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“We are not an authoritarian nation”: Biden tries to strike middle ground on campus protests

Under pressure from the left and the right, President Joe Biden tried to strike a middle ground on Thursday, saying he respects college students' right to peacefully protest  and rejects deploying the National Guard against them  but arguing there is "not a right to cause chaos."

Biden's remarks came after dramatic scenes on campuses across the country, where thousands of students have been protesting the war in Gaza and their school's investments in Israel. At Columbia University, school administrators called in police this week after some students broke in and occupied a building on campus, while at UCLA police watched as a pro-Israel mob attacked a pro-Palestine encampment amid charges that some protesters have gone beyond criticism of Israel and engaged in antisemitism.

Speaking from the White House, Biden tried to balance protesters' "right to free speech" with the "rule of law."

"We are not an authoritarian nation where we silence people or squash dissent. The American people are heard. In fact, peaceful protest is in the best tradition of how Americans respond to consequential issues," Biden said. "But neither are we a lawless country. We are a civil society and order must be prevail."

The president went on to distinguish between what he cast as legitimate protests and those that cross the line.

"Vandalism, trespassing, breaking windows, shutting down campuses, forcing the cancellation of classes and graduation — none of this is a peaceful protest," Biden said. "Dissent is essential to democracy, but dissent must never lead to disorder or denying the rights of others so students can finish the semester and their college education.

But even as Biden appeared to offer support for police breaking down encampments, he chastised those on the right calling for further escalation. A number of Republican lawmakers have urged the president to deploy troops against the protesters.

"This isn't a moment for politics," Biden said, telling reporters "no," he would not call up the National Guard.

Higher levels of omega-6 fatty acids could reduce the risk of bipolar disorder, new study finds

A world-first study from the University of South Australia recently discovered a link between omega-6 fatty acids and bipolar disorder. Researchers found that higher levels of arachidonic acid, a polyunsaturated omega-6 fatty acid obtained from foods like poultry, seafood and eggs, led to a lower risk of bipolar disorder. Conversely, lower levels of arachidonic acid led to a higher risk of bipolar disorder.    

The study tested a total of 913 metabolites across 14,296 European patients using a mass spectrometry-based platform. Thirty-three metabolites were identified and associated with the risk of bipolar disorder. Most of them were lipids, including arachidonic acid and other complex lipids containing either an arachidonic or a linoleic fatty acid side chain, the study specified. The causal associations only concerned bipolar disorder, the study added, and didn’t account for other closely related psychiatric disorders like schizophrenia or depression.

“There’s growing evidence to suggest that metabolites play a key role in bipolar and other psychiatric disorders,” said chief investigator Dr. David Stacey, per the university’s official website. “This is extremely encouraging, because if we can find factors that connect certain health conditions, we can identify ways to negate these through potential lifestyle or dietary interventions.”

Arachidonic acid can be sourced “directly from meat and seafood products or [synthesized] from dietary linoleic acid (such as nuts, seeds, and oils),” he continued. The omega-6 fatty acid is also found in human milk, making it an essential nutrient for infant brain development.

“In fact, in many countries, arachidonic acid is added to infant formula to ensure a child gets the best start to life,” Stacey said. “So, there is certainly potential to boost this through supplements for people at greater risk of bipolar disorder.”

Researchers know that arachidonic acid plays a key role in early brain development. But the challenge, they said, is determining whether arachidonic acid supplementation for bipolar disorder should occur “perinatally, during early life, or even whether it would benefit those already diagnosed.”     

Professor Elina Hyppönen, who co-authored the study, said both preclinical studies and randomized controlled trials are necessary in order to determine how beneficial supplementation would be.


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“We need further studies to rigorously assess the potential for arachidonic acid supplementation in bipolar disorder prevention and treatment, particularly in people who carry genetic risks,” Hyppönen said, adding that it’s important to determine “how, why and when” people respond to arachidonic acid supplementation in order to determine further solutions.

Bipolar disorder is a serious mental illness associated with episodes of mood swings ranging from emotional highs (mania or hypomania) to lows (depression). The exact cause of bipolar disorder still remains unknown, although research suggests that a contribution of genetic and environmental factors may contribute to the illness.

An estimated 2.8% of U.S. adults had bipolar disorder in the past year, according to the National Institute of Mental Health. Approximately 4.4% of U.S. adults experience bipolar disorder at some time in their lives.

“Shaking his head”: Trump “in disbelief” as lawyer admits he went out of his way to bash witnesses

A lawyer for former President Donald Trump insisted at a contempt hearing Thursday that his client's comments on jurors and witnesses do not run afoul of a gag order, even as he conceded that the Republican candidate is not merely responding to attacks but actively seeking out opportunities to spout off on his trial.

Prosecutors accuse Trump of violating the gag order in his Manhattan criminal case an additional four times, citing his praise of David Pecker, former publisher of the National Enquirer, as a "nice guy" and his attack on jurors as being "95 percent Democrats" rapidly picked from "a purely Democrat area." Following a hearing last month, Trump also exited the courtroom, where he's being tried on charges of falsifying business records to cover up hush payments, and approached reporters to share an attack on Michael Cohen, his former fixer. "When are they going to look at all the lies Cohen did in the last trial," Trump said.

Judge Juan Merchan, who fined the former president $9,000 earlier in the week for previous violations — and raised the prospect of jail time for future offenses — said Thursday that Trump had gone out of his way to attack a witness.

"It was your client who went down to that holding area and stood in front of the press and started to speak." Merchan told Trump attorney Todd Blanche. "He went to the press. He didn't need to go in that direction."

"I agree with that," Blanche responded, drawing what The New York Times described as a "large laugh in the overflow room."

Trump did not appear to enjoy that particular exchange. After his lawyer agreed with the judge, "Trump shot around and glared at his own lawyer in disbelief, his mouth hanging open," ABC News reported. "He then turned back around to face forward, repeatedly shaking his head no."

The hearing concluded without a ruling, but Merchan indicated that he was likely to find Trump in violation of his gag order once again, appearing most perturbed by his comments on the jury.

Prosecutors are not yet asking for any jail time, seeking to minimize any disruption to the ongoing trial. But they are seeking more fines, with Christopher Conroy of the Manhattan District Attorney's Office saying Trump's comments on witnesses and jurors create an "air of menace" that is "corrosive" to the cause of justice, according to NBC News.

“Enormous help”: Convicted ex-Trump Org CFO left behind “potentially priceless paper trail”

Allen Weisselberg is currently sitting in a cell on Rikers Island, again, after pleading guilty to perjury, so it may come as little surprise that the long-time financial controller for the Trump Organization may have been less than honest about the the role he played in his former boss' 2016 campaign for president. But emails obtained by The Daily Beast suggest not only that Weisselberg provided unreported labor for the campaign, in possible violation of campaign finance laws, but specifically helped on its filings with the Federal Election Commission.

The 2016 Trump campaign's compliance with FEC filing requirements is tied to Manhattan criminal case against the former president, who is charged with falsifying business records to avoid reporting a hush payment to adult film star Stormy Daniels. Though Weisselberg is not expected to testify in the case, he "left behind a potentially priceless paper trail" for prosecutors, according to the report.

Weisselberg's contribution to the 2016 campaign was detailed in an email sent by Rick Gates, a former Trump aide who himself pleaded to lying about his lobbying for pro-Russia interests in Ukraine.

“I would like to introduce you to Allen Weisselberg who is with the Trump Organization and was an enormous help to us on the campaign,” Gates wrote in the April 19 email, according to The Daily Beast. “Please reach out to Allen and walk him through [the] auditing process for PIC and the activities that were conducted throughout [the] project,” he continued, referring to Trump's presidential inaugural committee.

A printed copy of that email, obtained by The Daily Beast, shows notes in Weisselberg's own handwriting indicating that he "spoke to Rick Gates today about the inauguration accounting" and had requested "full reports showing all money raised and spent" from the third-party firm helping the Trump campaign comply with FEC regulations.

Weisselberg's work appears to constitute an in-kind contribution to the campaign — donated labor — but does not show up on any FEC filings, The Daily Beast noted.

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The revelation that Weisselberg worked on the 2016 campaign comes as prosecutors say they plan to introduce evidence at Trump's criminal trial showing that the former Trump Organization executive was involved in the hush money scheme.

Last month, prosecutor Matthew Colangelo told jurors that Weisselberg worked with former Trump fixer Michael Cohen to cover up the $130,000 payment to Daniels, which the Manhattan District Attorney's Office says should have been reported as a campaign contribution. Cohen was ultimately reimbursed for the payment to the tune of $420,000, an amount intended to cover the taxes he would have to pay for claiming the money as income for legal work.

Prosecutors plan to introduce handwritten notes from Weisselberg showing that the payment from the Trump Organization was intended as a "clever way to pay Cohen back without being too obvious about it," Colangelo said, arguing that the former president would have had to sign off on the arrangement. "They agreed to cook the books."

Sports team owners face new scrutiny from IRS over tax avoidance

ProPublica is a Pulitzer Prize-winning investigative newsroom. Sign up for The Big Story newsletter to receive stories like this one in your inbox.

Series: The Secret IRS Files:Inside the Tax Records of the .001%

A massive trove of tax information obtained by ProPublica, covering thousands of America’s wealthiest individuals, reveals what’s inside the billionaires’ bag of tricks for minimizing their personal tax bills — sometimes to nothing.

The IRS has launched a campaign to examine whether wealthy taxpayers are violating the law when using their ownership of sports teams to save large amounts in taxes.

The effort will focus on sports industry entities that are reporting “significant tax losses” to “determine if the income and deductions driving the losses” are lawful, according to the IRS announcement earlier this year. That announcement, which consisted of one sentence on a webpage devoted to compliance campaigns by the IRS division that focuses on large businesses, did not specify what kinds of abuses the agency will be looking for.

The initiative comes after ProPublica, drawing on leaked IRS data, revealed how billionaire team owners frequently report incomes for their teams that are vastly lower than their real-world earnings.

When someone buys a business, they’re often able to deduct almost the entire sale price against their income during the ensuing years. That allows them to pay less in taxes. The underlying logic is that the purchase price was composed of assets — buildings, equipment, patents and more — that degrade over time and should be counted as expenses. Owners of sports franchises routinely avail themselves of such deductions, which can be worth hundreds of millions of dollars.

But in few industries is that tax treatment more detached from economic reality than in professional sports. Teams’ most valuable assets, such as TV deals and player contracts, are virtually guaranteed to regenerate because sports franchises are essentially monopolies. There’s little risk that players will stop playing for their teams or that TV stations will stop airing their games. But the team owners still get to deduct the value of those assets over time, sometimes billions of dollars’ worth, from their taxable income.

It helps billionaire sports team owners pay far lower income tax rates than the athletes they employ or even the low-wage workers who sell food or clean their stadiums.

ProPublica’s 2021 article traced how owners, starting with the late baseball showman Bill Veeck decades ago, persuaded the IRS to accept a “gimmick” that allows owners to take massive depreciation write-offs.

Among those benefiting was Steve Ballmer, the billionaire owner of the Los Angeles Clippers and former CEO of Microsoft. His tax records showed that in recent years his basketball team had reported $700 million in losses for tax purposes, despite indications that the Clippers’ real-world financial results were often profitable.

That allowed Ballmer to legally not pay tax on any real-world Clippers profits, and to offset his other income and cut his tax bill. His spokesperson said at the time that Ballmer “has always paid the taxes he owes.”

The practice helps create a counterintuitive overall tax picture that upends conventional wisdom about how taxation works in America. ProPublica found that billionaire owners like Ballmer are consistently paying lower income tax rates than their millionaire players — and often lower even than the rates paid by the concessions workers who staff their stadiums.

The IRS did not immediately respond to questions from ProPublica about what prompted the initiative and what abuses it’s investigating.

In an analysis for clients, the law firm Morgan Lewis credited the IRS campaign to several factors: an increased enforcement budget, criticism that wealthy taxpayers are not audited frequently enough and ProPublica’s reporting.

“The IRS may be acting on its promise to restore ‘fairness’ in tax compliance by taking more shots at partnerships and high-wealth individuals, including sports team owners,” the firm wrote. “With the Sports Industry Losses campaign, the sports industry looks to be the next opponent in the IRS arena.”

Clay Hodges, a tax planning specialist at the firm Moss Adams, said in an interview that the IRS usually selects areas to focus enforcement efforts based on evidence that it will find unpaid taxes. While it’s impossible to judge the IRS’ motivation based on its public announcement, he said, he noted the regular headlines of sports team owners selling teams for huge profits.

“When they announce these campaigns, the IRS is very strategic,” he said. “It’s more than just a fishing expedition. They think it will bear fruit.”

“The Right Way”: The long journey to asylum for one Venezuelan family

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The Pabón family is among the nearly 8 million Venezuelans who have left their country in the last decade, fleeing an authoritarian regime and a collapsed economy — one of the largest population displacements in the world.

The family arrived in Ciudad Juárez, Mexico — across the border from El Paso, Texas — on Dec. 1, 2022, following a six-month journey across seven countries and thousands of miles. They’d left their homeland at a time when the United States had agreed to suspend the deportations of Venezuelans who were already living in the country because Washington had broken diplomatic relations with that country’s president, Nicolás Maduro. Thousands of new Venezuelan migrants arrived in Mexican border cities like Juárez hoping to take advantage of the opening.

But by the time the Pabóns arrived, the U.S. had reversed course and subjected Venezuelans to many of the same immigration restrictions as people of other nationalities. They were required to use a special app, called CBP One, to make an appointment to enter the U.S. to seek asylum. In El Paso, there were about 150 appointments available a day. Suddenly, the Pabóns found themselves stranded with countless other tired and frustrated migrants in a city of 1.5 million residents that lacked the resources to provide for the staggering number of new arrivals.

The pressure-cooker situation culminated in a fire on March 27, 2023, inside the city’s only immigration detention center. It killed 40 immigrants and injured more than two dozen others in one of the deadliest incidents involving immigrants in the country’s history.

Five months later, the Pabón family managed to get an appointment via the CBP One app and cross into the U.S. They eventually applied for asylum, but after joining a migrant population ever more numerous and visible and without family roots or acquaintances in the country, a clear path for them remains elusive.

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The Trump effect is now spreading in all directions

On the night of Martin Luther King Jr.’s assassination, Bobby Kennedy appeared at a public event in Indianapolis and quelled a potential riot. What he said that night still resonates:

What we need in the United States is not division; what we need in the United States is not hatred; what we need in the United States is not violence or lawlessness, but is love and wisdom, and compassion toward one another, and a feeling of justice towards those who still suffer within our country.

Kennedy was cheered by the mostly Black crowd he spoke to, replacing fear with hope, at least for a moment. Fifty-six years later, there are violent protests on college campuses nationwide, and former President Donald Trump, in comparison, has embraced lawlessness and violence. He was fined $9,000 Tuesday for violating a gag order in Manhattan’s election interference trial. Trump claimed afterward that the judge was “rigging” the 2024 election. He continues to claim that our situation is hopeless and we’re going to hell.

Back in 1968, Kennedy quoted the Greek playwright Aeschylus, saying we should "dedicate ourselves to what the Greeks wrote so many years ago: to tame the savageness of man and to make gentle the life of this world."

Now, Trump tells Time Magazine that if he didn’t win the election this year, he wouldn’t rule out violence to get back in office. While we should shudder at the thought, the truth is violence is one thing Americans seem to embrace and enjoy. 

Saturday marks the 54th anniversary of the Kent State massacre when anti-war college protesters became the victims of lethal violence at the hands of the National Guard. Student protesters at UCLA were hit with violence from counter-protesters as local law enforcement looked on late Tuesday night. In 1968 the Beatles sang, “If you want money for people with minds that hate, all I can tell is, brother, you have to wait.” Today Trump promotes violence, and bilks supporters of millions of dollars by selling Bibles, a book he’s never read, and golden sneakers he’d never wear.

Times have changed – well at least good music to accompany our violence has changed – but more to the point, politicians no longer seem to grasp the obvious or care about the outcome of escalating violence and divisiveness if they do. Like Trump, they are more concerned about their personal wealth and power. They treat the constituents they should serve as worshiping fans they can and do grift.  

The lingering Donald Trump Effect on politics is something we’re going to have to deal with long after the Drowsy Don has shuffled off his mortal coil for warmer accommodations that have nothing to do with climate change. While he and old Scratch become cozy, those of us not taking the long dirt nap will have to figure out what went wrong and try to fix it.

My concern is that we no longer know how to do that. The Donald Trump stain is spreading and it threatens to engulf all of politics in both major political parties. That stain is formidable, and increasingly dangerous because Trump still has sway in this country. He leads in most major polls for president though he continues his authoritarian and violent rants and still manages to get endorsements from those who claim they despise him. 

Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, one step away from a catatonic state of unregulated drooling, said he’d vote for Trump again — though his loathing of Trump is public and well known. Former attorney general Bill Barr said Trump is unfit for office but believes “progressive politics” and Joe Biden are more dangerous. Barr is voting for Trump because not only is he bereft of soul, sound reasoning and a heart, but he favors stronger executive power than the Constitution allows and reasons that Trump will get it. “You say you’ll change the Constitution, well you know, we’d all love to change your head,” Lennon sang. I told you music was better then.

Other politicians, seeing the Trump Effect, cannot help but emulate him. Some do it on purpose and some do not. But all of them are wolves in sheep’s clothing – or feral dogs wandering the street; slack jaws drooling as they look for prey.

I saw a pack of them when I recently moderated a congressional candidate forum for the Democrats running in Maryland’s Sixth District to replace Rep. David Trone. I also moderated the first forum in which Trone ran for Congress. He was a late entry in the Maryland 8th District race that featured Kathleen Matthews, who was favored to win, and the eventual winner, Jamie Raskin.  Over the years, I’ve moderated dozens of candidate forums and debates. The race with Matthews, Trone and Raskin not only had the distinction of being the most expensive Congressional race in history, but it was filled with a lot of serious-minded people – any of whom could have served with distinction. Trone, however, wasn’t one of them.

At the time he was often referred to as the Democrats’ Donald Trump. (They even share the same initials). Now Trone, a multi-millionaire who offers a Trump-lite version of hucksterism, is trying his hand at running for the U.S. Senate. Good luck with that. Should he secure his party’s nomination, he would likely face off against former Republican governor Larry Hogan, who once said he had no desire to be a senator and didn’t challenge Sen. Chris Van Hollen for re-election. Hogan said he recently had a change of heart and will run to replace Democratic Sen. Ben Cardin, who is retiring after 58 years in public service. Like McConnell and Barr before him, we wait to see if Hogan will also have a change of heart and embrace the Drowsy Don. That’s the Trump Effect.

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That brings us back to the candidate forum I moderated. Ten candidates showed up last weekend at the Seneca Valley High School auditorium in Montgomery County, Maryland in a forum sponsored by the Montgomery County Women’s Democratic Club to vy for the job of replacing Trone in Congress. Two candidates didn’t show up and didn’t say why. I’d say that would automatically disqualify them. If you can’t show up for the interview, you shouldn’t get the job. One didn’t show because she recently gave birth and was at home taking care of her new child. She gets a pass.

The 10 were an eclectic group. Interesting? Yes. Qualified? No. The Democrats are going to be hard-pressed to hold on to this Congressional seat because of the light-weight (with a few exceptions) quality of the candidates and the political makeup of the district in which they are running. I watched as some of the candidates puffed themselves up with pride, padded their resumes, engaged in hyperbole, didn’t understand facts, misstated their opponents’ stances or babbled consistently, and incoherently. Yep. The Trump Effect, right there in the Democratic Party. 

Because of the previous rancor among some of the candidates, I instituted a “No ad hominem attack” rule and limited their amount of time to answer questions to keep it civil. At least most of them could follow those simple instructions. At one point I asked each candidate what separated them from their opponents. One candidate said he was just better than everyone else. Another time a candidate ranted about his yard signs. One continuously mumbled incoherently, another told me Elizabeth Warren was his senator, though he lived in Maryland. Most of them fumbled answers, and when I gave them what should have been an easy layup for a Democrat on the issue of inflation, they all dropped the ball. One of them recommended lowering taxes on the rich while no one discussed record corporate earnings or price gouging as a cause of inflation.

Joe Vogel, considered one of the front runners, was the least impressive. He was so lightweight that a moderate breeze would launch him skyward. His hubris was that of a used car salesman on steroids. In short, he definitely suffered from the Trump Effect. 


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Of the rest, many didn’t bother to offer a rebuttal. A few answered questions competently. Only Hagerstown Mayor Tekesha Martinez and candidate April McClain-Delaney consistently performed without condescending to the audience or using Trump tropes. Both of them have what it takes.

You’d think the importance of the race would generate a buzz, but only two reporters filed stories on the event – and no one from television news covered it. That too is probably a result of the Trump Effect. Perhaps we in the press were still hungover after celebrating ourselves by schmoozing with celebrities and slurping up to politicians at the White House Correspondents Dinner the night before. The lack of attendees (just shy of 100) is also a byproduct of the Trump Effect. People are worn out. 

Trump counts on that, and we cannot give in to that. The races in Maryland are going to be critical to determine majorities in both the House and the Senate. We should be involved and we need to turn out to vote. The most dangerous Trump Effect is that of political numbness. We cannot afford to be disassociated from the political process this fall.

Look beyond the rancor Trump and other politicians use. It is a ruse to keep you at home while a minority of energized and often radical voters put self-serving Trump-like politicians in office. 

There are no more Bobby Kennedys. Look at his son – not even he is a Kennedy.

Our politicians are people we don’t like and wouldn’t hang out with.

That’s the Trump Effect: Mean-spirited, authoritarian politicians with a smile or scowl on their face appease some voters into casting their ballot while discouraging others from voting.

H.L. Mencken was right: The only way to look at a politician is down.

Jewish groups decry House passage of bill defining criticism of Israel as “antisemitism”

House lawmakers voted overwhelmingly Wednesday to approve legislation directing the U.S. Department of Education to consider a dubious definition of antisemitism, despite warnings from Jewish-led groups that the measure speciously conflates legitimate criticism of the Israeli government with bigotry against Jewish people.

House members approved the Antisemitism Awareness Act—bipartisan legislation introduced last year by Reps. Mike Lawler (R-N.Y.), Josh Gottheimer (D-N.J.), Max Miller (R-Ohio), and Jared Moskowitz (D-Fla.) in the lower chamber and Sen. Tim Scott (R-S.C.) in the Senate—by a vote of 320-91.

Both progressive Democrats and far-right Republicans opposed language in the bill. The former objected to conflating criticism of Israel with hatred of Jews, while the latter bristled at labeling Christian scripture—which posits that Jews killed Jesus—as antisemitic.

"Antisemitism is the hatred of Jews. Unfortunately, one doesn't need to look far to find it these days. But the supporters of this bill are looking in the wrong places," Hadar Susskind, president and CEO of the Jewish-led group Americans for Peace Now, said following Wednesday's vote.

"They aren't interested in protecting Jews," he added. "They are interested in supporting right-wing views and narratives on Israel and shutting down legitimate questions and criticisms by crying 'antisemite' at everyone, including Jews" who oppose Israel's far-right government.

"With this disingenuous effort, House Republicans have failed to seriously address antisemitism," Susskind added. "I hope the Senate does better."

The legislation—officially H.R. 6090—would require the Department of Education to consider the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) Working Definition of Antisemitism when determining whether alleged harassment is motivated by antisemitic animus and violates Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which "prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, color, and national origin in programs and activities receiving federal financial assistance," including colleges and universities.

Lawler's office called the proposal "a key step in calling out antisemitism where it is and ensuring antisemitic hate crimes on college campuses are properly investigated and prosecuted," while Gottheimer emphasized that "the IHRA definition underscores that antisemitism includes denying Jewish self-determination to their ancestral homeland of Israel… and applying double standards to Israel."

Critics say that's the trouble with the IHRA working definition: It conflates legitimate criticism and condemnation of Israeli policies and practices with anti-Jewish bigotry, and forces people to accept the legitimacy of a settler-colonial apartheid state engaged in illegal occupation and a "plausibly" genocidal war on Gaza.

As the ACLU noted last week in a letter urging lawmakers to reject the legislation:

The IHRA working definition… is overbroad. It equates protected political speech with unprotected discrimination, and enshrining it into regulation would chill the exercise of First Amendment rights and risk undermining the Department of Education's legitimate and important efforts to combat discrimination. Criticism of Israel and its policies is political speech, squarely protected by the First Amendment. But the IHRA working definition declares that "denying the Jewish people their right to self-determination, e.g., by claiming that the existence of a state of Israel is a racist endeavor," "drawing comparisons of contemporary Israeli policy to that of the Nazis," and "applying double standards by requiring of [Israel] a behavior not expected or demanded of any other democratic nation" are all examples of antisemitism.

Jewish Voice for Peace Action slammed what it called IHRA's "controversial and dangerous mis-definition that does not help fight real antisemitism and is only a tool for silencing the movement for Palestinian rights."

"The Israeli government's bombardment and siege of Gaza has killed over 34,000 people in six months," the group said on social media. "Congress must stop attacking the students and faculty members who are trying to stop this genocide, and instead focus on ending U.S. complicity in Israel's attacks."

Israel's Gaza onslaught has sparked a wave of nonviolent student-led protests across the United States and around the world. Some of these protests have been violently repressed by police, while anti-genocide activists including Jews have been branded "antisemitic" for condemning Israeli crimes or defending Palestinians' legal right to resist them.

Americans for Peace Now said that while it is "deeply concerned about the escalating antisemitism in the United States and globally," the legislation "poses a significant threat to free speech and open discourse."

"Equating criticism of the Israeli government with antisemitism is a tactic used to stifle important discussions on Israeli policies and actions, thereby hindering the broader effort to combat true instances of hatred and discrimination against Jewish communities," the group added.

Kenneth Stern, director of the Bard Centre for the Study of Hate and lead drafter of the IHRA working definition, warned years ago that "Jewish groups have used the definition as a weapon to say anti-Zionist expressions are inherently antisemitic and must be suppressed."

"Imagine if Black Lives Matter said the most important thing the [Biden] administration could do to remedy systemic racism is adopt a definition of racism, and that definition included this example: opposition to affirmative action," Stern wrote in 2020.

"Obviously, sometimes opposition to affirmative action is racist and sometimes it is not," he added. "The debate about systemic racism would be changed to a free speech fight, and those with reasonable concerns about affirmative action correctly upset that the state was branding them racist."

Lemony smoke-it: Citrus-scented weed may make you less paranoid, scientists report

Ah, the duality of pot. It relaxes you, but sometimes makes you more anxious instead? What gives? If your trips to the cannabis dispensary have you searching for strains less likely to trigger anxious paranoia, a team of Johns Hopkins University scientist may have found something to help. According to their recent research, the key to picking a pleasantly low-key bud may be in choosing the one that smells most like lemons.

Most people know that cannabis plants can generate tons of different scents, from skunk to cheese to gasoline and permanent marker, though berry, fruity and citrusy stinks may be more pleasant. While marijuana extracts are best known for their intoxicating THC (delta-9-tetrahydrocannabinol) and more medicinal CBD (cannabidiol), these two drugs aren't responsible for the plant's aromas. The smalls instead come from natural oils called terpenes and flavonoids.

And while they won't get you high on their own, they do more than act as perfumes, modulating a stoney experience — just like CBD doesn't get people stoned when ingested by itself, but is THC's best supporting actor when the two appear in the same joint.

As published last month in the journal Drug and Alcohol Dependence, the research team found that when administering cannabis to people in standard doses, the typical rate of anxiety and paranoia among test subjects dropped steadily as the scientists increased the amount of a naturally occurring lemon-scented aromatic — one that hasn't been proven to have any effect on how individuals experience a cannabis high until now.

"Historically, THC was believed to account wholly for the acute behavioral and psychoactive effects of cannabis and other cannabis constituents were considered largely inconsequential," the researchers wrote. "However, an alternative view, commonly referred to as the cannabis entourage effect theory, asserts that many constituents of the plant (e.g., minor cannabinoids and/or terpenes) meaningfully influence the acute effects of cannabis."

A terpene in cannabis called d-limonene doesn't get you high at all, but the team's discovery indicates it could pleasantly color whatever high you experience. D-limonene is one of the many aromatic terpenes which give weed its distinctively citrusy bouquet, and is the primary terpene in (you guessed it) actual lemons.

"This experiment showed that simultaneously administering vaporized d-limonene and THC reduced subjective indices of THC-induced anxiety in a dose-orderly manner."

Traditional home cultivators have long prized citrus-heavy cannabis strains for offering users a more easeful psychological experience, resulting in many well-known methods of citric infusions through water and soil titration. Among the most famously pleasant strains of cannabis are those with names saluting the characteristically bright scent of d-limonene, such as Super Lemon Haze and Lemon OG Kush — all of which rose to prominence for producing a highly creative and focused cerebral effect, with fewer notes of anxiety or panic in the high.

As legalization has grown, however, the latter-day cannabis industry has carried this kitchen wisdom forward from traditional herbalists, with some company's advertisements touting d-limonene inclusions as a less nerve-rattling option. As noted by the research team, scientists began hypothesizing about d-limonene's paranoia-mitigating role.  


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When John Hopkins researchers recently took up that hypothesis, they gave 20 subjects 30mg of THC and typical results occurred across eight test sessions. But when they gave subjects 30mg of THC plus 15mg of d-limonene, the results were direct and promising. 

"This experiment showed that simultaneously administering vaporized d-limonene and THC reduced subjective indices of THC-induced anxiety in a dose-orderly manner," the team wrote, adding that d-limonene interfered with no other usual cannabis-ingestion results. 

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This not only led the team to discover a path toward fine-tuning cannabis users' experience but it may also unlock new evidence toward a more comprehensive understanding of the entourage effect theory.

"Though largely untested in empirical clinical research, the cannabis entourage effect theory has greatly influenced cannabis industry practices, including how cannabis products are cultivated, marketed, and consumed," the researchers wrote. "For example, cannabis is often selectively bred to contain specific minor cannabinoid and/or terpene profiles and there is a growing market of products purported to principally contain minor cannabinoids or terpenes," researchers said, adding that future testing would still be needed.

So the next time you're shopping for a more relaxing experience without having to buy a sleep-inducing smoke, briefly nosing the buds as you might a glass of wine could help you sniff out a lemon-scented strain that won't leave you sour.  

What will it take to get companies to embrace reusable packaging?

For several months last year, patrons of a Seattle coffee shop called Tailwind Cafe had the option of ordering their Americanos and lattes in returnable metal to-go cups. Customers could simply borrow a cup from Tailwind, go on their way, and then at some point — perhaps a few hours later, perhaps on another day that week — return the cup to the shop, which would clean it and refill it for the next person. If it wasn’t returned within 14 days, the customer would be charged a $15 deposit, though even that was ultimately refundable if the cup was returned by the end of 45 days.

Tailwind’s head chef, Kayla Tekautz, said her cafe started the program out of a desire to address the environmental scourge of disposable plastic foodware and other packaging, the vast majority of which cannot be recycled. It was a partnership with a reusable packaging and logistics company called Reusables.com, which provided Tailwind and another Seattle area store, Cloud City Coffee, with branded cups and a QR code-operated drop-off receptacle. 

But the cafe quickly ran into trouble. It was “overwhelming” to explain the return system to every interested customer, Tekautz said. Many were hesitant to participate after learning that they could only return the cups to Tailwind or the other drop-off location, 6 miles away. Plus, Tailwind’s QR code reader kept malfunctioning, requiring repeated visits from a mechanic. At the end of last summer, Tailwind quietly ended the return program. “It just didn’t work,” Tekautz said. (Reusables.com didn’t respond to Grist’s request for comment.)

In an effort to reduce consumption of single-use plastic, Seattle has spent the past several years encouraging local businesses to offer reusable cups, dishes, utensils, and packaging. It has made some laudable progress. Concertgoers at the Paramount Theater and attendees of the Northwest Folklife Festival, for example, can now order their libations in reusable polypropylene cups. And since 2022, students at the University of Washington have been able to check out bright green reusable food containers from a company called Ozzi.

These programs are helping Seattle avoid single-use plastic and create a “waste-free future,” according to the city’s reuse website. It’s a target that’s being pursued by many American cities, and at the global level too. Disposable plastic foodware and packaging — which accounts for nearly 40 percent of all plastic production — can only be phased out if there are robust, efficient reuse systems to replace them. 

But some businesses, like Tailwind, have struggled to get reusable containers off the ground, often because of the small scale and disconnected nature of existing reuse programs. Instead of pooling resources and employing just one or two large cleaning and logistics services, businesses have so far chosen among several competing initiatives — or in some cases, have created and run their own programs. The result is a slew of incompatible containers, specific to just a few stores or locations, and inefficient systems for gathering, washing, and transporting between customers’ homes, sanitation facilities, and storefronts.

Having so many companies creating their own designs and logistics can be expensive, causing them to miss out on economies of scale that could make reuse more affordable and easily adoptable. According to Ashima Sukhdev, a policy adviser for the city of Seattle, she should be able to “pick up a coffee from my local cafe, and then drop it off in the lobby of my office building. Or drop it off at the library, or at a bus stop.”

What Sukhdev is describing would represent a highly unusual level of coordination across company lines. At coffee shops, this would mean reusable mugs shared not only between Tailwind and Cloud City, but also Starbucks and Peets. For grocery stores, it could mean picking up a jar of olives at Safeway, dropping off the empty container at Walgreens, and then having the same jar refilled with jam and sold at Whole Foods. Achieving this would require companies to rethink the way they compete with each other and differentiate their products. It would also require big changes from consumers, who have been trained for 70 years to expect disposability in just about every aspect of daily life.

Experts say these changes are necessary. “For this solution to become a reality, you’re gonna need standards,” said Pat Kaufman, manager of Seattle Public Utilities’ composting, recycling, and reuse program. 

Kaufman is currently on a yearlong sabbatical working for a nonprofit called PR3, which is trying to create those standards. The questions they’re facing are: What will standardized reusable packaging systems look like — and what will it take to get companies, and consumers, to adopt them?

Every year, the world produces about 400 million metric tons of plastic — almost entirely out of fossil fuels like oil and gas. Some of this is used in essential products like contact lenses and medical equipment, but a much greater fraction goes toward sporks, cups, bags, takeout containers, and other items that get thrown away after just a few minutes of use. Most of this plastic will never be recycled due to technical and economic restraints; more than 90 percent of all plastics get sent to a landfill or incinerator, or turn up as litter in the environment, where they degrade into microplastics and leach hazardous chemicals. Plastics manufacturing causes additional harms, including air pollution that disproportionately affects low-income communities and communities of color living nearby. 

For all of these reasons, public pressure to cut back on single-use plastics has escalated dramatically in recent years. Many companies have responded by launching trials and pilot programs allowing customers to borrow and return reusable cups, bottles, trays, jars, and other containers. These include small players like Ozzi, as well as behemoth brands like Walmart and Coca-Cola. There have been “more trials than Donald Trump,” said Stuart Chidley, co-founder of a reusable packaging company called Reposit.

As in Seattle, however, their efforts have been siloed, making it hard for the reuse sector to grow. According to a recent report from the Ellen MacArthur Foundation, or EMF — a nonprofit that advocates for a “circular economy” that conserves resources — even companies that have pledged to dramatically scale down their use of plastics have only replaced 2 percent or less of their single-use containers with reusables.

“To realize the full benefits of return systems, a fundamentally new approach is required,” the authors concluded.

The four types of reuse systems

The Ellen MacArthur Foundation has identified four broad categories of reuse systems, based on who owns the containers and where they’re refilled or returned: refill on the go, refill at home, return on the go, return from home.

Refill on the go: Consumers bring their own reusable containers to grocery stores and other locations, and refill them there — think the bulk section of a supermarket, where shoppers refill their own jars or bags with nuts, grains, and other foods.

Refill at home: Consumers own their own reusable containers but instead of refilling them at a store, they order refills in the mail. For example, you order concentrated dish soap tablets and then dissolve them in a dispenser you already own.

Return on the go: Businesses own containers and let consumers borrow them — often by charging a deposit that is refunded when the container is returned. This system involves container drop-off points at grocery stores, coffee shops, and other designated locations outside the home.

Return from home: Businesses own the reusable containers, which logistics providers pick up from people’s homes and then transport to a washing facility so they can be used again — much like milkmen of old.

The EMF report focuses on reusable containers that you can return to the coffee shop, grocery store, or another drop-off point — known as “return on the go” — as opposed to those that consumers own and bring with them to stores. It says that three things need to happen to make reuse mainstream. First, companies have to achieve high return rates, so they don’t lose inventory when people steal or forget to return their containers. Second, they have to share infrastructure for washing, collecting, sorting, and delivery in order to achieve economies of scale. Third, reusable containers must be standardized. The third pillar makes the other two much easier to achieve, since it’s simpler to share logistics, scale up, and familiarize customers with reuse systems if they share common characteristics — for instance, if containers are designed with similar shapes, sizes, and materials. 

To that end, PR3 has spent the past four years drafting standards for reuse systems, with a particular focus on container design. Through a “consensus body” composed of members from big business, the advocacy world, and government, PR3 is hoping to eventually certify the world’s first reuse standards under the International Organization for Standardization (known as ISO, to prevent confusion around different acronyms in different languages). This would lend legitimacy to the PR3 proposals, as the ISO maintains one of the world’s most widely accepted catalogs of standards. Others within its portfolio cover everything from food safety to the manufacturing of medical devices, and have been voluntarily adopted by many large companies and government bodies

PR3 released a draft of its standards last year, and it’s been updating them behind closed doors since then. Specific standards on washing protocols are set to be published for public review this week, and the nonprofit hopes that its consensus body will vote to finalize standards for container design later this year.

PR3 released a draft of its standards last year, and it’s been updating them behind closed doors since then. Specific standards on washing protocols are set to be published for public review this week, and the nonprofit hopes that its consensus body will vote to finalize standards for container design later this year.

So, what makes a good reusable container system? It’s complicated. Containers have to hold up under the stresses of logistics and transportation. They have to be relatively inexpensive. Perhaps most intangibly, they have to seem reusable, so customers don’t accidentally throw them in the trash. This can be accomplished through design elements — like containers’ color, texture, shape, and weight — or through other means, like easily recognizable drop-off boxes for used containers. Some reuse advocates support deposit fees, in which customers pay a small amount, usually just a dollar or two, in order to borrow a reusable container. They get the deposit back once they’ve returned the container.

None of these features is guaranteed to work. In designing draft standards, PR3 has often had to make educated predictions about which ones consumers will respond to. And those predictions can have far-reaching implications. If you assume customers will frequently lose or forget to return their containers, for example, then it probably won’t make sense to design thick containers that are capable of withstanding hundreds of uses.

“In the real world, return rates vary wildly,” Claudette Juska, PR3’s technical director and one of its co-founders, told Grist. “You don’t want to design a container for 400 uses if it’s only going to be used four times.” The most recent version of PR3’s standards say containers must be designed to withstand at least 20 uses and reused in practice at least 10 times.

On the other hand, it may be counterproductive to design containers with the expectation that they won’t be returned. According to Chidley, with Reposit, cheap-looking and -feeling containers could actually cause low return rates, since people might be more careless with them. His philosophy is to use features like color, weight, and shape to communicate containers’ reusability, making it less plausible that people will confuse them for disposables.

PR3 doesn’t have much specific advice on these characteristics, but some entrepreneurs Grist spoke with said they’ve hit higher return rates through particular design choices. For Chidley, this means making containers “beautiful” through high-quality, heavier materials with stylish branding. His containers are available at Marks & Spencer grocery stores across England and Scotland. Lindsey Hoell, founder of a reusable container logistics company called Dispatch Goods and a member of PR3’s standards panel, has forgone sharp-edged takeout food containers in favor of ones with smoother edges that “feel fancier.” And because so many single-use plastics are either black or white, her containers are bright red. “There’s a lot of soft science of what makes a consumer feel like something is durable,” she told Grist. Her containers are available across most of the U.S., mostly through grocery and meal delivery programs like Blue Apron and Imperfect Foods.

To some extent, the discussion about expected use cycles and perceived quality is really just another way of asking what kinds of materials reusable containers should be made of: durable plastic or something else? Answering that question can bring into conflict businesses’ economic interests with concerns about health and the environment. 

In the published draft of its standards from last year, PR3 recommended that reusable containers be “plastic-free,” citing plastic additives’ wide-ranging impacts on human health and ecosystems. Plastic can be cheap, light, and durable, but plastic-related chemicals have been shown to build up in people’s bodies and the environment, where they may contribute to hormone disruption, cancer, and reproductive harm.

PR3 panel members like Jane Muncke, chief scientific officer for the nonprofit Food Packaging Forum, supported the recommendation. “I don’t think plastics are suitable materials for reusable packaging,” she told Grist. She’s concerned about chemicals migrating into foods and beverages — especially hot, acidic, or fatty foods, which are better at soaking up some plastic additives. Durable plastics are also largely nonrecyclable; after being turned into new products a few times, they have to be thrown away or “downcycled” into lower-quality products like carpeting.

Still, many entrepreneurs and even the PR3 founders themselves have moved away from a hard-line stance against plastics. Hoell, for example, originally got into reuse because she was frustrated by plastic-strewn beaches in California — “I’m a surfer and I hate plastics,” she told Grist. She started out making stainless steel containers but soon discovered that rigid plastics had much lower up-front costs, giving her more wiggle room to deal with lower return rates. She didn’t have to worry as much about frequently lost, stolen, or damaged containers. 

Plastic was also easier to transport because of its light weight, Hoell added, and she cited some analyses suggesting that it has a lower carbon footprint than alternatives like steel. (These findings are controversial, however; critics say it’s misleading to focus only on plastic-related carbon emissions and not the materials’ other dangers, like toxic chemicals leaching from landfills.)Dispatch Goods now only makes its containers out of polypropylene, a kind of plastic that’s generally considered more inert than others (although it can still leach hazardous chemicals). Other reuse logistics companies like R.world, which operates in Seattle and is also represented on the PR3 panel, have similarly opted for polypropylene containers instead of metal or glass.

At Seattle Pacific University, a reusable container program for students eating at the Gwinn Commons dining hall also uses rigid plastic. The containers’ low cost allows Sodexo, the school’s foodservice provider, to charge students just $5 to participate in its reuse system all year, without tracking return rates or worrying too much about lost inventory. “We don’t have a list of subscribers,” said Andrew Chaplin, the dining team’s general manager. The program “runs itself.”

Representatives from PR3 told Grist that plastic has been a hot topic of debate among consensus body members, and that the final version of the standards is likely to move away from the “plastic-free” recommendation. “The standards are going to address this with the understanding that if the world can move away from plastic, great, but in the meantime, before that’s feasible, we’d better move where we can,” said Amy Larkin, PR3’s co-founder and director, who pointed out that moving to reusable plastics will still make a huge dent in overall plastic demand. “Let’s get rid of 90 to 95 percent of the production of single-use packaging.”

Rather than calling for specific container shapes and sizes, PR3 has drafted a few broad requirements — like that containers be designed to “optimize durability,” and that they follow “best practices for recyclability.” They must comply with existing food-safety regulations. Optionally, companies may label products with a universal symbol — kind of like the ubiquitous “chasing arrows” used to indicate recyclability. Such a symbol doesn’t yet exist for reuse, but PR3 has proposed one: a black, white, or orange rose-like pictogram along with the word “reuse.”

More specific design elements are included only as recommendations. To make washing easier, for instance, PR3’s draft says reusable containers should have interior angles no smaller than 90 degrees, as well as “feet” to maximize airflow during drying. They also say containers should “nest” to save storage space and make transportation easier.

This flexible approach fits into a category that EMF calls “bespoke with shared standards,” where containers can vary from brand to brand while still sharing common characteristics — like where labels are placed, or the width of a bottle’s mouth. This leaves big brands free to design their own unique packaging if they want to. 

PR3’s approach aims to appease big businesses by allowing them to keep using containers that look and feel very different, so long as they conform to a set of broad requirements. “Product companies want that kind of autonomy,” Juska told Grist.

Coca-Cola, for example, sets itself apart with its iconic — and patented — hourglass-shaped Coke bottle. And beauty companies are notorious for differentiated packaging: Walking down the perfume aisle, you might see bottles shaped like everything from a high-heeled shoe to a kitten.

Many reuse advocates want to do away with those unique container designs, going even further than what PR3 has suggested in order to enable sharing among different companies — a situation where packaging is considered “pooled” within a market. So instead of an extravagant diversity of perfume bottles, all fragrances might come in interchangeable cylindrical jars.

A small number of companies — especially in Europe — already do this. For example, through a German program called Mach Mehrweg Pool (roughly translated to “Make Reuse Pool”), brands share a collection of identical glass jars that can be filled with different foods. When consumers return the empty containers to a supermarket, a logistics provider picks them up and brings them back to food producers for cleaning. Another organization called the German Wells Cooperative runs a similar program for reusable soda and water bottles, counting more than 150 beverage makers as members.

Other companies that have experimented with pooling, however, have only done so within the brands they control. Coca-Cola, for instance, has a “universal bottle” initiative in South America in which a single, standardized reusable bottle can be used for all of its beverage brands — Fanta, Sprite, Coke, and others. But the initiative is not universal across company lines; you couldn’t refill a Coke bottle with Pepsi. 

Tom Szaky, founder and CEO of Loop, a “global reuse platform” that is represented on the PR3 panel, said standard-setters shouldn’t try to resist companies’ impulses to differentiate. Brands should be allowed to experiment with both unique and standardized reusable packaging and then “let the market decide” which is preferable, he told Grist. He raised concerns that pooling might not make sense for some particular products — like baby food, since shared containers can increase the risk of contamination, and babies are more vulnerable to illness.

There is already evidence, however, that companies are leaving money on the table by choosing not to pool their containers. According to EMF’s direct comparison of pooled and nonpooled standardized packaging, pooling containers reduces the cost of reusable packaging systems by up to 28 percent.
Plus, at least some intervention — perhaps regulation or financial incentives — is likely required to create conditions that are more favorable to reusables; a hands-off, market-led approach is what has led to today’s proliferation of throwaway plastics. EMF’s modeling suggests that only reuse systems “built collaboratively from the outset” can reach cost parity with single-use. Exactly what that collaboration will look like, however, is unclear, since the kinds of government regulations that could help foster it might be incompatible with the United States’ free market ethos and antitrust laws. Internationally, some cities and countries have done more than the U.S. to promote reuse, but none has gone as far as what EMF is suggesting.

Plus, at least some intervention — perhaps regulation or financial incentives — is likely required to create conditions that are more favorable to reusables; a hands-off, market-led approach is what has led to today’s proliferation of throwaway plastics. EMF’s modeling suggests that only reuse systems “built collaboratively from the outset” can reach cost parity with single-use. Exactly what that collaboration will look like, however, is unclear, since the kinds of government regulations that could help foster it might be incompatible with the United States’ free market ethos and antitrust laws. Internationally, some cities and countries have done more than the U.S. to promote reuse, but none has gone as far as what EMF is suggesting.

Even in the absence of robust regulations, PR3’s standards are likely to nudge the country — and the world — in the right direction. Once they’re finalized, PR3 plans to submit them to the American National Standards Institute, the U.S. member organization of the ISO. From there, the standards would be opened up to public comment, potential revisions, and then final approval. PR3 would have to go through a separate submission and review process to get the standards approved by member countries of the ISO. 

What would happen next is unclear. Other ISO standards — like for information security and energy efficiency — have been voluntarily adopted by individual companies or industry groups, either because they contain genuinely useful guidance on a complicated issue or because they increase businesses’ perceived trustworthiness

ISO standards can also inform government regulations and international agreements. According to Juska, PR3 is already in talks with Canada’s environment ministry to shape new rules on reusable packaging, and the same thing could happen in any number of other jurisdictions. Juska is also hopeful that PR3’s standards will be acknowledged by or incorporated into the United Nations’ global treaty to end plastic pollution. The latest draft of the treaty mentions the need for standards — including for reusable packaging systems — some three dozen times, which Juska said is indicative of how “desperately needed” they are.

“If we want everyone to move in the same direction, we need to set some design parameters for how we want the system to function,” she said.

*Correction: This story originally misattributed Szaky’s comment about baby food to a different person.

This article originally appeared in Grist at https://grist.org/business/what-will-it-take-to-get-companies-to-embrace-reusable-packaging/.

Grist is a nonprofit, independent media organization dedicated to telling stories of climate solutions and a just future. Learn more at Grist.org

 

“Losing all credibility”: Trump’s hush money lawyer the latest to torch his reputation for nothing

Going into Donald Trump's Manhattan criminal trial for fraud and election interference regarding "hush money" payments to an adult film actress, the world of legal experts worried that, this time, Trump might mount a strong defense. Unlike many of the lawyers he used in his civil trials, who are widely regarded as MAGA hacks, Trump hired Todd Blanche to beat the 34 felony charges brought by New York District Attorney Alvin Bragg. Blanche, as the Washington Post reported, "previously worked at the prestigious federal prosecutor’s office in Manhattan," even working alongside Bragg before going to a private law firm. And as Andrew Rice of New York magazine explained, Blanche has long drawn accolades from "the lawyers who know him best" in New York. They say things like, "He’s an extraordinary trial lawyer" and "very good at reading people."

Blanche has been completely assimilated into the MAGA borg.

Before the trial started in April, Blanche had, in fact, deftly maneuvered in many ways to delay various Trump trials, a strategy likely employed out of a deep understanding that Trump is unlikely to do well once a jury sees evidence of his alleged crimes. But now that he's actually trying a case in the court of Judge Juan Merchan in Manhattan, much of Blanche's defense strategy seems puzzling at best and downright foolish in many cases. Sometimes it's hard not to wonder if he's trying to alienate the judge and jury that hold his client's fate in their hands. 

During opening statements, for instance, Blanche kept openly flouting the judicial restrictions. Prosecutors successfully objected more than half a dozen times, which is highly unusual during opening statements — and could turn a jury against the defendant. Meanwhile, Blanche struggles to control Trump, who doesn't just sleep through much of the trial but keeps pulling out his phone, against courtroom rules. Under Blanche's leadership, another defense lawyer, Emil Bove, pretended he had a damning document to present a witness, but it was just a bunch of words that had no bearing on the case. This is a classic Trump trick, as he often uses blank pieces of paper to pretend to have "evidence" he does not have. But in court, it backfired on Blanche's team and the judge called them out in front of the jury. 

But it was really the battle over Trump's refusal to obey the judge's gag order that exposed how much Blanche seems unmoored from his past as a respected, professional litigator. Trump flagrantly violated the judge's order to avoid speaking publicly about the jurors or witnesses, to the point where one potential juror had to be sent home because of Trump's threatening messages. Rather than do the smart thing and tell his client to knock it off, Blanche beclowned himself in court, trying to argue that because Trump was quoting a Fox News video instead of using his own words, it didn't count. To compound the bad faith of the argument, it turned out that Trump made up part of the quote. 

"You're losing all credibility with the court," Merchan exasperatedly explained. He soon ruled Trump was in contempt of court, fining him the paltry maximum of $9,000 under New York law. But, Merchan said, "an incarceratory punishment" was on the table if Trump kept it up. 


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When asked why he's taken on such an odious client, Blanche uses high-minded rhetoric about equality under the law, pointing out that even universally despised rapists like Jeffrey Epstein can find lawyers willing to defend them. He told Rice that it's "incredible hypocrisy" to hear lawyers who are willing to defend mafiosos and other shameless criminals turn their noses up to Trump. 

But, as Rice details, this is not a matter of Blanche holding his nose and taking on an undesirable client. Blanche has been completely assimilated into the MAGA borg. He changed his party affiliation from Democrat to Republican. He bought a house near Mar-a-Lago. He attends Trump campaign events. He works out of Trump's offices. It's the same process we've all seen time and again with people who work for Trump: Either you get completely on board with Trump and all his delusions, or you're pushed out. This fear keeps people from noticing what is obvious to outsiders: Sticking by Trump means a very strong chance you ruin your life and torch your reputation. And that's if you're lucky enough not to go to jail. Just ask Michael Cohen, Trump's former lawyer who went to prison for him and is now a witness in the case Blanche is currently trying. 

Blanche's bad choices in trial largely seem driven by a need to placate his famously narcissistic client, who believes belligerence and lies are a superior strategy to more well-regarded tactics like being diplomatic, showing respect, and staying within the facts. Trump is even reportedly insisting that Blanche stick to the ridiculous story that a sexual encounter with Stormy Daniels never happened, a claim so preposterous it could make the jury assume everything else the defense says is a lie. 

Despite sacrificing so much of his reputation to defend Trump, however, Blanche is reportedly learning the same lesson everyone who backs Trump learns: He rewards loyalty by spitting in your face. As the New York Times reported Tuesday, Trump has been complaining constantly about Blanche behind closed doors. He whines that Blanche "has not been following his instructions closely, and has been insufficiently aggressive." Trump wants Blanche to "attack witnesses, attack what the former president sees as a hostile jury pool, and attack the judge."

As anyone with basic common sense can see, these demands run directly counter to the job Trump allegedly hired Blanche to do, which is to keep him out of prison. From some of the strategic errors Blanche has already made, it seems the defense lawyer is trying to placate Trump with more minor infractions. But Trump's narcissism causes him to believe he's "his own best legal strategist," the New York Times reporters write. As he does with every lawyer, including those in the Department of Justice who resisted his demands to steal the 2020 election for him, Trump is going to keep pushing Blanche to embrace methods that are dangerous, stupid, and possibly illegal. 

As legal expert Mark Hermann wrote for the Daily Beast, doing what Trump wants is dangerous for lawyers. One can lose their license to practice law, which is exactly what happened to Roy Cohn, Trump's former lawyer that he regularly invokes when complaining that his new lawyers won't cross legal and ethical lines for him. (Trump repaid Cohn's loyalty by leaving him to die alone.) Same story with Trump lawyers Rudy Giuliani and John Eastman, who are facing not just the loss of their law licenses, but of their freedom, as they face charges in Georgia and Arizona for reported crimes during Trump's coup. Hermann writes, "There’s an old saying among criminal defense lawyers: 'Be sure that, at the end of the trial, your client is the one who goes to jail.'” But Trump makes that very hard for his lawyers, as history shows. 

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Cohen will have his say during the trial, but he touched on this point in 2019 when he had to testify before the House Oversight Committee about all of Trump's criminal actions he bore witness to. Republicans on the committee made fools of themselves, making up lies and feigning outrage over nonsense to defend Trump, but Cohen wasn't having it. Instead, he warned them: People who "follow Mr. Trump as I did, blindly, are going to suffer the same consequences that I’m suffering."

Perhaps not prison — though that's come for plenty of them — but the risks of ruin in following Trump are myriad. Many of the congressional Republicans who Cohen warned have, indeed, watched their political careers go up in smoke. Former Speaker of the House Kevin McCarthy cuddled up to Trump, and now he's not just a former speaker but out of Congress entirely. One of the members of the committee helping Trump out that day, Mark Meadows of North Carolina, is now under felony indictment in both Georgia and Arizona. And most of them had their lives threatened when Trump sent an insurrectionist mob to the Capitol on January 6, 2021. 

Trump's view of his relationships with other people is simple: They owe him everything, including their lives and their freedom. He owes them nothing. Seems like a bad bet, but time and again, people talk themselves into believing they're the genius who will figure out how to make this deal with the devil work. Blanche is just the latest person to delude himself this way. It's starting to look like he may be the latest to regret it. 

Trump’s campaign emails more panicked during his Manhattan trial

President Biden and Donald Trump are trying to win over two very different publics with their respective campaigns. What story is President Biden telling in his fundraising and other campaign emails? Biden’s emails are calm, reasonable, factual and emphasize actual policy achievements and a positive vision while still communicating the historic nature of the 2024 election. Given Biden’s temperament, experience and mature leadership, such an approach is to be expected and makes sense.

And in what is almost a parody of the nice, sane, and normal politics that President Biden is modeling for his voters and other supporters, he recently announced a contest where one of his donors could win an ice cream date with him and First Lady Dr. Jill Biden.

Biden’s respectable communications style is both a strength and a weakness: his campaign emails are often so calm that they risk not communicating the extreme dangerousness of Dictator Trump and what will happen if he and his MAGA movement take power in 2025. President Biden sometimes raises his metaphorical voice in his campaign emails, but he needs to be screaming much louder and much more frequently. Ice cream dates will likely be no match against an opposition that is offering a political version of a steel cage death match and the terror dome.

To that point, what story is Donald Trump telling his voters, donors, and other supporters?

His fundraising and other campaign emails are a relentless onslaught designed to create fear and terror about a doomed and ruined America that is being destroyed from within by “vermin” i.e. the Democrats, liberals, non-white people, Muslims, George Soros, the Deep State, “woke”, “Black Lives Matter,” President Obama and Hillary Clinton, those who are not White Christians, the evil “news media” that are in league with nebulous forces to turn the country into a Stalinist-Maoist-Communist hellhole equipped with gulags and prisons where the MAGA people, "real Americans” (meaning White people), and their Dear Leader Trump will be imprisoned.

Compared to President Biden and the Democrats, Trump’s emails are thrilling, exciting, and a type of horror movie made real. Trump and his spokespeople know their supporters’ anxieties and pain points and are adept at triggering them.

With the beginning of Trump’s first criminal trial in New York, his emails have only become more extreme – and will only continue to – as the 2024 election and potentially three other criminal trials are closing in on him.

For example, in this recent fundraising email, Trump declared that he is being held “hostage”:

I’m being held hostage!

CONFIDENTIAL MEMO FROM DONALD TRUMP:

BIDEN’S CORRUPT COURT IS HOLDING ME HOSTAGE, YET AGAIN!

What Biden is doing is a blatant WITCH HUNT and an absolute SHAME. Making me sit in court every day when I should be FIGHTING FOR AMERICA.

Now is the time to help me SAVE AMERICA, chip in NOW 

Everybody knows this is ELECTION INTERFERENCE orchestrated by Crooked Joe.

BUT I WILL NEVER STOP FIGHTING TO SAVE AMERICA!

I WILL NEVER SURRENDER.

END THE WITCH HUNT

So, Friend, I need to know while my name is being DRAGGED through the mud every day, that I still have you by my side.

Because I know with your support, we will peacefully TAKE BACK THE WHITE HOUSE.

I’m counting on every MAGA Patriot to chip in and say: END THE WITCH HUNT! 

Trump’s claims of being a hostage are part of a much larger pattern of victimhood: at his rallies and other events he has elevated his Jan. 6 MAGA terrorists to the level of political prisoners and hostages as well.

On Monday, Trump told his followers that “All Hell Will Break Loose” from the court hearing in Manhattan that Judge Juan Merchan convened in response to the corrupt ex-president’s repeated threats against the judges, their family members, jurors, witnesses, and the other people who are trying to hold him accountable for his alleged crimes under the law.

ALL HELL BREAKS LOOSE IN

24 HOURS!

Friend, in 24 hours, the hearing on my GAG ORDER will begin.

I COULD BE THROWN IN JAIL AT THAT VERY MOMENT!

This is what the Hate-America Deep State has always dreamed of.

STAND WITH TRUMP

I won’t be able to campaign.

I will be muzzled and silent.

And Democrats will have free rein to destroy our country.

We need a HUGE outpouring of support before the day is over, because tomorrow, all hell could break loose for our MAGA Movement.

“Hell” did not break loose after Donald Trump’s hearing on Tuesday. Judge Merchan plainly and forcefully told Trump and his legal team that the threats and other bad behavior must stop or there will be serious consequences.

In this recent email, Donald Trump says his constitutionally guaranteed right to free speech is being taken away:

A highly conflicted “judge” has erased my constitutional rights.

CROOKED JOE BIDEN CAN SPREAD LIES LIES LIES – AND I’M NOT ALLOWED TO DEFEND MYSELF!

Democrats want to throw me in prison and silence me FOR GOOD, but only because of YOUR SUPPORT, our campaign is alive.

I would be nothing without you in my corner – THANK YOU!

In a post on his Truth Social disinformation platform, Trump made similar claims.

We need your help to stay independent

Instead of an ice cream date, Donald Trump is inviting his most loyal MAGA people to some type of love festival/support group at his Mar-a-Lago resort headquarters to meet with him before President Biden and the Democrats have him locked away:

Friend, before they lock me up….

Radical Left Democrats want to TAKE EVERYTHING FROM ME, but they’ll never take YOU!

And to show my appreciation for your unwavering support in the face of Crooked Joe’s RELENTLESS attacks, I’m inviting you to be my special guest at Mar-a-Lago.

Hosting one of my beloved supporters during this dark time would mean SO MUCH TO ME.

It gives me something to look forward to while I’m sitting in BIDEN’S SHAM TRIAL.

This could be your LAST CHANCE to tour Mar-a-Lago, Friend. Enter to meet me there BEFORE IT’S TOO LATE!

Of course, Donald Trump is lying. There is no substantive evidence to support his fabulist conspiratorial delusions-fantasies of persecution and other harm. The corrupt ex-president is in no way a victim, except perhaps of his own apparent sociopathy if not outright psychopathy, and other parts of his obviously diseased mind.

As I am writing this essay, Donald Trump sent out another fundraising email. This time, Trump is (again) threatening President Biden with jail for committing the “crime” of opposing him and the neofascist MAGA movement:

CROOKED JOE DESERVES

LIFE IN PRISON!

PUT BIDEN ON TRIAL

Now is the time to help me SAVE AMERICA and chip in

The White House is currently occupied by the most CORRUPT, INCOMPETENT, AND WORST president in American history – BY FAR!

Crooked Joe is using his ENDLESS witch hunts against me to hide his many ACTUAL CRIMES, including illegally peddling influence to Foreign Countries.

So before I spend another day in court fighting the BIDEN HOAX, I need to hear from YOU:

SHOULD CROOKED JOE BIDEN BE THE ONE ON TRIAL FOR SELLING OUT AMERICA?

>> YES <<

>> NO <<

The White House THUGS are coming after me to hide their CRIMES, but it will never work!

As long as YOU are by my side, we will EXPOSE their corruption and MAKE AMERICA GREAT AGAIN.

Donald Trump is always selling something. In an unintentionally funny recent fundraising email, Trump brags about a personalized doormat where you can literally step on “Make America Great Again” and “Trump 2024” each time you enter and leave your home. As Trump says in the email, “Nothing warms my heart like seeing true MAGA Patriots display their AMERICAN MADE 2024 Trump Doormats.”

The main goal of President Biden and Donald Trump’s fundraising emails is to get money to win the 2024 election. For Trump, the other important goal is to get enough money to pay his approximately 500 million dollars in fines and legal expenses. Given his pattern of behavior, Donald Trump will also take the money he received from his followers for his own personal use, i.e. put it in his pocket.

By these criteria, how effective have Biden and Trump’s fundraising emails been?

President Biden and the Democrats, at this point in the campaign, have raised much more money than Donald Trump and the Republicans. They also have much more momentum in terms of fundraising and building out their campaign infrastructure than Trump and the Republicans, as Reuters reported:

There are early warning signs that Trump's small-donor base may be flagging, suggesting Trump may have to rely more heavily on major donors ahead of the Nov. 5 rematch against Biden.

The biggest fundraising group collecting money for his campaign – known as the Trump Save America Joint Fundraising Committee – reported on Monday that it raised $33.6 million in the first quarter from donors who gave $200 or less.

That was about $17 million less than the amount raised from small donors at the same point in the 2020 election cycle by Trump's main fundraising group at the time, the Trump Make America Great Again Committee, according to a Reuters review of disclosures filed to the Federal Election Commission.

Small donors have historically been crucial funders of Trump's presidential campaigns, and last year they helped Trump raise $13 million in donations in the week after his indictment in the New York case.

But, after initial fundraising spikes off the back of early court appearances last year, donations have slowed as charges accumulated in more cases.

A degree of "Trump fatigue" appears to have set in after nine years of the former real estate tycoon blasting out near-daily overtures for cash, said Zachary Albert, a politics professor at Brandeis University who has studied small donors.

"He's been fairly unscrupulous in his appeals," said Albert. "The norm is to treat these small donors as cash cows that you squeeze as much as you can, as often as you can."

Still, Albert expects an uptick in donations during the trial as the campaign seeks to capitalize on supporters' sentiment that Trump is being unfairly tried.

The Trump campaign did not respond to a request for details on its fundraising strategy. It is due on Saturday to report on its finances through March.

Trump's campaign reported raising $10.9 million February, well below the $21.3 million that Biden's reported raising.


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In an April 1 news story titled, “How Republicans texted and emailed their way into a money problem”, the Washington Post offered the following context, which includes a pathetic detail about MAGA people apologizing for not being able to give their Dear Leader more of their money:

In the years after Donald Trump lost the presidency to Joe Biden, Trump sent so many emails and text messages asking for money that Republican consultants warned his mailing lists could become useless. The former president’s friends told him that they were being asked for too much, too often, and Trump himself ordered aides at one point to slow the solicitations. Some of his fans, pockets emptied, mailed handwritten letters apologizing for not being able to give more.

Now, as Trump and Biden prepare for a rematch, Trump’s vaunted small-dollar fundraising operation is not bringing in as much money as it once did.

In 2020, Trump and his fundraising committees raised a record $626.6 million from small-dollar donors, 35 percent more than Biden took in from that group.

But last year, Trump raised just $51 million from small donors, way down from the $119 million he registered in 2019 and only 18 percent more than Biden’s total. His small-dollar haul — which includes donations of $200 or less — was not nearly enough to offset Biden’s lead among major donors.

The Republican National Committee also raised much less money from small-dollar donors in 2023 than it had in 2019, contributing to budget problems for the party. Officials at the National Republican Senatorial Committee were shocked by the low returns on their investment in the strategy ahead of the last midterm elections.

Why are Donald Trump and his bagmen (and bagwomen) falling short in their efforts to raise (more) money? The Washington Post explains:

More than two dozen people across the Trump campaign, Republican fundraising committees and private firms spoke to The Washington Post to discuss the decline in the Republican Party’s small-dollar fundraising. Many spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss sensitive internal matters.

“The biggest problem in GOP fundraising is that we don’t treat donors well,” said John Hall, a Republican small-dollar fundraiser who runs the digital firm Apex Strategies. “Sending eight emails and texts a day that promise an artificial match, threaten to take away your GOP membership, or call you a traitor if you don’t donate doesn’t build a long-term relationship with donors.”

What will Donald Trump and his campaign advisors likely do in response to these failures?

They will need to find a way to trigger more fear, pain, discomfort, terror, and other negative emotions among the MAGA people and other prospective Trump donors and voters. Those negative emotions will be the motivation for giving a literal form of protection money to Donald Trump and the MAGA leadership.

What will this look like? More white supremacy and nativism and resulting fearmongering about the “border crisis” and an “invasion” by non-white people. There will also likely be an attempt to create a conspiracy that connects the protests at America’s elite universities and colleges against Israel’s war in Gaza to some greatly exaggerated threat from “Muslim terrorists” and “Radical Islam” here in the United States. And almost certainly, Donald Trump and his propagandists will greatly amplify their Hitler and Nazi talk about human “vermin” who are “poisoning the blood” of the United States and how the 2024 Election is a type of final cataclysmic battle where President Biden and the Democrats and “the left” must be eradicated to save (White) America and its future.

Ultimately, President Biden and Donald Trump are speaking very different political languages and communicating with two very different Americas. We “the Americans” are so fundamentally divided that the problems that led to the country’s democracy crisis and the birth of the neofascist MAGA movement will continue long past the 2024 election, even if President Biden defeats Donald Trump for a second time.

Are the campus protests antisemitic? For many Jewish activists, a difficult debate

A surge of student-led rallies and encampments in protest of Israel's war in Gaza has been met with increasingly violent crackdowns. Nearly 300 people were arrested on Tuesday evening at Columbia University and the City College of New York, and police in riot gear were summoned to the UCLA campus after pro-Israel counter-protesters attempted to storm a pro-Palestine encampment.

Police have broken up protest encampments and made arrests at numerous other schools across the country within the last several days, including Tulane University, the University of North Carolina, Virginia Commonwealth University, the University of Wisconsin, the University of Utah and elsewhere. These law enforcement actions have come with bellicose calls from leading political voices and punishment meted out by university administrators, who often claim that student protests have been poisoned by rampant antisemitism. 

"Antisemitism will not be tolerated in Texas, period," tweeted Texas Gov. Greg Abbott, a Republican. At the request of University of Texas officials, Abbott recently sent state troopers onto the school's flagship campus in Austin to drive protesters from the main quad. "Students joining in hate-filled, antisemitic protests at any public college or university in Texas should be expelled," the governor added.

Allegations of antisemitic speech and conduct range from individual reports of hateful behavior — such as overt or implicit support for the Hamas surprise attack last October, in which roughly 1,200 Israelis were killed — to the more ambiguous assumption that some or all criticism of Israel and Zionism, or the Israeli military offensive that has killed 35,000 Palestinians so far, is inherently antisemitic.

"Anti-Zionism is antisemitism," said Jonathan Greenblatt, leader of the Anti-Defamation League. "The anti-Zionist is committed to denying rights to Jews that they afford to everyone else … the argument that Jews don't deserve the rights that everyone else should have.”

That is a controversial assertion, one clearly not shared by all Jewish people in America or around the world. Among the "anti-Zionists" that Greenblatt and others have described are Jewish students who celebrated Passover among the tents on Columbia University's South Lawn and Jewish activists who were arrested while participating in a sit-in at New York's Grand Central Terminal. Many in the pro-Palestine protest movement say they reject antisemitism, and that exaggerated claims of antisemitic speech or behavior have been weaponized to crush peaceful protests and suppress legitimate criticism of Israel, its war in Gaza, and policies that some human rights watchdogs have characterized as apartheid.

Such claims of antisemitism amount to an "easy and convenient way to not confront the reality that there's a war where tens of thousands of civilians have been killed," said Rabbi Shaul Magid, a professor in Jewish studies at Dartmouth College. "The war has really brought to the surface a terminological morass which makes it almost impossible to distinguish between legitimate criticism of a war and illegitimate expression of hatred towards Jews."

Many in the pro-Palestine protest movement say they reject antisemitism, and that exaggerated claims of antisemitic speech or behavior have been weaponized to crush peaceful protests and suppress legitimate criticism of Israel.

The term "anti-Zionism," Magid said, has historically been used by Jewish people as part of a long-running internal debate within the Jewish community regarding Zionism, a nationalist movement with 19th-century roots that ultimately led to the creation of Israel as a Jewish nation-state following the Holocaust and World War II. Many Jewish critics of Israeli policy view the Zionist philosophy as underpinning Israel's treatment of Palestinians. Today's dueling activist movements have obviously spread far beyond exclusively Jewish spaces. Magid said that in that context, opposition to Zionism has frequently been characterized as a "universal expression of antisemitism." He noted that there have long been anti-Zionists within the Jewish community, who believed that the mass settlement of Israel by Jewish migrants and the resulting displacement of indigenous Palestinians was a mistake, and that Judaism should be understood as a global "church" of believers, rather than a separate and unassimilable race.

For many pro-Palestine Jewish activists, uncoupling Jewish identity from Jewish or Israeli nationalism is central to their worldview. They argue that their words and actions are not merely not antisemitic, but a positive expression of Jewish values as they understand them. Focusing on universal principles drawn from the collective Jewish experience, they view the current struggle of the Palestinians as closely akin to the generations of suffering borne by their ancestors.  

"Many of us in the Jewish movement for ceasefire are descendants of people who have survived genocide, pogroms and ethnic cleansing," said Stefanie Fox, executive director of Jewish Voice for Peace. "In our ancestors’ memories, we refuse to be silent and allow our government to fund a genocide against the people of Gaza."

Pro-Israel and Zionist groups and individuals, on the other hand, largely reject the notion that Jewish identity can be separated from Israel, which has now existed as a modern nation-state for 75 years. Doing that, they say, is to deny a safe haven for Jews after centuries of persecution, and also to deny or downplay the historical and spiritual connection between modern Jewish communities and the land of Israel. That worldview lies behind the claim that anti-Zionism and antisemitism are functionally the same thing.

"The belief that the Jews, alone among the people of the world, do not have a right to self-determination, or that the Jewish people’s religious and historical connection to Israel is invalid, is inherently bigoted," says the American Jewish Committee. "When Jews are verbally or physically harassed or Jewish institutions and houses of worship are vandalized in response to actions of the State of Israel, it is antisemitism."

Reports of antisemitic incidents and antisemitic hate speech have fueled calls to crack down on the pro-Palestine protests. Though some such incidents appear to have been taken out of context, caused by provocateurs or revealed as outright fabrications, others have not been disputed, fueling a debate about whether expressions of anti-Jewish hatred have become normalized within the pro-Palestine protest movement. "It's unfortunate that antisemitic actors are using this as an opportunity to attach themselves to a larger movement and make a particular kind of case for themselves," said Magid.

Jim Sleeper, a veteran journalist and author who has covered campus free-speech issues for years, witnessed the Vietnam War and civil rights protests of the 1960s and the Iraq war protests of the 2000s. The current wave of activism, he observes, is not so different from its antecedents. "There were always people who were really egregious, over-the-top and counterproductive," he said. "So far, I have not really sensed that the anti-Israel protesters are doing anything that bad, other than a few individuals. What's almost inevitable is that there are some opportunistic people who jump on the bandwagon because it's exciting for them."

Some alleged antisemitic incidents appear to have been taken out of context or caused by provocateurs, but others have not been disputed, fueling a debate about whether anti-Jewish hatred has become normalized within the pro-Palestine protest movement.

When it comes to broader criticism of Israel or support for Palestine, there is little agreement as to where the line between legitimate grievance and antisemitism is drawn. Pro-Palestine protesters have generally called for an immediate ceasefire in Gaza, the suspension of U.S. military aid to Israel and, especially at campus protests, for universities to divest from companies that are linked to Israel and, they claim, "profit from Israeli apartheid, genocide and occupation in Palestine." Opponents warn that such a course of action would delegitimize Israel and weaken it militarily. Many protesters would say that's exactly the point.

A pro-Israel activist, citing the protests against Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Israel, told Salon that while criticizing Israeli government policies is not de facto antisemitism, that's not what the current pro-Palestine protests are doing. "They are protesting against the very existence of Israel, and at times the Jewish people globally," said Mikael Rochman, vice president of Students Supporting Israel at Columbia University. "They only use Palestinian suffering when they can weaponize it to attack the legitimacy of Israel and the Jewish people."

"I do not believe there is anything wrong with supporting Palestinians, as I do myself," Rochman continued, "but with the way in which they do it, which only supports continued conflict and leads to antisemitic acts."

One flashpoint that has raised repeated accusations of antisemitism is the frequent use of the phrase, "From the river to the sea, Palestine will be free," in chants and on protest signs. Critics view that phrase as a call for the elimination of Israel and the genocidal extermination of Israeli Jews; defenders say it's a call for ending apartheid against Palestinians and replacing the current Israeli regime with a democratic "one-state" solution. Perhaps ironically, Netanyahu’s Likud party, which leads the current government coalition in Israel, uses a strikingly similar phrase in its Founding Statement, which declares Jewish sovereignty over the entire territory from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean.

Broader denunciations of the state of Israel are misinterpreted, some protesters say, and fail to distinguish between Israel as it currently exists and its future possibilities. "At this moment, the call is for ceasefire and more. … [T]he question of whether Israel can survive as a Jewish-supremacist ethnostate is more complicated," wrote Jen Brody and Jim Recht, two members of Harvard Faculty and Staff for Justice in Palestine, in a letter. "We reject the zero-sum notion that one people’s freedom requires the unfreedom of other people. Our liberation as Jews is inextricably bound up with the liberation of Palestinians." (Recht is Jewish, while Brody has Jewish ancestry.)


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Jewish pro-Palestine activists have acknowledged that some Jewish people may feel offended or uncomfortable in having their deeply-held beliefs called into question. That's not the same as being threatened or persecuted, they say, especially since pro-Palestine Jewish activists are themselves called heretical or self-hating. "It is exhausting and heartbreaking to have politicians, the mainstream media and even our own families question our identities and our commitment to Judaism," said Fox, who pointed out that many politicians like Rep. Elise Stefanik of New York, a right-wing Republican who is not Jewish, posture as opponents of antisemitism while promoting versions of the racist "great replacement" theory.

"When politicians and the media erase anti-Zionist Jews and suggest that all Jews support the Israeli military’s genocide," Fox continued, "this makes Jewish people less safe by suggesting we all support the destruction of Palestinians."

For many anti-Zionist Jews, their community's global safety cannot be bound to an Israeli state whose behavior has drawn worldwide condemnation. They would rather find solidarity not only across Jewish communities around the world, but also, in the words of a member of Rabbis for Ceasefire, with non-Jewish people also "made in b'tzelem elohim, in God's image."

Abortion travel is predicted to rise after Florida’s ban. Providers say they can’t handle the surge

In April, after news that Florida's six-week abortion ban was due to take effect May 1 of this year, the DC Abortion Fund had 13 patients travel from the Sunshine State. So far this year, before news broke about the six-week ban, they saw just 21 patients from Florida. Jade Hurley, the communications manager at the DC Fund, told Salon the increase was notable and foreshadowed what’s to come as Florida’s near-total abortion ban goes into effect this week.

“This hit to abortion access is really going to impact us and I really can't promise that we're going to be able to help everyone, which is really tough,” Hurley told Salon. “A lot of times when people are traveling for their abortion procedures, it's not necessarily that they're like hopping on a plane; it’s that they're driving across state lines, from state to state, often to find a place with an appointment within their timeline.”

According to Florida’s new law, it is a felony to perform or actively participate in an abortion six weeks after gestation. The ban has exceptions for rape, incest and human trafficking up to 15 weeks and to save a woman’s life or prevent “substantial and irreversible” impairment. 

There are a few reasons why a six-week window isn't enough time. Since weeks of gestation is counted from when a woman last had a menstrual cycle, many women don’t have a confirmed viable pregnancy by six weeks. Between 2018 and 2023 an estimated 41 percent of the about 459,000 abortions in Florida occurred at or before six weeks of pregnancy.

Clinics in states that have less restrictive abortion bans are worried that their clinics might “buckle” under the pressure caused by Florida, or they won’t be able to support the influx.

There are many reasons why people have to wait until after six weeks to terminate a pregnancy. People frequently have to make an appointment and have the resources to make that appointment, not to mention challenges such as requesting time off from work and finding childcare. There are also many complications that can threaten a person’s health in pregnancy that can’t be detected until later in pregnancy. 

Not only is the law severely restricting access to abortion care to Floridians needing to access abortion care, but also people in the south who live in states that have similarly strict laws. Since the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade in 2022, Florida banned abortions after 15 weeks of pregnancy.

Yet the vast majority of its neighboring states had more severe restrictions. According to the Society of Family Planning's #WeCount report, Florida became one of the top three states to see a rise in out-of-state abortions post-Dobbs. In other words, it became an unlikely surge state. Now, clinics in states that have less restrictive abortion bans are worried that their clinics might “buckle” under the pressure caused by Florida, or they won’t be able to support the influx. 


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Calla Hales, executive director at A Preferred Women's Health Center, told Salon in a call that their Charlottesville facility in North Carolina has seen an increase in out-of-state patients since Dobbs in 2022, despite the state enacting a twelve-week abortion ban in July 2023 and a 72-hour waiting period.

“North Carolina has already had so many obstacles to navigate in the past two years, and we've been forced to be in this position of absorbing patients from other states as these restrictions just keep piling up,” Hales told Salon. “Up until today, we've had a partner in that with Florida; Florida was accepting honestly an astronomical amount of patients from other states.”

But now that partnership in Florida is gone. Hales told Salon it’s “daunting” and “terrifying” to think about what’s going to happen now that Florida can’t take out-of-state patients.

“The current system as it is is not sustainable,” she said. “How long can you force yourself to go-go-go at this type of capacity before it ultimately buckles?”

"Florida was accepting honestly an astronomical amount of patients from other states."

Pre-Dobbs, Hales said, they’d see 20 to 30 percent of patients from out of state. Primarily, they were coming from South Carolina. After Dobbs, nearly 75 to 80 percent of patients they see from out of state — from Alabama, Mississippi and Texas. It has been a constant “pain” and “suffering,” Hales said.

“Not only am I seeing patients be forced to navigate these crazy, just simply absurd logistical nightmares to get their abortion care,” Hales said. “But patients have never been more desperate than I've ever seen in my entire career.”

In April, a data analysis by the Center for American Progress (CAP) found that people driving the longest distances to get an abortion are more likely to come from congressional districts with Republican representatives or have lower incomes. 

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“For women who have to drive a full working day, round-trip, to get to a clinic, they're more likely to [have] low income,” Sara Estep, associate director of the Women's Initiative at CAP, told salon. “And therefore, they're also losing a whole day's wages since most low-income women do not have paid sick leave.”

Florida’s six-week abortion ban will only exacerbate this trend, Estep said. On top of having to lose wages at work, they’re potentially paying for gas, hotels and dealing with long lines to get abortion care. For those who are mothers already, they are struggling to arrange childcare. 

“It’s not feasible for a lot of these women to just get in their car and drive to these places,” Estep said. “What will end up happening is that there is going to be an increase in unwanted pregnancies and it is so deeply concerning that this is going to be happening to women who are in positions that make them more financially vulnerable and are just in a difficult position already.”

"It’s not feasible for a lot of these women to just get in their car and drive to these places."

As Hales said, there is another side to the strain the six-week abortion ban in Florida will cause as well. As clinics and providers in surge and blue states struggle to provide care, some of them are also struggling themselves with burn-out and compassion fatigue. 

“It's devastating for staff and patients,” Hales said, mentioning that before our phone call, the staff at the Charlotte clinic had a grief workshop because a staff member died by suicide. “We're sitting here trying to navigate this space and realizing that we can't stop because people need us, while navigating our own grief, wondering how much of the constant stress and compassion fatigue of this job contribute to this?”

Hales said once headlines fade about Florida’s six-week abortion ban, she hopes people still remember that their world doesn’t stop when the “headline changes.” 

“You're watching people be incredibly and rightfully upset about things going on in a different country, and I'm not undermining the importance of the topic, but who the hell took over a college campus when Roe fell?” Hales said. “Is it because those same Ivy League students can afford to get an abortion anywhere?”

Hurley from the DC fund said they will always do their best to help out of state patients, but also emphasized they are operating along a thin margin.

“We're already routinely going over budget every single week in order to help more folks and we put first the fact that everyone deserves accessible abortion care in their community,” Hurley said. “When someone comes to us and says they need help, we're going to find a way to help them, but that also means we need the funding to do it and we already don't have it.”

Trump slurs words and struggles to gain crowd enthusiasm in Midwest rallies

Donald Trump took to Michigan and Wisconsin on his day off from court, Wednesday, to rally his supporters and whine about his legal woes. His incoherent speech, along with inflammatory claims on abortion and pro-Palestinian student demonstration, took the spotlight.

Slurring his words at a Waukesha, Wisconsin rally, Trump referred to Biden’s “fake infrastrucker, ershure para,” before settling on “a package of infrastructure.” Minutes later, the 77-year-old launched into a rant about Master Lock, again slipping into incoherence.

The speech was just another instance of his public slips, which have led to speculation on his mental fitness. Tuesday night, he seemed to scramble his words to an indecipherable point while speaking to Fox News about pro-Palestinian campus demonstrations.

In a moment of cognitive function, Trump managed to spew self-aggrandizing historical inaccuracies about the state of the nation when he left office. 

“When I left, [the mortgage rate] was 2.7%. We had no inflation. Everything was so good,” Trump said to a crowd in Freeland, Michigan. 

Mortgage rates and inflation were at lower points, but most likely due to historic job losses and lack of consumer confidence. In January 2021, when, per Trump, “everything was so good,” unemployment was double its current figure and 95,000 Americans lost their lives to COVID-19.

Trump went on to peddle false election conspiracies, including that he won the election, after dodging questions in a Time interview earlier this week about whether he’d resort to political violence if he lost. 


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"They said that if I got the 63 million that I got the first time, which we won, that there was no way I could lose. I got millions and millions of more votes than that, and they nipped us,” Trump said. “We're not letting that bulls**t happen again."

The former president, who appointed three Supreme Court justices responsible for Roe v. Wade’s overturn, addressed the deeply unpopular ruling. 

“Democrats, Republicans, everybody wanted to get abortion out of the federal government. Everybody wanted that,” he said, before thanking the conservative justices “for the wisdom and the courage” to gut abortion protections.

Trump, who said that “people are absolutely thrilled” with abortion rights being left to the states, falsely accused Democrats of allowing late-term abortions at eight and nine months and “execution after birth.”

To crowds in Wisconsin, Trump applauded the New York Police Department’s crackdown on protests at Columbia University and the City College of New York late Tuesday night, calling the raids “a beautiful thing to watch.” 

“New York was under siege last night,” he said of student demonstrators. "To every college president, I say remove the encampments immediately. Vanquish the radicals and take back our campuses for all of the normal students."

The defendant in a New York criminal hush money trial took the soapbox as an opportunity to lambast proceedings in his criminal trial, as well as previous judgments in a defamation case won by E. Jean Carroll.

“Every one of these fake cases is bulls**t, every single one,” Trump told the crowd, who reportedly became hushed as he ranted about his legal woes. Per Trump, “great legal experts,” including Sean Hannity and Mark Levin, believed there was no case.

“I have a crooked judge, he’s a totally conflicted judge. And [the jury] is in about a 95 percent Democrat area,” Trump said of Judge Merchan, taking care not to mention witnesses in the case.

He went on to criticize the $91 million dollar judgment incurred on him for repeatedly defaming Carroll. 

“They said I defamed her. Because I said her story isn’t true, I defamed her,” he said. “Hopefully the appeal process works because, if it doesn’t, you just don’t have a country.” 

Trump is due back in court Thursday morning for a hearing on further violations of his gag order, after Merchan warned that he may have to turn to jail time.

George Santos revives previously denied drag persona for cash-grabbing Cameo videos

Disgraced former Congressman George Santos is back with a new cash grab: online drag.

The shelved drag persona, Kitara Ravache — with which Santos once denied any connection — joined the ranks this week on video platform Cameo, where users can commission messages from public figures. Videos starring Ravache run prospective buyers $275 for an averaging-53-seconds-long greeting.

“Hey, you messy bit**es,” Santos says in one video. “Kitara is coming out of the closet after 18 years, thanks to all of you.”

In a post to X (formerly Twitter), Santos makes a promise to share 20% of proceeds with pro-veteran and Zionist charities Tunnel to Towers and the International Fellowship for Christians and Jews. Though his dubious history with charities, including an incident where he allegedly stole $3,000 from a fund for a disabled veteran’s dog, may inspire doubt.

In addresses to paying clients, Santos dons the signature red lipstick and feather boa that previously caused so much controversy, offering advice to some, including to partying friends of “Dave.”

“I hear you’re a bunch of little freaks out there, and you love to dance all night long,” Santos says. “I have advice for you. How about put some wigs on, get some boas, and go have real fun.”

Santos has already netted more than a thousand dollars, but if this is his attempt to make ends meet, it’s seemingly less successful than his previous Cameo run, which he claimed in an interview with comedian Ziwe netted him over $80,000 per day. 

“Farting up a storm”: “The View” airs out rumors that Trump is letting it rip in court

In a recent segment of “The View,” cohost Sunny Hostin ripped Donald Trump for rumors that he's been passing gas in court during his hush-money trial. 

“He’s just losing it. He’s farting up a storm in the courtroom. Everyone’s writing about that,” Hostin said. “He’s probably just horrified about that. He’s sitting there falling asleep. He’s now Sleepy Don. There’s no Sleepy Joe anymore.”

“They need to get him some Imodium,” Joy Behar chimed in.

Cohost Sara Haines, who called Trump “crazy,” said that the image of the former president sitting peacefully in court may help his image.

“But he’s sitting in a courtroom farting,” Hostin rebutted.

This isn’t the first time that “The View” took up the issue of passing gas, previously installing coasters after an incident involving a fart-like sound interrupted a broadcast.

"We get blamed for dropping gas, when in fact it's a cup," Whoopi Goldberg said in 2023, after Haines placed her cup down and made a distinctive sound.

Discussing Trump’s candidacy, Hostin had harsh words for the Republican party’s choice to nominate him a third time.

“I am so shocked that the Republican party has a nominee who is former one-term, twice-impeached, indicted with 88 criminal charges, and found liable for sexual abuse,” Hostin said.

“He’s tied with Joe Biden – it makes no sense,” cohost Alyssa Farah Griffin, a Trump White House alum, added.

Arizona Senate passes bill to repeal Civil War-era near-total abortion ban, but fight isn’t over yet

The Arizona state Senate voted to pass a repeal on the 1864 near-total abortion ban that the state Supreme Court approved in a ruling last month. Two Republicans voted in approving the repeal bill. It now goes to the desk of Democratic Governor Katie Hobbs to be signed into law. However a spokesperson said the signing won’t happen on Wednesday.

Specifically, the law said anyone who “provides, supplies or administers to a pregnant woman, or procures such woman to take any medicine, drugs or substance, or uses or employs any instrument or other means whatever, with intent thereby to procure the miscarriage of such woman, unless it is necessary to save her life, shall be punished by imprisonment in the state prison for not less than two years nor more than five years.” In other words, there is a mandatory two-year prison sentence for anyone providing an abortion or who “procures” the “miscarriage” of a “woman.” There was no mention of an exception for rape or incest.

Despite the repeal, the near-total abortion ban will go into effect as the repeal won’t go into effect until 90 days after the current legislative session ends, the Huffington Post reports. Notably, a majority of people in Arizona want to protect access to abortion, previous polls have shown

“I look forward to Gov. Hobbs signing the repeal into law as soon as possible,” Arizona Attorney General Kris Mayes said Wednesday. “However, without an emergency clause that would allow the repeal to take effect immediately, the people of Arizona may still be subjected to the near-total abortion ban for a period of time this year. Rest assured, my office is exploring every option available to prevent this outrageous 160-year-old law from ever taking effect.”

Harvey Weinstein will be retried for overturned rape conviction

The Manhattan District Attorney's Office will put Harvey Weinstein on trial again for rape allegations, after the highest court in New York overturned his conviction last week.

In court Wednesday, Judge Curtis Farber presided over arguments to retry the case, remanding 72-year-old Weinstein and ordering a trial after Labor Day.

Weinstein was one of the earliest figures found guilty for serial sexual abuse in the #MeToo movement, originally sentenced to 23 years in prison in New York. He was later found guilty in California for similar crimes, convictions which have not been overturned.

The New York Court of Appeals struck down the initial conviction, citing Judge James Burke’s decision to allow testimony from Weinstein’s victims that they found to be outside the scope of the trial. New York prosecutors said they will take the case back to court.

“There was nothing consensual about this conduct,” prosecutor Nicole Blumberg said. "We believe in this case and will be retrying this case."

Prosecutors from Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg's office will once again make the case that Weinstein committed first-degree sexual assault and third-degree rape.

Weinstein’s attorney, Arthur Aidala, championed the overturn and told reporters Wednesday that Weinstein was confident in his chances in a new trial.

#MeToo leaders decried the appeals court’s decision last week, including Ashley Judd, who pointed out “institutional betrayal” in the verdict. Judd said that subjecting victims to another trial could inflict even more harm.

"Courtrooms are not healing spaces," Judd previously told CBS Mornings. "They are traumatizing spaces and victims should not have to perform their trauma in order to find peace.”

New York Dem. Kennedy wins special House election, shrinking GOP majority

Democrat Tim Kennedy, a former state senator, won a special election Tuesday in New York’s 26th District, cutting into an already slim GOP majority in the House of Representatives. 

Kennedy defeated his opponent, Republican Gary Dickson, by a wide margin in the deep-blue district, which voted for President Biden by a double-digits margin in 2020.

“We need to elect pro-democracy, anti-MAGA candidates all around the country this November,” Kennedy said in his victory speech. “And it starts here in this room in Buffalo, New York, tonight.”

Former Democratic Rep. Brian Higgins, who retired from representing the Niagara Falls-adjacent district in February citing a historically dysfunctional House, shrank the Democratic caucus by one seat. 

“Congress is not the institution that I came to 19 years ago,” Higgins told Buffalo News in November, a month after a historic fight for the speakership. “It's in a very, very bad place right now.”

Kennedy’s win puts the House into a 217-213 Republican majority, leaving Speaker Mike Johnson (R-LA) with just three colleagues to spare in a motion to vacate vote, which Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-GA) is set to call next week.

In a Wednesday press conference, Greene, alongside Thomas Massie (R-KY), vowed to motion to throw the speaker out after he passed aid to Ukraine. Rep. Paul Gosar (R-AZ) has also previously voiced support for the motion.

Kennedy, who will hold the seat for the remainder of 2024, faces a June 25 primary challenger, Democrat Nate McMurray.

How the keffiyeh became a Palestinian symbol of resistance

As the war in Gaza between Hamas and Israel rages on with more than 35,000 Palestinians and 1,400 Israelis dead, tensions and violence across America's most prestigious universities have arisen. College students across the U.S. have set up encampments on properties at schools like Columbia, Harvard, Yale and UCLA to protest the war.

While these protesters come from all walks of life, one visible similarity is a white and black piece of clothing called the keffiyeh. Draped around protesters' and Palestinians' shoulders, necks, faces or heads, the keffiyeh is a Palestinian symbol of pride and resistance. Its origins are rooted in rich Palestinian history and struggle. Years ago, nomadic communities or Bedouins wore the traditional Arab headdress in historic Palestine, NPR reported.

The scarf is typically made of cotton but can be made with textiles like silk or wool with a distinct woven pattern. The keffiyeh can be in various colors like green and red but the black and white version of the keffiyeh has mostly become synonymous with Palestinians.

Some say that the patterns on the scarf represent aspects of Palestinian life. The black stripes on the border of the garment are said to mimic historical merchant trade routes that used to go through Palestine. The dominant pattern on the keffiyeh is its fishnet design. This represents Palestinians' ties to the Mediterranean Sea. Lastly, the curvy lines symbolize olive trees, a major point of pride, perseverance and strength for Palestinians. Alternatively, some see the wavy lines as symbols of wheat or the sea.

According to NPR, the first time the keffiyeh was used as a political statement was during the Arab Revolt in Palestine in 1936. This was an uprising against British imperial rule where Palestinians demanded sovereignty and an end to Jewish immigration. Palestinian fighters used the keffiyeh, usually draped around the face and head, to conceal their identities. This led to the keffiyeh becoming widely associated with the revolution. Revolutionary leaders also mandated that it was worn to express resistance and solidarity.

During the '60s, the keffiyeh was connected to Palestinian nationalism because it was worn by former Palestinian leaders like Yasser Arafat. Again, it held a larger significance, representing solidarity and resistance against the Israeli occupation. A story told amongst Palestinians is that Arafat folded his keffiyeh in a way – letting the side panel drape, paralleling the historic Palestine map – to remind him of the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem. 

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Not much has changed in the keffiyeh's cultural and political importance for Palestinians. The garment still represents a continued struggle, yearning for freedom while also nodding to their history. However, wearing the historical scarf potentially has become a danger for Palestinian Americans. Last year, three Palestinian students, who were reportedly speaking Arabic, were shot in Vermont while one wore a keffiyeh. Law enforcement officials are investigating the shooting as a hate crime, PBS reported.

Despite heightened tensions, now it is worn by non-Palestinians across the world as a sign of solidarity and allyship. Similarly, people have also used the image of watermelons to emphasize their solidarity with the Palestinian people. NPR reports that people use it because the fruit's colors, red, black and green, match the Palestine flag. Others cite that activists use it to battle reports of online censorship and shadow banning. The symbol can be roughly traced back to Palestinian artist Sliman Mansour in the 1980s.

“Number of different devices” fail to keep Trump awake in court

Donald Trump's attorneys' attempts to keep their defendant awake in court fell short, as he reportedly once again dozed off at the outset of his third week on trial.

The former President can’t stop sleeping in court, per reporters at the trial. Lisa Rubin, a legal correspondent for MSNBC, told Chris Jansing that Trump’s lawyers have gone to great lengths trying to keep him from snoozing during arguments.

Rubin told Jansing that attorneys have deployed “a number of different devices” to keep Trump alert, making efforts to distract or babysit him.

“When there are sidebars, an attorney doesn’t leave his side anymore because leaving him alone means leaving him to potentially sleep,” Rubin said. “He has a stack of papers with him at all times now to go through.”

Trump has fallen asleep in the majority of days of his Manhattan trial, where prosecutors are building a case that he made and covered up illegal hush money payments to Stormy Daniels. The trial, forecasted to last at least six weeks, has put the aging candidate, alongside his sleeping and speaking woes, in the spotlight.

Rubin and former U.S. Attorney Harry Litman offered more commentary on Trump’s frequent courtroom bouts of shut-eye to MSNBC anchor Chris Hayes.

“He appears to be at rest for considerable periods of time,” Rubin told Chris Hayes after Tuesday's arguments. “Every time I looked up today, particularly during the first part of the day, Donald Trump’s eyes were closed.”

“I brought binoculars,” Litman said. “REM we’re talking about, seriously. He was under."

“Can make his life pretty miserable”: Trump faces “increasingly unpleasant” contempt punishments

Former President Donald Trump faces thousands of dollars in fines and a potential stay in jail if he continues to violate his gag order in his New York criminal case – but legal experts expect the businessman to keep risking the fines as he campaigns as the victim of a vast witch-hunt, and they say flaws in New York contempt laws and the wording of Trump’s gag order could help him fight any potential jail time.

On Tuesday, New York Judge Juan Merchan found Trump in "criminal contempt for willfully disobeying a lawful mandate of this Court" and ordered Trump to pay a total of $9,000 in fines.

The former president is fighting 34 felony charges of falsifying business records. Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg alleges that Trump concealed payments made in a scheme to kill stories about his extramarital affairs before and after the 2016 election. Trump’s former special counsel Michael Cohen pleaded guilty in federal court to campaign finance violations for his role in those payments, which federal prosecutors said were to influence the election.

Under the gag order in the New York, Trump is directed to refrain from:

  • “Making or directions others to make public statements about known or reasonably foreseeable witnesses concerning their potential participation in the investigation or in this criminal proceeding;”
  • “Making or directing others to make public statements” about counsel other than the District Attorney, as well as counsel, court and DA staff and their family members – if he does so with the intent to, or knowledge that the statements would, materially interfere with “counsel or staff’s work in this criminal case.”

The gag order has a broader ban when it comes to jurors, prohibiting him from making “public statements about any prospective juror or any juror in this criminal proceeding.”

Criminal contempt in New York is punishable by a $1,000 fine or up to 30 days in jail – or both. 

Trump can appeal the $9,000 fine – and Gregory Germain, a law professor at Syracuse University, expects he will do so.

“It’s not earth-shattering, considering his wealth, it’s a relatively small amount of money,” Germain said.  “The bigger issue is, you know, what happens next? He's trying to control the proceeding. And the judge is trying to control the proceeding.

“I just don't see him shutting up,” Germain said. “And so he's going to keep pushing the issue. And the question is what does the judge do about it?”

In the Tuesday order, Judge Merchan pointed out that New York’s Judiciary Law doesn’t give him the “authority to craft an appropriate punishment when a $1,000 fine will not achieve the intended purpose.”

Namely – “where the contemnor can easily afford such a fine.”

Judge Merchan has said he’s open to the idea of jail time. 

“Because this court is now cloaked with such discretion, it must therefore consider whether in some instances, jail may be a necessary punishment,” Merchan wrote.

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Trump wouldn’t be the first presidential candidate to run for office from behind bars. And the Secret Service has reportedly planned for Trump's potential imprisonment, according to ABC News. 

NYU Law emeritus professor Stephen Gillers said that jail time could be as short as an hour – potentially, a one-hour incarceration period on the morning of a trial day at the courthouse jail. 

“Merchan has a series of escalating incarceration options that will become increasingly unpleasant if Trump continues to violate the gag order,” Gillers said.

“The court holds over cards and can make his life pretty miserable for the duration of the trial through escalating contempt citations and jail time,” he added. “Now, he may see that as a sign of victimization that will endear him to his supporters. But he'll have to pay the price of the escalating jail time.”

But Germain said such a move would likely be risky, cause a lengthy legal fight and jeopardize the ongoing trial. 

“Push may come to shove, and the courts are going to have to make a decision what to do,” Germain said. “And I think the judge should try real hard not to put them in jail, because that would be crossing a line that the judicial system can't really handle.”

He added: “In the underlying case, I think it would be extraordinary to sentence a first time offender on a Class II non-violent felony to jail. I mean, it just isn't done.”

The gag order does provide Trump leeway when it comes to political attacks: the order said it “in no way prevents Defendant from responding to alleged political attacks.”

Trump has argued that he made the Truth Social posts at issue in Tuesday's order in response to political attacks.

Germain said he thinks it's unlikely that Trump will now “flagrantly violate the order" by naming jurors, for example.

"At the same time, I think he with some justification, feels that the order with respect to witnesses who are out on the talk show circuit lambasting him, that he should be able to respond to them," Germain said. "And it is kind of hard to explain why the court issued the order in a unilateral way saying he cannot criticize the witnesses, but they can criticize him.”


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Judge Merchan in his order said it’s possible that one of Trump's posts was a response to witness, and former Trump lawyer, Michael Cohen’s early April posts about Trump’s presidential run and potential pardons.  But for the other nine violations of the gag order, Judge Merchan said Trump can’t avoid the gag order by posing that argument. 

Those social media posts include seven instances where Trump re-posted other people’s content and shared them with his audience.

Gillers said it’s “easy” to argue such re-posts violate the gag order. 

“Given the fact that Trump's tweets and re-tweets reach a massively broader audience than the original tweet says that the court needs to be able to contain and restrict retweets because they can do as much damage as the original by the criminal defendant,” Gillers said.

However, Santa Clara University School of Law professor Eric Goldman – who also is co-director of the High Tech Law Institute – says it’s an open question whether Trump is legally protected when he shares third-party comments online. 

“It is possible that what he did in this circumstance was actually legally permitted,” Goldman said. “As much as that pains me to say it.”

In a blog post, Goldman cited cases involving Section 230 of the Communications Act of 1934, which says: “no user of an inactive computer service shall be treated as the publisher or speaker of any information provided by another information content provider.” 

He said it’s unclear whether Section 230 – which Trump has demanded be repealed – could apply to a court gag order. And Trump’s team hasn’t raised Section 230 as a defense in this case, though a court recently held that Section 230 protected Trump and Eric Trump’s tweets in a defamation case launched by a Dominion Voting employee.

“It's so frustrating to me because we all know what Trump's doing, but the law might nevertheless permit that, in this particular circumstance and in that particular way he did it,” Goldman said. “And Trump is a master at finding those soft spots of figuring out where there are gaps in the laws and then using them to his advantage.”

Germain said he also has concerns about the wording of the gag order itself.

It’s not Trump’s first gag order – in December, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. district narrowed the gag order in the federal case alleging he conspired to overturn the 2020 presidential election.

Judge Merchan’s gag order is highly similar to that appellate order:

  • “…it prohibits all parties and their counsel from making or directing others to make public statements about known or reasonably foreseeable witnesses concerning their potential participation in the investigation or in this criminal proceeding.”
  • “…it prohibits all parties and their counsel from making or directing others to make public statements about” counsel, court and counsel staff and their family members “with the intent to materially interfere with, or to cause others to materially interfere with, counsel’s or staff’s work in this criminal case, or with the knowledge that such interference is highly likely to result.”

Germain called the “potential participation” wording “weird.”

“That leaves him open to argue that he isn't talking about witnesses’ participation in the case, he's talking about their character, their credibility, or whatever,” Germain said.

“If he said this person shouldn't be a witness at the hearing, I guess that would concern their participation in the case,” Germain said. “But if he's not talking about their participation in the case, he's talking about them generally. I think there's an argument that it doesn't violate the language.”

Germain added: “I don't know how you could convict someone of a crime for doing something that doesn't clearly violate that language.”

“You know, it's not a perfect order,” he said. “There are very, very strong free speech, constitutional issues at stake, when you gag a political candidate in the middle of an election, a leading political candidate for president in the election.”

Another potential legal strategy for Trump's team: pointing to holes in New York's criminal and civil contempt laws.

Germain said unlike states like California that regularly update their statutory laws, New York’s contempt laws are “very restrictive” and old.

New York has a criminal statute on contempt in criminal law – and a separate Judiciary Law contempt provision that Germain said lacks typical protections for criminal defendants.

“It's really an amalgam of civil and criminal contempt,” German said. “And since it's not really criminal, they don't have to give a defendant all the normal criminal protections like a right to a jury trial.”

Germain said courts more frequently handle direct contempt cases – when a criminal defendant may spit in a judge’s face and wind up in jail overnight, for example. 

He says many of those cases never wind up in written appellate decisions. 

Germain said Trump's conduct fits into the bucket of indirect contempt. He said outside of New York, defendants in indirect contempt cases often receive more criminal protections.

“I think that's an area where the New York law is vulnerable to a constitutional challenge,” Germain said. “That in an indirect contempt, you don't have a right to a jury trial under this Judiciary Law provision. And the judge who's mad at you for not following the order is the one that has control over deciding whether you're guilty or not, instead of having a jury.”

He added: “Maybe if they send Trump to jail and the Supreme Court rules that it's unconstitutional, they'll then have to clean it up. I don't know. You know, it takes a crisis sometimes to get these laws modernized.”

Following Judge Merchan's order, Trump took down the specified social media posts just before the judge’s Tuesday 2:15 p.m. EDT deadline.

That same day, Trump used his social media platform to claim that the judge is rigging the election by taking away his constitutional right to free speech.

"Attacking judges is an integral part of his strategy and has been for many years," Goldman said. "It allows him to control the narrative and the outcome."

Whether courts will weigh in on Trump's tweets about judges is unclear.

“Trump will continue to experiment with a variety of different messages and tests where the judge’s limits really are," Goldman said. "And each time Trump does so we should acknowledge that's a financially advantageous movement, as part of his campaign coffers benefit with each time he claims the process is rigged.”

MTG has little support to oust Mike Johnson — but he may already be doomed anyway

Marjorie Taylor Greene isn't winning many converts to her cause of replacing House Speaker Mike Johnson, who offended the pro-Russia Republican by allowing a vote on aid for Ukraine. But that doesn't mean she isn't making life difficult for the GOP caucus and its tenuous grip on power.

At a press conference Wednesday, the Georgia Republican said she plans to force a vote next week on Johnson's leadership, accusing him of trying to "Make Ukraine Great Again" by not depriving it of American ammunition. She was joined by just one other colleague, Rep. Thomas Massie, a far-right lawmaker from Kentucky; another supporter of the leadership challenge, Rep. Paul Gosar, a far-right lawmaker from Arizona, did not attend.

Johnson has claimed support from former President Donald Trump, publicly dismissing Greene, an ally of deposed Speaker Kevin McCarthy, as fundamentally unserious. But as CBS News noted, three votes from disgruntled Republicans would be enough to throw the House of Representatives into turmoil, forcing Johnson to rely on support from Democrats to remain in power ("They will doom him if they try that," Massie told the outlet).

Most Republicans do think Johnson's days are numbered, The Washington Post reported Wednesday, his fate sealed by the vote on long-delayed assistance for Ukraine. Trump has bristled at long-term support for the victim of Russian aggression, which he previously accused of working to elect Democrats and refusing to investigate President Joe Biden. But most Republicans say they want to wait until after the 2024 election.

“People have ruled him out for any leadership position in the next Congress,” a senior Republican aide told the Post.

But even if most Republicans are confident that Democrats will spare them from another ugly leadership fight — Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries has said he would block any motion to dismiss Johnson — the party remains concerned about the damage Greene could to do.

On Tuesday, RNC co-chair Michael Whatley met with the Georgia lawmaker to talk her down, stressing that "any disruption" would "not help the case for party unity" ahead of November, a GOP source told Politico.

Greene held her press conference, explicitly rejecting that request, less than 24 hours later.