grown and expand when the garden is open to the public.

Demand is rising, and with it, pressure to deliver. Federal legislation addressing the low wages that lead to hunger for many farmworkers across the country is a big part of the solution, but so are community-based initiatives like the Campesinos' Garden, according to Ruiz. "You do the right thing because it's the right thing to do," he said. "It's always the right thing to feed somebody. Always."

                 

This article originally appeared in Grist at https://grist.org/food-and-agriculture/farmworker-hunger-crisis-climate-inflation-grocery-costs/.

                 

                 

Grist is a nonprofit, independent media organization dedicated to telling stories of climate solutions and a just future. Learn more at Grist.org

                 
                

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“America First” foreign policy: JD Vance wants to abandon Ukraine but bomb Mexico and Iran

In his address at the Republican National Convention on Wednesday, Sen. JD Vance, R-Ohio, suggested he was an opponent of American military interventionism, citing the 2003 Iraq War as a conflict that did not need to happen and declaring that "we will send our kids to war only when we must." That speech and similar comments have been cited by some pundits as evidence of Vance making a clean break from the GOP's more hawkish wing.

But these generalized claims, often centered on now-convenient criticism of a war that happened more than 20 years ago  paired with opposition to helping Ukraine fight off an invasion today are exposed by Vance's repeated calls for aggressive military force, including bombing campaigns targeting Iran and drug cartels in Mexico.

Both during his presidency and after, Donald Trump, who this week picked Vance as his running mate, floated various proposals for bombing and invading Mexico to curb the flow of fentanyl across the border. These plans, quickly shut down by others in his administration, are now being echoed by GOP lawmakers, conservative think tanks and Vance himself, despite the possibility that a destructive war in a neighboring country (and the United States' second largest trade partner) would significantly worsen the ongoing refugee crisis that Republicans have sworn to keep south of the Rio Grande.

As Vance said on Meet the Press last year, endorsing an invasion of Mexico: “I want to empower the president of the United States, whether that’s a Democrat or Republican, to use the power of the U.S. military to go after these drug cartels."

Mexican drug cartels are responsible for manufacturing and smuggling much of the fentanyl that enters the United States and causes most drug overdose deaths, killing about 150 people a day. "We have to recognize the Mexican government is being, in a lot of ways, destabilized by the constant flow of fentanyl," Vance continued.

Vance and other Republican lawmakers, such as Sen. Lindsey Graham, R-S.C., have proposed labeling drug cartels as terrorist groups to allow U.S. forces to take aggressive action.

Former Mexican President Andrés López Obrador, in response to such calls, said in 2022 that his government would not "permit any foreign government to intervene in our territory, much less that a government's armed forces intervene."  Mexico's own efforts to suppress the drug trade in the 2000s resulted in 60,000 dead and 230,000 people displaced, many of whom immigrated to the United States. Tens of thousands of others simply disappeared, while the cartels remained in power.

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The U.S. has previously tried stop the drug trade at its sources in other Latin American countries, including efforts by the Clinton administration to funnel aid into the Colombian government's bloody anti-cocaine crackdown with little results to show for it.

Elsewhere in the world, Vance has joined other "America First" Republicans in opposing further aid to Ukraine as it struggles to repel a Russian invasion. "I gotta be honest with you, I don't really care what happens to Ukraine one way or another," he said when Russia launched its ground offensive in February 2022. Both he and Trump support a negotiated peace with Russia, with the former president already speaking with right-wing Hungarian Prime Minister Victor Orban about his plans.

On the other hand, Vance is perfectly happy to escalate warfare with Iran, telling Fox News that "a lot of people recognize that we need to do something with Iran — not those weak little bombing runs … If you're going to punch the Iranians, you punch them hard, and that's what [Trump] did when he took out [Iranian general Qassem] Soleimani."

Vance has also staked out a hardline pro-Israel stance, supporting billions of dollars of military aid to Israel, proposing to defund colleges where pro-Palestine protests have taken place and urging President Joe Biden not to grant immigration protections to Palestinian refugees, who he called "a population of potentially radicalized individuals.”

Not looking to cook in this oppressive heat? Then you’ll love this 8-minute salad

This is not just another summer salad. It is versatile, adaptable and modifiable. It can be made with so many varying ingredients that it never gets boring. A little fancy, a little comforting, it is a delight to your taste buds as well as to those of any guests you may be hosting. It is the summer salad my husband and I have been living on since heat indexes at home eased into triple digits. I am betting you will be inclined to follow our lead and come to rely on it just as heavily once you taste it. 

Delicious in a way that is life-affirming, there is nothing more satisfying on a hot July day than this cold, colorful melange of tender greens, sweet seasonal fruits, lightly toasted nuts and crumbled cheese.

I swear, it cools you from the inside out.

I gravitate to it most during these hottest weeks on the calendar when I have all my favorite and long-anticipated fruits solidly on the brain, but it is truly pleasing any time of the year. 

There is a formula to it that appears to be foolproof. I have tested its foolproof-ness with unerring success over the years with combinations that upon first consideration might not sound so winning, but thus far have never disappointed.

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My latest, “Nectarine and Sand Pear with Walnuts and Blue Cheese,” is just one more lofty sounding compilation I will add to my list of highly-recommended. Another highfalutin sounding name for what you will find to be a reliable and easy alternative to your old, standby, not-so-exciting-anymore weeknight green salad.

“Sand pears,” also known as “hard pears,” are an easy to grow, common pear found in backyards and farms locally. With varieties designed to handle our typical temperatures and types of soils, these Asian pear descendants are crisp and usually used more for canning or making preserves than for eating fresh. I grew up eating them off my grandmother’s backyard tree and have a fondness for them that stretches beyond just how they taste.

Their ability to transport me to Pop and Grammy’s backyard in north Mississippi— to the edge of the pasture, to the loyalty of horses and the steadfastness and sturdy dependability of the ladder Grammy kept leaning against the trunk of her pear tree. While impressively large, her tree had a shape that seemed rendered by a child’s hand, and the taste of the pears I ate there over the years of my life imprinted on my taste buds.

Lately, as I increasingly appreciate connection, I have been especially enjoying their contribution to this salad.


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So, the magic formula is this: Choose two seasonal fruits, a cheese (feta, blue or goat cheese) and a nut (walnuts, sliced almonds or pecans). These are the changeable elements. The other ingredients stay the same as does the dressing, which let me say is an exquisitely balanced vinaigrette made with apple cider vinegar, raw honey and extra-virgin olive oil – a veritable health-giving trifecta on its own. The dressing makes the salad. It is what takes the risk out of making bold fruit choices as it is a magical elixir able to harmonize every conceivable combination. It is bright, lively and manages to unify any potentially disparate ingredients you may select. 

I have a few fruit-cheese-nut combinations that I think are especially notable, but there is no ceiling to what you can create. It just invariably works. Give in to your whims and cravings and buy a little extra at the farmer’s market; you will be able to use what you have on hand to create an endless rotation of healthy, gorgeous bowls filled with exactly what your body desires after another long, otherwise unbearably hot day.   

Nectarine and Sand Pear Salad with Walnuts and Blue Cheese
Yields
3 to 4 servings
Prep Time
8 minutes

Ingredients

2 bunches or 2 regular clamshells mixed greens

1/2 cup chopped walnuts or sliced almonds, toasted

“2 fruits” sliced thinly (see combination ideas below)

1/4 red onion, peeled, sliced paper thin

1/3 cup crumbled feta, goat or blue cheese

Salt

Pepper

 

Dressing:

1/4 cup apple cider vinegar

1/4 cup honey

1 tablespoons Dijon mustard

1 shallot, peeled 

1 clove garlic, peeled

1/2 cup extra virgin olive oil

Directions

  1. Place all salad ingredients in bowl.

  2. Make dressing: Using an immersion blender or a small food processor, add all dressing ingredients except olive oil and blend. 

  3. Pour in olive oil last. Blend well.

  4. Dress salad right before serving. Season with salt and pepper.


Cook's Notes

“2 Fruits” summer combinations:

-Pears, nectarines, peaches, or any two stone fruits

-Avocado with grapefruit or orange sections

-Any two berries or a berry and cherry

-Cherries and halved cherry tomatoes

-Chopped yellow tomatoes and golden raisins

Costco goes viral for selling “the apocalypse bucket” with food that lasts 25 years

Across social media, cult classic Costco has caused a commotion over its emergency dinner kit, dubbed “the apocalypse bucket."

The Readywise Emergency Food Bucket first went viral on June 30 after cookbook author Jeffrey Eisner posted a video of the hefty food kit at his local Costco.

“They have buckets that they’re just calling emergency food supply . . . I guess this is for when the apocalypse hits, which could be any time now?” Eisner said.

“So you know when the world collapses and caves in, as long as you have your Readywise Emergency Food Supply, all is right in the world,” he added. “I really want to sample this.”

The food bucket is available for $79.99 and boasts 150 freeze-dried and dehydrated meal servings.

According to its official product description, the bucket is a “meticulously curated package” that “goes beyond just food — it's about readiness in the face of uncertainty.”

It contains “80 servings of hearty entrees & sides, 30 servings for nourishing breakfasts, and an additional 40 drink servings,” making it a necessary tool “for a range of situations.” Specific meal options include tomato basil soup with pasta, teriyaki rice, chicken flavored noodle soup, crunchy granola, vanilla pudding and more.

The Readywise Emergency Food Bucket lasts up to 25 years on the shelf. “It’s not just about survival; it’s about maintaining a sense of normalcy, comfort, and even enjoyment during challenging times,” the product description noted.

“Top Chef” earns 3 Emmy nominations — including one for new host Kristen Kish

There is good news for "Top Chef" cheftestants, crew and everyone involved! 

The Television Academy announced the nominations for the 76th Emmy's yesterday morning . Bravo's landmark "Top Chef" scored three Emmy nominations this year: Outstanding Reality Competition Program, Outstanding Picture Editing For a Structured Reality or Competition Program, as well as a nomination for Kristen Kish for Outstanding Host For A Reality Or Reality Competition Program.

“WOW… this is unreal and wonderfully surreal and I am so happy, excited and very proud of OUR collective show and everyone who works tirelessly to make Top Chef so successful! I’m celebrating all of us!” said Kish.

This brings "Top Chef"s overall Emmy nominations to a whopping 50, along with two wins. "Top Chef: Last Chance Kitchen," the off-shoot incubator for booted cheftestants to compete for a chance to make it back on the show airing on YouTube and Peacock after episodes of "Top Chef proper, has racked up 5 nominations. On the whole, "Top Chef" has been nominated for 17 consecutive years, amazingly enough. Former host Padma Lakshmi also earned the "Outstanding Host" nomination repeatedly over the course of her tenure. 

The most recent season just concludes last month, crowning NY-based chef Danny Garcia as its twenty-first winner. 

Congratulations and good luck to the "Top Chef" crew — we hope this is the year they can pick up their third Emmy!

“Top Chef Masters” alum Naomi Pomeroy’s body recovered following fatal inner tube accident

James Beard award-winning chef Naomi Pomeroy’s body has been recovered nearly four days after her fatal inner tubing accident.

Pomeroy’s body was discovered in the Willamette River located in Hyak Park, Oregon, on Wednesday around 10 a.m., according to a press release from the Benton County Sheriff's Office. 

“People canoeing on the river spotted a body and called 911,” the sheriff's office said.  

Marine deputies arrived at the scene shortly after and “located a deceased female on a shallow section of bedrock near the middle of the river with about one to two feet of water.” 

“Deputies released Naomi to a funeral home and notified her family of the recovery,” the release added.

According to The Oregonian, Pomeroy was inner tubing with her husband Kyle Linden Webster and an unnamed third individual on the evening of July 13. Pomeroy’s family told Portland Monthly that the accident occurred when their inner tubes, which were tied together, flipped over in fast-moving currents after hitting a snag on the Willamette River. Both Webster and the unnamed third individual survived, the outlet reported.

Pomeroy is survived by her husband and their daughter August.

“The Bravo and ‘Top Chef’ family send our heartfelt condolences to the family and friends of Chef Naomi Pomeroy. Naomi was a powerhouse chef who made an indelible mark on the culinary industry,” Bravo Top Chef wrote in an X post Tuesday.

The Bravo and Top Chef family send our heartfelt condolences to the family and friends of Chef Naomi Pomeroy. Naomi was a powerhouse chef who made an indelible mark on the culinary industry.

— Bravo Top Chef (@BravoTopChef) July 16, 2024

Former “Top Chef” host and judge Padma Lakshmi paid tribute to Pomeroy in an Instagram post made Thursday: “I am deeply saddened to hear of the untimely death of chef Naomi Pomeroy. She was always a welcome presence at judges table and I was blessed to get to know the inspiring woman over the years. My condolences to her loved ones, what an incredible loss to our community.”

Some say a shot of olive oil can prevent a hangover – here’s what the science says

The search for alcohol hangover cures is as old as alcohol itself. Many cures and remedies are sold, but scientific evidence for their effectiveness is lacking.

Recently, the notion that taking a shot of olive oil before consuming alcohol can prevent hangovers has garnered attention. This idea, popularized by figures like music producer Benny Blanco who discussed it on The Tonight Show Starring Jimmy Fallon, suggests that olive oil can coat the stomach and slow the absorption of alcohol, thereby reducing hangover symptoms.

Despite its allure, this claim lacks any scientific backing and should be approached with lots of skepticism. The theory behind the olive oil trick is that its high-fat content forms a coating on the stomach lining, slowing down the rate at which alcohol is absorbed into the bloodstream. This slower absorption is supposed to lessen the intensity of hangovers.

While it is true that fatty foods can delay alcohol absorption to some extent, the effectiveness of this tactic is dubious. Alcohol absorption primarily occurs in the small intestine, with only about 20% being absorbed in the stomach. This means that even if olive oil slows down the initial absorption in the stomach, most alcohol will still be absorbed later in the digestive process.

Also, the body's metabolism or natural breakdown of alcohol, which involves the liver chemically changing it using its own protein machinery, is the primary cause of hangover symptoms such as dehydration, headaches and nausea. Olive oil does not interfere with this metabolic process in a way that would change hangover outcomes.

A comprehensive approach to preventing hangovers involves several factors, such as hydration, nutrition and alcohol moderation. While olive oil may contribute to slowing alcohol absorption slightly, it is far from a comprehensive solution.

There are better ways

Rather than relying on olive oil, there are several well-established methods to prevent or mitigate hangovers:

  1. Hydration: Dehydration is a major contributor to hangover symptoms. Drinking water before, during and after alcohol consumption can help maintain hydration levels and reduce the severity of hangovers.

  2. Nutrition: Consuming a nutritious meal before drinking can slow down alcohol absorption more effectively than a shot of olive oil. Foods rich in protein, fats and complex carbohydrates can provide a more balanced approach to mitigating alcohol's effects.

  3. Moderation: The most effective way to prevent a hangover is to drink in moderation. Setting limits and pacing alcohol intake can significantly reduce the risk of hangovers.

  4. Replenishing nutrients: After drinking, consuming foods and drinks that replenish lost electrolytes and provide essential nutrients can help the body recover. This includes options like sports drinks, fruit and vegetables.

It is worth noting that some will claim that the olive oil method works for them. However, these anecdotal accounts can often be influenced by the placebo effect. Believing in the effectiveness of a remedy can sometimes lead to perceived improvements, even if the remedy itself is not scientifically proven to be effective.

So, while the idea of taking a shot of olive oil before drinking alcohol to prevent hangovers is a temptingly simple solution, it lacks robust scientific support.

Justin Stebbing, Professor of Biomedical Sciences, Anglia Ruskin University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

I tried Wendy’s new Triple Berry Frosty so you don’t have to

Back in June, Wendy’s announced the launch of a new, seasonal Frosty flavor, its beloved icy treat: its latest limited-edition was going to be Triple Berry. Wendy’s hailed its newest addition as “the biggest and juiciest flavor to join Wendy’s iconic Frosty lineup yet.”

The Triple Berry Frosty combines three of the “freshest fruit flavors of the season,” including strawberries, blackberries and raspberries. It also touts a vibrant purple hue that “will transport your senses to a cool summer vacay with its smooth and creamy texture,” Wendy’s added in its press release.

“We’ve seen Frosty fandom continue to grow with each new flavor we roll out — and Triple Berry Frosty is sure to deliver,” Lindsay Radkoski, U.S. CMO for The Wendy’s Company, said in a press release. “Since 1969, Wendy’s has been famous for our Frosty and fans can trust that we’ll continue to evolve our iconic treat, inspired by our fans’ cravings and the flavors of the season.”

The new Frosty has already garnered mixed reviews from taste-testers nationwide. One could say folks are “berry” divided over the icy treat. So, in an attempt to be a part of the discourse, I got my hands on a Triple Berry Frosty from my local Wendy’s to try it myself.

Upon first glance, the Frosty itself was picture perfect — the promised vibrant purple hue was indeed present and the treat itself had the signature swirl at the top of its cup, complete with specks of icy bits distinguishing it from plain ol’ soft serve.

The color was a real standout for me, mainly because — unlike other Frostys of the past — this one was just pretty. It’s the kind of shade of purple that’s also oddly nostalgic. The color was akin to the old dollhouses, Polly Pocket outfits and fashion accessories I used to play with in my youth. It’s weird to associate a fast-food dessert with such core childhood memories, but I guess sometimes certain foods have that kind of unexpected effect on you. 

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The Frosty was incredibly scoopable and creamy, but not slushie-like or melty in terms of texture. Unfortunately, though, the dessert’s aesthetics were its only positive attributes.

Its taste, however, was far from delicious. The artificial mixed berry flavor tasted like straight-up medicine — think cough medicine mixed with Tums Ultra Assorted Berries — but frozen. That’s all to say that the excitement and joy I felt upon getting my Frosty was quickly gone after I took my first bite.


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On social media, other taste testers who weren’t fans of the Frosty said it “is about as nasty as you can get” and described it using the vomiting emoji. One TikTok reviewer said the dessert tasted “like Play-Doh.”

As for the Frosty’s fans, one X user said, “The Berry flavoured Frosty from Wendy’s tastes like those old Gogurts where it had two separate flavours on either end of the tube and you had to suck it all down to read the jokes on the tube.” Another user said, “just got the triple berry frosty and it tastes like a real good makeout sesh idk how else to describe it.”

A small Triple Berry Frosty is currently available for $2.49. It is replacing this spring’s Orange Dreamsicle.

“Kindly f*** off”: Britney Spears fires back at Ozzy Osbourne for calling her dancing “sad”

Britney Spears is not letting Ozzy Osbourne and the rest of the Osbourne family off the hook for their comments on her dancing.

In a new episode of the family's podcast, "The Osbournes Podcast," the singer said he was "fed up with seeing poor old Britney Spears [dancing]. Every f***ing day. You know, it's sad. Very, very sad."

The other family members, his wife Sharon, daughter Kelly and son Jack all agreed with his statement.

"I feel so sorry for her," Kelly said.

Jack responded saying the situation was "very sad indeed."

Additionally, Sharon said Spears was "a poor little thing."

Following the comments on the podcast, Spears took to her Instagram to address Ozzy and his family's comments. In the lengthy post, Spears started off by clarifying "I hardly ever dance" and "I'm not poor at all!" 

Spears compared herself to actress Kate Beckinsale, who has dealt with ageist comments on her social media. "Ironically in the world we live in with how incredibly cruel people can be you have to be extremely careful who you allow in your circle and your heart!" she continued.

"I'm gonna do a photoshoot with Kate and tell the Osbourne family who is the most boring family known to mankind to kindly f*** off!"

https://www.instagram.com/p/C9isrH_S6Li/?utm_source=ig_embed&ig_rid=3b342e6a-c3ff-4aa8-bdd1-f944fa5572da&img_index=1

Stephen Colbert mocks J.D. Vance claim that “we have a big tent” in the Republican Party

Stephen Colbert ripped into Republicans on the third day of their national convention in Milwaukee, spotlighting former Ohio Sen. J.D. Vance's vice presidential nomination acceptance speech.

The "Late Night" host explained that while Vance is still someone people are learning about, he rose to prominence with his 2016 memoir "Hillbilly Elegy" which was later adapted into a movie starring Glenn Close and Amy Adams in 2020.

Mostly, Colbert highlighted that the 39-year-old Ohio senator was once “an adamant never-Trumper. But he changed his tune to get Trump’s endorsement in 2022, and now he’s full-metal MAGA. In fact, he’s been called the ‘MAGA heir-in-waiting.’”

Colbert played a clip of Vance's speech in which he "tried to claim America’s political center," saying "we have a big tent in this party."

Colbert countered: “It’s a holding area, where we will eventually hold the immigrants before we deport them. But tonight, we’re going to let Rudy Giuliani sleep there!"

The comedian continued, “Trump didn’t pick Vance just for his ideology. He has a personal quality that Trump values above all others, and it’s cash.”

Colbert explained that Vance worked in venture capital where he hooked up Trump with two dozen tech and crypto investors in San Francisco. "[Vance] has hooked Trump up to the Silicon Valley money pump,” Colbert said.

“Can you imagine being stuck at a dinner between crypto bros and Donald Trump? Waiter? I’ll have the chicken a la cyanide,” Colbert joked.

Would-be Trump assassin may have also wanted to target Biden, FBI officials tell Congress

Thomas Matthew Crooks, the gunman who tried to assassinate Donald Trump last Saturday, was possibly considering both the former president and Joe Biden as targets, according to FBI officials who briefed members of Congress in wake of the attack.

Sources who participated in a conference call with lawmakers told The New York Times that the FBI searched through the browsing history on Crooks' laptop and two phones, among other devices, uncovering web searches related to the two candidates and signaling concerns about his own mental state. At one point, Crooks searched "major depressive disorder" on one of his cellphones.

Crooks also appeared to preview his attack on Steam, a gaming platform, announcing that he would make his "premiere" on July 13, the day of the assassination attempt. Still, the officials said that they could find no criminal history, connections with a larger conspiracy or foreign actors, easily discernible political beliefs or any clear motive for shooting Trump. Crooks donated $15 to a liberal organization on Inauguration Day in 2021, but registered as a Republican later that year and remained as one until he was shot down by Secret Service snipers.

Former classmates of Crooks have filled in some of the gaps. Many of them said that he never expressed any political ideology, with one of them, Vincent Taormina, testifying that he held both parties in equal disdain. In seventh grade, Taormina recalled, Crooks questioned why Taormina, a Latino, would support Trump.

“He says, ‘Aren’t you Hispanic? And you like Trump?’” Mr. Taormina said. “He said, ‘That’s a little stupid.’”

Other classmates have said that Crooks wore Trump-supportive clothing or apparel. “He definitely was conservative,” said Max R. Smith, who took a history class with Crooks in high school. “It makes me wonder why he would carry out an assassination attempt on the conservative candidate.”

FBI officials suggested that, based on his search history, Crooks was interested in famous people across the political spectrum. In addition to Trump and Biden, Crooks looked up FBI Director Christopher Wray, Attorney General Merrick Garland and a member of the British royal family.

Anti-party in a ghost town: Trump’s undead GOP holds an un-convention

MILWAUKEE — I don’t know whether the folks who tried to sell “vegan barbecue” from a booth in the strip of concession tents outside the 2024 Republican National Convention got bad advice or simply took an ill-advised leap of faith. Either way, I’m almost surprised they were allowed to do it. Doesn’t vegan barbecue sound like exactly the sort of Obama-era DEI woke outrage that Donald Trump would like to outlaw or defund, or at least humiliate into nonexistence?

But the cognitive dissonance of this convention goes well beyond that forlorn, misbegotten entrepreneurial venture. (I was relieved to see, at last, a couple of actual customers approach the booth; definitely journalists.) Amid all the obvious headline drama of the 2024 presidential campaign, which has already seen one candidate survive an attempted assassination and the other still struggling to survive an attempted intra-party coup, the RNC has so far been a startlingly quiet, polite, low-energy event.

Famous last words, I know. Trump’s closing-night speech on Thursday — rumored to be a lengthy stemwinder on a 19th-century scale — will no doubt be intended to rouse and unite the GOP faithful and send them forth to victory over whatever forces they believe are oppressing them. That’s approximately what happened at the 2016 convention in Cleveland, largely a disorganized and dull affair before Trump’s “I alone can fix it” acceptance speech, which was genuinely traumatic to sit through as a supposedly dispassionate observer. (I described it at the time as a 7.8 on the Nuremberg scale.)

But the differences are much bigger than the similarities. Both inside the arena and out on the Cleveland streets, the 2016 convention had the chaotic, unhinged, angry energy of a can of Mountain Dew vigorously shaken by a malicious six-year-old and left out in the sun. There was a distinct sense that worlds were colliding — the world of so-called mainstream politics and the MAGA revolution, the old Republican Party and the new one, in its just-hatched larval form. History was clearly being made; it was marvelous or terrible or both at once, according to your taste. 

History is not being made here, so it must be going on someplace else. This convention is underpopulated, overpoliced and entirely devoid of drama. For local businesses, the alleged economic benefits have been disastrous, which could be read as a larger metaphor. Many square blocks of downtown Milwaukee’s normally vibrant riverfront district have become a fenced-off or blockaded exclusion zone, reminiscent of Belfast in the 1980s. It feels like a ghost town, and the ghosts moving through it are the delegates and honored guests and media vultures like me, halfway pretending to take part in a political ritual that lost all possible meaning before most of us were born. 

Even the MAGA hats, which in Cleveland sprouted everywhere like an army of joyous little red Pac-Men, ready to munch America into imagined homogeneity, have all but disappeared. Oh, there are the updated green and yellow versions, confusingly marked with “45-47,” but they haven’t really caught on. The originals are rarely seen and faintly embarrassing, like Guess jeans from the ‘90s worn without irony.

Even the MAGA hats, which at the 2016 convention sprouted everywhere like an army of joyous little red Pac-Men, ready to munch America into imagined homogeneity, have all but disappeared.

It’s difficult to characterize the collective mood of Republicans based on this convention. They seem listless and confused and mildly delusional, like the people at the vegan barbecue booth. But they also believe they are poised to win a national election, and that part seems plausible enough. Perhaps the source of the cognitive dissonance is that the people gathered in Milwaukee represent something, or part of something, but they haven’t figured out what. 

It’s not quite accurate to say that they replaced the old Republican Party with a new one. They don’t have a political party at all, or at least not in the old-fashioned American sense. It has no clear or consistent principles, and no policies or goals that aren’t liable to be turned upside down at a moment’s notice. 

Within the space of about three minutes on Wednesday night, Sen. JD Vance of Ohio, Trump’s newly-anointed running mate, suggested that the Iraq invasion launched by a Republican administration in 2003 was a huge mistake (true), blamed it on Joe Biden (mostly false, with an asterisk) and then brandished his own patriotic credentials for enlisting in the Marine Corps in — hang on, let’s look it up — 2003 and serving for six months in, um, Iraq. 

I was on the floor of the convention at that moment, inches away from Turning Point USA founder and Vance booster Charlie Kirk, and for a few seconds you could feel the bafflement spread through the crowd: So was Senator Hillbilly Elegy a true American hero for risking his life in a stupid war that was started by the Republican president before the one to whom he’s hitched his wagon, or was he, as his boss might put it, a “sucker,” not to mention a shameless hypocrite? How's the vegan barbecue, anyway? 

The Republican Party under Trump — and someday soon under Vance or some other heir or usurper — isn’t really a party and has no guiding ideology or sense of its own history. My colleague Amanda Marcotte observed this week that the conventional wisdom describing the new GOP as a cult of personality slightly misses the point. She meant that Donald Trump is the funnel through which MAGA energy flows and the wizard who conjured it forth, but he has never truly controlled it. 

If Trump wins this election, he’ll be a lame-duck president in his 80s. More specifically, he’ll be the beloved but decrepit figurehead of the semi-normal popular front of a fascist movement whose darkest and most compelling energies lie elsewhere. Because that’s all the official, above-ground Republican Party is now. Their convention is a deliberately boring dumbshow, listless late-Soviet political theater meant to lull you and me — and most of its actual participants, for that matter — into believing that Trump 2.0 is nothing more than what it says on the box.

This convention is a deliberately boring dumbshow, listless late-Soviet political theater meant to lull you and me — and most of its actual participants — into believing that Trump 2.0 is nothing more than what it says on the box.

One of the mildly endearing things about Republican conventions of the pre-Trump era was the devotion to GOP kitsch. Ladies of uncertain age with hair the color of expensive brass candlesticks, who enjoyed being described as “kooky” in their Missouri or Alaska or Arizona hometowns, would show up in elaborate red-white-and-blue outfits bedecked with an impressive collection of buttons and pennants and bespoke garments from Republican campaigns gone by.

These were largely tributes to the party’s triumphant heroes — Ronald Reagan, first and foremost — but also to its pioneers and martyrs. Purists proudly flaunted 1964 Barry Goldwater gear; Richard Nixon was briefly exiled from the pantheon and then redeemed, in a distant early warning of the grievance politics that led us to Trump. At the legendary Houston “culture war” convention of 1992, the first one I attended as a journalist, I met an elderly delegate whose enormous felt hat sported campaign buttons for Thomas Dewey, Alf Landon and Herbert Hoover. 


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None of those guys would have been a viable Republican candidate by that time, let alone now. But even as the Reagan revolution and Newt Gingrich and Karl Rove hardened the party’s edges and drove out the last of the old-line ruling-class liberals, that history still mattered to the grassroots Republican activists who ran county committees and came to conventions. 

Those small-town postmistresses with their vintage Goldwater buttons have moved on to farther shores, and the GOP history they once cherished hasn’t just been forgotten or neglected in the Trump era, but utterly obliterated. Even Reagan, for good or ill a genuinely transformative Republican president, has been ghosted, and casts no visible shadow on the party of Trump and Vance. As mentioned above, George W. Bush and Dick Cheney have been erased from institutional memory, which is both understandable and borderline psychotic. 

As for the other once-beloved and now-disappeared Republican president of postwar America, Dwight Eisenhower, his erasure makes sense in a different way. Republicans Liked Ike (as most Americans did, to be fair) until they dimly and gradually became aware that his bland, sunny optimism represented the path not taken, the sliding door to an alternate GOP reality now long out of reach. Ike is an unperson for today’s Republicans, un-celebrated at an un-convention by an un-party fueled by unquenchable, unfocused unhappiness. It’s tempting to call that un-American — but we are where we are, folks, eating vegan barbecue with JD Vance in a ghost town.

Is America headed the way of “House of the Dragon,” with two weak leaders tearing the realm apart?

Division has left the realm writhing in misery, split between a would-be leader surviving an assassination attempt, and another whose struggle to prove their fitness has left them open to slanderous claims and presumptions of feebleness.

Then there’s the grim situation in Westeros.

Comparing American politics to George R.R. Martin's brutal fantasy universe is a classic pastime dating back to Barack Obama’s second administration, during which “Game of Thrones” premiered. However, the first season of “House of the Dragon” doesn’t as easily lend itself to facile parallels. 

Once we get past the Targaryen incest of it all, it boils down to a succession story stewed in envy and that timeless plague, sexism. Then again, maybe that view is informed by this series’ proximity to the end of succession.

Still, from its first scene, “House of the Dragon” encourages us to wonder whether Princess Rhaenys, Eve Best’s slain Queen That Never Was, would have been as sensible of a ruler — or better — than Viserys, her cousin whose maleness gave him a better claim to the Iron Throne. We will never know.

All that Viserys’ named heir Rhaenyra (Emma D’Arcy) can do is strive to restore the 80 years of peace she inherited. That task grows onerous by the day thanks to an all-male small council that doubts her abilities and, like their counterparts in King’s Landing, equates one’s suitability to rule with shows of strength.

“Regent,” the second season’s fifth episode, debuted a day after an assassination attempt on the Republican party’s then-presumed presidential nominee. It also met us amid an intraparty debate over whether his Democratic opponent, the sitting President, is fit to hold another four-year term. 

The situational dissimilarities are obvious, to say nothing of what I cited in 2021: Westeros is not a democracy, and our nation’s founders opposed the notion of presidents governing as rulers.

But Martin’s stories, along with being informed by actual history, are parables of power struggles among the ruling classes. In theory, the privileged ranks inherit the charge of regulating the well-being of their subjects.  

In practice, they focus more on establishing or extending their legacy or growing their family’s wealth and influence. That makes these episodes enduringly relatable to our politics. Malcontent is good for business as long as you're the one who benefits from it.

With that in mind, “House of the Dragon” wants us to pay attention to the smallfolks’ suffering as these great houses regard their farmlands and villages as resources to be sacked and their livestock as dragon food.  

This is one of the reasons the story keeps checking in on Hugh the Blacksmith (Kieran Bew), the King’s Landing tradesman who unwisely places his faith in the crown’s word that he’ll be paid, and sits waiting empty-handed while his starving child grows sicker. (If you’ve read Martin’s work, and one of the series’ flaws is that it appears to assume most of the audience has, you may be right to suspect that he has a bigger role to play down the road.) 

When the rich want war, the little people suffer; when the wiser among the powerful try to “turn down the temperature,” their allies see that as folly and their opponents as frailty. 

Westeros is not a democracy, and our nation’s founders opposed the notion of presidents governing as rulers.

 Rhaenyra may have a few more dragons than her rivals, and Aegon (Tom Glynn-Carney), the half-brother who usurped her throne, might have earned some cheers from the commoners by waving his sword in the air. But both are weak leaders. Rhaenyra looks like the nobler of the two by striving to honor her father’s diplomatic legacy. Marrying his hot-headed brother Daemon (Matt Smith), a man who would rule through fear and murder, makes that next to impossible.  

While Rhaenyra disappears to sue for peace by appealing to her father’s second wife the Dowager Queen Alicent (Olivia Cooke), Daemon busily inserts himself between two warring clans, the Blackwoods and the Brackens. He instructs his Blackwood ally to take his enemy's children hostage and put their unarmed kinsmen to the sword to force their allegiance. 

To the dithering lords of the great houses, that is what a man of action does. 

House of the DragonHouse of the Dragon (HBO)

“Regent” reminds us yet again of how sexist Westerosi politics can be, which shouldn’t be a surprise. Every woman in “Game of Thrones” faces some version of misogynist dismissal. The smartest figure out how to manipulate their circumstances or work around them to achieve their ends. Why should the players in its prequel display more enlightened behavior?

As such, Rhaenyra chafing at the way she’s treated by the lords who are supposedly on her side is familiar. Men like Ser Alfred (Jamie Kenna) mansplaining that “the gentler sex heretofore has not been much privy to the strategies of battle or their execution” is not so far removed from Tywin Lannister chiding Cersei for not being smart enough to manage the top job. 

Rhaenyra is savvier than the Lannister Queen Who Shouldn’t Have Been, pointing out that the previous ruler’s decades without major conflict means he hasn’t seen any battles either.

Yet her cabinet insists she remains safely ensconced on Dragonstone, while Ser Criston Cole (Fabien Frankel) parades the dragon Meleys’ head through the streets of King’s Landing. “They speak around me, not to me,” Rhaenyra says to Mysaria (Sonoya Mizuno). “They would make me queen, but they wish to keep me here confined.”

Alicent isn’t faring much better in King's Landing. With the son she installed on the throne clinging to life and looking like an overdone grilled cheese, Alicent mistakenly assumes the weight of ruling in his stead would naturally fall to her. 

She reminds her (again, entirely male) small council that she spent many years guiding the realm as her husband rotted away in their bed chambers. That’s not entirely true, since her father Otto (Rhys Ifans) was the one telling her what to say and how to act. 

House of the DragonTom Glynn Carney as Aegon and Olivia Cooke as Alicent in "House of the Dragon" (HBO)

No matter. Alicent lacks the qualifier that counts, which is a fleshy dangle between her legs. Aegon's little brother and would-be assassin Aemond (Ewan Mitchell), on the other hand, has one of those along with the largest she-dragon in the realm. 

It’s agreed in principle that Alicent is right when she tells her advisers that Aemond is a fearsome dragon rider best employed in the field. Nevertheless, as Alicent’s heretofore most stalwart whisperer Ser Larys Strong (Matthew Needham) points out while stabbing her in the back, Aemond is next in line for the throne. Besides, he asks, what would it say if, in response to Rhaenyra’s claim, “we raised up a woman of our own?”

When Ser Criston also throws in with Aemond, Alicent realizes that all her Cole smashing and private footsy shows for Larys were for nothing.  The Aemond ayes have it, and Alicent’s one-eyed monster smoothly takes the head of the table, ready to torch the realm. 

Looking backward at what might have been doesn’t help us figure out an exit to the current and extremely distressing situation at play in the second season of “House of the Dragon” and in our country. 

Rhaenyra and Rhaenys are not Hillary Clinton or Kamala Harris. One might be tempted to liken Aemond to JD Vance, the next in line to the Oval Office if Donald Trump wins and his McDonald’s habit catches up with his 80-year-old heart valves. But Aemond is more experienced in statecraft and, importantly, consistent in his hatred for the comatose king. 

As he points out last season while scouring the bowels of King’s Landing to find the drunken playboy, he was the one training with the sword and diligently learning Westeros’ history while Aegon didn’t even want to be king.

That changes, of course, when the hungover eldest child takes in his people's forced adulation, which is enough to persuade him he can run the world. 

“I can . . . have to . . . make a war?” Aegon strings together in poor High Valyrian only his brother understands. Aemond is not impressed, so when he has the opportunity, he roasts him.

House of the DragonEwan Mitchell as Aemond in "House of the Dragon" (HBO)

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Both major American political parties either overtly or tacitly make the case that their candidate’s age matters less than the public thinks since each is surrounded by an apparatus ready to step in and continue enacting their leader’s platform. 

One side is positioning itself as the only option for Americans who want to keep our democracy.  The other promises to fire all sitting government officials and install loyalists to the man pumping his fist in the air and exhorting his followers to fight – a star who wasn’t expecting to be king and suddenly realizes he enjoys the power.

Looking backward at what might have been doesn’t help us figure out an exit to the current and extremely distressing situation at play. 

That is not to say the other guy – OK, I’m talking about Joe Biden — is without fault. He can’t make Rhaenyra’s claim that “The path I walk has never been trod,” for one. Biden has a track record of policy successes and geopolitical stumbles just during his administration that have cost him previously reliable coalitions. 

He has also held the fewest press conferences since Ronald Reagan, and that choice to limit his unscripted appearances before the public made his poor debate performance especially shocking. 

Trump, meanwhile, has done nothing but speak nonsense to his base, who loves him for it. Since he was pried out of office, he and his surrogates have vigorously promoted the Big Lie along with a slew of other falsehoods and terrifying promises about the vengeance he’ll visit on his “enemies” if he’s voted back into the White House. From their sky suites, the donor class is pleased to see the odds swaying in their favor. 

On the ground are their servants who either believe that rich people want them to be rich too, or take comfort in knowing they’re more favored than others. Some of them are ready, to quote Daemon’s orders to his Blackwood ally, to “do things the crown itself must not be seen to do . . . Show them your worst.”


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Everyone else’s alarm may be reflected in Alicent’s quiet hyperventilating with her eyes frozen wide with horror and disillusionment as she finally grasps her total powerlessness. 

Her son Aemond, the realm’s official regent, responds to word of the smallfolk exodus from King’s Landing not by asking what can be done to ease their fear and the famine gripping the city, but by acting to prevent word of the city’s dire situation (i.e. “fake news”) from spreading through the land. 

“Let the gates be closed,” he says. “No one is to leave or enter save consent – merchants, so forth.” Shortly afterward Hugh the blacksmith and his wife and child are being crushed by the crowds desperately pushing against the soldiers standing in the way of their freedom.

But this is just a story about a land where dragons are real, right? One where the people believe them to be gods until a bloodthirsty knight parades the head of one like a trophy through the streets. Mysaria tells Rhaenyra this is a miscalculation: “The people see an ill omen,” she says. “They are afraid. Bread is scarce. The King has fallen. They whisper to each other that when Viserys lived, there was peace.”

To the discontented rumors are feed, Mysaria tells her queen, advising her to let others do what she can’t.  Rhaenyra half-smiles at her courtier’s assurance that sowing rhetoric to counter Aemond and Alicent’s could help her.  Here in the real world we know such conspiracy-mongering doesn't lead to a good place, leaving us to ask the same anxious question as Westeros' smallfolk: where can we possibly go from here?

New episodes of "House of the Dragon" premiere at 9 p.m. Sundays on HBO and on Max.

 

“Votes from illegals”: Republicans are already preparing an excuse if they lose in November

Donald Trump is bullish about his chances in November and polling ahead of Joe Biden, but the GOP is preparing an insurance policy that blames election fraud by Democrats and undocumented immigrants if they lose. Speakers at the Republican National Convention made warnings of such a plot a prominent theme, mirroring similar efforts in 2020 to overturn the election results and disenfranchise millions of voters based on unsupported claims of mass fraud.

“We cannot allow the many millions of illegal aliens they allowed to cross our borders, harm our citizens, or disrupt our elections. We will not allow it,” declared House Speaker Mike Johnson, R-La., who filed a lawsuit to overturn the 2020 presidential election results that was quickly thrown out by the Supreme Court.

Other Republicans explicitly accused Democrats of purposely allowing undocumented immigrants into the country so that they can illegally vote, even though the Biden administration recently passed measures to curb border crossings.

“Democrats cynically decided they wanted votes from illegals more than they wanted to protect our children,” said Sen. Ted Cruz, R-Texas.

House Majority Leader Steve Scalise, R-La., also claimed that Democrats "want illegals to vote now that they opened the border." Both Cruz and Scalise participated in efforts to overturn the 2020 election.

It is illegal for non-citizens to vote in federal elections, and instances of them breaking the law are extremely rare, with measures already in place to catch violators. In 2016, an audit in North Carolina found that 41 legal immigrants who had not yet become citizens cast ballots, out of 4.8 million total voters, and did not make a difference in a single election in the state. In 2022, Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger, a Republican, conducted an audit of the state's voter rolls that found that all 1,634 non-citizens who attempted to register were denied by election officials.

Johnson acknowledged earlier this year that the voting conspiracy theory has “not been something that is easily provable.”

That has not stopped Trump from goading his supporters about it with a tone that suggests certainty.

“We must use every appropriate tool to beat the Democrats. They are destroying our country,” he said in a video message to RNC delegates. “Keep your eyes open because these people want to cheat and they do cheat, and frankly it’s the only thing they do well.” Trump's VP pick, Sen. JD Vance, R-Ohio, has said that if he was in former Vice President Mike Pence's shoes, he would not have certified the 2020 presidential election, as required by the Constitution.

If there's any organized conspiracy to subvert federal elections, it's the Republicans who have been caught in the act. In 2020, Trump and his allies endorsed a "fake elector plot" to submit fraudulent certificates from seven states to falsely claim that Trump had won those states. Two of the plot's architects, Trump's former trade advisor Peter Navarro and longtime Trump whisperer Roger Stone, received a hero's welcome at this week's RNC.

“Do the right thing”: Biden “more receptive” to dropping out as top allies warn he’s sinking party

In an interview with BET News that aired Wednesday, President Joe Biden suggested he might be willing to step aside if his doctors informed him that he had a serious medical condition. He also appeared to struggle recalling the name of his defense secretary, Lloyd Austin, referring to him only as a “Black man” in an exchange about his commitment to diversity.

Soon after the interview aired, the White House announced that Biden had COVID and would be canceling his next few days of scheduled appearances. The news for the president did not get better from there. The reprieve he enjoyed after a 20-year-old Republican tried to kill former President Donald Trump was shattered by reports that some of the biggest names in his party had privately told him directly to drop out of the race — reports that came the same day that Rep. Adam Schiff, D-Calif., publicly broke with Biden and urged him to “pass the torch.”

In the three weeks since the president’s alarming debate performance, the resistance to his leading the Democratic ticket has ebbed and flowed, boosted by shaky interview performances and atrocious swing-state polls but set back by a decent press conference (one marred by an embarrassing gaffe: “Vice President Trump”) followed by the attempted assassination of the Republican nominee, which Biden addressed in remarks from the Oval Office.

Privately, however, Democratic Party elders had already told Biden that it was time to quit.

As ABC News’ Jon Karl reported Wednesday night, Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., one of the few voices seen as being able to influence the president, had told Biden in a “blunt one-on-one conversation” last weekend at his Delaware beach house that “it would be best if [he] bowed out of the race.” That report was followed by a conspicuous non-denial from Schumer’s office, which omitted any support for Biden in a statement claiming the senator had “conveyed the views of his caucus.”

Immediately after that Saturday meeting in Rehoboth Beach, Schumer — who had repeatedly told reporters previously that “I’m with Joe” — said only that his meeting with the president had gone well, refusing to divulge any details about what was said. That the private conversation was made public days later appeared to be a response to Biden’s defiant refusal to step aside in the 96 hours since.

“It’s not just that Schumer told Biden he needed to step aside,” observed The New York Times’ Ezra Klein. “It’s that Biden didn’t step aside, and so now that meeting is being leaked to build pressure and signal to others that they can act.”

Act others did: The report about Schumer was almost immediately followed by a report about former House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., who according to CNN likewise told Biden in a “recent conversation” that time was up, informing him that, in her view, he can’t defeat Trump and will in fact hurt every other Democrat’s chances this November. Her successor, House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, reportedly conveyed the same message.

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The polls, which the president and some of his supporters believe are flawed, suggest Biden is running 10-15% behind some swing-state Democrats; even a number half that would be an historic margin, prompting concern that the president’s unpopularity would cause some voters to stay home and make it that much harder for the party to retain control of the Senate and take over the House.

To the point that it’s only July: Two months ago, it was “only May,” and the president’s team was saying the June 27 debate would reset the race. With the candidate visibly not the same man he was even in March, when he delivered the State of the Union, many are no longer content to wait for things to turn around — and no longer confident that they can.

Donors are in open revolt, some having told reporters that they had concerns about Biden’s viability long before the debate, noting his frailty at fundraisers and over-reliance on teleprompters, even when just speaking in a supporter’s living room. Semafor reported that Biden campaign adviser Jeffrey Katzenberg informed the president on Wednesday that he would soon run out of cash; that followed a report from NBC News earlier this month that Biden’s post-debate fundraising was “disastrous.”


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Although Biden has been adamant that he intends to remain in the race, there are signs that the difficult reality is setting in. A source identified as a “senior Democratic advisor” told CNN late Wednesday that Biden is not “as defiant as he is publicly,” and is at least “receptive” to talk of stepping aside — something 65% of Democrats want him to do, per an AP-NORC survey out this week — and handing the campaign over to Vice President Kamala Harris, who is already outrunning Biden in some polls despite enjoying less name recognition.

“He’s gone from saying, ‘Kamala can’t win,’ to ‘Do you think Kamala can win?’” the source told CNN. Democrats who later spoke to The New York Times shared the same assessment, indicating that Biden is now “more receptive” to such talk than he’s let on publicly.

The renewed public pressure on Biden comes after the Democratic National Committee tried to move up formalizing his nomination to as early as next week with a “virtual roll call” of delegates, an effort that was abandoned after pushback from congressional Democrats, including Schumer and Jeffries. That seems to have galvanized others who had heretofore been reluctant to publicly pressure someone they respect to make what even critics would concede is a difficult decision.

By Thursday morning, MSNBC’s “Morning Joe” was airing what sounded like an intervention.

“It’s really incumbent on people that are around Joe Biden to step up at this point and help the president, and help the man they love, and do the right thing,” Joe Scarborough, host of the show that Biden reportedly watches every day — and which he called into last week, denouncing the “elites” calling on him to step down — said Thursday morning, calling on the president’s advisers to get him out of his “bubble” and be straight with him. “This is not going to end well if it continues to drag out.”

Democrats in disarray distract from a disastrous Republican convention

If you’re looking for entertainment out of the ordinary during this extremely hot summer brought to you courtesy of global climate change, then look no further than the Republican tent revival in Milwaukee or the ongoing Democratic circus of cannibals surrounding President Biden.

The Republican freak show has gathered in Milwaukee this week to canonize and coronate Donald Trump, fresh off his felony conviction and a recent assassination attempt. While there you can purchase your favorite Trump T-shirt, or for just $29.99 you can purchase one with Trump and buddy Jesus smiling together. For little more than that you can buy a mug, a baseball cap, or perhaps some pajamas for your child. For those who like a live WWE event, Trump appeared with an odd-looking square bandage on his ear at the beginning of week, prompting true believers to weep, faint and praise gawd for Trump being saved by “divine intervention.”

That T-shirt just cost five dollars more.

Left unasked, unanswered and unspoken is why would gawd intervene on the behalf of Trump while failing to do so for thousands of innocent children killed by gun violence, or rape victims or Abraham Lincoln, Martin Luther King, John F. Kennedy, Bobby Kennedy or Malcolm X, to name a few? Or, paraphrasing a Holocaust survivor, if gawd exists, he owes someone an apology. 

The faithful tell you that you have no right to question gawd’s plan, while apparently they have no idea many aren’t questioning gawd’s plan — just their interpretation of it. Meanwhile, if gawd is in Milwaukee this week, we have a subtle reminder; he just owes a little of his hard-earned cash to get his Trump/Jesus paraphernalia.

There is little new to say about the foot washers at the Trump tent show in Milwaukee that hasn’t already been said. His choice for Vice President, JD Vance, has all the political acumen of a door-to-door vacuum cleaner salesman and all of the integrity of a white-shoes-wearing used car salesman on a discount car lot in Pikeville, Kentucky.

But that is today’s GOP. The heroes of the party are now living saints to the teary-eyed rabble who worship them. Unable to think critically about those who’ve taken over that political party, they are, as H.L. Mencken once wrote, victims of their own mysticism. They are members of a technological medieval peasantry. Their political heroes “begin to sprout haloes and wings.” We’ve seen this before with populists in the U.S., but with Trump the results seem more overwhelming due to the froth of social media, which seemingly has the ability to add legitimacy to the claims of con men by endlessly repeating lies, half-truths and quackery.

Those who vote against their own self-interest and believe Jesus stops bullets — or, at least in Trump’s case, deflects them — are more than happy to hand over their hard-earned cash. They’re rapturous about it.

Other than the peasantry, the GOP is dominated by Trump, Vance, Nikki Haley, Matt Gaetz, Marjorie Taylor Greene, Stephen Miller, Jason Miller, Kelly Anne Conway, a handful of other questionable greedy hustlers and their ultra-rich donors, who may or may not believe the vile hatred spewed by their puppet leader, but certainly are in line to personally benefit from the power and money such close association may bring. In nearly every case being a close association of Trump is completely contradictory to previous public statements and stances of his closest minions. Thus Vance, who once compared Trump to Hitler, can be thankful that Trump took it as a compliment and put him on the ticket while Haley, who ran a strident anti-Trump campaign, can speak now about the need to re-elect him while simultaneously leaving all of those who followed her on the sidelines or without representation unless the “Never Trumpers” decide “Never” isn’t that long. Meanwhile, former Trump VP Mike Pence is nowhere to be seen. Though an evangelical, Trump’s fans had hoisted gallows during the January 6 insurrection and would have been more than happy to hang him from them. 

If you like watching a dystopian nightmare, pull up a chair and grab some popcorn.

The press can’t handle this mess. We don’t know how to do so. We’re too busy bowing to false equivalency and prostrating ourselves on the altar of access. We interview the MAGA stalwarts and act surprised at their faith (and tears). We are trying to treat the RNC convention as if all is normal, while still reeling from years of being accused of being the “liberal media." In fact, we’re neither liberal nor conservative. We’re greedy. Our owners only want money, however they can bring it into their coffers. 

Instead of sending political reporters to the Republican Convention or the Democratic Convention, we should send crime beat reporters — if enough of them still exist. Covering the GOP today is like covering a mob family. The rest of the press? As a Good Fella would say, “Fuggitaboutit.”  

The New York Times ran an article headlined, “Rating the R.N.C.’s first night on a scale of 0-10.” Seriously? That’s insight? It sounds like a movie review. “Read the top four takeaways . .” another article offered us. We’re addicted to Top Ten lists. We were told Trump was unusually emotional, and “seemed more pensive” in his first public appearance since the attempted assassination. Who cares? That has little to do with his wanton destruction of democracy, Trump's adherence to authoritarian tropes, or his desire to enslave, arrest or seek vengeance upon those who oppose him. We don’t care. It no longer sells. 

Meanwhile, in Milwaukee, the “Christian” faithful are praying for his grace.

Trump deserves empathy for being shot at, but that doesn't require us to be sympathetic to a man who has fomented rebellion or previously supported violence, including using rhetoric and language to encourage the type of violence that nearly led to the loss of his life. His hardcore supporters are still preaching violence. Some of them are even saying it’s the beginning of the second revolution and it will all be peaceful if the liberals don’t resist. Forgive me if it sounds like the criminal is taunting the victim for resisting the crime.

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Lester Holt, the NBC anchor who recently interviewed Joe Biden, tore into the President for using the words, “putting Trump in the bullseye,” even getting Biden to apologize for it without putting it into context or more importantly explaining why Biden should apologize for it. Holt, while one of the greatest sinners in applied illogic and false equivalency to this presidential race, is not the only sinner. 

I feel dirty for watching the coverage, and dirty for covering this MAGA tent revival show. I’m waiting for them to sell leather-bound copies of the Bible complete with Trump’s signature on the author’s page. We in the press have contributed to the delusion that the RNC is a coronation while ignoring everything Trump did while in office, before he landed in office and after he left. We ignore the Jan. 6 insurrection, but at the same time we elevate one performance in a debate as being the straw that broke the camel’s back with Biden. What were the other straws?

And that brings us to Biden. No less than California Rep. Adam Schiff, currently running for Senate, has now jumped into the fray and called for him to step away from the race “because he can’t win.” Where did he get that idea? Trump? That’s the only one who benefits from this chaos in a blender. Polls? Please. That’s California dreaming. Cue Nancy Pelosi.

Watching the Democrats cannibalize themselves while running around like zombies with their hair on fire is cringe-worthy entertainment but not surprising. Watching it play out in real time in the midst of terrible climate problems, growing international unrest, and price gouging by international corporations is like reading the prelude to any dystopian science fiction masterpiece.

The truth is, the Democrats shouldn’t be fighting among themselves if they want to win. They should be fighting the Republicans who love to win so much they’ve cast their lot with the antichrist to do it (if you believe in such things – yes, that’s a jab at the “true believers.”)

Neither Joe Biden nor Donald Trump has anyone to blame but themselves for the criticism to which they must answer. But we have failed as journalists to properly clarify the problems both men present to the public. We are mired in a sense of placid, flaccid normalcy when none exists. Trump is a criminal. Biden’s crime is he hasn’t been in front of the cameras more often. I’ve criticized him for it, but it isn’t equivalent to being a felon. Biden has actually done the job well. 

Then, just when you think things can be figured out, watch out for the third act twist. The Far Right is so mired in trying to make us Christian Nationalists (That’s the American Taliban for those who do not understand) that they’ve begun attacking their own delegates to the RNC. When Harmeet Dhillion, the National Committeewoman of the Republican National Committee for California, offered a closing prayer on the first day of the MAGA tent revival in Milwaukee, it set off a firestorm of criticism — among Republicans. Andrew Torba, the CEO of the social media platform Gab, said “Christian Nationalism must be exclusively and explicitly Christian. No tolerance for pagan false gods and the synagogue of Satan.”

Other Republican lawmakers in attendance in Milwaukee agreed and some urged that the wife of JD Vance, Usha, a lawyer, should be deported. She was born in San Diego to Indian immigrants.

So, maybe, just maybe both parties have begun cannibalizing themselves. What will remain this fall is anyone’s guess. But right now, if you like watching a dystopian nightmare, pull up a chair and grab some popcorn.

The show’s begun. 

“Gun extremists have a dream ticket”: JD Vance brags about “Mamaw’s” huge gun stash in RNC speech

MILWAUKEE — Sen. JD Vance – Trump’s pick for vice-president who once mused about getting rid of the ATF and called Democrats’ efforts to ban bump stocks “a huge distraction” – is getting rave reviews from firearm groups as he debuts at the RNC.

Vance, a Republican junior senator from Ohio and author of "Hillbilly Elegy," delivered a speech at the Republican National Convention in Milwaukee on Wednesday in which he highlighted his grandmother's secret gun stash as an example of "American spirit."

"My Mamaw died shortly before I left for Iraq in 2005. And when we went through her things, we found 19 loaded handguns," Vance said. “Now, the thing is, they were stashed all over her house. Under her bed, in her closet, in the silverware drawer. And we wondered what was going on. And it occurred to us that towards the end of her life, Mamaw couldn’t get around so well. And so, this frail old woman made sure that no matter where she was, she was within arm’s length of whatever she needed to protect her family. That’s who we fight for. That’s American spirit!”

Vance has received a bevy of praise in recent days from the National Rifle Association, Gun Owners of America, the National Shooting Sports Foundation and the National Association for Gun Rights.

Gun Owners of America lauded Vance’s “perfect voting record” on firearms issues. 

“Whether it’s his support for abolishing the ATF, his commitment to destroying the federal gun registry, or his opposition to expanded background checks, our members can sleep soundly with his nomination for Vice President,” said Aidan Johnston, GOA’s Director of Federal Affairs. 

Meanwhile, gun control groups including Everytown for Gun Safety say that Vance's calls to abolish the ATF amount to defunding law enforcement — and that Vance is in the pockets of the gun lobby.

The National Rifle Association of America reported spending $479,663 to boost Vance’s 2022 bid for Senate, according to a database maintained by Open Secrets.

“There’s a reason the gun lobby spent half a million dollars to elect J.D. Vance: He opposes expanding background checks on gun sales, opposes Red Flag laws to keep guns out of dangerous hands, and supports abolishing the law enforcement agency responsible for protecting Americans from gun violence," John Feinblatt, president of Everytown for Gun Safety, told Salon. "Gun extremists have a dream ticket: Trump and Vance would put our communities at risk with their extreme positions on gun safety that are out of step with the American public.”

VANCE'S EARLY STANCE ON GUNS

After graduating from Yale Law School in 2013, Vance worked as an attorney for nearly two years before moving to San Francisco to eventually work as a venture capitalist with billionaire investor Peter Thiel — who later spent millions to boost Vance's Senate campaign.

Vance rose to some prominence in 2016 with the publication of his New York Times best-selling memoir "Hillbilly Elegy," in which the Ivy League-educated Marine reflected on the challenges facing the “white working class” and its embrace of Republicans and Internet conspiracy theories.

By the end of 2016, Vance announced his intentions to return to Ohio and perhaps run for office.

At a Versailles, Ohio golf club in March 2018, Vance spoke at the Darke County Republican Party’s annual Lincoln Day Dinner and answered a question about the Parkland school shooting.

According to a report from The Daily Advocate & Early Bird News, Vance then claimed that school shootings are less common now than 15 to 20 years ago.

“I do think it’s important for us to keep some perspective when we’re trying to fix problems like this,” Vance said. 

Data collected by the Washington Post on school shootings suggests Vance was wrong: the U.S. saw 30 school shootings in 2018, up from seven in 1999.

Also on that day in Versailles, Vance said law enforcement could take steps to ensure guns don’t fall into the hands of dangerous individuals.

“We should make it easier to take those guns out of the hands of people who are about to use them to murder large numbers of people,” he said. “I think it’s important we don’t get so caught up in this particular moment that we sacrifice the Second Amendment process, and that’s what I worry about.”

Vance added: "We’ve got to have the right balance between protecting citizens, protecting our schools, and protecting the kids that go to them, but also protecting our really important and fundamental constitutional liberty.”

Guns.com – an online marketplace for guns and a source of news for gun enthusiasts – acknowledged this week that “there seems to be some evidence that he leaned towards red flag laws of some sort in 2018.”

But as Guns.com noted, Vance later became a strident opponent of gun safety bills sought by Democrats once he began running for office. 

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VANCE’S TURN TO THE RIGHT

By 2022, as a U.S. Senate candidate, Vance called red flag laws a “slippery slope” that “don’t solve the problem of gun violence.” 

According to the Ohio Capital Journal, Vance said he wouldn’t vote for a bipartisan gun deal to enhance background checks for gun buyers under 21 years of age that Biden ended up signing.

In the wake of the 2022 mass shootings in Buffalo, N.Y. and Uvalde, Texas, Vance told local Ohio station WLWT-TV that “the idea that expanded background checks is going to solve that problem is unfortunately not true."

Vance also called for eliminating the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives — whose duties include tracing firearms used in crimes — in a 2022 interview with Tucker Carlson.

At the time, The Free Beacon had reported on a 2021 letter from the ATF to a congressman concerning the agency’s system for manually searching for firearms records from gun retailers who have gone out of business. 

A 2016 GAO report found that the ATF’s National Tracing Center has to consult its repository of “‘out-of-business records” in more than one-third of trace requests involving an entity that has gone out of business.

The ATF’s repository allows users to search for individual records using the unique number assigned to every federal firearms license. 

But the repository stores firearms purchaser information and other data as image files without optical character recognition – meaning firearms purchaser information can’t be searched using text. 

In 1979, Congress restricted the ATF from consolidating or centralizing federal firearm license records – and Republicans and gun rights groups have long claimed the ATF has failed to comply with that rule.

The ATF, in its letter to Republican U.S. Rep. Michael Cloud of Texas,  said it has over 920,000 out-of-business records as of November 2021. The agency also said its repository complied with the 1979 restrictions.

The Free Beacon’s report quoted a director of federal affairs for Gun Owners of America, who  called the letter “clear evidence that a partial national gun registry exists.”

Days later, Vance appeared on Fox News to call the repository a “back door to a gun registry in this country.”

“And if you look at what liberals have done in Europe, what they've done in Australia, once you allow gun registry, you effectively allow the disarming of your citizenry,” Vance told host Tucker Carlson. “This is ultimately about destroying the Second Amendment, just as the Democrats' alliance with Big Tech is about destroying the First Amendment. And my basic argument here, Tucker, is look, if the Democrats are going to ignore the heavily armed drug cartels on our southern border that use the ATF to go after law-abiding citizens, why don't we just get rid of the ATF?”

Once elected to the Senate with a last-minute boost from Trump, Vance in 2023 expressed support for allowing schools to decide to arm teachers. 

“I hate to say this, I don't like this, but we're living in a world where people have decided that our schools are soft targets,” Vance told local broadcast outlet WKEF.

When asked about his response to critics who say teachers and staff shouldn’t act in a dual capacity, Vance said: “I guess my response is you have to let the local officials decide what's in the best interest of their community.”

And this year as the Senate debated legislation to ban bump stocks, Vance called the Democrats’ push a “huge distraction.”

“I think that we have to ask ourselves: What is the real gun violence problem in this country, and are we legislating in a way that solves fake problems? Or solves real problems?” Vance told reporters, according to NBC News. “And my very strong suspicion is that the Schumer legislation is aimed at a PR problem, not something that’s going to meaningfully reduce gun violence in this country.”

Bump stocks are replacement shoulder stocks that allow a semiautomatic gun to fire at nearly the rate of a machine gun.

The Trump administration banned bump stocks in 2018, with the support of the NRA, in the wake of the 2017 deadly Las Vegas mass shooting that ultimately took the lives of 60 people.

The gunman had modified 12 of his rifles with bump stocks.

The Senate’s debate over bump stocks followed the Supreme Court decision that overturned Trump’s ban on bump stocks. 

The government had argued that bump stocks should fall under Congress’s 1934 restrictions on civilian ownership of machine guns – and Trump’s regulations banned bump stocks as machineguns.

In a 6-3 ruling, conservative justices on the Supreme Court said that the ATF exceeded its statutory authority. 

A bump stock does not alter the basic mechanics of bump firing, and the trigger still must be released and reengaged to fire each additional shot,” reads the ruling.


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“CRAZY STUFF”

Vance's statements about the role of internet conspiracies — including those involving the Newtown gun massacre— have also evolved over the years.

In 2018, Sandy Hook families sued Newtown conspiracy theorist and provocateur Alex Jones for defamation for spreading disproven conspiracies that the 2012 Sandy Hook shooting was a "false flag" operation. 

Families ultimately won a nearly $1.5 billion judgment against Jones, who filed for bankruptcy and plans to shut down his site InfoWars and liquidate its assets.

In his 2016 memoir, Vance said distrust in the press had left Internet conspiracies to rule the “digital world.”

Vance wrote that he had received messages from his friends or family about conspiracies – including “that the Newtown gun massacre was engineered by the federal government to turn public opinion on gun control measures.”

“But if a third of our community questions the president’s origin — despite all evidence to the contrary — it’s a good bet that the other conspiracies have broader currency than we’d like,” Vance wrote.

Vance also wrote: “There is a cultural movement in the white working class to blame problems on society or the government, and that movement gains adherents by the day.”

By September 2021, Vance struck a different tone – at least about Jones.

Vance wrote in a tweet that: “Alex Jones is a far more reputable source of information than Rachel Maddow.”

Vance made similar comments at a subsequent September 2021 young conservative Teneo Network gathering, according to video obtained by ProPublica

To the Teneo Network gathering and also on Fox News Radio, Vance said he was “trolling” with his tweet – but in his speech, he said “that doesn’t mean what I said is in any way untrue.”

“If you listen to Rachel Maddow every night, the basic worldview that you have is that MAGA grandmas who have family dinners on Sunday and bake apple pies for their family are about to start a violent insurrection against this country,” Vance said. “But if you listen to Alex Jones every day, you would believe that a transnational financial elite controls things in our country, that they hate our society, and oh, by the way, a lot of them are probably sex perverts too.” 

Vance went on, “Sorry, ladies and gentlemen, that’s actually a hell of a lot more true than Rachel Maddow’s view of society.”

He said Jones says some “crazy stuff” like 9/11 was an inside job – but also says that Jones says other things that Vance thinks “are interesting.”

Will burying biomass underground curb climate change?

On April 11, a small company called Graphyte began pumping out beige bricks, somewhat the consistency of particle board, from its new plant in Pine Bluff, Arkansas. The bricks don’t look like much, but they come with a lofty goal: to help stop climate change.

Graphyte, a startup backed by billionaire Bill Gates’ Breakthrough Energy Ventures, will bury its bricks deep underground, trapping carbon there. The company bills it as the largest carbon dioxide removal project in the world.

Scientists have long warned of the dire threat posed by global warming. It’s gotten so bad though that the long-sought mitigation, cutting carbon dioxide emissions from every sector of the economy, might not be enough of a fix. To stave off the worst — including large swaths of the Earth exposed to severe heat waves, water scarcity, and crop failures — some experts say there is a deep need to remove previously emitted carbon, too. And that can be done anywhere on Earth — even in places not known for climate-friendly policies, like Arkansas.

Graphyte aims to store carbon that would otherwise be released from plant material as it burns or decomposes at a competitive sub-$100 per metric ton, and it wants to open new operations as soon as possible, single-handedly removing tens of thousands of tons of carbon annually, said Barclay Rogers, the company’s founder and CEO. Nevertheless, that’s nowhere near the amount of carbon that will have to be removed to register as a blip in global carbon emissions. “I’m worried about our scale of deployment,” he said. “I think we need to get serious fast.”

Hundreds of carbon removal startups have popped up over the past few years, but the fledgling industry has made little progress so far. That leads to the inevitable question: Could Graphyte and companies like it actually play a major role in combating climate change? And will a popular business model among these companies, inviting other companies to voluntarily buy “carbon credits” for those buried bricks, actually work?

“I’m worried about our scale of deployment. I think we need to get serious fast.”

Whether carbon emissions are cut to begin with, or pulled out of the atmosphere after they’ve already been let loose, climate scientists stress that there is no time to waste. The clock began ticking years ago, with the arrival of unprecedented fires and floods, superstorms, and intense droughts around the world. But carbon removal, as it’s currently envisioned, also poses additional sociological, economic, and ethical questions. Skeptics, for instance, say it could discourage more pressing efforts on cutting carbon emissions, leaving some experts wondering whether it will even work at all.

Still, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, the world’s forefront group of climate experts, is counting on carbon removal technology to dramatically scale up. If the industry is to make a difference, experimentation and research and development should be done quickly, within the next few years, said Gregory Nemet, professor of public affairs who studies low-carbon innovation at the University of Wisconsin-Madison. “Then after that is the time to really start going big and scaling up so that it becomes climate relevant,” he added. “Scale-up is a big challenge.”


At Graphyte’s Arkansas facility, called Loblolly after a regional pine tree, chugging machinery takes unwanted wood and plant matter and casts it into 3-by-4-by-6-inch bricks — slightly larger than the red bricks used to build houses. Graphyte’s bricks are mostly made of carbon compounds, and they’re made so that they don’t decompose while they’re stored underground in former gravel mines, thereby preventing the emission of some greenhouse gases.

The technologies at Graphyte’s new processing facility are fairly simple. Front-end loaders at the plant feed biomass, like wood chips from nearby sawmills and rice hulls from rice production processing, into a series of machines, which direct the tiny biomass bits through a machine called a hammer mill, to reduce them down to a uniform particle size; through a rotary dryer about the length of a tractor trailer; and then into a briquettor to crush them into dense bricks.

The bricks are then encapsulated in film which, in addition to the low moisture of the materials inside, prevent the bricks from rotting and keep the greenhouse gases stowed away. The uniform bricks each contain the equivalent of about 1.8 kilograms, or nearly 4 pounds, of carbon dioxide. The bricks will be stored at a former gravel mine, where they will sit undisturbed for centuries. In that distant future, were some of the film and other barriers to break down, some of the carbon could return to the environment. By then, Nemet said, if carbon dioxide levels in the atmosphere have returned to pre-industrial amounts, humanity may no longer need a carbon removal industry.

Graphyte’s plant can so far store 15,000 metric tons of carbon annually, but the company aims to ramp up to a full capacity of 50,000 tons annually, which means churning out around 90,000 bricks every day.

According to consensus climate projections, humanity might need carbon removal until 2100 or later, but the company said it could keep the facility, as well as planned ones, running for decades without exhausting biomass sources.

“One of the nice things about our process, about carbon casting, is that it’s what we like to call biomass agnostic, meaning we don’t really care what type of biomass,” said Hannah Murnen, Graphyte’s chief technology officer. “Because we’re simply drying, densifying, and encapsulating, it doesn’t need to be a particular ash content or heating level or anything like that.” With the company’s current suppliers in Arkansas, she added, it already has up to half a million tons of biomass to work with every year.


People have researched carbon removal since at least the 1990s. But in the last couple of years, hype has ramped up and startups have popped up, in part due to a boost in funding.

Part of this recent shift may have come from the 2015 Paris climate agreement’s call to prevent global temperatures from rising by more than 1.5 Celsius, or temporarily overshooting it and then cooling down to safer levels, said David Keith, head of the Climate Systems Engineering initiative at the University of Chicago and lead author of a special IPCC report on carbon storage. An influential 2018 IPCC report laid out this scenario, which gave carbon removal a larger role than in others. “I think that did help to drive the talk about carbon removal,” he said, because at that point, startups and government agencies began arguing for 10 gigatons of carbon removal by 2050.

Researchers and companies are exploring several approaches, and each has pros and cons. Biomass carbon removal, like that at Graphyte, is relatively cheap and easy, and can store carbon indefinitely; the facilities involved can also have low carbon footprints.

In the last couple of years, hype has ramped up and carbon removal startups have popped up, in part due to a boost in funding.

Other biomass techniques are under development. Among them is a project by the startup Vaulted Deep, which has funding from Frontier, an initiative backed by major technology companies including Stripe, Alphabet, and Meta. Vaulted Deep’s idea is to inject a slurry of biomass, including different material than used by Graphyte, such as carbon-rich sewage and manure, into empty salt caverns of central Kansas. The caverns would store carbon that would have otherwise returned to the environment and released carbon dioxide and methane.

Their technology involves pumping through fissures in the ground and squirting the carbon-rich material thousands of feet down, beneath a rock layer that should be impermeable for centuries. “We use the same geologies that have kept hydrocarbons underground for millions of years,” said Julia Reichelstein, the company’s cofounder and CEO. Vaulted Deep staff describe it as similar to fracking, but without toxic chemical additives and without inducing earthquakes. Reichelstein said they plan to remove 30,000 tons of carbon over the next year, by May 2025. They’re endeavoring to soon expand and build more such facilities elsewhere in North America.

Other biomass efforts require less technology, such as reforestation — planting millions or more trees — and they’re also simple to deploy. Still, the method can be difficult to measure and monitor, and the storage can be vulnerable if, say, a wildfire wipes out a dedicated forest.

There are other approaches, too, each with different trade-offs. One such approach, called enhanced rock weathering, involves spreading finely ground silicate rocks, like basalt, on the ground or the ocean, which absorb carbon dioxide from the air as they weather in the rain. Here, side effects could include the erosion of silicate minerals into ecosystems or crops, in addition to the energy cost of mining, crushing, and transporting the rocks.

There are also contraptions that directly suck carbon dioxide from the atmosphere, which use chemical reactions to trap carbon dioxide from the air and release it in liquid or solid forms for storage or for other uses. Proponents point out that this has the benefit of removing greenhouse gases directly out of the air, where they’re currently warming the planet, and relevant research and development has received considerable commercial and government support, including tax incentives in the 2022 Inflation Reduction Act. But so far, the technology remains much too expensive, costing hundreds of dollars per ton, according to Sinéad Crotty, the director of the nonprofit Carbon Containment Lab.

There are other downsides. Some direct air capture technology, for instance, uses considerable amounts of water and energy. Researchers have also proposed various ways of extracting carbon dioxide from oceans, such as the California-based Equatic, which runs an electric current through seawater, separating it into hydrogen and oxygen and taking out the CO2, which is then stored as calcium carbonate. Such approaches remain hypothetical for now, as they’re at the research and development stage, or with a few pilot programs in the works.

Each approach comes with its own strengths, risks, and economics, making them difficult to compare, Crotty said. Ultimately though, she added, for any proposed response to the climate crisis, it comes down to one question: “Where is the lowest-hanging fruit where you can have the largest impact on climate as quickly as possible?”


If there are truly climate benefits from carbon removal projects, the proof will be slow to emerge. Even if one thousand large carbon removal facilities sprang up around the globe in an instant, it could take decades before they make a dent in global temperatures. “Carbon removal works well if you do it for a long time, but it’s not good for short-term cooling,” Keith said. That’s why, if humanity goes full bore into carbon removal, it has to be accompanied with aggressive, across-the-board emissions cutting right now, he argues.

Regardless of climate actions taken, annual global average temperature will likely reach 1.5 degrees Celsius above pre-industrial levels soon, possibly within the next five years. Then, depending on the world’s climate progress, it could subsequently exceed the dangerous 2-degree threshold in the 2040s, according to the IPCC’s 2023 report. If policymakers and the fossil fuel industry continue business as usual, even 2.5 degrees isn’t far off, coming as soon as a decade later. The majority of hundreds of climate scientists involved in IPCC reports expect global warming to reach 2.5 degrees or worse, according to a recent survey by The Guardian.

“Where is the lowest-hanging fruit where you can have the largest impact on climate as quickly as possible?”

Or perhaps, industry leaders and policymakers will defy those bleak expectations. In a best-case scenario, temperatures could peak before reaching that 2-degree mark, but clearly such a shift means substantial economy — and industry-wide changes in a rather short time.

For this to play out, massively cutting carbon emissions across almost all industries is necessary but not sufficient, Keith said. Companies would need to converge on a few dominant designs — which may or may not look like what Graphyte and Vaulted Deep are doing — while relevant policies and regulations get worked out, said Nemet, the University of Wisconsin-Madison public affairs and low-carbon technologies researcher. This scenario would involve scaling up the industry to make up for some 10 to 15 percent of global carbon reductions, he said. But that would mean growing the industry’s impact by around 30 to 40 percent annually, every year, for the next quarter century.

That’s almost unprecedented, but the explosion of other nascent industries — including the solar and wind energy projects over the past two decades and the rapid growth of electric vehicles over the past few years — show that a massive expansion is possible, Nemet said.

Not everyone’s convinced by the hype. A brief report released by a United Nations panel last year had a mostly negative assessment of engineering-based carbon removal approaches, stating that they’re “technologically and economically unproven, especially at scale, and pose unknown environmental and social risks.”

The same panel gave much better marks to natural, or land-based carbon removal activities like reforestation and agroforestry, which incorporates trees in agricultural land use. Based on IPCC reports and other research, the U.N. experts state that those approaches have already been shown to be proven, safe, and cost-effective with economic, environmental, and social benefits.

These land-based approaches could quickly reach the necessary scale, and the techniques could account for 2.6 billion tons of annual carbon reductions by 2030, according to a 2017 study by Nature Conservancy researchers. Advocates of the approach include Campbell Moore, The Nature Conservancy’s managing director of carbon markets. “Most of nature’s made of carbon, more or less. Your average tree is going to be about 70 percent composed of carbon,” he said. “Through reforestation, protecting forests that are in danger, and improving the way we manage not just forests but also grasslands, wetlands, and agricultural lands, we can sequester and store additional carbon in the biomass of plants around the world.”

But land-based approaches haven’t received as much attention as engineering or technology-based approaches in recent years, for multiple reasons. The effectively permanent storage of carbon that companies like Graphyte and Vaulted Deep claim to provide is a major advantage, while a forest or grassland might burn in a fire tomorrow, as all those no-longer-stored greenhouse gases go up in flames.

The precise amount of carbon is easily measured — for Graphyte, it’s brick by brick — but a carbon accounting for natural climate solutions, like reducing deforestation, is no simple endeavor. Furthermore, many of those engineering-based activities have the support of prominent Silicon Valley and Wall Street figures, who stand to profit if the carbon removal industry flourishes, while the benefits of nature-based activities are scattered across the Global South, Campbell said.

Despite the challenges and the initial costs, carbon removal startups and their backers are plowing ahead, hoping that the industry can make a major impact. Estimates suggest that technology-based carbon removal outfits extracted anywhere from 10,000 to more than a million tons of carbon dioxide in 2023, compared to more than 37 billion tons of global emissions. Within a few years, Graphyte would need to expand, open new facilities, and find reliable customers, while removing the equivalent of hundreds of thousands of tons of carbon dioxide annually. And many, many of its peers would have to do the same.

For the formative industry to actually matter to global climate change, it will have to remove up to 10 billion tons every year in the not-too-distant future. Since companies are now at the scale of just tens of thousands per year, the industry is nowhere close to reaching even a tiny fraction of that extremely ambitious target, according to the State of Carbon Dioxide Removal report, released on June 4 by an international team of researchers that includes Nemet. Even at today’s early stage, those researchers found, there’s already a gap between proposed levels of carbon removal and what’s needed to meet the Paris Agreement temperature goal.


In order to make things work economically, the carbon removal industry is relying on the market for carbon credits. For decades, that market has been based on carbon offsets, where companies and individuals seek to offset their own carbon emissions by paying to fund forest protection projects and other climate-friendly initiatives around the world. The idea is that each ton of carbon emitted by a particular plane flight, for instance, can be counterbalanced by a ton of carbon saved by a particular forest, and carbon offset groups have sought to be the intermediaries arranging that balance.

But carbon offset projects have a poor record, and examples of their failures abound.

A 2023 study in Science was particularly revealing about the impacts of carbon offsets. The authors examined 27 forest projects in South American countries, central African countries, and Cambodia. The researchers compared each forest to reference areas that were not protected, and they used remote sensing by satellites to track forest cover. They came to a damning conclusion: Most projects did not significantly reduce deforestation at all — and thus had negligible impact on carbon removal. For the minority that did, they reduced much less than they claimed.

“I definitely still believe that forests can be part of the solution for mitigating climate change,” said Erin Sills, a North Carolina State University forest economist and study coauthor. But, she added, buyers in the carbon credit market can’t definitively claim that they’ve offset their carbon emissions.

Assessments like this have accumulated, leading to widespread critiques of carbon offsets and to more demand for clearly measurable and accountable carbon removal projects — a demand that companies like Graphyte and Vaulted Deep seek to satisfy with their engineering-based approaches. Many of these companies launch through a major initial investment, such as by Stripe-subsidiary Frontier or Bill Gates’s Breakthrough Energy Ventures or by the federal government’s Bipartisan Infrastructure Law. After that seed funding dries up, the companies transition to a business model based on carbon credits, in the hopes of selling enough credits to continue operating and quickly scale up. In Vaulted’s case, Frontier, along with Rubicon Carbon, count among the company’s first carbon credit customers, rather than seed funders. Advocates like Graphyte’s Rogers want to ensure the market for carbon removal credits avoids the problems and scandals that have plagued the carbon offset market.

The U.S. Department of Energy has stated a goal of seeing carbon credit prices below $100 per metric ton. That number has become a commonly used threshold, Crotty said. At the same time, she added, companies need to be able to clearly and precisely measure and report how much carbon they’re storing.

The market is built on the conceit that companies won’t simply continue carbon-guzzling business as usual while paying for a few credits, but will instead voluntarily decarbonize what they can and use carbon credits for what they can’t decarbonize, Moore said.

For the formative carbon removal industry to actually matter to global climate change, it will have to remove up to 10 billion tons every year in the not-too-distant future.

He pointed to a study last October by Ecosystem Marketplace, a Washington D.C.-based nonprofit, which found that companies engaged in the voluntary carbon market are 1.8 times more likely to be decarbonizing than their peers and investing three times more money in their internal decarbonization. “The specter of greenwashing that we’re all worried about, at a system level, is not a huge concern today,” he said. Still, the industry needs “very clear rules” so that it doesn’t become a problem as the market grows, he added.

Some suggested rules have begun to emerge, Moore said, such as the international Voluntary Carbon Markets Integrity Initiative, or VCMI, which proposes guidelines, such as for reporting carbon credits and progress toward decarbonization. The U.S. Department of Energy has guidelines for recipients of its grants as well, including accounting for environmental justice concerns, so that carbon removal projects don’t adversely affect communities living in the area. The Biden administration also announced new guidelines at the end of May to support “high-integrity” voluntary carbon markets and to ensure that they “drive ambitious and credible climate action and generate economic opportunity.” These include monitoring, measurement, reporting, and verification protocols on the supply side, so that one credit really means a metric ton of carbon removed. On the demand side, credit purchasers should publicly disclose the kind of credits they’ve bought and which ones are retired credits, where the benefits have taken place, to prevent double-counting.

None of the guidelines are binding or enforceable, however, and other experts like Keith believe much more will be needed. “I think all this voluntary stuff and companies claiming to be green is basically greenwashing crap,” he said. For a better model, he cites the Clean Air Act, developed during the rise of the environmental movement in the 1960s and ’70s, as that law forced companies to reduce their air pollution emissions, such as of nitrogen dioxide and carbon monoxide. But most greenhouse gas emissions were not among them.

An even bigger question looms over carbon removal efforts, which some researchers refer to as a “moral hazard” — the worry that all this attention and investment in a technofix could discourage people from the hard decarbonization work that needs to happen throughout the energy sector, transportation, agriculture, and other industries.

“Maybe voters or governments will back off on cutting emissions if there seem to be alternatives? I think the answer to that is that it might be true. It’s a real concern,” Keith said. “But I do not believe it is an ethically sound reason not to work on these things.”

For example, he cites an argument that some people drive more dangerously when they have seat belts and airbags, but that’s not a justification for not equipping cars with them. Endeavoring to drive safely — and to decarbonize industries — needs to be the focus, but airbags and seat belts are important too, and they’re still saving lives.

"I do not believe it is an ethically sound reason not to work on these things.”

That gives Sinéad Crotty, the Carbon Containment Lab researcher, optimism, as she surveys the industry. Approaches like Graphyte’s nondescript beige blocks seem to be effective at preventing greenhouse gasses that would otherwise go into the atmosphere, and there seem to be multiple sustainable sources for such biomass too, she argues. And since carbon credit-purchasing companies actually do seem to be making some, albeit slow, progress toward net-zero, it means there’s indeed demand for locking away tons and tons of carbon to get humanity on a path toward limited global warming.

“My feeling is that the next five years will be important for building credibility, separating the bogus from the high-quality credits, and that’s the time when we will see what demand there actually is,” she said. “But right now we’re still building it.”


UPDATE: A previous version of this piece stated that Graphyte was pending regulatory approval by environmental authorities in Arkansas. The company received permitting from the state earlier this month.

This article was originally published on Undark. Read the original article.