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U.S. labor laws need a major update — and the PRO Act is a great start

When workers at Orchid Orthopedic Solutions tried to form a union, the company quickly brought in five full-time union-busters to torment them day and night.

The hired guns saturated the Bridgeport, Michigan, plant with anti-union messages, publicly belittled organizers, harangued workers on the shop floor and asked them how they’d feed their families if the plant closed.

The months of endless bullying took their toll, as the company intended, and workers voted against forming the union just to bring the harassment to an end.

“Fear was their main tactic,” recalled Duane Forbes, one of the workers, noting the union-busters not only threatened the future of the plant but warned that the company would eliminate his colleagues’ jobs and health care during a labor dispute. “Fear is the hardest thing to overcome.”

Legislation now before Congress would ensure that corporations never trample workers’ rights like this again.

The Protecting the Right to Organize (PRO) Act, introduced on Feb. 4, will free Americans to build better lives and curtail the scorched-earth campaigns that employers wage to keep unions out at any cost.

The PRO Act, backed by President Biden and pro-worker majorities in the House and the Senate, will impose stiff financial penalties on companies that retaliate against organizers and require the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) to fast-track legal proceedings for workers suspended or fired for union activism. It also empowers workers to file their own civil lawsuits against employers that violate their labor rights.

The legislation will bar employers from permanently replacing workers during labor disputes, eliminating a threat that companies like Orchid Orthopedic often use to thwart organizing campaigns.

And the PRO Act will empower the NLRB to force corporations into bargaining with workers if they interfere in union drives. That means an end to the mandatory town hall meetings that employers regularly use to disparage organized labor and hector workers into voting against unions.

Orchid Orthopedic’s union-busters forced Forbes and his colleagues into hour-long browbeating sessions once or twice a week for months — and that was on top of the daily, one-on-one bullying the workers endured on the production floor.

“There was nowhere to go,” Forbes, who’s worked at Orchid Orthopedic for 22 years, said of the relentless intimidation. “You couldn’t just go to work and do your job anymore.”

growing number of Americans, many of whom saw unions step up to protect members during the COVID-19 pandemic, seek the safe working conditions and other protections they can only achieve by organizing.

That includes Forbes and his colleagues, who endured years of benefit cuts but still put their lives on the line for the company during the pandemic.

They launched an organizing drive to secure a voice in the workplace. They also sought job protections to prevent the company from discarding them “like a broken hammer” — as one worker, Mike Bierlein, put it — when it’s done with them.

But as more Americans seek the benefits of union membership, employers’ escalating attacks on labor rights make the PRO Act ever more important.

Corporations drop hundreds of millions of dollars every year on “union-avoidance consultants” — like the ones Forbes and Bierlein encountered — to coach them on how to thwart organizing drives.

The higher the stakes, the dirtier employers play. Tech giants Google and Amazon used their vast technology and wealth to propel union-busting to a new level.

Google not only electronically spied on workers it suspected of having union sympathies, but rigged its computer systems to prevent them from sharing calendars and virtual meeting rooms.

Amazon developed plans for special software to track unions and other so-called “threats” to the company’s well-being. In Alabama, where thousands of Amazon warehouse workers just began voting on whether to unionize, the company showed anti-union videos and PowerPoints at mandatory town hall meetings, posted propaganda in bathroom stalls and sent multiple harassing text messages to every worker every day.

“It really opened my eyes to what’s going on,” Bierlein, who’s worked at Orchid Orthopedic for 18 years, said of the unfair tactics his company employed against organizers. “The deck is stacked against workers.”

The PRO Act will help to level the playing field and arrest the decades-long erosion of labor rights that significantly accelerated under the previous, anti-worker presidential administration.

It will require employers to post notices informing workers of their labor rights, helping to ensure managers respect the law. The legislation will enable prospective union members to vote on union representation on neutral sites instead of workplaces where the threat of coercion looms.

And the PRO Act will make it more difficult for employers to deliberately misclassify employees as contractors with fewer labor rights. That change will give millions of gig workers, including those driving for shared-ride and food-delivery companies, the opportunity to form unions and fight for better futures.

Right now, employers often stall negotiations for a first contract to punish workers for organizing or frustrate them into giving up. The PRO Act will curb these abuses by requiring mediation and binding arbitration when companies drag talks out.

Orchid Orthopedic’s campaign of intimidation and deception lasted until the very end of the union drive.

As the vote on organizing neared, Forbes said, the company promised it would treat workers better in the future if they decided against the union.

Instead, after the vote fell short, the company quickly increased the cost of spousal health insurance. That left Forbes more convinced than ever that workers need changes like those promised in the PRO Act to seize control of their destinies.

“I’m all about right and wrong,” Forbes said, “and the way we were treated was wrong.”

Biden’s Civilian Climate Corps comes straight out of the New Deal

One of the most popular programs from the New Deal is making a comeback, nearly 90 years later.

President Joe Biden recently signed an executive order to create a Civilian Climate Corps. The initiative, he wrote, will provide “good jobs” for young people and train them for environmentally friendly careers, putting them to work restoring public lands and waters, planting trees, improving access to parks, and of course, tackling climate change.

It’s inspired by the original Civilian Conservation Corps, one of President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s signature New Deal programs launched to take on the Great Depression.

Climate advocates celebrated Biden’s move. Naomi Klein, the activist and author of This Changes Everything, said Biden’s announcement was a “hard won victory.” Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York had reportedly sold Secretary of State John Kerry on the idea of a climate corps. The resemblance to the New Deal program — it even has the same acronym, CCC — may explain why the proposal sounds like part of a Green New Deal.

“The Green New Deal is all about a jobs and justice approach to climate policies, so I think that the new climate corps proposal really encapsulates that,” said Danielle Deiseroth, a climate analyst at Data for Progress, a progressive think tank. Not that you’ll hear Biden saying much about a Green New Deal, since commentators on Fox News have turned the slogan into a synonym for “socialist plot that’ll take away your hamburgers.”

The CCC employed 3 million men from 1933, in the depth of the Great Depression, to 1942, after the country had joined World War II. Lasting reminders of the CCC are all around us. Go into a state park or national park anywhere in the country, and you’ll likely see buildings, trails, and hiking shelters built by the program’s volunteers.

Reviving the CCC resonates right now, Deiseroth said, because the pandemic has sent the country into crisis mode with some 18 million Americans receiving unemployment benefits. The Congressional Budget Office recently said that it doesn’t expect the workforce to recover from the blow until 2024.

According to a December survey from the Yale Program on Climate Change Communication, some 85 percent of Americans support reestablishing the Civilian Conservation Corps, though that survey didn’t mention anything about the climate. A different poll from Data for Progress last May found that nearly 70 percent of the public supports the idea of a new, climate-focused corps. Even a majority of Republican voters, 62 percent, liked the idea.

But making it work could prove to be a complicated task. “The original CCC was extremely popular, but it also had some problems,” said Neil Maher, the author of Nature’s New Deal and a history professor at the New Jersey Institute of Technology. The Corps’ history provides insights — encouraging signs and cautionary lessons — for how the Biden administration could structure and promote the program.


In the worst years of the Great Depression, nearly a quarter of the country was unemployed, suicides skyrocketed, and people started hopping on freight trains — “riding the rails” — in search of work. An estimated 2 million Americans wandered the country, many of them young folks who’d felt like a burden to their cash-strapped families. Then came Roosevelt’s New Deal and a slew of new acronyms with the Civil Works Association, Social Security Administration, Works Progress Administration, and the CCC. The Corps took many young men off the streets and gave them a purpose, putting them to work in the wilderness.

Americans came to love the Corps. “Young men, when they came home for visits, would wear their CCC uniforms, and people would sort of flock around them,” Maher said. “There were stories of other young men stealing the uniforms to try to pretend that they were CCC guys.”

Enrolling was seen as so desirable that companies started incorporating images of it into their advertising. In 1935, an ad for the American Fork and Hoe Company showed a young man’s face, smothered in shaving cream, being “shaved” with an ax normally used for chopping wood (“… and it didn’t hurt a bit!”) as men in CCC uniforms waited in line behind him. The next year, the Mapleine Syrup Company put out an ad showing its “lickin’ good” product poured over a stack of steaming pancakes set in a forested camp. “Boy! That’s Swell Syrup,” a grinning CCC enrollee says.

This followed the federal government’s promotion campaign. The Corps put out films, newsreels, and countless press releases. “It was a real publicity machine,” Maher said. The CCC was one of Roosevelt’s favorite programs, and he often talked about it during his famous “fireside chats” on the evening radio. The program, he explained, was “killing two birds with one stone” by “conserving not only our natural resources, but also our human resources.”

The CCC had some critics, of course. Early on, locals in rural areas weren’t so sure about all these city boys coming in and dancing in town with their daughters, Maher said. “But as soon as the money started flowing from the camps into the local communities, a lot of that opposition evaporated very quickly.” On average, each camp spent about $5,000 per month on local goods, helping keep small businesses afloat. The men in the Corps also sent most of the money they earned back home to help their families through the Great Depression.

Much of the Corps’ success had to do with its visibility. In addition to all the ads, locals were also invited into camps for dinners, social events, and tours of the conservation projects.

“During the ’30s, the CCC was not really politicized,” Maher said. “Once it got up and running, it really became sort of untouchable when it comes to real criticism from either party.”

Of course, a government program from the 1930s isn’t going to be the perfect model for today. One big one issue with the CCC, and other New Deal programs, was discrimination. About a tenth of CCC volunteers were Black, and while camps outside the South were originally integrated, officials ended up caving to racist pressure and segregating them into separate work sites. On top of that, only men could join. Eleanor Roosevelt kept pushing her husband to allow women into the corps — and eventually, a sister organization was formed. But the “She-She-She Camps,” as they were called, were a much smaller operation.

A reenvisioned version of the CCC, Maher said, would “obviously have to be open to all people, regardless of age, gender, skin color, sexual orientation, and all that.” The Civilian Climate Corps could be about more than conserving public lands, expanding its focus to other pressing problems, like cleaning up polluted towns. In his executive order, Biden declared that the corps should “bolster community resilience” and “address the changing climate.”

Maher envisions a CCC that builds green stormwater management systems, installs solar panels on homes, helps clean up toxic waste sites, and develops urban gardens. He also hopes that locals will have some say in the Corps’ projects.

The program’s popularity could get a boost from an advertising blitz similar to what the country saw during the initial launch of the CCC in the 1930s, but adapted for modern times. “Looking ahead,” Deiseroth said, “it’d be great to use the power of social media to showcase how these projects that the Biden administration is promoting are tangibly impacting communities.” Once they get up and running, CCC camps could start showing locals what they’re up to. The program will be more visible if people see the real-life projects underway in their towns and cities — and, of course, know who’s behind them.

Biden’s initiative will likely face some criticism once the details get figured out. Some have expressed concern that problems could arise if the new CCC were modeled after AmeriCorps, as some have proposed — a program that sends people all over the country to help with disaster recovery, support build affordable housing, conserve the National Parks, and more. This could be a relatively cheap and fast way of reestablishing the CCC, but modeling it on AmeriCorps might mean low wages instead of good-paying jobs, or sporadic investments in projects dedicated to tackling climate change.

The program is also likely to get some negative press from the conservative media. “It’s very likely that talking heads on Fox News, they’re going to talk about this as, you know, ‘another part of a radical socialist Green New Deal,'” Deiseroth said.

So far, however, Biden’s approach seems to be working against such talking points, Deiseroth said. He’s been countering those narratives by talking about the tangible benefits of job creation, leaving a more sustainable world for future generations, and making sure the country has clean air and clean water for our kids and grandkids. The best way to counteract criticism, Deiseroth said, “is the way that Biden’s doing it right now.”

Valentine’s Day was reimagined by chivalrous medieval poets for all to enjoy, respectfully

Valentine’s Day annoys many people.

For many in a relationship, the pressure to impress a partner can weigh heavily, and expensive gifts serve as a reminder of the relentless commercialization of the holiday. Meanwhile those still looking for love approach the day with trepidation – another reminder of their single status and the pressure to find a partner.

As a chivalric literary historian who has studied the origins of the holiday, I find this a shame. When the notion of Valentine’s Day as a day for romance emerged in the 1380s it was all about love as a natural life force – birds choosing their mates, the freedom to choose or refuse love and the arrival of springtime. But even then many people did not understand or value these things. In fact, that is why it was invented.

Odes to love

The first to write of Valentine’s Day – a feast day with ancient pagan roots – as a holiday celebrating love and lovers were the 14th-century English squire Geoffrey Chaucer and his friend, the internationally admired knight and poet Oton III de Granson, from Savoy in modern-day France. Both poets were recognized in their own time as chivalrous advocates for human rights. And in tandem, they seem to have concocted Valentine’s Day as a day for lovers.

Their work supported principles still important for us today, notably the right to free choice in love and the right to refuse romantic advances.

Chaucer and Granson encountered one another in the service of Richard II of England and admired one another’s poetry. Their poems about Valentine’s Day show them operating as an international chivalric team to address pressing issues in the theory and practice of love, then and now.

In the poem “The Parliament of Fowls,” Chaucer presents Valentine’s Day as a day when birds gather to choose their mates under the supervision of nature. In the poem, presented as a dream, three rival eagles each express a lifelong commitment to a single female. Birds of lower social status and different temperament, waiting in line, quarrel about how to resolve the impasse so they, too, can select their mates.

In the scenario, two of the eagles must be disappointed – Valentine’s Day is no guarantee that all will find love. But in the end the wise female eagle obtains from the figure of Nature the right to take her time in deciding her mate. She chooses not to choose. It is a story of waiting to recognize one’s true love, knowing your own heart and having the right to choose your partner yourself.

Chaucer’s tale relates to an actual courtship that included three suitors and ended in the wedding of two 15-year-olds: Richard II and the princess Anne of Bohemia, in 1382.

Meanwhile, Granson promoted Valentine’s Day in his French poems as a day for human lovers to choose one another and pledge their love, as do the birds. Granson pledges his own undying love to a mysterious lady in his “Complaint to Saint Valentine.” There was no merchandise involved and no gifts were expected.

Free love

Chaucer and Granson’s celebration of love as a relationship between partners, a union of souls grounded in respect and the freedom of choice, contrasts with many of the traditions of the age in which they lived.

Throughout the Middle Ages, most marriages were arranged and often forced, usually in childhood – as many still are today – with the full support of tradition and the law. Saints’ lives and legal documents describe parents coercing children to marry by brute force. Chaucer’s own father was kidnapped at age 12 by his aunt in an attempt to force him to marry her daughter in order to gain control over his inheritance.

In this context, Chaucer and Granson reimagined the already existing Valentine’s Day festival to celebrate the potential beauty of love itself. In a world where forced and child marriages are still all too common, it is important to reflect on Chaucer and Granson’s visions. Their reinvention of the day opened the eyes of poets, knights, ladies and just plain folk to the need for respect and self-respect in courtship – and the value of partnerships entered into for love, not just for lust, power or money.

Servants of love, these two knightly poets shaped Valentine’s Day as a gift for future generations. Their chivalrous enterprise deserves to be celebrated as we pursue our own happiness.

Jennifer Wollock, Professor of English, Texas A&M University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license.

I failed my friend Dante Barksdale. We all failed him

My friend Dante Barksdale was murdered in January. I failed him. I failed Dante. Saying anything other than that, in any other way, would be a performance. You could call it “performative,” and you’d be right. 

Performative speech and acts are everywhere; I hear them, see them, witness them every day. What does it mean? I think of leaders like Republican Sen. Mitt Romney out in the streets marching with Black Lives Matter protestors after the video of George Floyd being killed by a police officer went viral. Maybe Mitt was really moved by Floyd’s killing. He did announce a plan for police reform legislation shortly after. But that’s the kind of public stand he should have been taking, meaningful movement toward justice that these marches are meant to push him and other legislators into taking. Marching for him is a symbolic gesture, designed to catch eyes and cameras; it looks, well, a little performative. 

It’s not just Senators like Mitt. I encounter it every day. The Black Lives Matter signs posted everywhere and painted on the intersections of major streets, the mass spewing of woke rhetoric, the infinite declarations of love for Black people by non-Black people across my timelines — it all strikes me as performative.

Walking through the market the other day with my mask on, a white woman ran me down, blocked my path, pulled her mask down — during a pandemic! — and flashed her Black Lives Matter shirt at me, telling me she purchased it in multiple colors . . . from Amazon. Maybe she recognized the top half of my head from a reading or a local TV spot or something? I don’t know. Maybe she does feel that Black People Matter and she just wanted me, a Black person, to know it. But the amount of attention she demanded from me, a completely masked stranger shopping for fruit, struck me as performative. 

Sometimes I laugh at the heightened sense of awareness our society suddenly shares — maybe to keep from crying, or because a chuckle is the only positive thing I can add to this collective optimism. If it’s not the wave of “I love Black people” political speeches, it’s the constant images of everybody winning at whatever they do. All of this looks equally performative: the people who never spill juice, not even during earthquakes, never eat a bad meal, never have a stomach ache, positive vibes only please! as they drive on the beltway and never ever miss an exit. These carefully curated realities I consume online everyday frustrate me. I mean, is everybody really doing that well after we’ve lost over 450,000 citizens to COVID? Come on. How are you traveling weekly, balling at five-star resorts and standing on VIP couches — without a mask — surrounded by crowds now?

The young kids call an excessive amount of lying “cap.” And seeing the massive about of cap being spread makes me want to call BS on all of it, to put a cap on the cap. The camera isn’t rolling, I want to say, you can cut the act! 

But I have no room to talk. I can’t point a finger at Mitt, the partiers, or the lady in the market, because I’m performing too. I’m a professional at it. All cap, a mountain made of nothing but cap. 

My friend Dante Barksdale, who also went by “Fat Tata,” died recently. I go through this level of grief a lot, mainly because I choose to live in Baltimore, a small-big city with roughly 600,000 people that averages around 300 murders a year. It’s not because I was raised here, or work here, or because my family is here. I live in Baltimore because I love it here. Dante did too. He worked and lived as a violence interrupter for Safe Streets, an organization that employs respected community members who work to prevent gun violence. Barksdale was so well known, so respected, and so beloved that news of his death made it all of the way up to the New York Times:

Mr. Barksdale, 46, went by the nickname Tater and was a nephew of Nathan Barksdale, the now-deceased narcotics trafficker known as Bodie who was an inspiration for the character Avon Barksdale in the HBO crime series “The Wire.” Dante Barksdale drew upon his time in prison for selling drugs and his experience growing up in the projects for his outreach work.

Dante was loud and passionate, with an intense stare that hung off his perfectly round head. He was vocal with his views about what the city was doing and what we as a whole could do better. And people listened to him. So it wasn’t strange to me when a friend who is also a reporter, followed by an activist, and then a city council member all contacted me when he was hanging on for his life after being shot. And as I collected these phone calls — all the stories of how great Dante was — I made a conscious decision to believe that he would be OK, even though my gut feeling told me that he wasn’t. After his death was confirmed, the conversations kept raining: street dudes, reporter friends, community members, many of whom began or ended their calls with, “D, are you OK? Are you good? Are you going to be OK?” 

Easy as it is to elect a white president, graceful as an Olympic figure skater, I parted my lips and I lied.

And I don’t offer a simple lie: “Yeah, I’m OK.” That’s not enough. I lay it on thicker than grits in a Georgia diner.

“Oh, I’m am blessed, brother,” I lied. “And the clouds will part and God will shine a light on all of us, and we will feel that light, be energized by that light, anointed by the light, and left with the power from that light to guide all of our people out of the darkness that raps our community! Amen! Amen! Amen!” 

But I don’t feel light; I feel dark. And I don’t want to talk. I want to ride around alone and listen to Scarface rap about death while fighting back tears. I want those tears to fall, but I don’t let them because I must perform, even if nobody is watching.

I take all of the calls. I imagine that the person on the other end of the phone is inspired by my soliloquy, motivated to fight the good fight as soon as we hang up. They are performing, too. They are lying, too. Our performances mix together like tonic on gin whirled around in the glass. We egg each other on with hope, our tirades pointed at the system, offering each other, “you’ll be OK,” even though we won’t. And what’s worse, our performances are appropriate responses to death and grief. We almost never ever tell people how we really feel and everybody is OK with that, even you. 

Nobody wants to hear how you’re really doing. They want to hear how great you are doing, and how your inspiring social media posts reflect your actual life: the perfect latte and gourmet doughnut drizzled with honey, the vacation house in Tulum, because that makes us smile. This is probably why Dante never asked me, “How are you?” He would ask instead, “Are you good?” 

We would talk a few times a month, on and off. I was supposed to pull up at his Christmas toy dive, but didn’t because of the pandemic, a decision I now regret because I’ll never see him again. The last time I hung with Dante was pre-pandemic. I walked into the food hall and spotted Dante in his bright orange Safe Streets polo, elbow deep in conversation with a government-looking pantsuit lady, a politician or political aide, probably. He didn’t spot me so I walked up behind him and purposely bumped his right shoulder with mine. He spun around to see me squared up and throwing punches. He blocked them, laughing, throwing punches back before pulling me in for a bear hug.

I apologized to the lady for interrupting the violence interrupter. 

“Do you know D Watk?” he said to the woman, who smiled and shook her head no.

“You gotta know D Watk!” he said. “This the brother that helped me and my coauthor while we was doing my book — this my boy! He the man!” 

I shook her hand, apologized to both of them for interrupting and told Dante I’d be in the corner working and eating. He came over about a half an hour later and told me how his book sales were going, about life, about Safe Streets, how our politicians are constantly fumbling the ball, and his plans for stopping the murders.

As we got up, he paused and asked, “Yo, are you good out here?” 

“Of course,” I responded, fixing my jacket.

Dante grabbed my arm.

“Nah bro, are you OK? You taking care of yourself?” 

I sat back down and told him that I was maintaining, adjusting to fatherhood. And that I was worried about the future of the city and my place in it, if the things I do or try to do to help Baltimore even mean anything.

“I feel lost out here,” I sad. “Man, they killed my bro Dee Dave. I’m just lost.” 

“I heard about that. Dee Dave was a good guy, but the kids love you Watk,” he said fiercely. “They see D Watk being positive and coming around the way, and some of them want to be positive too, cuz of you. Don’t ever forget that. Shit, your book made the book shit real for me! We only getting better cuz!”

“You know how it is,” I said. 

“Man, I’m out here every day,” Dante said. “You know I know. Keep doing what you doing man. You from my projects man, so I gotta look out for you.” 

“I keep telling you bro,” I laughed. “I’m not from Lafayette, I’m from Down Da hill.” 

“I know you and all ya big head-ass cousins from Lafayette,” Dante spat back with a smile. “So we claiming you, superstar. But for real, keep inspiring the kids man. It matters.” 

Dante probably had to perform at times just like the rest of us. But he was still one of the few people who would tell the truth about the things you don’t want to hear. On one of his last Instagram posts, he explained how more than 1.2 million Black men died at the hands of other Black men over the last 40 years. And he wasn’t saying it the way misinformed people try deflect arguments against police violence, or to act like White on White crime doesn’t exist. He was saying it because he was sick of us dying. He knew the issues and where they came from, but he loved us so much that he refused to perform when dealing with us because he wanted us to do better, and because it was the truth that we didn’t want to hear. And we failed him. 

Dante risked his life and died in front of those he tried to protect in a city where law enforcement lacks the imagination to understand how important his work was. They failed him, too. Many cops view Safe Streets with the same contempt they have for the people they arrest, even though that organization that Dante was so proud of actually makes their job easier. Baltimore failed Dante. We all failed him with no way of making it right. 

And yet we continue performing, every single last one of us. And I honestly don’t see an end to it. Because after the pain of his loss, after seeing all of the crying people, the hurt family members, it still remains hard for me to say, “I’m hurt, too.”

I don’t want to do anything or think about anything, because I’m hurt too. These deaths honestly break off whole chunks of me. Every week, every month, every year. 

I know enough to know that the world around me doesn’t want to see the hurt I have for Dante and the dozens of other friends I’ve lost over the past few years. The world doesn’t want to see it about as much as I don’t want to share it, so we all continue to perform instead.

I know I need to try to deal with the pain rather than sprinkling fake positivity on everything. Talking about the pain briefly or glossing over it in my writing is not dealing with the trauma.  

Until I stop performing and deal with it, I will continue to let Dante down. We’ll all continue to let Dante down. 
 

A defiant Trump teases political comeback after being acquitted for impeachment

Former President Donald Trump hinted at a political comeback after he was acquitted following his second Senate impeachment trial.

Trump issued a defiant statement following the Senate vote.

“It is a sad commentary on our times that one political party in America is given a free pass to denigrate the rule of law, defame law enforcement, cheer mobs, excuse rioters, and transform justice into a tool of political vengeance, and persecute, blacklist, cancel and suppress all people and viewpoints with whom or which they disagree,” Trump argued.

Despite being charged with inciting an insurrection, Trump claimed to be a champion for the rule of law.

“I always have, and always will, be a champion for the unwavering rule of law, the heroes of law enforcement, and the right of Americans to peacefully and honorably debate the issues of the day without malice and without hate. This has been yet another phase of the greatest witch hunt in the history of our Country. No president has ever gone through anything like it, and it continues because our opponents cannot forget the almost 75 million people, the highest number ever for a sitting president, who voted for us just a few short months ago,” Trump argued, even though he only received 74.2 million votes and Joe Biden won by 7,052,770 votes.

Trump then hinted about a comeback.

“Our historic, patriotic and beautiful movement to Make America Great Again has only just begun. In the months ahead I have much to share with you, and I look forward to continuing our incredible journey together to achieve American greatness for all of our people. There has never been anything like it! We have so much work ahead of us, and soon we will emerge with a vision for a bright, radiant, and limitless American future,” Trump said.

“Miss You”: After two years off the market, conversation hearts return to candy shelves

In 2018, a Boston Globe report about the closure of Necco, America’s oldest continuously operating candy company, launched a national wave of nostalgia for products like its namesake Necco Wafers, Clark Bars, Mary Janes and Squirrel Nut Zippers.

There was a brief, collective sigh of relief when it was announced that the brand, its factory and employees had been acquired by Round Hill Investments LLC, which bought Necco at an emergency auction for $17.3 million.

But soon after the sale, the Necco plant was abruptly shuttered. Employees were notified of severance pay and received a note about where to pick up personal belongings. In a statement, a representative from Round Hill Investments said, “After careful engagement and consideration . . . the firm decided to sell the brands to another national confection manufacturer and today announced the closure of the operations in Revere, Mass.”

While consumers were particularly worried about the fate of Necco Wafers — which spiked in sales by about 150% following the news that Necco was going under, according to CandyStore.com — the fate of another iconic candy hung in the balance: Necco’s SweetHearts, the best-selling brand of conversation hearts in the country. 

Every Valentine’s Day, customers buy 19 million pounds of these little pastel candy hearts decorated with phrases like “be mine” and “call me.” Eighty percent of conversation hearts purchased are SweetHearts brand, according to Food & Wine. Without them in business, the array of holiday treats were going to be infinitely less flirtatious. 

Ultimately, another buyer came through. The Spangler Candy Company acquired both the Necco Wafers and Sweethearts candy lines in late 2018. However, there wasn’t time for Spangler to push out SweetHearts for Valentine’s Day 2019. 

“There are a lot of manufacturing challenges and unanswered questions at this point, and we want to make sure these brands meet consumer expectations when they re-enter the market,” CEO Kirk Vashaw said at the time. “We look forward to announcing the Sweethearts relaunch for the 2020 Valentine season.”

Then 2020 came, and according to Spangler spokesperson Diana Moore Eschhofen, there were a number of a number of technical issues associated with moving 60 truckloads of Sweetheart’s equipment from Necco’s shuttered factory in Massachusetts into another plant. “Based on consumer response and the technical challenges, we are not going to be able to meet all of the consumer demand for 2020,” she said.

Additionally, the printer used to press sayings into the hearts was unreliable after the move. A replacement broke, meaning that the conversation hearts that were printed for Valentine’s Day 2020 were mostly blank. 

This Valentine’s Day, SweetHearts are officially back at full capacity — at a time when we could all use a little extra love. 

***

The birth of conversation hearts can directly be traced to Oliver Chase, a Boston pharmacist who invented a simplified medicinal lozenge cutter, which is often considered America’s first candy-making machine, in 1847. Chase later shifted into the candy industry and went on to found the New England Confectionery Company (which was eventually shortened to Necco). 

In 1866, Oliver’s brother Daniel realized that they could use a felt roller pad moistened with red vegetable coloring to press sayings directly onto candy lozenges. This was likely inspired by the increased popularization of Valentine’s cards, as well as cockles — a scallop shell-shaped candy that contained a “motto” printed on rolled paper. 

These candy hearts were much, much larger than the hearts on grocery shelves today. As such, they contained much longer phrases like “MARRIED IN WHITE, YOU HAVE CHOSEN RIGHT” and “MARRIED IN PINK, HE WILL TAKE TO DRINK.” 

The 1911 version of  “The Boston Cooking School Magazine of Culinary Science and Domestic Science” described how they were served at Valentine’s parties: 

Partners for the evening were found by means of candy “motto” hearts. These were broken in two, and each young lady was given a piece, but the men were obliged to hunt for theirs. As they were carefully hidden, this took some length of time and proved an excellent ‘ice breaker.’ The silly mottoes were read with laughter as the couples chose their tables.

Over the years, conversation hearts got smaller, but Necco added numerous new phrases. You’ve got your basics, like “BE MINE” and “KISS ME.” Others came and went with the times: “FAX ME,” “GROOVY,” “HEP CAT” and “SAUCY BOY.” 

They’ve reflected pop culture — such as when Necco released “Twilight“-themed hearts with phrases like “BITE ME” and “LIVE 4EVER” — and eventually launched Spanish-language hearts stamped with terms like “TE AMO.” 

***

Spangler announced in January that its SweetHeart factory was running at full capacity, and it would be adding 21 new sayings to the iconic heart-shaped candied. In a release, the company said they would be based on “some of the best-loved songs and artists over the last seven decades from 1950s classics to instantly recognizable, present day hits.” 

The list of new phrases include “AT LAST,” “I’M YOURS,” “LUVME TENDER” and “SUGAR SUGAR.”

“There have been hundreds of sayings featured on Sweethearts Candies over the years, but after a year unlike any other, we knew we wanted to add a high note to the season,” Eschhofen said. 

She continued, “Opening or exchanging a box of Sweethearts uniquely encourages connection in a way that sparks feelings of cheer, happiness and nostalgia. With this in mind, we came up with the idea to create sayings inspired by our favorite heart-themed songs over the decades, because what better way to bring a smile to someone’s face than being reminded of a melody.”

But not everything about the candies are new this year. Grocery stores will be stocked with single boxes and five-count packs of candies with the original colors and flavors, including wintergreen, orange, lemon, grape, cherry, blue raspberry and banana.

Enjoy the sweet taste of nostalgia. 

Red wine whoopie pies are the ultimate Valentine’s Day dessert

When you think of Valentine’s Day, bouquets of flowers, boxes of chocolate and hand-written cards often come to mind. But no gift ever tops dessert baked by hand, because the secret ingredient is always love.

Our all-time favorite desserts at Salon Food is resident pastry chef Meghan McGarry’s Red Wine Whoopie Pies. They taught us an important lesson: One of the only things better than chocolate is chocolate paired with cheese and red wine in the same mouthful.

“We all love to order cheese or chocolate with a glass of wine for dessert,” McGarry told Salon Food about her inspiration behind the dessert. “Now you can layer all of those flavors into one bite.”

If you’re not familiar with whoopie pies, you should know that they’re technically not a pie at all. They’re actually a cake stuffed with a whipped filling. McGarry uses mascarpone, an Italian cream cheese that adds lushness and richness to desserts like tiramisu.

What truly ties everything together in McGarry’s timeless makeover of this classic dessert is a red wine reduction, which adds a bold pop of flavor and color. (The word reduction sounds fancy, but don’t let it fool you. All you have to do is measure out a cup of red wine, and cook it over a low heat until it reduces in volume.)

RELATED: This chocolate-covered strawberry shortcake is an easy-to-make treat that looks like a labor of love

“A cabernet adds boldness to the flavor palette,” McGarry told Salon. “I chose one with fruity undertones to add a subtle sweetness to the filling.”

One of the best parts about these whoopie pies are that you can choose your own adventure. If you’re looking for a non-alcoholic take, you can simply leave the wine out. You can also add several different toppings: a chocolate ganache (with corn syrup for shine), freeze-dried raspberries (which you can pick up at Trader Joe’s) or a metallic sprinkle mix. 

“Freeze dried raspberries are great for a number of reasons,” McGarry says. “First, they add another layer of flavor. Second, they once again pick up the fruity undertones of the cabernet. Finally, they add a beautiful pop of color.”

When McGarry whipped up a batch of whoopie pies at Salon’s New York studio last year, she leveled things up with a mix called “high maintenance.” Beautiful sprinkles deserve to be on full display. You can grab this 2-tiered lazy Susan from Food52, which guarantees that your whoopie pies and other bakes on hand are always in reach of the people who you love the most.

Recipe: Red Wine Whoopie Pies Recipe

Level up Valentine’s Day by giving whoopie pies a red wine makeover

How to make Red Wine Whoopie Pies, a video guide

How to make a red-wine infused dessert

More classic dessert makeovers from our resident pastry chef:

Salon Food writes about stuff we think you’ll like. Salon has affiliate partnerships, so we may get a share of the revenue from your purchase.

Senate Republicans vote to acquit Trump in second impeachment trial; GOP downplays Capitol riot

Republicans in the Senate voted to acquit Donald Trump in the former president’s second impeachment trial. Although a bipartisan majority of senators found Trump guilty of inciting an insurrection on Jan. 6 with his monthslong campaign of lies about election fraud, most Republicans blocked his conviction. 

Thus, in 57-43 Senate vote, Trump was found not guilty — again — falling 10 votes short of the 67 votes needed to convict.

Seven Republican senators did join with all 50 Democrats to find Trump guilty, including Richard Burr of North Carolina; Bill Cassidy of Louisiana, who surprised observers when he switched his earlier vote to declare the trial constitutional; Susan Collins of Maine; Lisa Murkowski of Alaska; Mitt Romney of Utah; Ben Sasse of Nebraska and Pat Toomey of Pennsylvania, who is retiring after this term. 

Other retiring Republican senators — Rob Portman of Ohio and Richard Shelby of Alabama — voted to acquit even without the looming threat of soon facing Trump voters.  

“I want to first thank my team of dedicated lawyers and others for their tireless work upholding justice and defending truth,” Trump said in a statement released after the verdict. “My deepest thanks as well to all of the United States Senators and Members of Congress who stood proudly for the Constitution we all revere and for the sacred legal principles at the heart of our country.”

The Republican leader of the Senate, Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, voted to acquit Trump and then immediately took to the Senate floor to blast Trump’s actions, calling the former president “morally responsible” for the mob attack on Congress. 

Responding to McConnell, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., blasted his decision to have held the trial over until after Trump left office. “It is so pathetic that Senator McConnell kept the Senate shut down so that the Senate could not receive the Article of Impeachment and has used that as his excuse for not voting to convict Donald Trump.”

“Whatever it was, it was a very disingenuous speech,” she continued of McConnell, “and I say this regretfully.”  

“But we will be going forward to make sure that this never happens again.”

Other Senate Republicans spent the four days of the trial working with Trump’s defense team to undermine the process, deflect blame to Democrats who attacked on Jan. 6 and downplay the historic attack on Capitol Hill. 

After presenting a convincing case full of harrowing footage of the Capitol riot, House managers surprised the Senate trial when they moved for a vote to call witnesses, which passed with 55 votes. Democrats then frantically backed away from their position after Sen. Chris Coons, D-Del., reportedly warned House managers that calling witnesses could cost them Democratic votes to convict in the Senate.

“People want to get home for Valentine’s Day,” Coons reportedly said.

 

How to make a Sazerac, a New Orleans cocktail with a sweet and spicy bite

Perhaps right now you are ice-bound. Perhaps a thawing — of the ground, of the protective shells we’ve built around ourselves — feels far-away, speculative even. What if we could go outside without pain or panic? What if drinks with friends, or strangers, or strangers who become friends for one evening and then vanish into sweet memory, were possible right this second? Where would you go? What would you order? What would you add to your repertoire that would then influence the next round of drinks, of destinations?

The choices at times seem endless. A basic cocktail may have but a handful of elements — spirits, bitters, sugar, water — but from those essential building blocks grows an endless menu of interpretations and remixes and ingredients to satisfy ever-changing palates, distinct occasions and appetites.

Let’s narrow down our quest. In a normal year we might expect to be headlong into a season of deep indulgence before our ritual period of repentance, reflection and sacrifice. The highs, the lows. But here we are instead, a sameness smoothing out the sharp corners of our evenings, which give way to dreams colored by anxiety and fear. Where better to transport ourselves than to New Orleans, a city that enchants and delights, but never coddles?

Mardi Gras season should be underway, a rush of revelry before the fast. But this year, the city’s annual carnival parades have been canceled due to the pandemic, so residents have transformed their houses into stationary floats, a testament to the resilience of the imagination. Salute that transformative power with a Sazerac, the New Orleans classic that captures the sweet and spicy bite of a city that always turns out to be more than the sum of its parts.

In his essential book “Imbibe,” David Wondrich calls the Sazerac — created in the Crescent City before the turn of the 20th century — “New Orleans’ own liquid lagniappe.” Adding a rinse of absinthe on the way in and a misting of lemon oil on the way out to the basic cocktail building blocks gives you a complex drink that packs a velvet punch. 

A note about absinthe: A mere haunting of it remains behind in the glass, and yet its anise flavor remains essential to the character of the drink. Almost a decade ago, I spent a short honeymoon in New Orleans, where I made it a point to ask bartenders for their suggestions rather than place orders. Accepting a marriage proposal turned out to be a good idea, despite having not thought of it myself. What else might I like if I tried it? One night in a Soviet era-themed bar on Decatur Street, I let the bartender choose, and he poured me a $15 glass of absinthe. What could be more romantic, I thought, than sipping absinthe with my new spouse in a quiet, dark place where secrets might be traded? What other exotic adventures might await me if I am open to suggestions from the universe? 

But I did not fall in love with absinthe that night. In fact, I nursed the drink but never finished it, walking it all the way back to our hotel, taking ever-smaller sips, reluctant to give up on an expensive, whimsical pour with a romantic past, or on the promise of the minor delight of my evening taking even a small turn for the unexpected, until finally abandoning it, half-finished on the night stand. What is more romantic, I learned, is understanding your tastes and finding suitable matches for them. As it turns out, the bite of rye complicated by bitters, cut with sugar, then graced with a hint absinthe and a kiss of lemon? Transforms a spirit I’m ambivalent about into a magical experience. 

Ingredients:

Serving size: one beverage

  • 2 oz. rye whiskey
  • Absinthe, for rinsing
  • Peychaud’s bitters
  • Angostura bitters
  • Sugar cube
  • Lemon twist or peel
  • Ice

Gear:

You don’t need any specialty equipment to mix or serve a simple cocktail. Improvise with what you have. But here’s what I keep at hand:

Instructions:

Chill a rocks glass with ice, then toss the ice and rinse the glass with absinthe. In your mixer glass, add a few dashes of Peychaud’s bitters and a couple of Angostura to a sugar cube, and muddle them together until the sugar is dissolved. Add ice, then whiskey. Stir until good and chilled, then strain into the absinthe-rinsed, chilled rocks glass. Express the lemon peel — pinch it over the drink to release the oils, gently swipe the interior side across the rim of the glass — then discard. 

Variations:

When absinthe was illegal in the U.S. and hard to source, anise-flavored liqueur Herbsaint served as a fine stand-in, and it still may. I like to use Pernod, another anise liqueur — I find it more versatile, if sweeter than absinthe, and therefore more likely to already be on my home shelf — but know that purists may reject that spin. You can also skip the Angostura and double down on the Peychaud’s bitters. If you’re feeling extra French, Jim Meehan’s “Meehan’s Bartender Manual” suggests trying it with cognac instead of whiskey. 

More Oracle Pour:

Salon Food writes about stuff we think you’ll like. Salon has affiliate partnerships, so we may get a share of the revenue from your purchase.

On grief, seasoning skillets and the comfort of a BLT

Summer 2019. I have a new cast-iron skillet, and it needs seasoning. “Bacon,” my friends said. “Cook lots and lots of bacon.”

At first, I resisted. I’m not a bacon kind of girl, I reasoned. We didn’t cook it at all when I was growing up — even in a thoroughly assimilated Jewish household, pork was a bit foreign. Plus, bacon was too fatty for my parents’ liking, even before they stopped eating meat altogether. I ate a whole strip of bacon once as a child, and later that day had a stomachache; I fancied the two connected, and for years I insisted that bacon wasn’t for me. Even now, in my 30s, my tastes largely mirror what I grew up eating: I prefer olive oil to butter, and low-fat milk to whole.

I learned how to eat from my parents, how to cook in their old skillets with mottled deposits of seasoning in the corners. My dad taught me how to use a cleaver for mincing herbs, how to empty out the crisper drawer and use the contents to improvise a pasta sauce, how to taste and smell my way to the right mix of seasonings. I learned to cook for him, to his tastes — to pause in the simmering or sautéing and bring him a spoonful of whatever I was cooking, waiting for his eyes to light up and his mouth to curl in a smile.

But now I have a new skillet. I used to have a different one, but it’s gone now. I bought that one 8 years prior, shortly after my dad was first diagnosed with cancer. 8 years of cooking in that pan, building up an ever-smoother black patina, until food finally began to glide rather than stick on the surface. I intended that pan to be with me for life. But I must have spilled something acidic on it without noticing, and then my dad’s airway closed up and he was rushed to the hospital, and I tucked all my cookware into the cupboard and left it for months, until whatever-it-was ate through the seasoning and down to the metal below. Even stripping off all that hard-won seasoning with oven cleaner only made the scar worse.

So the old pan is gone, and now I have a new one. I don’t want to be here, mourning a skillet, mourning my father. Laying down new layers of seasoning, until things can once again glide rather than stick.

But in grief, there are lots of surprises. About a month after my dad died, I had a bacon, lettuce, and tomato sandwich for the first time in my life, and surprised myself by falling head over heels. So here I am, teaching myself to cook bacon, and making a BLT for lunch for the third time in as many days.

It started at a sandwich shop, a last-minute meal grab before a busy day. I scanned the menu, waiting for my muffled appetite to rumble to life. My eyes darted to the BLT. Locally made bacon, high season heirloom tomatoes, lettuce, mayonnaise, toasted bread. No mystery ingredients; nothing to negotiate or guess at. No chances for my brain to argue itself out of a nourishing meal.

I’d long been indifferent to bacon — I told myself — and averse to raw tomatoes. But fresh grief seemed to have reprogrammed my taste buds. I’d suddenly begun craving French fries every time I took a sip of wine. When my family went to our favorite diner for brunch, I’d started ordering bacon with my eggs. I could handle a BLT.

Hours later, in a few stolen minutes between itinerary stops, I pulled the car into a parking spot and unwrapped my sandwich. I leaned the paper wrapper against the steering wheel, making a cradle for the tomato juices. I took a bite, and an involuntary yelp of surprise escaped my lips. Instead of the sour mealiness of a beefsteak tomato, there was the soft jelly of a yellow-brown heirloom. The bacon was smoky and salty, still a little crisp even after hours in the car. The lettuce crackled between my teeth; the mayonnaise coated my tongue; the bread yielded under my teeth without collapsing. It was not at all what I expected, this mix of fragrant and smoky and fatty and creamy and crunchy and whole-grain-nutty. I couldn’t believe I liked it.

So here I am, two months after my father’s death, cooking bacon and making sandwiches. I put the skillet on the largest burner, the one whose flames reach closest to the pan’s edge. I pull three strips of bacon out of their package, the fridge-cold fat softening under the warmth of my fingers. I lay the strips in the pan, one at a time, then quickly rinse my fingertips in the sink. The feeling of half-melted pork fat on my skin is new; it makes me feel disloyal.

I turn the knob under the pan to medium-low and wander into the living room. After two days of practice, I’ve learned that nothing will happen for a while, so it’s safe to leave as long as I stay within view of the stove. It’s a comfort, that, to be able to let down my guard after months of waiting for the next phone call, the news that Dad has been hospitalized again, that he’s bleeding or feverish or struggling for breath. To sit and let my mind be vacant, after so much time sitting restlessly at my parents’ kitchen table, waiting for him to need our care.

I can hear the bacon before I can smell it. A puckery spitting sound, slow at first, then getting louder and faster. By the time I’m back at the stove, the bacon is rippling in a growing pool of rendered fat, and the oven dial is freckled with grease. I’m amazed, still, at how the streaks of fat turn from pearly white to waxy yellow, how the meat darkens from flesh-pink to wood-brown. I can smell the smoke, dark and acrid, with the husky funk of pig underneath.

I’m still learning when to take the bacon out of the pan, how to tell the turning point from flabby to crisp to overdone. Yesterday I left it too long, and it was brittle and bark-like; today I pull it out too early, so the thickest part of the fat is still chewy. It doesn’t matter. I’m hungry, and grief has sapped my attention to detail anyway.

pour the rendered fat into a custard cup — amazing how just three strips of bacon can fill a whole skillet. A year ago, I would have felt a sour twinge in my stomach; now, I cover the cup and put it in the fridge to roast vegetables later. A thin sheen of fat remains in the pan, and I put the slices of bread in to toast. Meanwhile, I slice a tomato and pull a couple of leaves of green leaf lettuce off the head. This is the easy part: I know how to make a sandwich. A swipe of mayonnaise, a lettuce leaf, the tomatoes shingled into a pile and a sprinkle of salt on them, bacon snapped into pieces and cross-hatched on top, another lobe of lettuce, and mayo on the other bread slice.

It’s not as good as that first shop-bought sandwich, of course. The bread is too airy, too lacey, and it’s quickly sodden with tomato juice and mayo. I didn’t cook the bacon crisp enough. The tomato is overripe and mushy, threatening to slide out of the sandwich with every bite. It’s not perfect, but it’s food. Another meal cooked without my father. Another layer of seasoning laid down.

By the time I’m done eating, there’s a pool of translucent red juices on my plate. I pick it up and tilt the runoff into my mouth. It tastes like smoke and summer.

Related reading:

Trump legal team “caught by surprise” by witness demand, believed acquittal was imminent: report

On MSNBC Saturday, White House correspondent Monica Alba reported that former President Donald Trump’s legal team was blindsided by the vote to allow witness subpoenas — and now have to worry about whether Trump himself will jump into the proceedings.

One of Trump’s attorneys, Michael van der Veen, was visibly rattled by the development and gave an angry rant on the Senate floor earlier in the day. According to Alba, that is more or less the feeling of the whole team.

“The current Trump legal team — Garrett just presented a great question of whether this caught them by surprise. I can tell you, according to a source close to the group, the answer to that is yes,” said Alba. “They were expecting to completely wrap this up today and leave Washington and be done with it, and they were really optimistic they were going to have an acquittal in hand when they left D.C. This is something the Trump team was hoping would be wrapped up and done by mid-afternoon. That’s not going to be done. So they’re huddled trying to define their strategy.”

One of Trump’s attorneys, Michael van der Veen, was visibly rattled by the development and gave an angry rant on the Senate floor earlier in the day. According to Alba, that is more or less the feeling of the whole team.

“The current Trump legal team — Garrett just presented a great question of whether this caught them by surprise. I can tell you, according to a source close to the group, the answer to that is yes,” said Alba. “They were expecting to completely wrap this up today and leave Washington and be done with it, and they were really optimistic they were going to have an acquittal in hand when they left D.C. This is something the Trump team was hoping would be wrapped up and done by mid-afternoon. That’s not going to be done. So they’re huddled trying to define their strategy.”

“Donald Trump is at one of his golf courses here in West Palm,” added Alba. “We have not spotted him on the course, as we do sometimes. Obviously he’s taking on the proceeding like us watching this unfold in real time. Again, there’s an absolute element of surprise here. They were expecting this would be done tonight.”

Watch below:

Patty Smyth on 6,000 miles of “Abbey Road,” writing divorce songs and almost joining Van Halen

Acclaimed singer-songwriter Patty Smyth joined host Kenneth Womack to discuss her “very long love affair” with the Beatles and more on “Everything Fab Four,” a podcast co-produced by me and Womack (a music scholar who also writes about pop music for Salon) and distributed by Salon.

Smyth, former lead singer of Scandal (the band behind such ’80s hits as “Goodbye to You” and “The Warrior”) says the Beatles were “a huge part of my childhood,” recalling demanding her mother buy her the “Meet the Beatles!” album when it debuted in the U.S. As she tells Womack, “I was totally in love with all of them.”

Her most vivid memory of that time, though, was being a pre-teen in 1969 when “my mom decided to go cross-country in a VW bus [to California] with me, my sister, a pregnant cat and a dog.” She explains that “all we had in the back of the bus was a turntable and two speakers. We listened to ‘Abbey Road’ for 3,000 miles going, and 3,000 miles coming back.” Describing her childhood as tumultuous, Smyth says that the Beatles were the only thing she and her sister really connected over.

Later in life, as an accomplished musician herself, Smyth has had the pleasure of meeting and hanging out with Paul McCartney several times. Once, at an after-show party with her band, her “guitar player looked down [at my cell phone] and said, ‘I think Paul McCartney’s calling you.’ Paul ended up coming to the party with his wife Nancy and my band – well, it was like watching kindergarten kids. He’s such a lovely guy.”

She was also close friends with the late Eddie Van Halen, who had even asked her to be in his band — an offer she had to turn down at that point in her life. “Timing is so important,” she says, also alluding to her 2020 “It’s About Time” album. “But I do wish that we’d made a record together.”

And with Valentine’s Day upon us, Smyth — a self-proclaimed hater of the holiday — tells us that unlike the Beatles, “I don’t write wedding songs. I write divorce songs.”

Listen to the entire conversation with Patty Smyth, including her memories of living in New York City when the unspeakable happened to John Lennon, on “Everything Fab Four”:

Listen to past episodes of “Everything Fab Four” on Anchor.FM, and subscribe today through Spotify, Apple PodcastsGoogle Podcasts, StitcherRadioPublic, Breaker, Player.FMPocket Casts or wherever you get your podcasts.

“Everything Fab Four” is distributed by Salon. Host Kenneth Womack is the author of a two-volume biography on Beatles producer George Martin, the bestselling book “Solid State: The Story of Abbey Road and the End of the Beatles,” and most recently “John Lennon, 1980: The Last Days in the Life.”

Why binge-watching TV might not replace weekly installments

Netflix is known for unleashing a whole series in one go, often provoking a mass entertainment feeding frenzy as people binge-watch entire seasons in one sitting. Think about the period drama “Bridgerton,” dished out on a single online viewing plate (quite aptly) on Christmas Day, 2020. All good for viewing figures.

But does a quick and intense experience necessarily leave a lasting mark? Or do audiences simply move onto the next new thing, the show and its discussions quickly forgotten amongst the internet clutter of words and memes? Shows like Disney’s “The Mandalorian” have proved that delivering episodes to an entertainment-hungry nation in small tantalising viewing snacks is equally as effective as the all-you-can-watch feast. Audiences want to be tickled and teased.

Which strategy is best for a TV show’s durability and the audience’s viewing experience is up for debate.

When do we want it? Now!

From the first farming tools to high-speed broadband, society has always used technology to make life more convenient and enjoyable. And speed is very much a part of that. In today’s world governed by platform services and synchronised technologies, we not only want but expect to consume media instantly (streaming services), continuously (multiple devices), frequently (social media updates) and in a way that’s personalised (recommended on-demand programming). We want more and faster each time.

Decades before Netflix was a service, in 1948 McDonald’s Speedee Service System demonstrated the profitable advantage gained from systematically speeding up consumption and consumer culture. Our current entertainment culture continues down this fast track with viewing figures riding upon society’s insatiable love for consuming the immediate. In this sense, Netflix did not really create a binge-watching world but merely exploited what had long been our penchant for instant gratification.

Releasing an entire TV series like “The Crown” in bulk not only strategically scratches that immediate consumer itch but also ensures that people share their viewing experiences online. The very process of binge-watching has become an integral part of how people talk about a given TV show. Social media posts mentioning #bingewatching signal the addictive nature of a show and are a social validation of its watch-worthiness.

The unbroken devouring of a full series also encourages an intensive and immersive experience into a TV show’s fictional world. This can even fuel addiction-like behaviour, with many people claiming to have called in sick so they could stay home and binge-watch.

 


Our society now consumes instantly and intensely, compressing time and emotion into one. Under these conditions, it’s understandable that some might believe that “dumping” a series online is a necessity.

Good things come to those who wait

But are we really just pleasure-seeking audiences looking for that instant hit of media indulgence? As the effects of lockdown and zoom fatigue have exposed, society seems to be increasingly experiencing media fatigue.

We have a renewed desire to “slow down” and more people are undertaking digital detoxes. We now wish to resist the immediate, and consciously search for the pleasures of waiting, anticipation and longevity.

Some are sick of the stress of binge-watching. For others, it has become yet another digital task to be endured as they succumb to the online world of peer pressure, fear of missing out (FOMO), fear of spoilers and aggressive targeted advertising — all of which enforce a universal fast pace for TV-watching.

As if in response, TV shows like “WandaVision” or “Star Trek: Discovery” have resisted the Netflix “series dump” model, opting to tease audiences through slow-release instalments. In the case of WandaVision, Disney decided to take this route because its experience with “The Mandalorian”  demonstrated audiences will not only endure waiting for each episode but will also be excited by it, in the meantime creating new memes as they discuss where the plot might go next. This strategy also provides the golden one-time experience of watching episodes in synchrony with everyone else. Once all episodes go out, binge-watching can happen, but never the other way around.

All these experiences increase viewing figures as well as providing free viral marketing propelled. This can prolong the shelf-life of a show by ensuring discussions remain fresh, based on the new content. If enough streaming services take this view, perhaps the era of binge-watching as the normal way to consume TV could even come to an end.

Post-pandemic, to survive life in the 2020s, many of those who can live between two worlds. We must use technology for convenience, safety, access and control. But we may also acknowledge the need to step away from that world to be able to enjoy anticipation again, like a child before Christmas.

Streaming services are perhaps listening. What is emerging now is a more flexible approach to releasing TV shows, one that combines the two strategies. For example, the BBC’s new crime drama “The Serpent” or Channel 4’s “It’s a Sin” are available all online but are also being aired in weekly instalments on TV. Netflix’s “Lupin” is being released in two five-episode parts.

Such strategies take the best of both worlds, offering a choice: they can satisfy the desire for the substantial immediate — enough to trigger that immersive need — but can also bubble up the thrill of anticipation through prolonged bursts of audience engagement.

Esperanza Miyake, Chancellor’s Fellow — Journalism, Media and Communication, University of Strathclyde

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

How to end a friendship: Should you address it directly, or simply unsubscribe?

Rachel Jones has unsubscribed. I stared at the computer screen—looking at the list of people who had opted out from my author newsletter. I get it. People are busy and their inboxes overflow. But this friend I’m calling Rachel? She was someone I had known for 35 years. We had lived together once. She was my first fan. When we were young, the plan was that she would be the “fabulous friend” at my book parties. Now she was telling me she was “no longer interested.”

I was deeply hurt. I believe friends ought to show up for each other and that one pretty painless way of showing up is leaving your name on a mailing list.  Except Rachel and I hadn’t been as close in recent years, and our connection already felt fragile. I suspected something I’d written had pissed her off. I got up the courage to write to her. This feels like the end, I said. You unsubscribed from me.

A few nights later, by phone, we talked about what had just happened, and about something that happened ten years ago. Back then, we went out to dinner and ended up in an uncomfortable argument. It was indirectly about politics. I thought she was cynical. I think she thought I was naïve. Sitting there, I could almost see the distance opening up between us.  Afterwards, I was upset. We saw less of each other—a trend led by me. Now, a decade later, we had been inching closer together again, but she said, “you unsubscribed from me first.” She was right. I had.

The pain of ending a friendship is as old as friendship itself. Aristotle addressed it in the “Nicomachean Ethics.” Until recently, we haven’t had a vocabulary to describe the phenomenon the way we do for more institutionalized relationships (See: separation, divorce, estrangement). Social media solved that problem. People ghost us. They unfollow and unfriend. They unsubscribe. This new language takes a hammer to the subtler side of human interaction. On the other hand, naming something gives it standing. And these new words do capture some of the pain of cutting long-standing bonds. They describe my passive-aggressive approach as well as Rachel’s more literal opting out. But it is also lazy language that cheapens and oversimplifies what is usually complex. The unraveling of a friendship—or the difficulty of knitting one back together when it frays—deserves more respect.

I have spent the last five years reporting on the emerging science of friendship. Much of what I learned is helping me navigate the rockier shoals of relationships. It’s why I bothered to send Rachel that email expressing my hurt, and why (I think) we both agreed to talk. We didn’t want to leave it at unsubscribing. Of course, some friendships just fade away. We might or might not regret their loss, but we go on pretty much as normal. The ones we grieve are the ones that once mattered most—often the old friends who share some of our history, like Rachel. The ones we used to talk with into the night, who picked up the pieces when our hearts were broken, who loved the same band with teenage devotion. Yet ending a relationship that no longer serves one or both of you is a natural and even healthy part of friendship.

So how do you decide? How do you know when a friendship has run its course? And how do you handle such a situation with grace rather than ghosting? You can start by considering the following definition of friendship. At a minimum, a good friendship requires three things. The first is that it be long-lasting. To be friends, individuals have to have put in some time together, creating a relationship that is stable and reliable. Friendships must also be positive. They must make both participants feel good. And finally, a friendship requires cooperation and reciprocity. There must be give and take and willingness to help, especially in times of crisis, flowing back and forth.

One of these elements without the others leads to a relationship that isn’t serving one or both of the individuals involved. Time alone is not enough. That’s evident in the many people we work with and never befriend. Even if you wanted to, there simply isn’t time to be friends with everyone—not to the same degree, anyway. It’s also possible to have a long, shared history with someone, but to find being together draining. And a relationship that is lopsided—all take and no give on one side—will not stand the test of time.

Friendships are also more fluid over the long haul than we sometimes imagine. In spite of the hours that have to be invested to make and maintain a close friendship, life is long (if we’re lucky). Each of us needs a core group of people to count on and consider “friends” in the best sense of the word. Most of us have somewhere between two and six intimates in that inner circle, a group that is often split between family and friends. But the population of that inner circle changes as the circumstances of our lives change. We switch jobs or move across the country or start hanging out mostly with the parents of our children’s friends. Some relationships can withstand distance, and some cannot. It’s natural that some of those relationships will fall away.

What matters most is the quality of the bonds we have. It turns out that friendship and social integration on the one hand, and loneliness or social isolation on the other, directly impact our health in myriad ways including cardiovascular functioning, immune functioning, cognitive health, mental health, stress responses and even the rate at which our cells age. Socially connected people live longer, while social isolation is as risky for your health as smoking. Which friendships have the power to deliver health benefits? First and foremost, those that meet the definition above—that are reliable, positive and reciprocal.

Some of this probably seems obvious. Positive, happy relationships are good for you. Toxic relationships are bad, and should be shed, forthwith. But what’s interesting are ambivalent relationships—the kind with some good and some bad in them, like that friend from work who got you through the last deadline but demands attention on an hourly basis. According to one researcher’s count, ambivalent relationships make up nearly half of our social lives. It turns out that the good does not outweigh the bad in such cases, at least not where health is concerned. Ambivalent relationships are bad for our biology. That means that faced with a mixed-bag relationship, we have a few options. We can end the friendship, deprioritize it (shuffle the social furniture, in other words), or we can work to make the relationship better.

Rachel and I chose to work on it. The Newsletter Incident got us talking about our relationship in a new and deeper way. There wasn’t much to lose at that point by being honest. As a result, we broke through the veneer of politeness that had come to dominate our interactions and we uncovered misunderstandings and hurt feelings on both sides. We also realized we weren’t quite ready to give up yet. Our shared history felt worth saving. One of the things that had brought us back together in recent years, for instance, was that I started stopping off to see her when I visited my mother, who suffers from severe dementia. Rachel’s mother is ailing, too. Because we had known each other so long, we each knew each other’s parents well, and it was a comfort to reminisce together.

This new version of our friendship is still fragile, but it has the necessary ingredients. Having met so young, we have had time on our side for decades now, but lately our time together feels fully positive again (we laugh more), and there’s mutual support, too. You could say we are renewing our subscriptions to each other. We are refriending. I hope that word catches on.

Lasagna in under an hour and more lightning-quick baked pasta recipes

It’s the end of the long workday (or the start of an extra-long week) and we’re hungry. Like, “can’t-think-straight” hungry. Luckily, Food52 contributor EmilyC wants to do all the thinking for us. In Dinner’s Ready, her monthly column on weeknight wonders, she shares three simple, flavor-packed recipes that are connected by a single idea or ingredient. Stick with Emily, and you’ll have a good dinner on the table in no time. Today, Emily shows us how to make even better baked pasta — on any given weeknight.

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Baked pasta may bring to mind a cheese-blanketed, red-sauced ziti or a bubbling, overflowing lasagna. On a cold night in the depths of winter, it’s hard to think of anything more warming and deeply satisfying than a big serving of cheesy, pasta goodness.

But, far too often, baked pastas are a letdown. Heavy, one-note, mushy, or dry (or some dreaded combination of the above), many versions are monotonous after a few bites. Plus, they’re time-consuming in their assembly and definitely in terms of clean-up — not exactly the best thing to throw together on a tired weeknight.

Which got me thinking: What are the traits of a really good baked pasta? The kinds that come together easily any night of the week and won’t leave me sleepy from a carb overload, or a marathon dishwashing session afterwards.

This thought process led me to create three hearty, vegetarian renditions full of varied textures and vivid flavors that reflect exactly the way I want to eat right now. But first, I’ve gathered all of my best tips and tricks for making better, faster, never disappointing baked pastas below (spoiler alert: there’s still plenty of cheese involved!).

Choose sturdy vegetables

Baked pasta is not the time for tender, delicate vegetables and herbs. Choose ones that can stand up to high temperatures and lots of cheese. Brassicas, winter squash, hardy greens, and mushrooms are all good choices. And be generous — my favorite baked pastas have roughly equal amounts of pasta and vegetables.

Pick the right pan

Different cooking vessels create different effects. For a quicker-cooking baked pasta with lots of crispy, browned edges, turn to a sheet pan. If you’re after a deep, saucy affair, a casserole dish is best. One streamlining tip: Select your pan (and pasta experience) based on how you’re cooking the vegetables. When roasting a sheet pan full of Brussels sprouts, a sheet-pan pasta makes perfect sense. When sautéing mushrooms and aromatics or lots of garlicky greens, go for a skillet that can stand the oven temps.

Change up your shape

There are lots of right choices when it comes to your pasta choice. Unless you’re rolling fresh lasagna noodles (impressive!), now’s the time to use dried pasta. In terms of pasta shapes, tubes — such as penne and rigatoni — and twisty varieties — such as fusilli and casarecce — are all-around winners. These pastas are dense enough to withstand baking times and their shapes grab onto sauce and other ingredients, ensuring every forkful includes all the flavors of your bake.

Use your noodle wisely

More important than the shape of your pasta is how you cook it. For saucy baked pastas, cook the pasta several minutes shy of al dente; otherwise, the noodles will turn to mush. (This Genius Macaroni and Cheese uses this trick to great effect.) Or better yet, for most lasagnas and baked zitis, skip the boiling step altogether by soaking the pasta in salted hot water while prepping the other ingredients; they’ll cook through in the oven. For less-saucy, quicker-cooking baked pastas, cook the pasta until al dente. There’s nothing worse than undercooked pasta in an otherwise perfect dish.

Think beyond red sauce

Red sauce is great, but there are so many other — dare I say more interesting — ways to go. Think olive oil and lemon, brown butter and balsamic, or pesto and ricotta. And you don’t need much, either. When cooked at high heat, and hydrated with a good splash of the starchy cooking water, baked pastas shine brightest when they’re not swimming in sauce.

Don’t skimp on the cheese

Let’s face it: Cheese pulls are the main reason to bake pasta in the first place. For superlative renditions, reach for more than one variety of cheese to incorporate more flavors and textures — for example, an umami-packed variety like Parmesan or Pecorino for stirring into the pasta, and a melty variety like mozzarella, fontina, or goat cheese to crown the top.

Crank up the oven

A high cooking temperature (425° to 450°F) is the way to go for speedier, more satisfying baked pasta. You’ll get bubbling sauce and burnished cheese without the worry of drying out the middle. And don’t forget the broiler! For skillet baked pastas, I usually skip “baking” altogether. A brief run under the broiler is all that’s needed to achieve golden, crispy, cheesy bliss.

Below, three warming, vegetable-packed baked pastas that put these tips to good use.

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Sheet-pan pasta with Brussels sprouts and garlicky walnut crumbs

Make this pitch-perfect baked pasta strewn with charred Brussels sprouts, melty mozzarella, and galicky walnut crumbs, then adapt it all season long. Silky cubes of butternut squash, thinly sliced cabbage, and broccoli florets all have a harmonious relationship here.

Weeknight lasagna with any-greens pesto and white beans

Think lasagna is only a project for the weekend? This speedy rendition layered with red sauce, white beans, and dried lasagna noodles also features a flexible pesto in one of an endless number of variations.

Baked skillet pasta with mushrooms, spinach and balsamic brown butter

Balsamic brown butter is reason enough to make this baked pasta topped with tangy goat cheese, but the easy prep and cleanup might also persuade you.

5 websites to help educate about the horrors of the Holocaust

Whenever there’s an analysis or discussion about how much people know about the Holocaust, the focus is often on what they don’t know.

For instance, a 2018 survey of 1,350 people age 18 and older found that 11% of U.S. adults and 22% of millennials had not heard of – or were not sure if they had heard of — the Holocaust.

Almost half of U.S. adults — 45% — and millennials — 49% — could not name one concentration camp or ghetto that was established in Europe during the Holocaust, the survey found.

The survey also showed how there’s an overwhelming lack of personal connections to the Holocaust. Most Americans — 80% — had never visited a Holocaust museum and two-thirds — 66% — did not know, or know of, a Holocaust survivor. A significant majority of American adults believed that fewer people care about the Holocaust today than before.

As troublesome as these statistics may be in terms of what they show about how little people know about the Holocaust, there’s another aspect to Holocaust knowledge that often goes overlooked.

And that is, at a time when the Holocaust has “taken on a virtual dimension” and images from the horrific era are prevalent online, there is now a risk of what author Gavriel Rosenberg refers to as the “normalization” of the Nazi past in contemporary culture.

Desensitization

As the number of Holocaust survivors continues to dwindle, today’s students may be more apt to find a Hitler meme online before they discover testimonies of Holocaust survivors.

Rosenberg argues that this normalization of the Holocaust will downplay its horrific nature. In some cases, people have seemingly taken to celebrating the Holocaust. For instance, at the Jan. 6 attack on the U.S. Capitol, one participant wore a “Camp Auschwitz” hoodie – a macabre acknowledgment of the most infamous of the Nazi concentration and death camps.

At at December 2020 protest in Washington, D.C., against the election of then-President-elect Joe Biden, a member of the Proud Boys — a pro-Trump organization designated as a hate group by the Southern Poverty Law Center — wore a shirt emblazoned with “6MWE.” The slogan stands for “6 million wasn’t enough,” in reference to the 6 million Jews who were killed in the Holocaust.

Making history accessible

Since the COVID-19 pandemic swept across the globe in early 2020, teachers have adapted instruction to make use of existing and emerging technologies. In line with the purpose of International Holocaust Remembrance Day on Jan. 27, digital tools are offering educators new innovative ways to engage with Holocaust history

The internet has made survivor testimonies easily accessible. Social media platforms have made learning about the Holocaust easier for younger people.

A popular Instagram account appeared in 2019 that features excerpts from from the journal of Eva Heyman, a 14-year old girl from Poland who was murdered in a death camp.

In recent years, virtual reality been used as a tool for Holocaust education and memorialization. For instance, the University of Southern California’s USC Shoah Foundation has launched a project to develop interactive holograms of Holocaust survivors. The first time the exhibit was displayed publicly was at The Illinois Holocaust Museum and Education Center in 2015.

 

“New Dimensions in Testimony” uses holograms of Holocaust survivors so future generations can interact with them.

Criticisms from scholars

However, some scholars challenge the use of virtual reality when it comes to the Holocaust. One concern is the risk that people who go through a virtual reality simulation will incorrectly feel that they now know what the historical event itself was like, thereby trivializing it.

I myself am leading an interdisciplinary team at Rowan University in New Jersey to develop a virtual reality teaching tool about the Warsaw Ghetto, the largest ghetto established by the Nazis during the Holocaust — holding more than 400,000 Jews within an area of 1.3 square miles, with an average of 7.2 persons per room.

This project, still in its pilot stage, uses primary-source documents and photographs from the Oneg Shabbat Archive to recreate spaces within the ghetto. Users will be able to explore re-created spaces, examine primary sources, ask questions about photographs and explore a variety of themes.

To better develop The Warsaw Ghetto Teaching and Learning Project, and as author of a chapter in a forthcoming book, “Teaching and Learning Through the Holocaust,” I have examined many digital tools that can be used to teach about the Holocaust, especially in middle and high schools.

3D models of women make food in a soup kitchen.

A virtual re-creation of a soup kitchen in the Warsaw Ghetto in 1941. Jennifer Eve Rich, Author provided

Here are five websites that I consider to be the most interesting.

1. The Life of Bebe Epstein

This first foray into digital education from YIVO, The Institute for Jewish Research, tells the life story of one young girl, who was born in Vilna, Poland, from before the Holocaust through her immigration to the United States. A staggering amount of information can be found in this digital tool, which consists of 10 self-guided “chapters” containing the story of Bebe Epstein, artifacts and maps.

2. History Unfolded: US Newspapers and the Holocaust

The United States Holocaust Memorial Museum has a number of excellent online exhibits that can be used for teaching and learning, but “History Unfolded” fills a gap: This website aims to show what Americans knew about the Holocaust, and when they knew it, by using articles from U.S. newspapers published during the 1930s and 1940s. Users can explore by event.

For example, they can search for Kristallnacht, a series of violent massacres carried out against Jews in Germany, often referred to as the “Night of Broken Glass.” Or they can search for information about the USS St. Louis, a ship that brought 900 Jews to Cuba and then the United States, where they were turned away. Upon being returned to Europe, almost all aboard were murdered in death camps. Visitors can also search their local newspapers from the period

3. In Mrs. Goldberg’s Kitchen

This augmented reality experience is a part of a larger project about Lodz, Poland, during the period between World War I and World War II, created by Halina Goldberg, a musicology professor at Indiana University Bloomington. This interactive exhibit allows users to explore space in the Jewish Quarter of prewar Lodz, understanding what daily life was like for so many Jews before they were displaced and murdered during the Holocaust.

4. Anne Frank House: The Secret Annex

Anne Frank’s diary is one of the best-known primary sources to have survived the Holocaust. The annex where Anne and her family hid during the war still exists in the Netherlands and is a popular site for tourists. For those who are unable to visit the site — and for everyone during the COVID-19 pandemic — the augmented-reality site created by the Anne Frank Museum is an impressive alternative. Users are able to explore the space, examine documents and look at photos.      

5. Virtual Tour of the Auschwitz Memorial

Auschwitz is the best-known concentration camp built with the express purpose of murdering Jews and other victims of the Holocaust. While the memorial and museum remain closed because of COVID-19, the virtual tour presents what the memorial website describes as “authentic sites and buildings of the former German Nazi concentration and extermination camp, complete with historical descriptions, dozens of witness accounts, archival documents and photographs, artworks created by the prisoners, and objects related to the history of the camp.” Each location allows users to access additional information, view primary sources, and listen to survivor testimony.

Jennifer Rich, Professor of Sociology, Rowan University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

 

“An outrage”: AstraZeneca told to justify unequal vaccine pricing amid soaring profits

Advocates of a people’s vaccine responded critically to an announcement Thursday from AstraZeneca that the British-Swedish pharmaceutical giant saw its profits double last year, even while supplying its coronavirus vaccine at no profit—which it has pledged to do for the duration of the pandemic, as defined by the company.

“The performance last year marked a significant step forward for AstraZeneca. Despite the significant impact from the pandemic, we delivered double-digit revenue growth to leverage improved profitability and cash generation,” CEO Pascal Soriot said in a statement about the company’s 2020 results. “The consistent achievements in the pipeline, the accelerating performance of our business, and the progress of the Covid-19 vaccine demonstrated what we can achieve.”

The coronavirus vaccine that AstraZeneca developed with the University of Oxford is one of several being rolled around the world. Given the company’s pledge to not profit from the vaccine during the pandemic and its commitment “to provide the vaccine on a nonprofit basis in perpetuity to low- and middle-income countries,” CNBC explainedThursday that “its current earnings did not include vaccine sales.”

Even so, Nick Dearden, executive director of the U.K.-based advocacy group Global Justice Now, noted that countries have paid different rates for AstraZenenca doses.

“AstraZeneca’s bumper profits today show the company can easily afford to provide its Covid-19 vaccine at cost price during the pandemic and beyond,” Dearden said. “But despite this pledge, it has yet to address the question of why lower-income countries like South Africa and Uganda are paying several times more per dose than the European Union. This is not the ‘equitable access’ AstraZeneca has been trumpeting in its press releases.”

“This global inequality cannot continue,” he added. “If a booster shot is required to deal with Covid-19 variants, will AstraZeneca commit to providing it at the same price to all countries, including as a condition of any sub-licensing agreements? It is an outrage that the countries with the least resources are being charged the most in the midst of a global health emergency.”

As Common Dreams reported last month, while a Belgian minister revealed that E.U. members are paying $2.16 per dose for the AstraZeneca/Oxford vaccine, and the company had said it would cap the price around $3 per dose, South Africa’s deputy director general of health, Anban Pillay, confirmed the country was quoted $5.25 per dose by vaccine-maker Serum Institute of India (SII).

“We were advised that SII has applied a tiered pricing system, and given that [South Africa] is an upper-middle-income country, their price is $5.25,” Pillay told Business Day at the time. “The explanation we were given for why other high-income countries have a lower price is that they have invested in the [research and development], hence the discount on the price.”

South Africa on Sunday suspended plans to start inoculating people with the AstraZeneca doses in its possession after a limited trial awaiting peer review found that the vaccine “provides minimal protection against mild-moderate Covid-19 infection” from a more contagious variant of the virus in the country.

South African Health Minister Zweli Mkhize announced Wednesday that the country would begin distributing doses of the Johnson & Johnson vaccine, which “has been proven effective against the 501Y.V2 variant” that was first identified in South Africa but has started spreading to other countries.

As for the one million AstraZeneca shots South Africa received from SII—from which another 500,000 doses have been purchased—Agence France-Presse reported that “South Africa is considering either selling or swapping these doses with countries facing the original strain of coronavirus, said the minister, insisting that nothing would go to waste.”

Meanwhile, the Ugandan government said last week that it ordered 18 million doses of the AstraZeneca vaccine from SII, whose spokesperson subsequently told Reuters that “while discussions are ongoing, there has been no finalization of price or volumes” for the country, located in east-central Africa.

According to Reuters:

The institute is supplying doses of the vaccine to Brazil, Saudi Arabia, and South Africa at $5.25 per dose.

The Ugandan government statement said each person would receive two doses separated by 28 days, and Uganda is purchasing the vaccine from the manufacturer at $7 per dose.

After reporting on that rate sparked a wave of criticism, a senior Ugandan health official defended the $7 price last week to Switzerland-based Health Policy Watch

“You cannot compare prices directly between countries because there are many factors to consider. Prices have to vary anyway,” said Alfred Driwale the manager of the Uganda National Expanded Programme on Immunization (UNEPI) at the Ministry of Health. “You can not expect a country with a big population to pay the same price, the  big country will definitely have a higher bargaining power.”

The debates on dose prices and AstraZeneca’s soaring profits come as world leaders continue to face pressure to forego vaccine nationalism and focus on inoculating the world’s most vulnerable people first, regardless of their home country.

University College London professor Mariana Mazzucato and Costa Rican economist Rebeca Grynspan wrote for Newsweek on Thursday that “the world will not emerge from the pandemic without a People’s Vaccine that can be produced rapidly, at scale, and made available for all people, in all countries, free of charge. But with national interests prevailing over global interests, bilateral deals continue to undermine the purpose and progress of COVAX, which has only secured enough doses to vaccinate 20% of the populations of the 92 participating low- and middle-income countries.”

COVAX is a global vaccination effort led by Gavi, the Coalition for Epidemic Preparedness Innovations, and the World Health Organization (WHO).

U.S. President Joe Biden, who has opted to engage with the WHO and COVAX, “is uniquely placed to rise to the challenge to deliver the People’s Vaccine and convert the lessons of the crisis to build a new, transformative economy centered on the shared prosperity of humankind,” argued Mazzucato and Grynspan. “That can be achieved by recognizing that ‘health is wealth,’—that we are only as healthy as our neighbors and no one is protected until everyone is protected.”

The Newsweek opinion piece came hours before Biden announced the purchase of 100 million more doses of a vaccine developed by Pfizer and BioNTech as well as 100 million more doses from Moderna—which both require two doses—potentially enabling the U.S. to inoculate 300 million people by the end of this summer.

Howard Thurman’s “Fascist Masquerade”: The Black thinker who saw this coming, 75 years ago

On Jan. 6, a violent mob invaded the U.S. Capitol, injuring more than 140 police officers and bludgeoning one officer to death. Their goal was to prevent a joint session of Congress from certifying Joe Biden’s victory in the 2020 presidential election and to find, and possibly kidnap or murder, elected officials they held responsible for what they considered the theft of the election. Some have called the assault an attempted coup, others an act of insurrection. The attack has raised a question that has been repeatedly asked in the five years since Donald Trump began his ascent to the presidency: Are Trump and his followers fascist, and is Trumpism perhaps the most successful example of American fascism in the nation’s history?

The problem with calling anyone or any movement fascist is that “fascism” is likely the slipperiest term in our political vocabulary. And there is the further problem that there has never been a large avowedly fascist movement in the United States. But if we look at the perpetrators of the Jan. 6 attack on the Capitol — with their Confederate flags, their claims to be religious warriors for Jesus, their beliefs that those opposing them were traitors — we see elements that have been common in descriptions of  American fascism for a century. In the words of one commentator on the subject: 

These organizations exploit the active and latent prejudices that the average American has against the non-white races on the one hand and against the Jewish people on the other. They make it possible for a creative rationalization to provide a cloak for group hatreds which can be objectified as true Christianity or true Americanism. In other words, they provide for a legitimizing of sadistic and demonical impulses of which, under normal circumstances they might be ashamed. To appeal to anti-Negro sentiment in many sections, communities and among many groups is a “natural” for the would-be demagogue. It is sure fire.  

The word “Negro” is a likely giveaway, but this is not a reflection on recent events. It was written by the African American religious thinker, Howard Thurman (1899–1981), a pioneering advocate of radical nonviolence, an inspiration to the Black Freedom Struggle, a mentor to such civil rights pioneers as James Farmer, Pauli Murray and Martin Luther King Jr., and published in a 1946 essay titled “The Fascist Masquerade.” The essay is one of Thurman’s most urgent yet enduring political works. Its inspiration was Thurman’s sense that the United States, shortly after the end of World War II, was at a crossroads. Either the post-war period would see the furthering of the tentative wartime gains by Black Americans for full citizenship, or it would see those aspirations crushed, as had happened so many times before, by a ferocious pushback by the maintainers and abetters of what Thurman called “the will to segregation.”  

Thurman, to be sure, was an optimist. In 1944 he left a comfortable position as dean of chapel at Howard University to co-found a small, fledgling congregation in San Francisco, the Church for the Fellowship of All Peoples, one of the first churches in the U.S. intentionally organized on an interracial and interdenominational basis. At the same time, he was a realist. He wrote in 1943 that the war against Japan “has given excellent justification for the expression of the prejudices against non-white peoples just under the surface of the American consciousness.” In his wartime travels he found “the picture is the same everywhere — sporadic outbursts of violence, meanness, murder, and bloodshed.” Black Americans were angry, and many whites were furious that they were no longer hiding their anger. The United States had to choose between democracy and fascism, and for Thurman the outcome was uncertain. But he was sure that American fascism would hide behind a homegrown vocabulary drawn from a toxic and intolerant Christianity and ultra-Americanism, disguising their real beliefs and intents. This was the fascist masquerade. 

For Thurman, the key to the ideology of fascism was the belief in inequality, the belief that the world was invidiously divided between the haves and have-nots, those favored, whom the state would help, and those out of favor, to whom the state disclaimed and denied any responsibility. Fascism was a worldview that built upon all existing inequalities; whether of race, class, nationality or what have you, and consciously tried to exacerbate those differences. And that was how business elites and the common racial prejudices of most white Americans could find common ground in fascism. 

By 1946 Thurman was very concerned by the growing strength of anti-union sentiment in post-war America. Among the fascist organizations he considered in detail in his essay was the now quite obscure Christian American Association. Based in Houston, it was a racist, anti-labor and anti-Semitic organization whose one lasting contribution to American history was to popularize the term “right to work” while working to help enact the nation’s first such laws, banning the “closed” or union shop, in Arkansas and Florida, in 1944. (One reason for such laws, the organization stated, was so “white men and women” would not be forced to work with “black African apes.”) Thurman thought the Christian American Association had the perfect name for an American fascist organization. 

Another, much better-known group Thurman wrote about was the Ku Klux Klan, which some observers had labeled fascist even before Benito Mussolini seized power in Italy in 1922. The Klan, in its various incarnations, had an exceptional longevity whereas, as Thurman wrote, most “hate organizations spring up, flourish for a season, disappear, and reappear in another form.” The organizational form of such groups was less important than their continuing appeal, he added, noting that “an important part of the menace of fascism is its property as a catalyst,” how its appeal “crystallizes moods, attitudes, and fears already in solution.”  

Thurman’s enduring insight was that was a mistake to see hate organizations like the Klan as somehow outside the political mainstream. They were merely the far edge of a society that tolerated inequalities of all kinds as part of its civic and political life. To counter hate organizations it was “no answer to say” that hate organizations represent “a false interpretation of Christianity” or America. They represented the church and the state only too well. Traditional Protestant Christianity, he thought, with its ironclad division between the saved and the damned, provided the template for all the invidious distinctions that underlined American racism and fascism. As for American democracy, in the gap between the soaring promises of the Declaration of Independence and the uglier realities was a space in which economic and social inequalities could fester and become accepted as natural or even essential parts of American society and religion. This allowed, Thurman wrote, “the various hate-inspired groups to establish squatter’s rights” in our basic institutions.

What would Thurman have to say about Donald Trump and the Capitol insurrection? Such retrospective ventriloquizing is always dangerous, but it is fair to say that he would have been appalled, and would have been dismayed that for all the changes in the United States since 1946, the descendants of the Christian American Association are still engaged in a version of the same old Christian American fascist masquerade.   

For Thurman, the most pressing danger of the fascist masquerade was its protean quality, its myriad guises and disguises. It was all too easy to become inured to its prevalence. It is not enough to oppose the KKK or their latter-day descendants such as the Proud Boys. We must look to the ways inequalities between persons are tolerated in our society as a whole. We must look to ourselves, and examine the ways we tolerate inequalities of all kinds in our own lives and politics. Thurman argued that we must “rely upon the guarantee of God in whom all life and all of the great potentials of mind and spirit are grounded. Such a position establishes the infinite worth of all individuals and denies that for which fascism stands.” 

We may see this struggle in more secular terms than Thurman, and we may believe that implementing a society based on the “infinite worth of all individuals,” where no one is a means to another person’s ends, is a utopian dream. At the same time, we need to confront the reality that almost 75 years after Thurman wrote his essay, the fascist masquerade, with its facades, its lies, its true believers and silent supporters, and its chilling willingness to resort to violence, is still very much with us, and seems to be growing stronger, not weaker. And as Thurman wrote in 1946, in 2021 we still stand at a crossroads, and still face the same stark choice: Democracy or fascism. 

Can you trust a pro-beef professor? It’s complicated.

Carnivores and cattle ranchers love Frank Mitloehner. As people who produce or eat meat look for ways to defend their effect on the planet, Mitloehner, an air quality scientist at the University of California, Davis, has been there to voice support.

Mitloehner’s following has come from both social and traditional media. On Twitter, he is prolific, asking, for instance, why anyone would want “ultra-processed ‘faux milk'” compared to the real thing, or sharing the claim that vegan diets might affect intelligence. He has also written opinion pieces for Civil Eats and The Conversation, and in 2019 he criticized a tweet from Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez about meatless meals.

The quintessential Mitloehner take: Worry less about the burgers and more about Big Oil. He praises what animal agriculture gets right — for example, reducing methane emissions, the potent greenhouse gas that cows and other ruminant animals belch out, by increasing efficiency and experimenting with new livestock feed — but he staunchly rejects the idea of telling anyone to eat less beef for the planet.

That stance puts him at odds with environmental researchers who argue that dietary changes are necessary to address climate change. Per calorie, beef requires more land and more emissions to produce than almost any other food. While eating less beef won’t save the planet, doing so is necessary in order to feed nearly 9.7 billion people by the year 2050 without depleting the earth’s resources, argues Jessica Zionts, an analyst at the World Resources Institute, a nonprofit research organization.

Such conflicts don’t help consumers who want to better understand the relationship between food and climate. By framing agriculture’s emissions too narrowly — for instance, focusing on how it compares to transportation or arguing that industry efforts are enough to reduce methane emissions — the debate pits one climate-fighting action against another, when the evidence suggests that many actions can collectively make a difference. That framing becomes especially fraught when industry funding is involved, as it is with Mitloehner.

Industry-funded food studies aren’t uncommon. Since funding for agricultural research is scarce, many academic scientists rely on industry grants for at least part of their work. And the agriculture sector has its own motivation. Facing increased pressure to reduce emissions, many food industry players are eager to show the public they’re doing their part.

In recent years, Mitloehner launched a new research center called CLEAR — which stands for Clarity and Leadership for Environmental Awareness and Research — at UC Davis. While staffing is covered by an annual budget of $350,000, funded primarily by University of California programs, the center has also received livestock industry support. Mitloehner says IFeeder, a philanthropic research institute of the American Feed Industry Association, has given the center about $500,000.

The relationship with industry doesn’t mean the resulting research is wrong, says Matthew Hayek, an environmental scientist at New York University who studies food production and climate emissions, but “industry influences the type of questions you’re going to ask.” And when scientists frame their research questions in a certain way, Hayek adds, the answers can be more favorable to industry. Mitloehner acknowledges the impact of animal agriculture on the climate, noting that “livestock has significant externalities.” But by framing emissions as smaller than sectors like transportation, which he frequently does, the livestock industry can continue to say “look how small agricultural emissions are anyway,” Zionts says. And by that reasoning, dietary changes won’t make much of a difference to combating climate change.

* * *

Mitloehner first jumped into the public debate over food and emissions in 2009, when he argued that the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) got it wrong when it attributed 18 percent of global emissions to meat production, which the FAO called “an even larger contribution than the transportation sector worldwide.” Because the FAO researchers didn’t account for a full lifecycle analysis — that is, the emissions from every production stage — from the transportation sector in the same way that they had for meat, Mitloehner argued that the numbers were off.

He had a point, the researchers conceded. While they had conducted a full lifecycle analysis on meat that took into account direct and indirect emissions, they had only used direct emissions for the transportation sector, leaving out activities like extracting fuel or the disposal of old cars. While FAO researchers initially stuck with their 18 percent figure based on their confidence in what makes up total emissions worldwide, a subsequent FAO study calculated global livestock emissions slightly lower, at 14.5 percent.

The concession from the FAO received a fair amount of attention at the time and Mitloehner still discusses it today. But his argument doesn’t fundamentally change livestock’s major impact on global emissions. In a 2018 Science analysis of 570 studies using data from about 38,700 farms, for instance, environmental scientist Joseph Poore and agricultural scientist Thomas Nemecek found that food production is responsible for 26 percent of all global emissions, with beef production making up the largest share.

According to Hayek, nothing in Mitloehner’s response contradicted the finding that livestock emissions are on par with the transportation sector, even if they don’t exceed it. In fact, Mitloehner’s issue wasn’t with the accounting so much as it was, and still is, with thinking about agricultural emissions on a global scale. Mitloehner’s back and forth with the FAO ultimately led to his role as the first chairman of LEAP, a partnership between the FAO, NGOs, and the food industry that aims to improve the sustainability of livestock supply chains.

The CLEAR Center is a more recent project with similar aims: researching and raising awareness about agriculture’s effect on the environment. Mitloehner says the awareness part is aimed squarely at industry, helping farmers understand how they affect the environment, but numerous blog entries, explainers, and videos from the center seem to be directed to the public.

Mitloehner’s work is also aimed at policymakers. Some of his lab’s research at UC Davis has been funded by the California Air Resources Board, an agency tasked with implementing a state regulation targeting a 40 percent reduction in methane emissions across all sectors by 2030. (As principal investigator of the lab and director of the CLEAR Center, Mitloehner says there is some overlap. “The research largely operates out of my lab where the post docs & Ph.D. students are housed,” he wrote in an email, “but they are also supported by the CLEAR Center with research and communications.”) Much as with LEAP, industry representatives are a key part of the agency’s sustainability efforts, in this case mitigating methane.

Mitloehner’s policy recommendations go beyond mitigation, however, and that’s where CLEAR comes in. A September 2020 white paper illustrates how he frames the cattle industry’s contribution to greenhouse gas emissions. One of the paper’s co-authors is the executive director of Dairy Cares, a California dairy group, as well as a lobbyist and co-chair of one of the regulatory agency’s working groups on livestock and dairy emissions. In the white paper, Mitloehner and his co-authors argue that policymakers should switch to an alternative way of measuring climate pollutants called GWP-Star, developed by climate scientists at the University of Oxford.

Using this alternative scale, methane gets more credit for being a short-lived pollutant than it does when policymakers use the standard GWP, or global warming potential metric, which clocks it at 25 times more potent than carbon at trapping heat in the atmosphere. Several livestock and dairy industry groups have also backed the alternative measurement. Mitloehner and his co-authors argue that with this alternative scale and the California dairy industry’s mitigation efforts, California dairy production will soon achieve climate neutrality, a status in which new emissions are balanced out by efforts to remove them from the atmosphere.

How the paper frames agriculture’s role is key: It says that agricultural emissions in the state are just 8 percent, compared to 41 percent from transportation. But this framing doesn’t tell the whole story, according to Zionts. “This is missing so much of the bigger picture, even just within California,” she says. “Let alone the country or the world.”

What’s missing is land. Over the years, climate researchers who calculate emissions from agriculture have tinkered with their methods in order to measure carbon opportunity cost, which Zionts defines as “the likely carbon losses from land clearing to produce an additional unit of a product” like food. For instance, when forest converts to farmland, it is no longer able to sequester carbon. Instead, the land releases the greenhouse gas into the atmosphere. Taking land into consideration makes a huge difference when researchers calculate emissions for foods like beef and dairy, as both require a lot of farmland to produce.

“There’s no free lunch,” Zionts says. Because beef and dairy require more land to produce, the carbon opportunity cost is higher than it is for other proteins like chicken or legumes. And these choices aren’t past tense. Cattle and soy farmers in Brazil, for instance, continue to deforest land in order to meet rising global demand for meat and dairy.

When Mitloehner says the California dairy industry will soon be climate neutral, it mostly means the California dairy industry isn’t increasing the number of dairy cows in the state, Zionts says. The problem, she adds, is the next state over may just produce more to meet demand. Global demand for dairy is rising, and more dairy means more methane emissions, no matter which state or country they come from.

It’s a similar debate with beef. Mitloehner argues that global emissions tallies shouldn’t apply to American consumers, since beef raised in the U.S. is more climate-efficient than beef from Brazil. But Hayek characterizes such arguments as creative accounting. “They’re trying to have it both ways,” he recently tweeted — “not get punished for the problem they’re contributing to, but being rewarded for solving it anyway.”

* * *

Mixed messages about food and climate are confusing for consumers. In July 2020, for instance, Michigan State University researchers found that while 61 percent of Americans had significant or above average concern about climate change, only 28 percent “correctly identified farm emissions as a top contributor.” Doug Buhler, director of MSU’s AgBioResearch and co-director of the survey, said in a press release: “Our polling continues to show that we in the scientific community have done a woeful job of conveying our message in a way that helps the public grasp key characteristics of the food system.”

Poor messaging is why Zionts worries about California dairy touting a climate neutral food label. “I can totally see some uninformed hipster vegan — who is vegan for the planet — that sees, oh, milk is ‘climate neutral,’ so I can have that,” and then they start consuming dairy, she says.

“Scaled up,” she added, “that would be really bad.”

The public is looking to policymakers to take more action on the climate, according to a 2020 survey from the Pew Research Center, which found two-thirds of Americans believe the government isn’t doing enough. And policymakers often rely on advice from experts. The dairy industry was successful in making a policy case for GWP-Star and climate neutrality in New Zealand, for instance.

In the U.S., researchers can also influence politicians. In February 2019, Rep. Ocasio-Cortez announced a sweeping proposal for climate action called the New Green Deal. The announcement came with a fact sheet that referenced the environmentally damaging effects of “farting cows,” an error criticized by Mitloehner and others, since most cattle emissions come from burps. On social media, an outcry over the error led outreach consultants for the New Green Deal to contact Mitloehner, Politico reported at the time.

Ocasio-Cortez’s team dropped the reference to farting cows from the New Green Deal talking points. But no matter what end of a cow makes the methane, it’s still an environmental problem. Methane from livestock makes up 40 percent of global agricultural emissions, according to the FAO.

These sorts of arguments can be part of a communications strategy called “precisionism,” says Hayek. To avoid the full hammer of regulation, he says, some industries can get specific and pedantic in order to distract from their share of emissions and their societal responsibility to mitigate.

In some instances, however, the motivation isn’t strategic. Like most people’s relationship to food, Mitloehner’s dislike of dietary interventions is personal. He grew up in a divided Germany, he says, with some family members living in communist East Germany, where the government dictated what to eat when food was limited. “I grew up seeing that,” he says. “And I hated it.”

The food system is full of complicated backstories that influence deeply held beliefs. Some people feel like Mitloehner; they don’t want to be told what to eat. Others may be vegan for reasons that go beyond animal rights; they object, for instance, to the meat industry’s labor practices.

Zionts has seen how these debates play out on Twitter, shifting attention away from solutions. If someone sends a tweet encouraging people to eat less beef, she says, someone like Mitloehner will tweet back that U.S. beef isn’t the problem. Praise for the dairy industry for reducing emissions, she says, may irk vegans who say that’s taking the focus away from drinking less milk.

These arguments may provide good fodder for the Twitterverse, but some scientists are looking for a different way to engage. Sheril Kirshenbaum, a research scientist and co-director of the MSU survey on food and climate, also hosts a program called Our Table, a public discussion between experts and communities. The discussions are aimed at having “a conversation, rather than simply hav[ing] an audience passively listen to a lecture,” she says. People need to talk about the food system a lot more in climate conversations, she adds, because consumers are able to make a difference right now, no special technology required: “Ag is a place we can have huge impact.”

* * *

Jenny Splitter is a freelance journalist who covers food, farming, and climate. She lives in Washington, D.C.

This article was originally published on Undark. Read the original article.

“Minari” cultivates the grief and bittersweet allure of America’s unfulfilled promise

“This isn’t what you promised,” Monica Yi (Yeri Han) says softly when she sees the dilapidated trailer house that her husband Jacob (Steven Yeun) has bought. Her face is a portrait of denied interiorities, revealing facets of anxiety, disappointment, fear, anger, horror, hope, and resolve. To read her face is to discover a table of contents for Lee Isaac Chung’s critically acclaimed film “Minari,” which focuses on the struggles of an immigrant Korean family trying to start an agricultural concern in 1970s Arkansas. The Yis have bet everything on the farmland they just bought — and from the very start, it seems like they’ve already lost. 

For starters, the raised mobile home has no steps. This family will have to lift themselves up just to make it through the door. When Monica reacts to seeing the house, she’s talking about the American Dream itself.

Almost immediately, the family’s challenges begin to accumulate, transforming the trailer’s claustrophobic interior into the haunts of ordinary terrors. Unpaid bills. A strained marriage. A failed crop. Looming bankruptcy. Death. The Yis’ youngest child, seven-year-old David (Alan Kim), wets his bed, even as the narrative hints that all is not well with him. 

David is the heart of the Yi family, their trailer house, and this story, which helps cement its themes as being Korean and American. It’s not giving away too much to state that David’s eggshell condition suggests itself as a metaphor for the Asian immigrant experience, with the recent intensification in anti-Asian sentiment a reminder of its surprising strengths – as well as its fragilities. In a DM to me, Associate Professor and diversity-in-literature advocate, Sarah Park Dahlen, confessed to having been very moved by the fact that the family spoke Korean at home. “It’s the language of my heart,” Dahlen wrote, “so it was powerful to hear it communicating words of love, of shame, of despair, and of hope.” At the same time, the children’s cultural reflexes are white, so when the grandmother comes from Korea to live with them, young David rejects her as alien. 

In this corner of rural Arkansas, the Yis’ social isolation suggests human monsters lying in wait; at every turn, I kept anticipating random violence to be visited upon them, kept worrying that terrible things were happening to preteen Anne (Noel Kate Cho) that never entered the frame, precisely because it was David’s story, and the adults’ attention — like the camera itself – defaulted to him.

Yet in Anne, standing off to one side and hardly speaking, the film manages to capture that baffled, mistrustful state of never quite knowing, and wondering if that haunts the negative spaces of overlooked lives where too many truths remain unsaid and unseen. Per the director, the events of “Minari “are loosely based on his own childhood. Some might be surprised to learn that there really were Asians in a region claimed by superstition and cow patties, but this is mostly due to the way that immigration stories tend to be narrated, as well as the fact that Korean immigration during that period was only possible in the first place thanks to the 1965 Immigration and Nationality Act, which reversed some of the anti-Asian policies of previous generations but specifically favored applicants in white-collar professions

Minari

“This is the best dirt in America,” Jacob says confidently as he strides through unplowed fields, but how would he know? He’s not a farmer by trade but a sexer of chickens, and these skill sets are not interchangeable. That he and Monica support the family by sorting chicks is a meta-joke on the enduring reality of being Asian in America, because white people can’t tell them apart. The chicks, that is. 

To sex these fluffy yellow balls consists of eyeballing their nonvisible bits; the purpose is to separate valuable laying hens from mostly useless roosters. The raw ability itself is akin to perfect pitch – either you have it, or you don’t — and, to this day, this profession is dominated by . . . the Japanese. “By 1950, 90 percent of the chicken sexers in the U.S. were Japanese Americans,” writes food historian James McWilliams. People of other ethnicities tried to do that “inscrutable” job, he noted, and some succeeded in breaking in; it was just extremely difficult to master in the first place, let alone accurately and quickly enough for profitability.

In “Minari,” all the chicken sexers are somehow Korean, and they do not socialize with each other outside of work. Instead, they joke that they left the cities in order to escape Korean church — a joke that Koreans find extremely funny. The Yis attend a white church in hopes of “fitting in,” but in that space they are hypervisible yet also generically Asian, no longer Korean but simply yellow Others.

Hence, the constant talk about Jacob’s speed in the poultry factory and the good money he used to make doing it in California, a state with an established, first-wave Korean immigrant community, and where Monica wants to return. Her personal needs clash with Jacob’s plan to put down roots in Arkansas, raise Asian vegetables, and sell them to Koreans in the big city. He’s cultivating crops such as bok choi and Asian eggplant; with David’s help, the grandmother (Yuh-jung Youn) plants minari in the riverbed where it will grow, weed-like, on its own. To succeed, Jacob must contend with market forces as well as the four elements — Earth, Wind, Water, Fire — each of which pointedly show up in turn, juxtaposing tiny interpersonal tensions against the indifferent power of nature. 

“The land is your dream?” Monica asks Jacob. Because he cannot say no, the answer is yes. “Even if I fail,” he confesses wearily, “I have to finish what I started.” In the end, it’s not the fate of the farm but the critical plaudits for this film that bring optimistic closure to an immigrant story fraught with conflict and ambiguity. As actor Sandra Oh commented in a conversation held after a special screening of the film on Korean-American Day (Jan. 13, the day Trump was formally impeached for the second time): “You didn’t realize you were sitting on so much grief. This film helps you let it go.” Her words are as true for the rest of the country as they are for Koreans in today’s America, dreaming of better promises to come.

“Minari” is available in select theaters and via A24’s virtual screening room beginning Friday, Feb. 12. It will be available on demand beginning Feb. 26.

Amanda Gorman’s poetry shows why spoken word belongs in school

Editor’s note: Not long after Amanda Gorman recited one of her poems at the inauguration of President Joe Biden on Jan. 20, three of her forthcoming books skyrocketed to three of the top four spots on Amazon. She was also selected to recite an original poem at Super Bowl LV. Here, three scholars of poetry explain why the writings of the 22-year-old Gorman – who became the country’s national youth poet laureate at age 17 – and her rise to fame represent a prime opportunity for educators to use spoken word poetry as a lively way to engage students.

Wendy R. Williams, assistant professor of English at Arizona State University

During my research studying a diverse group of spoken word poets in Arizona, I learned that adolescents improved their writing skills, academic performance, confidence and social skills through writing and performing spoken word poetry. The poets used this medium to heal, advocate for change and imagine new futures.

I noticed that these brave young writers often delivered stunning lines, such as, “If I sit long enough in a dark room will I develop like film?” They used poetry to talk back to those who wronged them. And they used this medium to speak out about injustice. As one adolescent poet in the study wrote, “We live in a first-world country, yet inner-city kids still go hungry.”

Although spoken word poetry can benefit adolescents in many ways, K-12 education has been relatively slow to embrace this medium. This is unfortunate, because spoken word poetry and other creative forms of writing such as songs, short films, animated works and comics can help young people gain important skills necessary to do college-level writing.

Spoken word poetry has enormous potential in K-12 education. Teachers can use this medium to honor students’ languages and cultures, encourage authentic writing and build community. Spoken word poetry also aligns to many of the writing, speaking and listening goals that are outlined in the Common Core State Standards, a set of learning goals for K-12 students. For example, writing and performing spoken word poetry aligns to the goal to “write…for a range of tasks, purposes and audiences.”

Bringing spoken word poetry into the classroom does not need to be difficult or time-consuming. Teachers could start by showing short videos of works by Amanda Gorman, Jamaica Osorio, Prince Ea and other ethnically diverse spoken word poets. After listening to and discussing some of these poems, students could write about their own concerns and hopes for the future. They might also have the option to perform in a small poetry slam.

At a slam, poets perform with attention to volume, rhythm and gestures while audience members respond with supportive snaps and comments. Many adolescents enjoy performing their poetry, as competitions such as Louder Than a Bomb and Brave New Voices demonstrate.

Young people have important ideas to express. They need to be taken seriously as writers and given the support, tools and platforms necessary to make their voices heard.

Kathleen M. Alley, associate professor of literacy at Mississippi State University

When I heard Amanda Gorman recite her poem, “The Hill We Climb,” at President Biden’s inauguration, I instantly decided to throw my plans for the week out the window. I hope teachers throughout the nation will similarly be willing to put their regular lesson plans aside in order to seize the opportunity to use the poetry of Gorman to engage with students who are not much younger in age.

I am a teacher-educator, which means I help prepare the teachers of the future. My students are on track to become elementary and middle school teachers in about a year.

The first thing I did with my students was to simply savor Gorman’s words. I wanted my students to think about what those words meant to each of us personally, and to use them as a vehicle for conversation about writing instruction.

Her poem is an incredible example of spoken word poetry – a form of poetry that is rooted in oral traditions and performance. Spoken word encompasses elements of rap, hip-hop, storytelling, theater and more. It is characterized by rhyme, repetition, word play and improvisation. It often touches on issues of social justice, politics, race and community. It holds the promise of helping young people to connect with ideas as well as providing a means to deepen comprehension and develop understanding and empathy, which can then be applied to real-world situations. One of the most powerful things poetry can do is to refocus, if not transform, people’s point of view.

In my class, after sharing a video of Gorman reciting her poem at the inauguration, I asked my students to consider how they’d discuss the poem with elementary and middle-grade students. How would they “teach” this poem?

We discussed how we could help students make connections between this moment in history, the poet’s message and their own lives. We talked about how elementary and middle school students might use Gorman’s poem as inspiration to write their own poems of place and time.

Mukoma Wa Ngugi, associate professor of literatures in English at Cornell University

Jonathan Kozol in “Savage Inequalities: Children in America’s Schools,” narrates how, as a newly minted teacher working in a poor, inner-city, mostly Black school in the 1960s, he taught Langston Hughes’ poem “Harlem” and how one of the children “began to cry” when she first heard the line, “What happens to a dream deferred?”

Does it dry up

like a raisin in the sun?

He writes, “The next day, I was fired because Hughes was regarded as ‘inflammatory.'” I often go back to that moment when I think of poetry in a classroom and the power of words. What is it that the young girl heard in the poem that moved her to tears?

As educators, sometimes we kill poetry as we tease out metaphors, symbols and line breaks. But at best, poetry in a classroom gives us a way to reflect and be in the world at the same time. It gives emotional backbone to the intellectual.

If a country were a classroom, even when a poem might not heal it, it can suture it. It can be balm, waiting to heal, if only we can listen. A good poem understands that is not going to happen today, it says – listen! And it regrets its necessity, that its hunger is both promise and regret. How does a poem hope, dream and speak to a country built on an original sin of slavery?

In Amanda Gorman’s poem there were echoes of Maya Angelou’s “Still I Rise” that itself became a song by Ben Harper, and Sam Cooke’s “A Change Is Gonna Come.” Her poem is balm and promise.

Kathleen M. Alley, Associate Professor of Literacy, Mississippi State University; Mukoma Wa Ngugi, Associate Professor of literatures in English, Cornell University, and Wendy R. Williams, Assistant Professor of English, Arizona State University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license.

From astronomy to immunology, it’s time to restore confidence in evidence-based science

The widespread availability of an FDA-approved vaccine for COVID-19 will not ensure its consumption by the public. This is reflective of a broad cultural problem — there is a deep undercurrent of mistrust, especially of elites, running through American society today — but it also echoes a cultural problem in the world of science, specifically.

Americans of all stripes have come to regard scientists as part of the elite, in part because they have sequestered themselves          in an ivory tower, saturated with ambition for academic honors and consumed with sterile intellectual gymnastics. Much of current scientific culture focuses on nuances whose sole purpose is to garner their researchers higher academic status by impressing colleagues, rather than serving the public’s interest or carrying any practical relevance for our daily life.

This state of affairs is particularly apparent in my field: the world of physics.  For instance, in theoretical physics, a phalanx of untestable notions—about the multiverse, hypothesized extra dimensions, the idea that we live in a simulation, and the argument that there is no need for experimental evidence to justify the string theory strategy in unifying quantum mechanics and gravity—occupy centerstage. At the same time, there is a taboo on an open discussion of certain common-sense questions, such as whether there are other intelligent civilizations in outer space and whether our civilization is the smartest kid on the galactic block.

“The surest way to corrupt a youth is to instruct him to hold in higher esteem those who think alike than those who think differently”, wrote the philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche in his book “The Dawn of Day,” published in 1881. And indeed, the psychological pressure on physicists to conform with fashionable trends promotes a herd mentality in which young scientists today feel obligated to work on far-fetched ideas promoted by senior colleagues just in order to secure jobs, thereby perpetuating the problem. These young scientists learn from the examples set by their elders, who often react to original thought with violent pushback and bullying. I know, because I have been the subject of such assaults.

When the first interstellar object, ‘Oumuamua, was glimpsed passing through our solar system in October of 2017, scientists quickly agreed that it was weird on half-a-dozen counts: it had a flattened shape with extreme proportions never seen before among comets or asteroids, an unusual initial velocity, and a shiny appearance; it lacked a cometary tail, but nevertheless it exhibited  a push away from the Sun not explainable by gravity. However, despite these anomalies, the mainstream scientific community immediately declared business as usual and decreed the object to have been an unusual asteroid or comet—albeit one that was unlike any asteroid or comet seen before. The response brought to mind a kid who has encountered many cats at home and, upon visiting the zoo and seeing an elephant, simply assumes it to be an unusual cat. Such naivete is charming in a child; it is less tolerable in a scientist.

We ought to hold ourselves to a higher standard, I felt — so several months after ‘Oumuamua was first sighted, I suggested that its weirdness may imply that it was a product of an alien technology, possibly a thin sail pushed by sunlight. (Our own civilization has dreamed of such a perfect spacefaring technology for decades, and I had recently helped to design a prototype of one for the Breakthrough Starshot Initiative, an effort—supported by earthbound innovators and dreamers such as Yuri Milner—to reach our closest neighboring star within our lifetimes.)

In fact, another object showing evidence for push by sunlight with no cometary tail was discovered in September 2020 by Pan STARRS. It was initially given an astronomical label, 2020 SO, before it was identified as a stray rocket booster from a 1966 mission to the Moon that is still bound to the Sun. ‘Oumuamua moved much faster—on an escaping trajectory from the Sun, implying that it must have originated from interstellar space.

When I spend time on vacation near a beach, I enjoy studying natural seashells but every so often I encounter a plastic bottle which is artificially made. Whatever its purpose, if artificial in origin, ‘Oumuamua would represent “a message in a bottle”: the first evidence that we are not alone.

I first articulated this hypothesis in a commentary that I published in Scientific American; I subsequently quantified it in a scientific paper with my postdoc, Shmuel Bialy. Although far from the most speculative thing I have ever published — indeed, in comparison to some of my research on dark matter, the paper was rather tame — it generated quite a fuss. It was accepted for publication within a few days of its submission to The Astrophysical Journal Letters. It became the only paper I know of to have been quoted verbatim on both CNN and Fox News, and to have inspired a new brand of wine (“Cuvée ‘Oumuamua” by Bonny Doon). And judging by my inbox, it has stirred a great deal of interest in people far beyond the rarefied halls of academia.

But my idea also generated an impulsive pushback within the scientific mainstream. Some scientists expressed a strong opinion on Twitter based on prejudice without studying the evidence. It would have been better if they had followed the advice of basketball coaches: “keep your eyes on the ball and not the audience”.  After all, by siding with the mainstream during Galileo Galillei‘s days, we would have given justification to placing him in house arrest rather than looking through his telescope. This would clearly be in contradiction to our current support of evidence-based science. Reality does not go away if you ignore it.

At the same time that conservative scientists argue for “business as usual” regarding ‘Oumuamua, other reputable scientists admit that the object is weird and suggest “never seen before” explanations for it — each of which requires an imaginative leap much greater than the one necessitated by the lightsail hypothesis. For example, a recent suggestion was that ‘Oumuamua may be a hydrogen iceberg, but this explanation faces the problem that such an object is likely to evaporate during its long interstellar journey. Another recent proposal, that it is an elongated fragment from the gravitational disruption of a bigger object by a star, faces the shortcoming that such disruptions are rare and that ‘Oumuamua’s shape was inferred to be pancake-like based on  its light curve. Another suggestion, that ‘Oumuamua  is pushed by sunlight because it is a porous dust bunny which is a hundred times less dense than air, raises severe doubts about its ability to survive through a tumultuous interstellar trip for millions of years.

The mainstream orthodoxy contradicts itself by claiming that ‘Oumuamua is not unusual and at the same time endorsing these notions that it could be explained by “never-seen-before” natural mechanisms. One cannot escape the impression that these exotic explanations are promoted simply to avoid a discussion on the possibility that ‘Oumuamua might be of artificial origin.

Why is the study of alternative explanations for the anomalies of ‘Oumuamua any different from  the search for radical explanations for possible anomalies (involving cores instead of cusps in the centers of galaxies or unusually cold hydrogen during the cosmic dark ages)  tied to the unknown nature of the dark matter? Given that between a quarter and half of all stars we examined host an Earth-like planet with a surface temperature that can support liquid water and the chemistry of life-as-we-know-it, the proposition that we are not alone is rather conservative, and should have been endorsed by the mainstream by now. Yet our scientists—and our elected leaders—would prefer not to look under this particular rock. In 1993, Congress halted federal funding to the Search for Extraterrestrial Intelligence (SETI), even though only a tiny fraction of all possible technological signatures of extraterrestrial civilizations had been searched for at that point. Territories that remain unexplored today include industrial pollution of planetary atmospheres, artificial lights, solar cells or mega-structures in space.

It seems obvious to me that space archaeology — a burgeoning field of research concerned with the search for extraterrestrial technological relics — should be funded as generously as the search for, say, the faddish Weakly Interacting Massive Particles (WIMPs), which were thought to be the constituents of dark matter. The physicists Guiseppe Cocconi and Philips Morrison wrote of SETI in 1959: “The probability for success is difficult to estimate, but if we never search, the chance of success is zero.” To that I would add: when you are not ready to find exceptional things, you will never discover them.

Yet my colleagues at the forefront of the search for extraterrestrial intelligence seem to have forgotten this fundamental scientific principle. In contrast to its cool reception in the scientific community, SETI hits a nerve in the general public. There lies a paradox: the public pays taxes that support science and is more eager to know the answer to the question: “are we alone?” than: “are WIMPs the dark matter?”, not to speak about supporting speculative notions of “extra dimensions” or the “multiverse”, which have no reality check to their credit.

Ironically, indeed, the reason that physicists enjoy freedom is that their blue-sky mainstream used had practical impact. The stable funding of physics stemmed from Vannevar Bush’s vision of “The Endless Frontier” after the demonstrated relevance of the Manhattan Project to society. Why would the mainstream scientific community shy away from the public’s interests and focus on esoteric questions that have little relevance to the layperson? Are scientists supposed to hide behind the opaque technical walls of a self-sustained bubble and ignore the public that funds their research?

Previous generations of physicists understood that when evidence is incomplete, we have to live with scientific uncertainty and consider multiple interpretations of the available data. I fear that physicists today, like their oft-disparaged counterparts in the SETI community, have forgotten this important principle. Nowhere in science is this failure clearer, in my opinion, than in the scientific community’s response to the half-dozen anomalies displayed by the first interstellar object that we have discovered.

A scientist must go where the evidence is—but too often, our scientists do not. I do have hope for the future, however. My optimism stems from raising my young daughters, who have no inhibitions in exploring the truth; this is why they learned so much over the short term of their childhood. Perhaps scientists should behave more like kids. Mistakes are an inevitable part of our learning experience as students of mother nature, humbled by the fact that its splendor often exceeds our imagination.

I am practicing what I preach by preparing to confront my own mistakes. Starting in 2023 the Legacy Survey of Space and Time (LSST) on the Vera C. Rubin Observatory will survey the sky for new objects. If we find another weird object like ‘Oumuamua on its way towards us, we could send a spacecraft to take a close-up photo of it and identify its nature. Let my hypothesis about ‘Oumuamua be judged according to the evidence from this research, rather than by the popularity contest that guides so much of modern science.

Science is a never-ending work in progress. We show integrity by entertaining multiple possible interpretations of evidence to the public. The new generation of innovators should not be held hostage by the mistakes of the past. After standing in line at the bank, I never hear the cashier saying that I am not allowed to cash my check because the customer ahead of me had an overdraft. We should examine each case based on its own merit.

Scientists could regain the public’s trust by being straightforward about the inevitable roller-coaster of trial and error associated with innovation — whether it be the search for a vaccine for COVID-19 or the search for technological signatures of other civilizations.  Rather than pretending to know the outcome in advance, we should admit what we do not know and study all possible interpretations, so that the public will believe our robust conclusions when new evidence brings clarity.

On December 18, 2020, The Guardian published a report about a tantalizing radio signal that was detected within the Breakthrough Listen project by the Parkes telescope in Australia from the nearest star to the Sun, Proxima Centauri. This dwarf star hosts an Earth-size planet, Proxima b, in its habitable zone — where liquid water could allow the chemistry of life on the planet’s surface. There is no scientific paper accompanying the report and therefore it’s too early to draw any inferences. Astronomers must verify that the signal cannot originate from radio interference on Earth or some natural emission mechanism. Terrestrial interference should be different for telescopes at different locations on Earth. If the radio source repeats and resides on Proxima b, then it should show an 11 days modulation associated with the planet’s orbital (and spin) period. As soon as I saw the news report, I wrote to the publisher of my forthcoming book: “We might have friends out there. Better than a five star review is getting reassurance for the book’s content from an actual star in the sky”.

How Chinese infrastructure is reshaping the planet

Chinese President Xi Jinping has staked his legacy on the One Belt One Road initiative (OBOR), a sweeping plan to rebuild the ancient Silk Road through billions of dollars of investment in modern infrastructure across the planet built in China’s name.  These sweeping construction projects include a mega-port in Sri Lanka, an oil refinery at the mouth of the Panama Canal, a cloud computing center in Malaysia, and a uranium mine in Greenland. But few Western observers have realized that Xi’s legacy project is about something much bigger than construction projects.

One Belt One Road (OBOR) is about using economic means for political ends. Its aim: restore the lost glory of the Chinese empire, which dominated East and Central Asia for nearly two thousand years until its humiliating defeat in the Opium Wars of the mid-19th century. Its strategy: get foreigners from far and wide to pay tribute to China’s greatness in exchange for Chinese money and technology, as they supposedly did for centuries under the imperial tributary system. Its primary beneficiary: Xi himself, who is securing his place alongside the most revered emperors in Chinese history.

To pitch Xi’s project to the Chinese people, Communist Party propagandists have rewritten the history textbooks and bolstered their claims with glitzy TV documentaries. This is not tedious academic debate; it is the first sketch of a Chinese-dominated world order that has no equivalent in American, European, or even Soviet history. This “model” is supposedly rooted in Chinese history—but it shows little interest in factual accuracy.

OBOR’s revisionist history of the world reveals what the Communist Party really means by the slogan “great rejuvenation of the Chinese people” (Zhongguo da weida fuxing). Xi doesn’t want to start foreign wars or “export the revolution” as Mao did. But he does think—as I show in my new book—that China can become the world’s most powerful country without firing a shot. By leveraging its money, technology, and political power, it can make foreigners submit of their own free will.

Making the past serve the present

The Chinese Communist Party has long used history education for ideological indoctrination and mass mobilization. In 1964, Mao Zedong wrote that intellectuals should seek to “make the past serve the present—and to make the foreign serve China.” Soon after the Tiananmen Square uprising in 1989, China’s National Education Commission announced in a major report that it would treat history education as “a national strategy” to “defend against the ‘peaceful evolution plot’ of international hostile powers.” It set up “patriotic education bases” across the country, renovating historic sites to memorialize China’s “century of humiliation” by colonial powers. The propagandists also goosed up the lessons about the communist takeover of China in the national history curriculum, making it even more glorious and triumphant. These changes were integrated into the national university entrance exam, the gaokao, so that any secondary school student in China who wanted to go on to university would have to demonstrate mastery.

Xi has continued these efforts, but his propaganda team has grown even more flagrant about rewriting basic facts. To persuade the public that OBOR is worthwhile, they have created a suitably glorious origin myth for the ancient Silk Road and identified Xi Jinping’s own historical avatar: the Han dynasty emperor Wudi. These historical narratives illuminate the government’s often vague policy pronouncements about OBOR itself. They are a coded message to the Chinese people about what the new national strategy is really all about. 

Han Wudi, founder of the Silk Road

Before Xi Jinping, Chinese students learned that the Silk Road didn’t begin to take shape until the late first century A.D., after the Han dynasty had annexed the vast Central Asian lands that compose modern-day Xinjiang province. The Xiongnu, a nomadic people from Central Asia, were the region’s dominant power. To win the hearts and minds of the local peoples, Chinese had to show that they could keep them safe against the Xiongnu threat. And so the Chinese did—through beheadings and military shock-and-awe.

In the old textbooks, the Silk Road didn’t have a “founder.” It wasn’t even a “road.” The term “Silk Road” (sizhouzhilu) was used loosely, as a metaphor for the trade links that emerged in the centuries after Central Asia had been pacified. The idea that the Silk Road was a Chinese-initiated political project was a fiction concocted in the 1930s by Sven Hedin, a Swedish adventurer who wanted to improve relations between China and the Third Reich. Chinese historians did not take Hedin seriously. The old textbook made this clear when it posed the discussion question: “How did the Silk Road form?” Only after Xi took power was the question rewritten: “who founded the Silk Road, and when?”

Wherever the historical facts didn’t offer a analogy to Xi’s OBOR scheme, the revised textbooks simply changed them. They moved back the “founding” of the Silk Road by nearly two centuries, attributing it explicitly to Emperor Han Wudi (r. 141 to 87 B.C.) Early in his reign, Han Wudi sent the explorer Zhang Qian on a journey to the “Western regions” of modern-day Central Asia. After imprisonment, escape, and many years among the barbarians, Zhang Qian returned to China with valuable political intelligence. The old textbooks mention Zhang Qian only in passing. The new ones elevate him to the position of national hero—the incarnation of a loyal subject who strives and suffers in the service of the emperor. 

It is no small thing for a Chinese leader to compare himself to Han Wudi, the most venerated emperor in Chinese history. Over five decades, Han Wudi oversaw the doubling of the territorial holdings of the realm, a flowering of arts and culture, and a period of exceptional domestic stability and peace. Even to name Xi and Han Wudi in the same sentence is a stretch, let alone to depict Xi as the great restorer of Han Wudi’s legacy.

The propagandists were not finished. They also had to invent a new backstory for the Maritime Silk Road (MSR), the second half of Xi’s “One Belt One Road” concept, which had even weaker historical grounding. For most of Chinese history, the country had no far-seas navy or direct maritime contact with the Indian Ocean. The notable exception was the navigator Zheng He, who lived nearly 1,5000 years after Han Wudi’s death. This was why the old textbooks scarcely mentioned the Maritime Silk Road (MSR) and explicitly stated that it formed spontaneously “after Han Emperor Wudi’s time.” That would not do, since Xi’s MSR stretches all the way to Europe. So, the revised textbook said that the MSR was in fact founded by Han Wudi himself, and extended its western terminus from Sri Lanka all the way to Europe. (It does not explain how this was geographically possible before the construction of the Suez Canal in the 19th century.)

Making China Great Again

In the new propaganda, Han Wudi’s strategic vision ushered in a millennium-long golden age of Chinese hegemony. Propaganda films show “Romans” in togas in orgies of excitement as they caress Chinese silk for the first time.

For over a millennium, the narrator intones, from Marco Polo through Christopher Columbus, Westerners thought of little else but securing greater access to Chinese products. This created a “Silk Road spirit,” which kept relations between East and West harmonious and guaranteed China’s place at the top of the global pecking order.

Then, the rise of the West and the industrial revolution happened. These are portrayed as unhappy accidents—the brief interlude in a history of the world in which China did not dominate. But the Western model ultimately collapsed on itself, devolving into colonial exploitation, inequality, and war. Thankfully, under Xi’s enlightened rule, China is ready to restore the “Silk Road spirit” and draw the Western chapter of world history to a close.

The message for audiences today is clear. Han Wudi’s ancient Silk Road made China rich and powerful—and, in the process, stripped the Xiongnu enemy of its allies and trading partners. Xi Jinping’s new Silk Road will do much the same, restoring China’s primacy at the expense of all others, including the United States. Once other countries truly recognize what Chinese technology and products have to offer, their loyalty to China will be assured. The Middle Kingdom will return to its rightful place at the center of a harmonious world order.

Restoring the tributary system

The “Silk Road,” in other words, is a euphemism for the tributary system, the diplomatic practice that the Ming and early Qing dynasties used for centuries to govern East Asia. Tributary states sent semi-regular missions to the Chinese imperial court to acknowledge the superiority of the Chinese emperor and perform rituals of submission, known as the kowtow. In return, the emperor granted them trading privileges and military and diplomatic perks. At various points over the centuries, China’s tributary states included the rulers of much of modern-day Malaysia, Indonesia, Vietnam, Thailand and Korea, Tibet, and (for a brief period) Japan. 

Much like the Silk Road, the tributary system is a simplified catch-all concept for informal diplomatic procedures and interactions over many centuries. Western historians continue to debate the finer points. But inside China, everyone knows what the tributary system (cefeng) means. A 2005 Chinese high school textbook defined it thus: “The tributary system occupied an important position” in China’s economic relations with the outside world. “The money paid by Chinese buyers to the foreign sellers was always several times higher than the offered price. Its purpose was not to obtain maximum economic benefits, but to promote state power and strengthen ties with foreign countries.”

One can hardly think of a better encapsulation of what China is selling through One Belt One Road.

Compete or submit

Xi’s plan to “rebuild” the ancient Silk Road entails the construction of a lot of infrastructure, but it’s really a political project to restore a Chinese world order. Looking closely at the propaganda, one gets the sense that Xi’s China is a country hungry for status and power, but averse to territorial expansion and war. Xi wants to be both a visionary reformer who will secure the “great rejuvenation of the Chinese people,” and a virtuous traditionalist who venerates China’s cultural heritage and studies the lessons of his imperial predecessors.

Most Americans—and indeed most concerned citizens in Europe, Japan, and elsewhere—would find the prospect of becoming a Chinese vassal state repulsive. But it is not clear that every country agrees. To date, over 100 countries have signed non-binding agreements to cooperate with One Belt One Road. Do none of them have the slightest inkling of what Xi is up to? Even if they are hazy about the final details, surely the main ideas are clear enough. Countries on every continent, from the Philippines to the United Arab Emirates, from Kenya to Ecuador, have been happy to parrot Xi’s preferred phrases about “win-win cooperation” and the historical legacy of the “Silk Road.” Dozens of heads of state attend the biannual Belt and Road Forums in Beijing to pay tribute to China’s contributions. Clearly, they seem to have concluded, these symbolic signals are a reasonable price to pay for Chinese loans, investments, technology transfers, and political support.

If the United States and its allies want to avoid being pulled into this Chinese-led tributary order, they must learn to compete more effectively. We need sustained and disciplined diplomacy to persuade countries on the fence that they have more to gain from a liberal international order than a Chinese-led tributary one. But, first, the United States and its democratic allies need to reflect on themselves. China is being clear enough about the world order it wants to build. What are we offering as an alternative?

Trump tweeted attack on Pence minutes after being told VP was in danger

Revelations that Donald Trump was told that Mike Pence had been whisked from the Senate floor just minutes before the former president decided to tweet an attack on his own vice president has added to the already staggering body of evidence that any stated concerns Trump had about the violent mob which stormed the Capitol Building on January 6 came secondary to his private approval of and participation in what transpired that day.

The new evidence for a damning timeline came from Sen. Tommy Tuberville (R-Ala.) who on Wednesday night told reporters that he personally talked to Trump just after Pence and his aides were ushered away by the Secret Service.

“He didn’t get a chance to say a whole lot because I said, “Mr. President, they just took the vice president out. I’ve got to go,'” Tuberville said in response to a question about the nature of the call.

Citing video footage from January 6—details of which were presented during Day 2 of the Senate impeachment trial on Wednesday—the HuffPost reports that “Pence was removed from the Senate at 2:14 p.m. after rioters had broken into the Capitol, meaning that when Trump lashed out at Pence at 2:24 p.m., he already knew Pence’s life was in danger.”

“Mike Pence didn’t have the courage to do what should have been done to protect our Country and our Constitution,” Trump said in his 2:24 pm tweet. 

As the House impeachment managers showed in dramatic footage Wednesday, Pence was escorted to safety just moments before the mob overtook large portions of the building. And as lawmakers throughout the building sought safety, a makeshift gallows had been erected outside the Capitol while those inside were heard chanting “Hang Mike Pence!” and “Where are they?” in an apparent reference to others they sought to harm.

Reporting by The Hill notes that it “had previously been known that Tuberville and Trump spoke, though the details of the conversation are new. The fact that the Alabama senator told the president that Pence was in danger is a potentially useful nugget for the Democrats’ impeachment managers, who are trying to convince Senate Republicans that Trump egged on the mob and then did nothing to quell the violence once it erupted.”

According to Politico:

It’s long been unclear precisely when Trump learned of the danger that Congress and his vice president faced—though it was broadcast all over live television—but Tuberville’s claim would mark a specific moment Trump was notified that Pence had to be evacuated for his own safety. 

Aides to the former president did not immediately return a request for comment.

In reaction to the new revelations, The Intercept‘s Washington bureau chief Ryan Grim tweeted: “Looks like Trump wasn’t playing around, really did want something to happen to Pence.”

And as Benjy Sarlin, policy editor for NBC News commented, “When the jurors are also witnesses, strange things happen.”