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I’m a First Amendment scholar — and I think Big Tech should be left alone

Twitter’s banning of Trump – an action also taken by other social media platforms, including Facebook, Instagram, YouTube and Snapchat – has opened a fierce debate about freedom of expression and who, if anyone, should control it in the United States.

I’ve written and taught about this fundamental issue for decades. I’m a staunch proponent of the First Amendment.

Yet I’m perfectly OK with Trump’s ban, for reasons legal, philosophical and moral.

The “spirit” of the First Amendment

To begin, it’s important to point out what kind of freedom of expression the First Amendment and its extension to local government via the Fourteenth Amendment protect. The Supreme Court, through various decisions, has ruled that the government cannot restrict speech, the press and other forms of communications media, whether it’s on the internet or in newspapers.

Twitter and other social media platforms are not the government. Therefore, their actions are not violations of the First Amendment.

But if we’re champions of freedom of expression, shouldn’t we nonetheless be distressed by any restriction on communication, be it via a government agency or a corporation?

I certainly am. I’ve called nongovernmental suppressions of speech to be violations of “the spirit of the First Amendment.”

Every time CBS bleeps a performance of a hip-hop artist on the Grammys, the network is, in my view, engaging in censorship that violates the spirit of the First Amendment. The same is true whenever a private university forbids a peaceful student demonstration.

These forms of censorship may be legal, but the government often lurks behind the actions of these private entities. For example, when the Grammys are involved, the censorship is taking place out of fear of governmental reprisal via the Federal Communications Commission.

When governmental suppression is sanctioned

So, why, then, am I OK with the fact that Twitter and other social media platforms took down Trump’s account? And, while we’re at it, why am I fine with Amazon Web Services removing the Trump-friendly social media outlet Parler?

First, a violation of the spirit of the First Amendment is never as serious as a violation of the First Amendment itself.

When the government gets in the way of our right to freely communicate, Americans’ only recourse is the U.S. Supreme Court, which all too often has supported the government – wrongly, in my view.

The court’s 1919 “clear and present danger” and 1978 “seven dirty words” decisions are among the most egregious examples of such flouting of the First Amendment. The 1919 decision qualified the crystal-clear language of the First Amendment – “Congress shall make no law” – with the vague exception that government could, in fact, ban speech in the face of a “clear and present danger.” The 1978 decision defined broadcast language meriting censorship with the even vaguer “indecency.”

And a government ban on any kind of communication, ratified by the Supreme Court, applies to any and all activity in the United States – period – until the court overturns the original decision.

In contrast, social media users can take their patronage elsewhere if they don’t approve of a decision made by a social media company. Amazon Web Services, though massive, is not the only app host available. Parler may have already found a new home on the far-right hosting service Epik, though Epik disputes this.

The point is that a corporate violation of the spirit of the First Amendment is, in principle, remediable, whereas a government violation of the First Amendment is not – at least not immediately.

Second, the First Amendment, let alone the spirit of the First Amendment, doesn’t protect communication that amounts to a conspiracy to commit a crime, and certainly not murder.

I would argue that it’s plainly apparent that Trump’s communication – whether it was suggesting the injection of disinfectant to counteract COVID-19 or urging his supporters to “fight” to overturn the election – repeatedly endangered human life.

Be careful what you wish for

Given that Trump was still president – albeit with just a few weeks left in office – when Twitter banned him, that ban was, indeed, a big deal.

Jack Dorsey, co-founder and CEO of Twitter, appreciated both the need and perils of such a ban, tweeting, “This moment in time might call for this dynamic, but over the long term it will be destructive to the noble purpose and ideals of the open internet. A company making a business decision to moderate itself is different from a government removing access, yet can feel much the same.”

In other words, a company that violates the spirit of the First Amendment can “feel much the same” to the public as government actually violating the First Amendment.

To be sure, I think it’s concerning that a powerful cohort of social media executives can deplatform anyone they want. But the alternative could be far worse.

Back in 1998, many were worried about the seeming monopolistic power of Microsoft. Although the U.S. government won a limited antitrust suit, it declined to pursue further efforts to break up Microsoft. At the time, I argued that problems of corporate predominance tend to take care of themselves and are less powerful than the forces of a free marketplace.

Sure enough, the preeminent position of Microsoft was soon contested and replaced by the resurgence of Apple and the rise of Amazon.

Summoning the U.S. government to counter these social media behemoths is the proverbial slippery slope. Keep in mind that the U.S. government already controls a sprawling security apparatus. It’s easy to envision an administration with the ability to regulate social media not wielding that power to protect the freedoms of users but instead using it to insulate themselves from criticism and protect their own power.

We may grouse about the immense power of social media companies. But keeping them free from the far more immense power of the government may be crucial to maintaining our freedom.

Paul Levinson, Professor of Communication and Media Studies, Fordham University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Why you should consider adding classical music to your exercise playlist

For many people, an essential part of any exercise regime is the music that accompanies it. Whether you’re a runner, a rower or a bodybuilder, there’s a good chance you have a favourite selection of tunes and some headphones to help you through.

The right choice of music can inspire, energise and provide much needed distraction. Elite athletes of every discipline are often seen deep in thought, their ears covered by snazzy headphones, in the moments ahead of a big match or race. So what is it about music that helps us to push our bodies towards or through physical discomfort?

We have been exploring this question using a variety of scientific methods. So far, most of our focus had been on various forms of popular music, including rock, dance, hip-hop and R&B, but recently we have been considering the benefits of classical music as an auditory aid to exercise.

As a genre, it is easy to see why classical music appears to be overlooked in terms of people’s choice of workout soundtrack. It often lacks a rhythmic “groove,” and when there are lyrics, they are not easy to sing along with.

Yet there is an inherent and timeless beauty attached to many pieces from the classical repertoire, which might justify their use. Think of the scintillating majesty of Beethoven’s Eroica Symphony or the poignancy of Puccini’s Madame Butterfly.

So how can we tap into the beauty of such music and use the sonic peaks and troughs to our advantage during a workout? First, we must understand what the benefits of any music might be in the context of physical exercise.

The role of any workout music is to dull the pain, raise the spirits and possibly make time pass a little faster. Scientists refer to the “dissociative effects” of music, meaning that it helps to distract the mind from internal, fatigue-related symptoms. Recent neuroimaging work by our group has shown the propensity for music to reduce exercise consciousness – essentially, the parts of the brain that communicate fatigue – communicate less when music is playing.

And although music cannot reduce exercisers’ perceptions of exertion at very high work intensity, it can influence the mood-related areas of the brain right up until the point of voluntary exhaustion. So an aesthetically pleasing piece, such as the finale of the William Tell Overture, won’t affect what you feel when your lungs are burning on the treadmill, but might influence how you feel it. In essence, pleasant music can colour one’s interpretation of fatigue and enhance the exercise experience.

It doesn’t stop at feelings and perceptions though. Music can also have an “ergogenic” or work-enhancing effect. The psychologist Mária Rendi used slow and fast movements from Beethoven’s Symphony No. 7 in A major (op. 92) to examine how music tempo influenced sprint rowing performance over 500 metres. Her findings indicated that both kinds of music led to faster sprint times compared to a no-music control, with the faster tempo (144 beats per minute) leading to a 2.0% performance improvement, and the slower one (76bpm), a 0.6% improvement.

Classically trained

Some members of our team often listen to classical music during a daily run. We find that classical music fires the imagination and generally augments the running experience, particularly when enjoyed in tandem with an inspiring landscape.

But perhaps classical music has the most potent effect when used either before or immediately after exercise. Pre-exercise, its central function is to build energy, conjure positive imagery and inspire movement. Pieces such as Vangelis’s Chariots of Fire, the title track of the eponymous movie, with its pulsating underlying rhythm and familiar cinematic link to glory, can work particularly well.

For a post-workout application, the music needs to be calming and revitalising in order to expedite the body’s return to a resting state. An archetypal piece for this is Erik Satie’s Gymnopédie No. 1, a timeless piano solo that envelopes the listener and treats tired muscles to a sonic massage.

To optimise your choice of classical music for exercise, it is important to think of the energy that will be expended during different segments of a workout. The warm-up and stretching will be at a relatively low intensity and the session then builds gradually towards its heart-pumping zenith, with a period of warm-down and revitalisation to end.

Music selection – of any genre – should ideally follow the path of energy expenditure in a workout session (see the list below for some suggestions). Likewise, a particular piece could be saved for those segments that the exerciser finds most arduous, like high-intensity cardio.

Overall, whether or not classical music and exercise are a good match is something each of us needs to decide – musical taste is very personal. But why not mix it up a little? Variety in exercise keeps us fresh and invigorated, so consider a switch in musical accompaniment to keep yourself moving. Swap the rave music for Ravel and substitute breakbeat with a glorious blast of Beethoven.

And if you want some inspiration, here is a playlist compiled by Brunel University London research assistant Luke Howard:

  1. Boléro, by Maurice Ravel, with an average tempo of 70bpm, is excellent for mental preparation before you move. The gentle start, with a tempo close to resting heart rate, belies the transcendent power of this classic.

  2. Juba Dance, from Symphony No. 1 in E minor, by Florence Price, is an engaging symphonic piece that will gently elevate the heart rate during a warm-up phase. It ends with an exhilarating crescendo, leaving you suitably ready for what’s to come.

  3. Part IV. Finale, Allegro Assai, Symphony No. 40 in G minor, by Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart, is a rousing musical work for low-to-moderate intensity segments of your workout. It features what is known as a “Mannheim rocket”, a rollercoaster of a melody, which will get the heart and lungs pumping.

  4. Prélude to Act 1 of Carmen by Georges Bizet, has a rip-roaring tempo (128bpm) that whisks you through any demanding high-intensity segments of your workout. The exquisite melodic and harmonic features of this piece enable you to dissociate from the pain.

  5. Concerto No. 1 in E Major, Op. 8, ‘La Primavera’ by Antonio Vivaldi, is great for a warm-down, and keeping a spring in your stride as you gradually return towards a resting state. The beautifully orchestrated strings give this opus a pronounced recuperative quality.

Costas Karageorghis, Professor of Sport & Exercise Psychology, Divisional Lead for Sport, Health & Exercise Sciences, Brunel University London; Dawn Rose, Senior Researcher, Lucerne University of Applied Sciences and Arts, and Elias Mouchlianitis, Postdoctoral Research Fellow, Brunel University London

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license.

This beer brats with onion and mustard makes for the best Game Day meal

Super Bowl LV will take place on Sunday, Feb. 7, 2021 at Raymond James Stadium in Tampa, Florida. The Weeknd will succeed Jennifer Lopez and Shakira as the headliner of this year’s Super Bowl halftime show. While we don’t yet know which teams will face-off for the championship, it’s never too early to start planning your Game Day menu. Last weekend, Salon Food shared 11 Instant Pot recipes ready for the Super Bowl. This weekend, we’ve asked our friends at America’s Test Kitchen to share some winning recipes that are guaranteed to score a touch down at home. 

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After searing the brats, we make a flavorful braising liquid from onion, mustard and beer. Once the braising liquid has reduced, we use it as a condiment.

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Recipe: Game-Day Beer Brats with Onion and Mustard

Serves 4

  • 3 tablespoons vegetable oil
  • 1 1/2 pounds bratwurst (6 sausages)
  • 1 onion, halved and sliced thin
  • Salt and pepper
  • 2 garlic cloves, minced
  • 1 teaspoon caraway seeds
  • 1 1/2 cups beer
  • 1/4 cup whole-grain mustard
  • 1 tablespoon honey
  • 2 teaspoons cider vinegar

1. Heat 1 tablespoon oil in Dutch oven over medium heat until shimmering. Add bratwursts and cook until well browned all over, about 8 minutes. Transfer bratwursts to plate.

2. Heat remaining 2 tablespoons oil in now-empty pot over medium heat until shimmering. Add onion, 1/4 teaspoon salt, and 1/4 teaspoon pepper and cook, covered, until softened, about 5 minutes. Uncover and continue to cook, stirring occasionally, until onion is browned, about 4 minutes. Add garlic and caraway seeds and cook until fragrant, about 30 seconds.

3. Add beer, mustard, honey, vinegar, and bratwursts; cover; and cook until bratwursts are cooked through, 5 to 7 minutes. Transfer bratwursts to platter. Increase heat to medium-high and cook until onion mixture is thickened, about 5 minutes. Serve bratwursts topped with onion mixture.

Related recipes: 

The hero biochemist who pioneered COVID vaccine tech was professionally spurned for years prior

If and when the Western world rids itself of the novel coronavirus, we will owe Dr. Katalin Karikó a great debt of gratitude. That’s because Karikó, a Hungarian biochemist, helped pioneer the revolutionary vaccine technology behind the most prominent and effective novel coronavirus vaccines. 

Even more astonishing is the fact that Karikó faced repeated professional rejection for championing the very ideas that are now saving lives.

Indeed, Karikó is one of the pioneers behind mRNA vaccines, a type of new vaccine technology for which many of the current crop of coronavirus vaccines rely upon. These types of vaccines involve the creation of a synthetic single strand of an RNA molecule known as messenger RNA (or mRNA). An mRNA vaccine injects a bespoke version of mRNA into the body. That mRNA then infects human cells and trains them to produce proteins like those found in a given virus.

Because the immune system will recognize those proteins as antigens, or a foreign substance that needs to be vanquished to protect the body’s health, the mRNA vaccine ultimately trains the body to defeat a given pathogen (that is, a disease-causing agent) before it can inflict harm. It is analogous to the military having soldiers participate in realistic war games so they can be better prepared in case they have to enter actual combat.

This is different from conventional vaccines, which come in a few varieties: live-attenuated vaccines, which use a weakened form of the germ that causes a disease; protein subunit vaccines, which use materials that are neither living nor infectious but contain one or some of the antigens from the pathogen in question; and viral vector-based vaccines, which give a blueprint to cells of the pathogen they may need to fight rather than part of the pathogen itself. 

Yet none of these are quite like mRNA vaccines. As illustrated by the rapidity with which mRNA vaccines for COVID-19 were developed, mRNA vaccines are generally capable of being manufactured in a comparatively shorter period of time. Thus, less than a year after SARS-CoV-2 caused a global pandemic, scientists at Pfizer/BioNTech and Moderna were able to develop safe and effective vaccines.

Yet if Karikó’s early critics had had their way, this technology might never have existed.

Karikó saw the potential in mRNA vaccines shortly after she joined the University of Pennsylvania’s School of Medicine in 1989, according to The Guardian. Yet although she and her colleagues recognized its potential, they struggled mightily to get funding for their research. She filed grant request after grant request after grant request and was repeatedly rejected, with potential backers feeling her ideas were too novel or mistakenly believing the human body would not allow mRNA vaccines to work. In 1995, the University of Pennsylvania took her off of the path to full professorship and demoted her, a major career setback for a promising biochemist.

“I want young people to feel — if my example, because I was demoted, rejected, terminated, I was even subject for deportation one point — [that] if they just pursue their thing, my example helps them to wear rejection as a badge,” Karikó, who today is a senior vice president at BioNTech RNA Pharmaceuticals, told Salon last month when discussing her story. “‘Okay, well, I was rejected. I know. Katalin was rejected and still [succeeded] at the end.’ So if it helps them, then it helps them.”

Despite her demotion, Karikó continued with her work and, along with a fellow immunologist named Dr. Drew Weissman, penned a series of influential articles starting in 2005. These articles argued that mRNA vaccines would not be neutralized by the human immune system as long as there were specific modifications to nucleosides, a compound commonly found in RNA.

By 2013, Karikó’s work had sufficiently impressed experts that she left the University of Pennsylvania for BioNTech RNA Pharmaceuticals.

Karikó tells Salon that the experience taught her one important lesson: In life there will be people who, for various reasons, will try to hold you back, and you can’t let them get you down.

“People that are in power, they can help you or block you,” Karikó told Salon. “And sometimes people select to make your life miserable. And now they cannot be happy with me because now they know that, ‘Oh, you know, we had the confrontation and…’ But I don’t spend too much time on these things.”

She also offered advice for aspiring young scientists who wonder whether they can pull off the necessary work-life balance to achieve their goals, as Karikó often worked so hard in the early stages of her career that she would sometimes spend months working every day and even sleep in her office. Karikó ventures that it is possible — and worth it.

Obviously, everything worked out for Karikó in the end: besides helping the world beat a historic pandemic, some of her professional peers believe she is going to be awarded for her years and years of work on mRNA vaccines. As Dr. Derrick Rossi, who helped found Moderna, told STAT News, Karikó and her colleague Weissman both deserve the Nobel Prize in chemistry. “If anyone asks me whom to vote for some day down the line, I would put them front and center,” Rossi said. “That fundamental discovery is going to go into medicines that help the world.”

How McDonald’s Szechuan Sauce went from a “just fine” ’90s relic to a riot-causing cult condiment

What is McDonald’s Szechuan Sauce? 

McDonald’s Szechuan Sauce was a condiment from 1998 that developed a cult following after being referenced in a 2017 episode of “Rick and Morty.” It was a dark brown sauce that had a touch of acid from the addition of apple cider vinegar and a little nuttiness from roasted sesame oil. (This distinguished it from the chain’s OG sweet and sour McNugget dipping sauce.) It does not contain Szechuan (or Sichuan) pepper, which is commonly used in actual Sichuan cuisine. 

Packets of the original sauce are still floating around online, where you can read the full ingredient list. 

How did McDonald’s Szechuan Sauce make a comeback? 

Adam Chandler, the author of “Drive-Thru Dreams: A Journey through the Heart of America’s Fast-Food Kingdom,” remembers when McDonald’s launched its Szechuan Sauce, a limited-edition menu item that was part of a promotion for the 1998 animated Disney movie “Mulan.” He was a teenager living in Texas who was a touch too old to see “Mulan”in theaters—”Though my friends tell me it’s for all ages,” he joked over the phone—but he hit the drive-thru just the same. 

“You know, maybe it was because I was a teenager, but I think it was pretty well understood that when McDonald’s put out a new McNuggets dipping sauce, you had to try it out,” Chandler said. “And I think I liked it. It felt innovative, even though it was just, you know, a lot of corn syrup, a fair bit of sugar and something that just tastes a little bit different.” 

Almost 20 years later, after McDonald’s announced they would bring the sauce back for a one-day promotion, police were called in to control a crowd that had physically pushed its way into a packed Los Angeles McDonald’s, chanting, “When I say ‘Szechuan,’ you say ‘sauce.'” Similar scenes played out across the country: Groups camped out overnight to secure a place in line, customers traveled down from Canada, fist fights broke out and a stabbing was also reported.

Some people began selling packets of the limited-issue sauce for more than $200 a pack on eBay, where, months prior, an original packet of Szechuan Sauce from the ’90s was sold for $14,000.

Running parallel to Szechuan Sauce’s delayed ascension to unexpected “cult condiment” status are narratives about the complicated nature of the Americanization of “global” flavors, as well as fast food’s cyclical ability to dictate and be dictated by pop culture, even while serving as a benchmark for mainstream tastes. 

In 1983, McDonald’s introduced the McNugget alongside four signature sauces: BBQ, honey, hot mustard and sweet and sour. The chain’s sweet and sour dipping sauce was a clear imitation of the sweet and sour sauces found in Chinese American restaurants across the U.S., which — according to writer and food tour guide Michael Lin — was unsurprising.

“Considering that a large portion of Chinese immigrants opened restaurants to make a living upon their arrival to the country and that Chinese Americans spread all throughout the vast country (even in small towns and rural areas), Chinese American cuisine has deep and widespread roots here,” Lin wrote via email.

Lin continued, “Chinese American food has had a long history, and it has been significantly impacted by local ingredients and Americans’ tastes and preferences. So many supposedly Chinese dishes have actually been created here in the U.S. by American born Chinese descendants.” 

As such, McDonald’s sweet and sour sauce would have felt familiar to Americans, though it’s worth noting that it’s distinct from traditional Chinese “sweet and sour” sauces that rely on a mixture of light vinegar and sugar. For many Chinese American restaurant owners, it was “it was accommodate or bust,” Lin wrote in his email.

Americans anecdotally have a preference for thicker sauces — barbecue sauce, ketchup, mayonnaise and salad dressings — and enjoy things that veer more sweet than bitter. “To cater or accommodate to Americans’ preferences, the very traditionally lighter (and thinner) sweet and sour sauce was changed to this thicker texture that we are more used to today,” Lin wrote. 

That consistency also makes for a more convenient nugget dipping sauce, considering that it will likely be overwhelmingly eaten inside a moving car. The sweet and sour seems to have been the base from which McDonald’s eventually developed its Szechuan Sauce 15 years later. (Rumors still persist that the dipping sauce was simply a mixture of the chain’s sweet and sour and BBQ sauces, which, if you compare the ingredient lists, isn’t the case). 

I’m not sure that the company could have envisioned the decades-long tail Szechuan Sauce would have. Looking back at how Szechuan Sauce was marketed in the ’90s, it’s obvious that ad execs relied on tired stereotypes to signal to viewers, “Hey, this tastes, uh . . . Asian.” As Entertainment Weekly’s Suna Chang reported at the time, where Disney’s “Mulan” drew positive reviews from Asian American critics for its cultural sensitivity and historical accuracy, the McDonald’s spots generated charges of ethnic stereotyping. 

“Among other things, the spots feature a headband-wearing Ronald McDonald karate-chopping the company’s logo, and patronizing, isn’t-that-cute jokes about such Asian customs as sitting on the floor to eat,” Chang added. “Meanwhile, Chicken McNugget containers are emblazoned with the cringe-worthy puns ‘Run, don’t wok . . .’ and ‘McNuggets are Chinamite!’ Says Paul Leung, a Chinese-American student at Cornell University who started an E-mail protest campaign, ‘You don’t even have to be Chinese to be offended.'” 

Jeff Yang, who was the founding editor of the Asian-American publication A. Magazine, said the campaign was “the equivalent of a drive-by mooning.” 

“Here is such a clear contrast between the clearly thoughtful efforts of Disney and the far more cartoonish and offensive caricatures in the promotional campaign,” he told Chang. 

“Cartoonish” is actually a great way to describe the original Szechuan Sauce itself. One dictionary definition of the word indicates that it serves as a descriptor for things that are “unrealistically simplified.” To that point, so many restaurants lapse into a trap of invoking a country or region’s cuisine by relying on a single ingredient, according to food writer Su-Jit Lin.

“They’ll call anything with soy sauce ‘Asian,’ anything with sweet chili ‘Thai,’ anything with gochujang ‘Korean,’ and on and on,” she said. “Like, imagine if folks started putting ketchup on stuff and calling it ‘Italian’ just because it has tomatoes in it. That’s how ludicrous it is and ignorant of the culture when mass market and even local restaurants do this.”

“Just because it’s a strong presence doesn’t mean that it’s their one single note [or] culinary contribution, nor a representation of an entire country, much less a continent,” she continued.

It’s perhaps a tricky endeavor to demand nuance or authenticity from a fast-food restaurant tasked with feeding 62 million people a day. For some, fast food can emerge as a specific marker of blended cultural heritage and childhood, as John DeVore wrote in his achingly beautiful essay “Finding Home in Taco Bell.” 

Additionally, there’s something to be said for introducing people to new-to-them flavors in a way where there is a low barrier to entry, but the point remains that there was nothing particularly “Szechuan” about McDonald’s sauce. It was a sweet and sticky mixture with just enough spice and umami — from the tiny (less than 2%, per the packet) additions of soy, sesame seed oil and ginger — to differentiate it from the chain’s sweet and sour and BBQ dipping sauces. Pleasant enough, but no one rioted when the sauce exited menus after about a month, coinciding with the end of the “Mulan” promotion. 

The world moved on, chomping on Kardashian-endorsed Mandarin Chicken salads — another Americanized invention, Su-Jit Lin said, as salad is a “distinctly non-Chinese” food — and Sriracha (which “Saucy” will inevitably dig into) went on to reign supreme in the realm of condiments. 

But then, the third season of the adult animated show “Rick and Morty” debuted in April 2017. In the first episode, “The Rickshank Redemption,” one of the series’ main protagonists, Rick Sanchez, revisits a memory of going to a McDonald’s drive-thru and ordering chicken McNuggets with Szechuan sauce. By the end of the episode, Rick reveals that his only goal in life is to find more of the sauce. He’s not motivated by saving the world or his family — or, well, anything other than “that McNugget sauce. I want that ‘Mulan’ McNugget sauce, Morty. That’s my series arc, Morty! If it takes nine seasons!” 

It’s a really funny moment in the series, because as mentioned above, Szechuan Sauce wasn’t overwhelmingly popular upon its initial release. All things considered, it was out for such a short period of time that opportunities to even try it were pretty limited. Here’s a character that will obsessively bend space and time to get his hands on a dipping sauce that was just . . . fine. 

But our culture’s collective nostalgia machine, which had already been primed by “Stranger Things” and “the second coming of Lisa Frank,” kicked into high-gear. A lot of people in the “Rick and Morty” target demographic had hazy memories of Szechuan Sauce. Maybe it was better than they remembered? Or a culinary key to unlocking simpler, better times that mimicked the feeling of opening a Happy Meal? 

Fans took to Twitter and began requesting McDonald’s to bring back Szechuan Sauce. Mickey D’s acknowledged them by sending a “Ricky and Morty” creator Justin Roiland a four-pound jug of Szechuan Sauce found in “Dimension C-1998M is a dimension where it’s always 1998. 1998 every day. No smartphones, no social media. It’s a weird, scary place. But they’ve got Szechuan Sauce on the regular menu.” 

Meanwhile, a Change.org petition asked McDonald’s to bring back the sauce. “McDonald’s Szechuan sauce is the best sauce known to man,” wrote petition founder Josh Mingle. “It would be a tragedy for it to not come back to McDonald’s.” 

McDonald’s officially announced it would revive the sauce for a one-day promotion with a limited supply. It would took place on Oct. 7, 2017, and it was an unmitigated disaster. As Eater described, some locations were only armed — in the face of hundreds of customers — with 20 sauce packets, 10 posters, and a raffle system. Chaos broke out as “Rick and Morty” fans clamored to get a slot in line. Police were called, and there were a lot of angry customers. 

The company soon released a public apology, admitting that its super-limited, though well-intentioned batch clearly wasn’t near enough to meet the demand of eager fans. 

“So, we’re gonna make this right,” the statement read. “In the last 24 hours, we’ve worked to open any portal necessary. And it worked. Szechuan Sauce is coming back once again this winter. And instead of being a one-day-only and limited to select restaurants, we’re bringing more – a lot more – so that any fan who’s willing to do whatever it takes for Szechuan Sauce will only have to ask for it at a nearby McDonald’s.” 

In February 2018, McDonald’s officially revived the sauce, with an estimated 20 million portions distributed to locations across the U.S. But the reviews of the sauce were mixed. Eater described it as tasting “mainly like corn syrup with maybe a tiny bit of Worcestershire thrown in,” while Business Insider said it was like “if you took a classic suburban American Chinese restaurant’s sweet-and-sour chicken and mixed it with some soy sauce and maybe a hint of sesame.” 

Some fans reported being disappointed that the sauce didn’t measure up to how they remembered — or live up to the hype. “Ultimately, Szechuan sauce was about ‘Rick and Morty’— not the taste of the sauce itself,” as Business Insider pointed out.

This points to one of the most fascinating elements of the condiment. It’s part of the McDonald’s mythos, and it stems from an American institution that can both drive and be driven by pop culture. But fast food has a hard time grappling with trendiness. As Adam Chandler put it, fast food restaurants so often serve as an indicator of what constitutes “mainstream” at a given time. 

“Fast food is not cutting edge. It will never be cutting edge,” he said. “I like to describe it as having a kind of 20/30 vision. When something ends up in a fast food restaurant, that is when it has appeared in several places before; it’s been tested and vetted.” 

McDonald’s Szechuan Sauce was never going to be truly ground-breaking, nor was it likely ever really meant to be. It’s a sticky-sweet culinary meme with a complicated past and an unexpectedly long shelf-life — one that’s rivaled by the literal shelf-life of Szechuan Sauce itself. After all, packets from the ’90s still occasionally pop up on eBay. 

What’s a good at-home substitute for McDonald’s Szechuan sauce? 

OK, so let’s say you (reasonably) don’t want to shell out hundreds of dollars for a little packet of eBay Szechuan Sauce. You have a couple of options, including one of the most popular at-home copycat recipes came from Reddit user Xeropoint. He cautions that it’s “not identical to McD’s version, it’s more of a tribute.” But it took off online and was even featured in an episode of a viral episode of the YouTube cooking program “Binging with Babish.” 

I tried it out, and it’s pretty good (if more flavorful than the actual stuff from McDonald’s). 

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Recipe: Xeropoint’s Copycat Szechuan Sauce
Approximately 1/4 cup of sauce 

  • 6 cloves of garlic, minced
  • 4 tablespoons of balsamic vinegar
  • Soy sauce to taste (I use 2 tablespoons)
  • 2 tablespoons of plum sake 
  • 3 1/2 tablespoons Sriracha 
  • 2  tablespoons of brown sugar 
  • Red pepper flakes to taste 
  • Minced ginger to taste (I use 1 tablespoon)

1. Place all the ingredients in a small saucepan, and stir over medium heat until the brown sugar is fully dissolved and the sauce has thickened slightly. Remove from heat, and allow it to cool. This sauce is good for up to two weeks stored in an airtight container in the refrigerator. 

***

If home cooks want to really experiment with Szechuan flavors at home, Lydia Chang, the chief of business development Q by Peter Chang, a Bethesda-based Szechuan restaurant, would actually recommend a dry seasoning. 

“Mala spice being spicy or five spice which is mild,” Chang said. “Mala spice uses ingredients, such as numbing peppercorn, red chili powder, chili oil, cilantro, scallion. The five spice seasoning has white pepper, Chinese cinnamon, sugar, salt, mushroom powder and more.” 

“If someone likes something saucy, Kung Pao is a great pairing and easy to make at home,” she added. “We typically make Kung Pao sauce with Maggi, Chinese vinegar, dark soy, sugar, shaoxing wine, white pepper, and sugar with chopped peanuts to finish.”

Zack Ren is the marketing manager at New York City’s Crop Circle, a restaurant that focuses on Szechuan Guokui. He would also encourage home cooks to purchase Red Chili Oil (which, like Sriracha, deserves a column all its own). 

“Red Chili Oil is a universal sauce used in Chinese restaurants and families,” Ren said. “We use house-made chili, and our secret is to pour hot oil over Szechuan crushed chili flakes which stimulates extra aromatics. It has a magical ability to elevate everything. At home, I usually have a jar of Lao Gan Ma chili oil in my fridge.” 

It’s one suggestion which McDonald’s has already implemented. Earlier this month, many of the company’s Chinese locations launched a “spicy chilli oil ice cream sundae,” which is exactly what it sounds like: vanilla-flavored soft serve doused generously with chilli oil. As Adam Chandler noted, once something reaches McDonald’s, it’s already pretty mainstream: In 2018, dessert shops in Sichuan starting posting images of creamy white ice cream flecked with deep red chili oil

It’s a limited-edition menu item that hasn’t reached stateside McDonald’s, but you can make your own version at home. Pull up to the McDonald’s drive-thru, and order a vanilla soft-serve. Then pull some chili oil out of your purse — I like Fly By Jing’s Sichuan Chili Crisp — and give it a drizzle. You won’t miss the Szechuan Sauce.

Can oyster reef restoration across the US impact what we eat?

The plight of New York City’s oysters has by now been scrupulously recounted, starting all the way back in the 1930s, with Joseph Mitchell’s reporting for The New Yorker. It’s really a cautionary tale, the likes of which is becoming ever more familiar in this time of climate upheaval and wildlife stressors, about (in this case) a once-vibrant fishery that collapsed in the late 19th Century due to overharvesting and manmade pollution and ambivalence about responsible stewardship of natural resources.

Some believe the tragedy lies in the disappearance of a tasty local mollusk from our tables. But it’s actually a lot more significant than mere human gustatory lacking. When this keystone species all but disappeared from the Hudson River — and also dwindled in Long Island’s Great South Bay, and the Delaware and Chesapeake Bays, and in estuaries throughout the South, in the San Francisco Bay and elsewhere on the West Coast — it took with it habitat and food resources for numerous species of fish, insects, birds, other animals, and plants. It eradicated critical ecosystem benefits; as has been widely touted, one oyster can filter out sediment and chemicals like nitrogen from 50 gallons of water a day. It destroyed thousands of miles of reef that protected coasts from storm surge, flooding, and erosion.

A parallel tale has begun to be told over the past decade-plus, though, ever since oyster reef restoration was begun in New York Harbor by non-profit Billion Oyster Project (BOP) and loudly called attention to what these mollusks can do when reintroduced to their natural environment. In a lot of people’s minds, this work must surely herald the return of the region’s native eastern oysters — Crassotrea virginica — to neighborhood fish markets. And in fact, in the state of Louisiana, oyster reef restoration efforts do have the primary purpose of bolstering that state’s oyster fishery.

But the purpose of BOP and most other oyster reef-building projects isn’t to feed us — at least not directly. Rather, they seek to regain those ecosystem benefits we’ve been losing for over 100 years and to make our coastlines more resilient.

Nevertheless, these environmental efforts still provide significant benefits to fishing and fisheries — in short, the stuff we eat. “When shellfish are planted and are able to reproduce and broadcast their larvae, that has the direct impact of increasing different fish populations, as well as improving waters so that more shellfish can survive,” says David Bushek. He’s director of the Haskin Shellfish Research Laboratory at Rutgers University in New Jersey. “Also, [oyster reef] habitat is used by other organisms as a nursery or place to forage, which increases those populations, including fish that [humans] go after.”

In short, when oysters win, so do a lot of other species, including ours, in more ways than one.

The Oysters of San Francisco Bay

The story about what happened to the oysters in San Francisco Bay is not so familiar, even to Californians, but it mirrors New York’s. This largest estuary on the West Coast supported a hardy commercial oyster fishery for over 100 years, until it crashed, too, in the early 1900s due to development, loss of habitat, and pollution.

Some of this pollution was the result of the Gold Rush, explains Marilyn Latta, project manager of California’s State Coastal Conservancy(SCC), who, with a host of partners, has been working on a 50-year plan to restore 8,000 acres of native oyster habitat in the Bay, with the co-equal goals of protecting shoreline from erosion and creating habitat for diverse species. “Hydraulic mining in the Sierra foothills used pressure washing to wash away hillsides, and those sediments flowed into the Bay and changed the bottom,” she says. “It used to be more hard, which is a habitat oysters like to settle on. It became more muddy and silty.”

Because of the Bay’s now-soft bottom, building reef from native oysters requires tailor-made techniques. In some places, loose shell can be placed on the bottom of a waterway to get a reef structure started. Here, though, shell would sink into the muck or drift out of the Bay on strong currents. So instead, Latta’s team uses mesh bags filled with oyster shells, which are piled on top of each other to form a beginning reef. (Although, they’re also experimenting with non-plastic-based solutions, like “Baycrete,” formed from cement, sand, and shell.)

West Coast oysters have a range stretching from Chile to Alaska and are comprised of two subspecies of Ostrea lurida, the comparatively tiny Olympia oyster; where a bushel of Crassotrea virginica is comprised of about 150 of the lumpy mollusks, it takes a lot more Olympias, which are only about 60mm at their largest, to arrive at the same volume.

Unlike on the East Coast, where manmade reefs are often seeded with oyster larvae, called spat, Latta says natural oyster populations are plentiful enough in her region. “We’re able to rely solely on natural recruitment,” she says. That is, spat drift into the Bay from connected waterways, settle on the shellbags SCC has placed, and slowly but surely begin to grow and expand reef.

Another difference: The record of where native oyster populations once thrived here has largely been lost to time. “From shell mounds in San Francisco Bay, there’s substantial evidence of consumption by the Ohlone tribes,” Latta says. But other than that, “The knowledge that people used to eat oysters from the Bay is a surprise to modern folks, and there are a lot of data gaps about where they did exist.” Part of the challenge of the SCC project is figuring out “Where we can appropriately restore oyster beds, maybe even in places where they didn’t exist historically.”

A five-year pilot project, concluded in 2017, is informing oyster reef restoration efforts. Results showed that the reef structure, placed in tandem with plantings of native eelgrass, attracts more species and provides better shoreline protection than just shell bags or grass alone. In certain kinds of tides, combined oyster/eelgrass reefs reduced wave energy by 30%.

Meanwhile, although heavy metal pollution of selenium and zinc persists in the Bay, rendering oysters inedible, other fish are finding the reef. According to Latta, “We’ve had over 100 species settle onto [or visit] the reefs, including some that have a food connection: many types of shrimp, commercial Red Rock and Dungeness crabs, some tagged salmon like steelhead. A year after we built the reefs we detected a green sturgeon that migrated all the way down from Washington State.”

These fish are food resources for other fish, as well as birds and marine mammals. Some of them are also of interest to recreational fishermen. Because of contamination, the state’s health department recommends eating no more than one Bay fish per day, although Latta points out that some species, like California halibut, only spend part of their lives in the Bay and may be less problematic.

“Ideally, I’d love to see an eatable Bay again,” she says.

Louisiana’s Edible Reef

Two thousand miles south and east of San Francisco, Louisiana’s coastal marshes encompass the largest commercial oyster fishery in the country, providing $317 million worth of total economic impact to the state a year, according to Louisiana SeafoodCrassotrea virginica is the native species here, just as on the East Coast.

“It’s not just that oysters are out there performing ecosystem services, which is wonderful,” says Louisiana Department of Wildlife & Fisheries assistant secretary Patrick Banks, referencing the way reef adds “habitat value” to associated species and filters water to minimize algal blooms. “But they’re a very important part of our society and our culture.”

Banks says that reef habitat improvement and rehabilitation projects, using cultch, or shell, have been ongoing on public grounds since 1917. “For many decades, this method was very successful, but in the last decade and a half they haven’t been as successful as they once were,” he says. As a result, oystermen and women have been forced to transfer about 95% of their production to private grounds, away from what Banks calls “impacted areas.”

The cause of said impacts: a suite of ecological disasters, one on the heels of the other, that has made recovery of the fishery next to impossible.

“It started in 2005 with Hurricane Katrina — that was a tremendous impact to the extensive reefs on public grounds East of the Mississippi River,” says Banks. “Those started to come back, then hurricanes Gustave and Ike came in 2008. Then we had the BP oil spill 2010. We had a flood event in 2011 which put a lot freshwater over these reefs.” (As Food Safety News explains, oysters die when their saltwater balances are thrown off by too much river water; says Banks, “To be very simplistic, their cells burst.”)

On the heels of all that have come four years of major flooding events, including 2019’s historic flooding of the Mississippi River. “Once reefs are heavily impacted, it takes three to four years to come back,” says Banks. “But these episodic events are happening every three to four years, so they can’t get a foothold. It’s been a very difficult place to be an oyster, to be honest.”

Louisiana’s oyster reef restoration efforts have been focused on those public grounds, which historically comprised 1.7 million water bottom acres. There’s been some new reef built and old reef restored in these areas, but also some expansion into other locales. “We’re trying our best to move away from known freshwater sources like the Bonnet Carré Spillway and into areas that are more stable these days in terms of salinity,” Banks says. The goal: to rebuild to a production level that supports an average of 20 oysters per square meter.

Unlike in New York and San Francisco, where oyster shell is the primary building medium for reef, Louisiana, which exports almost 60% of its oyster harvest, has a shell deficit. So, the state has turned to limestone rock and crushed concrete; since these materials are heavy, siting for new reef is extra-challenging due to muddy water bottoms. Banks says that decreased oyster numbers means they’ve also had to begin seeding reefs with spat —  an expensive prospect that’s will be at least partially offset by federal disaster aid monies.

According to The Nature Conservancy, 170 marine species have been counted in oyster reefs in the northern Gulf of Mexico, including several that are almost as tied up as oysters in Louisiana’s economy and identity. Says Banks, “We’ve found shrimp feeding and living around an oyster reef; blue crab is a big industry here and they love to live around oyster reefs. Speckled trout and red drum live around oyster reefs — talk to any recreational fisherman and he’ll tell you he prefers to fish over oyster reef any day of the week.”

While none of these species are in conservation trouble, “In Louisiana, oyster reefs are just as important habitats as marshes are,” Banks says. “A lot folks feel like if you do what’s good for oysters, you do what’s good for estuaries. As an oyster biologist, I believe that.”

Does “deplatforming” really work to curb hate speech and calls for violence?

In the wake of the assault on the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, Twitter permanently suspended Donald Trump’s personal account, and Google, Apple and Amazon shunned Parler, which at least temporarily shut down the social media platform favored by the far right.

Dubbed “deplatforming,” these actions restrict the ability of individuals and communities to communicate with each other and the public. Deplatforming raises ethical and legal questions, but foremost is the question of whether it’s an effective strategy to reduce hate speech and calls for violence on social media.

The Conversation U.S. asked three experts in online communications whether deplatforming works and what happens when technology companies attempt it.

Sort of, but it’s not a long-term solution

Jeremy Blackburn, assistant professor of computer science, Binghamton University

The question of how effective deplatforming is can be looked at from two different angles: Does it work from a technical standpoint, and does it have an effect on worrisome communities themselves?

Does deplatforming work from a technical perspective?

Gab was the first “major” platform subject to deplatforming efforts, first with removal from app stores and, after the Tree of Life shooting, the withdrawal of cloud infrastructure providers, domain name providers and other Web-related services. Before the shooting, my colleagues and I showed in a study that Gab was an alt-right echo chamber with worrisome trends of hateful content. Although Gab was deplatformed, it managed to survive by shifting to decentralized technologies and has shown a degree of innovation – for example, developing the moderation-circumventing Dissenter browser.

From a technical perspective, deplatforming just makes things a bit harder. Amazon’s cloud services make it easy to manage computing infrastructure but are ultimately built on open source technologies available to anyone. A deplatformed company or people sympathetic to it could build their own hosting infrastructure. The research community has also built censorship-resistant tools that, if all else fails, harmful online communities can use to persist.

Does deplatforming have an effect on worrisome communities themselves?

Whether or not deplatforming has a social effect is a nuanced question just now beginning to be addressed by the research community. There is evidence that a platform banning communities and content – for example, QAnon or certain politicians – can have a positive effect. Platform banning can reduce growth of new users over time, and there is less content produced overall. On the other hand, migrations do happen, and this is often a response to real world events – for example, a deplatformed personality who migrates to a new platform can trigger an influx of new users.

Another consequence of deplatforming can be users in the migrated community showing signs of becoming more radicalized over time. While Reddit or Twitter might improve with the loss of problematic users, deplatforming can have unintended consequences that can accelerate the problematic behavior that led to deplatforming in the first place.

Ultimately, it’s unlikely that deplatforming, while certainly easy to implement and effective to some extent, will be a long-term solution in and of itself. Moving forward, effective approaches will need to take into account the complicated technological and social consequences of addressing the root problem of extremist and violent Web communities.

Yes, but driving people into the shadows can be risky

Ugochukwu Etudo, assistant professor of operations and information management, University of Connecticut

Does the deplatforming of prominent figures and movement leaders who command large followings online work? That depends on the criteria for the success of the policy intervention. If it means punishing the target of the deplatforming so they pay some price, then without a doubt it works. For example, right-wing provocateur Milo Yiannopoulos was banned from Twitter in 2016 and Facebook in 2019, and subsequently complained about financial hardship.

If it means dampening the odds of undesirable social outcomes and unrest, then in the short term, yes. But it is not at all certain in the long term. In the short term, deplatforming serves as a shock or disorienting perturbation to a network of people who are being influenced by the target of the deplatforming. This disorientation can weaken the movement, at least initially.

However, there is a risk that deplatforming can delegitimize authoritative sources of information in the eyes of a movement’s followers, and remaining adherents can become even more ardent. Movement leaders can reframe deplatforming as censorship and further proof of a mainstream bias.

There is reason to be concerned about the possibility that driving people who engage in harmful online behavior into the shadows further entrenches them in online environments that affirm their biases. Far-right groups and personalities have established a considerable presence on privacy-focused online platforms, including the messaging platform Telegram. This migration is concerning because researchers have known for some time that complete online anonymity is associated with increased harmful behavior online.

In deplatforming policymaking, among other considerations, there should be an emphasis on justice, harm reduction and rehabilitation. Policy objectives should be defined transparently and with reasonable expectations in order to avoid some of these negative unintended consequences.

Yes, but the process needs to be transparent and democratic

Robert Gehl, associate professor of communication and media studies, Louisiana Tech University

Deplatforming not only works, I believe it needs to be built into the system. Social media should have mechanisms by which racist, fascist, misogynist or transphobic speakers are removed, where misinformation is removed, and where there is no way to pay to have your messages amplified. And the decision to deplatform someone should be decided as close to democratically as is possible, rather than in some closed boardroom or opaque content moderation committee like Facebook’s “Supreme Court.”

In other words, the answer is alternative social media like Mastodon. As a federated system, Mastodon is specifically designed to give users and administrators the ability to mute, block or even remove not just misbehaving users but entire parts of the network.

For example, despite fears that the alt-right network Gab would somehow take over the Mastodon federation, Mastodon administrators quickly marginalized Gab. The same thing is happening as I write with new racist and misogynistic networks forming to fill the potential void left by Parler. And Mastodon nodes have also prevented spam and advertising from spreading across the network.

Moreover, the decision to block parts of the network aren’t made in secret. They’re done by local administrators, who announce their decisions publicly and are answerable to the members of their node in the network. I’m on scholar.social, an academic-oriented Mastodon node, and if I don’t like a decision the local administrator makes, I can contact the administrator directly and discuss it. There are other distributed social media system, as well, including Diaspora and Twister.

The danger of mainstream, corporate social media is that it was built to do exactly the opposite of what alternatives like Mastodon do: grow at all costs, including the cost of harming democratic deliberation. It’s not just cute cats that draw attention but conspiracy theories, misinformation and the stoking of bigotry. Corporate social media tolerates these things as long as they’re profitable – and, it turns out, that tolerance has lasted far too long.

Jeremy Blackburn, Assistant Professor of Computer Science, Binghamton University, State University of New York; Robert W. Gehl, F. Jay Taylor Endowed Research Chair of Communication, Louisiana Tech University, and Ugochukwu Etudo, Assistant Professor of Operations and Information Management, University of Connecticut

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license.

The “WandaVision” TV homages aren’t mere storytelling gimmicks – they’re strategic metacommentaries

Comic book fans and TV nerds share a singular and at times aggressive level of pride in knowing their stuff. It should not shock you that many TV critics consider themselves to be a bit of both, since having an extensive bench of knowledge about the small screen’s history and an ability to recall random superhero backstories on demand require the same thing: a lot of alone time.

While other adults have fond memories of summer spent outdoors, we sat in our basements or bedrooms watching afternoon reruns of “The Partridge Family” and poring over pages of “The Uncanny X-Men.”  This is said not in condescension but from a place of experience or, if you’d prefer, a sense of authori-tah.

“WandaVision” is a highly calculated construct made to for people like me, but foremost it’s made for Marvel to boast that it has taken an artform long disregarded as common, even lowbrow, and used it to elevate the medium. By artform, of course, I mean television. And comic books. And, well, industry-killing superhero franchises.

“WandaVision” is a calculated intersection of all three. It assumes an emotional connection to TV history and at the same time takes advantage of the ways that our interaction with the medium has evolved. Previously I argued that it’s somewhat less important for the viewer to be steeped in Marvel lore than to have an affection for classic TV. Episode 3, “Now In Color,” further convinces me of this.

The first two episodes mightily strive to be dead ringers for “The Dick Van Dyke Show” and “Bewitched,” and unless you’re caught up on the movies and you grew up glued to Nick at Nite or syndicated reruns of those old shows it is highly likely that – sorry, can’t help it – your were bothered and bewildered by what you saw. Bored, even.

But the third episode accurately imitates the candy-colored views of the world presented in “The Brady Bunch” and “The Partridge Family” as a suddenly pregnant Wanda (Elizabeth Olsen) and Vision (Paul Bettany) realize they’re about to go from childless and just married to new parents in the space of, at most, a couple of days.

“Is this really happening?” Wanda asks at the end of the second episode when her baby bump magically appears. By the end of their third episode romp they have two baby boys of their own despite all rules of human biology and, oh yes, the fact that Vision is a mechanical creature incapable of procreation.

“The Brady Bunch” may be the most familiar classic American sitcom in all of television, – or if not it’s at the top of the list – and since so many people know the show’s look, music, outfits and beats, they can also very easily recognize what’s wrong with the picture we’re being presented.

A neighbor’s shrubbery trimmer accidentally cuts through a brick wall. A stork appears out of nowhere and starts walking around the room as Wanda does her best to distract her neighbor Geraldine (Teyonah Parris) from noticing it. Vision rattles off a list of things he’s noticed that don’t make sense, and the scene suddenly rewinds to a point where he gets back on a merrier script. At a pivotal point the laugh track stops, and people stop pretending for a moment. But only a moment.

“Now in Color” does less to mask the incongruity between the happy fiction Wanda and Vision are showing the audience and the truth of what may be actually happening, and ends by providing a glimpse behind the curtain, as it were, when Wanda accidentally breaks character and sends Geraldine flying out of the cul de sac . . . and into a reality that looks much like our own, except she lands on what looks like a militarized zone.

Initially I wondered why Disney+ allowed critics to see this week’s episode ahead of time but withheld it from the general public at premiere until I witnessed the first reactions to “WandaVision.” Then I understood why the show did this – it wants to confuse people, yes, while also piquing curiosity. But it’s also working in the full awareness of a streaming show’s tendency to string viewers along for weeks before giving them a massive payoff.

“Now In Color” drops the first of what I expect will be many payoffs, since Marvel previously announced that Parris’ character is actually Monica Rambeau – a character introduced as an 11-year-old the 1995-set “Captain Marvel.” Monica is the daughter of Carol Danvers’ best friend Maria, a.k.a. Lieutenant Trouble. Now she’s an adult and apparently working for the people associated with the sword symbol Wanda’s been seeing around town (and on a necklace “Geraldine” was wearing).

I’m getting into the weeds here which, again, is what director Matt Shakman and writer Jac Schaeffer and Marvel chief Kevin Feige want us to do. If they have their way, the audience will be constructing a crazy wall that will dwarf the most exhaustive post-episode breakdowns of “Lost.”

Short of that, there’s enough to appreciate in the way the show uses the moves of a sitcom to accentuate Wanda and Vision’s unreality, and I’m guessing more people will come around to this concept as the comedies presented draw nearer to resembling the ones we’re still actively watching.

Vanity Fair’s Joanna Robinson is a Marvel specialist, and in her “WandaVision” guide she teases that next weeks’ ’80s episode is an ode to “Family Ties,” with a “Roseanne” homage taking us into the ’90s and “Modern Family” and “The Office” tributes coming in the weeks after that. 

All of these shows were known for somewhat honestly speaking to their eras in ways “The Brady Bunch,” “Bewitched” and “Dick Van Dyke” never aspired to do, and that potentially changes the nature of the menace behind the forced fakery central to Wanda’s world. Or, as Salon Culture editor Hanh Nguyen puts it in a discussion we shared, it’s “the metacommentary of how these fake depictions of domestic bliss always had this underlying dread for me.”

“WandaVision” is still early in its first season, but the way it challenges the audience to trust in the storytelling process and even as our trust in the story’s veracity declines is fascinating.

That it’s also operating with an awareness of its format as a streaming series – thereby allowing us to consume it like a serialized story or a single graphic novel gulp – proves the show knows what it’s doing, who is watching and how we’re reading it.

That it is as demonstrably in love with the art of television as it is with the art of comic and superhero mythology is a satisfying reward to everyone who traded in time in the sun for hours in other worlds. Whether we get it yet is less important than feeling the love in a real way, in this version of now.

“WandaVision” is now streaming on Disney+ with subsequent episodes arriving weekly on Fridays.

Insurrectionist senators are co-conspirators and should not sit in judgement at Trump’s trial

On Friday evening Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer announced that opening arguments in the Senate impeachment trial for Donald Trump over the deadly Capitol insurrection will begin the week of Feb. 8.

“We all want to put this awful chapter in our nation’s history behind us. But healing and unity will only come if there is truth and accountability. And that is what this trial will provide,” said Senator Schumer.

“The names of Cruz and Hawley should go down in history next to people like Benedict Arnold,” Arizona Rep. Ruben Gallego told Business Insider. “They are just traitors to the country and traitors to the Constitution.”

John Dean, the former White House Counsel for Richard Nixon who provided key testimony against Nixon as a witness in the 1973 Nixon impeachment hearings, took to Twitter Saturday afternoon:

As Common Dreams reported Thursday,  a group of seven Democrats filed an ethics complaint on Thursday requesting an investigation into the two senators’ roles in inciting the deadly insurrection at the U.S. Capitol.

Friday, Hawley attempted to defend his role saying “I will never apologize for giving voice to the millions of Missourians and Americans who have concerns about the integrity of our elections. That’s my job, and I will keep doing it.”

But few were buying Hawley’s defense:

 

Palm Beach County rejects Trump’s dream of having an airport named after him

Former President Donald Trump has long dreamed of having his name attached to one of the United States’ most prominent international airports. His suggestion: Trump International.

However, Palm Beach County has confirmed that the former president’s dream will not be coming to fruition at its airport.

According to the Sun-Sentinel, the idea of renaming the airport in honor of Trump was recently touted by Christian Ziegler, who serves as a Sarasota County commissioner and the vice-chairman of the Florida Republican Party. However, County Commissioner Melissa McKinlay has made it clear that she does not support the idea.

During a brief discussion with the publication, McKinlay explained why she, along with five other county commissioners, are not in agreement with the prospect of the airport being renamed after the twice-impeached, one-term president.

“When people hear [Palm Beach], they envision our beaches, our equestrian sports, and in some cases our agricultural contributions,” McKinlay said. “It is a lifestyle.”

McKinlay also noted that she believes the name Trump International is a name “better-suited for his golf courses, not our airport” as she suggested that Ziegler “stick to renaming his own county facilities, not ours.”

The publication notes that Palm Beach County’s swift rejection of the idea could be a foreboding of the difficulties Trump could face attempting to have his name displayed on buildings, schools, street signs, and highways in the Southern region of Florida, which is predominantly Democratic-leaning.

While many past presidents have had the honor of their names being attached to buildings, airports, schools, and roads, Robert Watson, a presidential historian and Lynn University professor, explained why Trump will likely face difficulties in his pursuit to be remembered in the same light as his predecessors. According to Watson, Trump’s heightened attachment to controversy may be a major obstacle for this type of aspiration.

“I imagine in a couple of years when there’s talk about renaming [things] for him — Trump could be the outlier, the anomaly, “Watson said. “He was so controversial. He generates such controversy that it’s hard to imagine anyone wanting to touch it.”

Democrats flipped the Senate. So why is a Green New Deal still unlikely?

Last Friday morning, Representative Sean Casten, a Democrat from Illinois, appeared on a Chicago local news channel to talk about the mob of Trump-supporting rioters who had invaded the Capitol building and interrupted congressional proceedings two days earlier. Before going live, the anchor asked Casten if there was anything in particular he wanted to touch on. “I said, ‘Honestly, I want to talk about energy and climate policy,'” Casten told Grist.

Last week’s events overshadowed a major milestone in the effort to accomplish climate policy in the U.S.: Political newcomers Jon Ossoff and Raphael Warnock won their Senate runoff elections in Georgia, handing Democrats a de facto majority in the Senate and a political trifecta (control of the presidency and both houses of Congress). In the short term, Senate Democrats will have their hands full with the push to convict President Trump following his impeachment for inciting the riot at the Capitol. But after that’s done — or possibly simultaneously — they’ll turn to President-elect Joe Biden’s legislative agenda and one of his top priorities, climate change.

The narrow margin of victory in the Senate — Democrats hold 50 seats, including two independents, and will need Vice President-elect Kamala Harris to serve as tiebreaker if they can convince conservative Democrats to toe the party line — means that climate action will not look quite the way Biden intended. His $2 trillion climate plan is likely off the table; there probably won’t be huge sweeping bills that satisfy progressive visions of a Green New Deal. Instead, the Biden administration will have to work creatively, leveraging esoteric congressional rules and using all the powers of government to accomplish its goals.

“The kind of blue sky dream of some of my friends in the climate movement of a set of standalone climate omnibus bills. I can’t imagine those moving forward in the 117th Congress,” Billy Fleming, a senior fellow at the progressive policy shop Data for Progress, told Grist. “What I think is much likelier, and where there’s real opportunity, is to think about how we pair climate policy and climate justice work into the massive amount of legislation and spending that has to happen anyway to keep the lights on in government.”

* * *

The wins in Georgia mean that Biden will have one big advantage in passing his climate plans: a Senate prepared to quickly confirm his cabinet appointees and let them get to work. “The huge, huge, huge thing that has happened with the Senate is the flexibility they have with appointments now,” Casten said. “All of a sudden, there can be some ambition in the agencies that wasn’t there.”

But when it comes to Congress, the hardest part of passing climate legislation isn’t negotiating with fickle Republicans, or even pushing back against fossil fuel lobbyists. It’s dealing with an arcane Senate rule known as the filibuster, which prevents almost any legislation from passing through the chamber without a supermajority of 60 votes. Climate hawks have been burned by the filibuster before: When Obama took office in 2009, he had a huge majority in the Senate with 57 seats — but it wasn’t enough. Democrats couldn’t convince even a few Republicans to sign on to Obama’s landmark climate change bill, and the legislation died in the Senate after passing the House.

Now, the situation is even more difficult: Finding 10 Republicans to support comprehensive climate legislation will be next to impossible, and while some Democrats have talked about abolishing the filibuster — a move that would only require a simple majority — the more moderate members of the party are unlikely to support ditching the antiquated rule entirely. “I’ve got a lot of colleagues who I like a lot who won’t go for that,” Casten said.

All this means that adding Warnock and Ossoff to the Senate “probably is insufficient to get a coalition that’s willing to debate and enact the very large climate bill that has been imagined for a long time,” said David Konisky, a professor of political science at Indiana University.

There’s still a path forward, but it’s a narrow one. Under Senate rules, certain bills can still be passed by a simple majority during “budget reconciliation,” a once-a-year process to tinker with the federal budget. That rule doesn’t give legislators totally free rein: “It has to be something that is explicitly connected to taxes and revenues and spending,” Konisky said. So one of Biden’s central climate promises — to require utilities to generate all their electricity from clean energy sources by 2035 — is probably out. But a carbon price, tax credits for wind and solar, and research and development for clean energy will all be on the table.

Josh Freed, the director of climate and energy at the Washington, D.C.–based think tank Third Way, said he hopes to see two budget reconciliation bills with climate worked in: One broad economic recovery bill, which could include tax incentives for electric cars, renewables, and energy efficiency; and another infrastructure package that could funnel money towards building more transmission lines to distribute power from renewables and creating a smart grid to improve efficiency. The downside is that budget reconciliation often happens only once a year — giving Democrats a tight time window for action before the midterm elections in 2022.

“There’s a real moment here that I think we need to seize with investment first, and get the economy really roaring,” Freed said.

It’s yet another sign of how politicians’ and advocates’ approach to climate policy has changed over the last several years. Once, most experts and activists believed that global warming would be addressed with one sweeping piece of legislation — a carbon tax, a cap-and-trade bill, a mandate for clean power. Now, however, in the midst of the coronavirus pandemic and ensuing recession, addressing climate change has become more piecemeal: a tax credit here, a bit of infrastructure spending there. It’s a strategy that mirrors how Biden has started to infuse climate concerns into every office of his administration, not siloing the issue off into just the Environmental Protection Agency or the Department of Energy. And — if done right — it’s a strategy that just might work.

* * *

The big question is whether Joe Manchin of West Virginia, Krysten Sinema of Arizona, and other moderate Democrats in the Senate will hamstring their party’s efforts to pass climate policy with a simple majority. Both Manchin and Sinema voted with Republicans on a number of environmental measures last year. They cast votes to confirm David Bernhardt, a former oil industry lobbyist, to lead the Department of the Interior and voted against a resolution that would have invalidated Trump’s rollback of carbon pollution limits for power plants. In a 2010 TV ad, Manchin, loading up a shotgun, told West Virginians that he had sued the Environmental Protection Agency. Then he took aim and fired at a copy of a major climate bill. Manchin is now in line to become chair of the Senate’s powerful Energy and Natural Resources Committee.

There’s no guarantee that moderate Democrats will give soon-to-be Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer the crucial votes he needs to tie something like a carbon tax to the budget reconciliation process. “As long as you have a Democratic majority that is predicated on a couple of vulnerable people from the oil patch and the coal patch, that’s going to be very difficult,” Casten said. But they could get behind other climate-related measures, especially if they’re offered something in return.

Fleming, the Data for Progress fellow, says he’s optimistic that Manchin and Sinema will get behind any bill that drives investment in the states those senators represent. Manchin, who has an incentive to protect fossil fuel jobs in his state — a big producer of natural gas and coal — might support climate policy in exchange for federal funding for carbon capture and sequestration technologies, which, by trapping emissions and preventing them from escaping into the atmosphere, could allow power companies to continue burning fossil fuels. He might even go for out-of-the-box ideas, like transforming abandoned coal mines in West Virginia into big batteries to store power from solar and wind, an idea that’s had industry support for years.

“We should think about other ways we can creatively incentivize Senator Manchin and Sinema to go along with an ambitious bill that includes climate policy,” Fleming said.

Freed, from Third Way, is confident moderates will back Biden’s agenda. After all, the President-elect is a moderate himself. “The agenda he wants to get done is a center, center-left agenda,” Freed said. “I think you’re going to have a lot of support from across the Democratic caucus, including the Joe Manchins of the world,” he said.

Whether moderates on the other side of the political aisle will support climate policy this congressional session remains to be seen. Republican Senator Lisa Murkowski of Alaska spearheaded the energy portion of a recent omnibus bill, and both she and Senator Susan Collins of Maine sponsored multiple pieces of climate legislation last Congress. Freed says there might be some Republicans in the House who would support it, too. Representative Brian Fitzpatrick of Pennsylvania co-introduced carbon pricing legislation in 2019. Peter Meijer, an incoming freshman Republican representative, ran on an environmentalist platform in Michigan.

“On the Republican side, the question is, what do they choose?” Freed said. “Do they choose to actually govern and solve problems — or do they get caught in this horrific cycle that they’ve been in for a while now, particularly the past four years, of politics over country?” It’s a question that’s just as relevant to climate legislation as it is to impeachment.

Why profound personal connections are lacking in our lives — and how to find them

Everyone has had the experience of having a conversation with someone only to completely forget what you and others said. Mid-pandemic, when so many of us are conversing over the tedious medium of video calls, being inattentive is the norm — as checking Twitter or playing Solitaire during a work meeting is certainly easier to do behind a laptop screen. Yet these kinds of distractions keep us from experiencing “attunement” with each other — which, as mental health researchers Ted Brodkin and Ashley Pallathra argue, is keeping us from truly connecting with one another.

In their just-released book, “Missing Each Other: How to Cultivate Meaningful Connections,” Brodkin and Pallathra tie together years of research to make the case for the importance of deepening our connections via attunement, which they describe as a feeling of really clicking with someone and feeling understood. The two researchers — Pallathra is a therapist, Brodkin a psychiatry professor — give readers exercises to help practice attunement. 

As always, this interview has been condensed and edited for clarity.

Can you share more about how this book came to life?

Ted Brodkin: Ashley and I were working together at the University of Pennsylvania on a National Institute of Mental Health–funded clinical study to develop the program for adults on the autism spectrum to help with social functioning. And as we were working on that project together, we started to think more and more about this concept of attunement — that’s central to the book as something that’s important for people on the spectrum. But we realized this isn’t just important for people on the spectrum, this is really important for all of us. And so we just started to think, maybe there’s an important book to be written here that could be useful to a lot of people.

I don’t think the idea of attunement is talked about a lot, especially in the realm of mental health. Obviously, the ability to connect with another person is one thing, but your book argues attunement is different. Can you explain what the difference is to our readers?

Ashley Pallathra: I think of it as when you put all the skills together that would encompass connection. There’s an ephemeral piece that you feel when you’re in a relationship with someone and you feel those high-level attunement skills, it’s like an elevated version of all those skills put together. And that’s kind of what we noticed from the study when we were working with the adults on the autism spectrum. Oftentimes a lot of mental health intervention, particularly for people on the spectrum, involved very discrete skills. So you’re practicing, “how do we think about topics that are going to be relevant in a conversation?” Or, “how do I answer particular questions?” Or, “how do I think of a good follow-up question that would maintain a conversation well?”

But I think there’s also this piece of attunement that you’re probably alluding to where you feel it almost in your bones — you feel this sort of emotional connection that goes beyond that. And I think the combination of being aware of how the other person is feeling— so understanding what they’re saying, what they’re communicating through their words, but also through body language — but then also having a good grasp of how you’re feeling in that connection and how connected you feel to that person, how in tune you are to whatever they’re describing. I think it’s that balance between the two. If you think about meeting someone for the first time and whether it’s love at first sight or friendship love at first sight, someone that you really click with, it’s hard to describe, but you feel like you’re on the same wavelength. And I think that comes naturally for some people and in some situations it can be really practiced.

Is there anything else that people can look out for and be like, “Oh yeah, I’m experiencing attunement right now?” aside from that feeling of “clicking”?

Brodkin: So when we talk about attunement, we talk about a deeper level of connection and that doesn’t necessarily have to be in a deep, meaningful relationship. You can think of it as sort of a moment of really making contact with another person, not physical contact, but really being at sync, being emotionally tuned into that other person, as well as yourself. Sometimes it’s helpful to think about examples from different walks of life. For example, musicians playing together who are totally on the same wavelength, improvising together. Sometimes they’re in sync, but sometimes it’s kind of a back and forth conversation. If it’s jazz musicians playing and riffing off of each other, or it could be athletes who are on a team, together, who just seem to move in a very coordinated way. So they’re very, very aware of each other and on the same wavelengths.           

And often another way that you can recognize attunement is that it often has a certain beauty to it. If you’re experiencing it yourself with another person that you can feel good and can feel like, “Wow, I really try to break through there with that other person.” I really made contact. We really understood each other.

What are the four components to attunement?

Pallathra: So the four different components of attunement are relaxed awareness, listening, understanding and mutual responsiveness.

We wanted to be able to delineate and make it clear as we’re going through each piece, because I know it can be a little bit abstract sometimes to think about, but we really do think of all four components as working dynamically with one another and kind of almost like layers.

The order we’ve placed them in helps to make it clear. We start off with relaxed awareness, which is really thinking about how to be in touch with your own mental and physical state, being aware of yourself within a situation, how relaxed or how tense you are, but really thinking about that balance. How do I stay relaxed, calm, cool enough in a way that’s going to strengthen how mindful and how strong my attention can be in that moment?

These can really help elicit stronger listening and understanding skills and ultimately build onto create what we call mutual responsiveness where you can really meet each other where you are and slow down more.

“Relaxed awareness” is key to experiencing attunement, but we are in pretty anxious times. How can people relax right now?

Brodkin: We suggest doing some simple exercises to try to build up your ability of relaxed awareness. So number one, taking basic good care of yourself, especially during these times. Getting enough sleep, eating well, exercising if you can. I know these things are easier said than done depending on one’s life situation, and the amount of stress you’re under and if there’s a family member who’s sick. Some of these things may not be possible, but to the extent that you can, I think that really helps.

You wrote this before the pandemic and I kind of got a sense while reading the book that attunement is something that can only be achieved in person. And I’m wondering if that’s true and if it’s possible for people to still feel that sense of attunement over Zoom?

Brodkin: I think the ideal way to be attuned to someone is in person, but I think it is possible through other means like whether on the telephone or through Zoom. I think it’s more challenging. I think the phenomenon of Zoom fatigue is very much discussed, and a lot of people are finding it difficult to feel really connected to someone over Zoom or whatever video conferencing technology they’re using.

I think perhaps one of the things that makes it difficult is we’re not getting the same kind of nonverbal cues that we get in a live interaction. So for example, eye contact is often not what it is in person. If you’re looking at the person on your screen, you’re not looking into the camera. And so you’re not really making eye contact the way you would in person. Sometimes the timing is a little bit off. I think Ashley pointed out in another time that on Zoom, you’re often not only looking at the other person, but you’re looking at yourself. You can see yourself. So there’s this many things about kinds of cues you’re getting over Zoom that are different and that make it a different experience.

That being said, I still think if you work on it, I think it’s possible to get some level of attunement through Zoom or through the phone. Maybe I’ll let Ashley say more.

Pallathra: Yeah, I was going to add that there’s definitely a hope. I feel like there are absolutely situations where you can practice and develop strong attunement and connection over video, over the phone. I think what can be helpful is to maybe mitigate some of those difficulties by being really intentional. So when you are doing a video call, if you get self-conscious or you get distracted by your own view, I mean, yourself view or trying to minimize other applications or your email and your texts on your computer so that you can really focus on that person and try to be as in-sync as possible. I think I really like the recommendation of sometimes once in a while going off video and really trying to practice these skills that we describe in the book just over the telephone.

And then again, trying to be cognizant of a short conversation here and there, putting away other chores, different chores or other activities, and really trying to focus in on whoever you’re speaking to on what they’re saying and the tone of their voice, the cadence and rhythm that they’re speaking at. I think all of those things are ways of being mindful and sort of enhancing your sensitivity towards some of these cues that ultimately are good practice to be doing for now until we’re able to have access to those in person interactions.

Do you think that experiencing attunement is a problem today? And if so, is it a modern-day problem or do you think that humans have kind of always maybe struggled with attunement and it’s been something that they’ve had to practice with each other?

Pallathra: Good question. I think it’s probably always been a challenge for different different cultures and different times. I think it’s probably an eternal situation, but I think what’s happening now is that we might be having an increase of challenges or distractions that get in the way of our ability to connect. So for example, even on the scale of how communities are built and neighborhoods are built beforehand, depending on where you were, maybe you have lots of neighbors and a few decades ago, you’d walk out your door and you’d always have conversations daily with those people or you’d have conversations on your commute to work. I think the culture of community and the way we’ve connected with one another has changed through social media, but just the speed of our daily routines and the demands and responsibilities have increased.

So I think some of those things add up, but there are just so many different elements that get in the way of our ability to just take that extra beat and pause and be able to focus more wholly on one another. Ted, what do you think?

Brodkin: I agree. One way we describe it here [is that] it’s sort of like an elevated form of connection. So my guess is it’s always been a bit of a challenge and people are not perfectly attuned all the time, probably in any historical era, but I think we’re a very technologically oriented society.

In many parts of the United States, for example, people tend to be in their homes at night on the internet or watching Netflix or whatever, rather than directly interacting with each other. As someone who has kids, I can say that the way kids are brought up with technology these days, it makes for a different upbringing and childhood experience than I had. There seems to be less going over to each other’s houses and playing and things like that, and more play me through screens while you’re each in other houses and so on.

And of course, at a certain age, kids have a smartphone if they’re privileged enough. So it’s just a different way of growing up where technology is ubiquitous. And because of that, because of how much time technology takes up, there’s less live interaction I think.

Beyond connecting with someone, what are the benefits of attunement?

Brodkin: Well, a couple of things come to mind. One is that there are increasing rates of loneliness in our society. It’s gotten to the level that loneliness is really a public health issue. So I think attunement in and of itself is not a way of fully addressing that issue, I think there’s larger social, political, and economic issues behind that, But I think if each of us individually works on this skill I think it can be really helpful at least starting to address that.

And then another issue is that what we argue in the book is that connecting with another person or attuning to another person has multiple benefits. Like Ashley said, in addition to just deep, meaningful relationships, we look at attunement in connection as kind of a power in a sense, a way of being effective and having agency in your interactions with other people. So that could be at work with coworkers, with a boss, that could be in all kinds of settings, that when you’re able to connect with someone, to really have that relaxed awareness, really listen to them and understand what they’re saying and meet them where they are, that even if you want to assert yourself with them or get some message across or communicate, you’re going to be in a better position to do that, and to be heard by that other person.

This ability to connect really makes you more effective in all kinds of areas. Honestly, it can even be self-protective in some ways, like if you want to be safe walking down a city street, being relaxed and aware and having some awareness of your environment and sort of listening to what’s going on around you, basically being tuned into your environment can help you to be safe. So there’s all kinds of applications for this.

Brodkin and Pallathra’s book, “Missing Each Other: How to Cultivate Meaningful Connections,” is to be released on January 26, 2021 from PublicAffairs.

The storage hack that leads to flakier pastries

How many times has a pie crust or biscuit or scone recipe insisted that you start with cold butter and make sure it stays cold at all costs?

This, we are told, is the secret to success. Because when cold butter bits nestled in pillowy dough hit a hot oven, they melt, producing steam, creating layers, yielding flaky baked goods. Hence the proceed-with-caution signs for warm fingertips and summery kitchens.

Any liquid ingredient is held to the same standards. Water must be cold or better yet on ice. Same goes for milk, heavy cream, and friends. All of which is easy enough when the starting place is a cold faucet or colder fridge.

But what about flour? From a distance, this is complicated — many people store this dry, shelf-stable ingredient in the pantry. And because it’s the main ingredient in just about any buttery pastry, its temperature matters.

There are work-arounds here. In “BakeWise,” Shirley O. Corriher recommends that you cut the fat into the flour, then transfer this mixture to the freezer for 10 minutes. Over at Serious Eats, Stella Parks recommends chilling all ingredients, tools and even your countertops during swampy months.

My personal favorite? A baking hack that’s actually a storage hack.

Instead of keeping flour in your 70°F kitchen, keep it in the freezer. This trick is a reliable way to extend the life of whole-grain or fresh-milled flours that are quick to go rancid. But it’s just as fair game for all-purpose, or whatever you use for baked goods. This means not only will your butter tumble into a delightfully chilly landscape, but your flour will stay fresher longer, to boot.

There’s always a bag of white whole-wheat in my freezer, along with rye, buckwheat, and then some. So whenever a weekend scone craving strikes — this happens, uh, every weekend — I’m already a step ahead.

Related recipes:

Anti-Semitism and Israel: Right-wing Zionists play a deadly word game

Democrats and Republicans once competed over who was tougher on communism. Now they compete over who is more pro-Israel. Encouraged by this — not to say spoiled — Israel and its hardline supporters keep upping the ante. The new Democratic administration faces the challenge of trumping a white nationalist Republican administration that was the most pro-Israel yet. 

In addition to his other benefactions to Israel — moving the U.S. embassy to Jerusalem, recognizing Israeli sovereignty over the Golan Heights, brokering peace agreements between Israel and other countries — Donald Trump signed an executive order in December 2019 adopting a new definition of anti-Semitism that covers certain criticisms of Israel. Trump intended the definition to serve as a guide in adjudicating civil rights complaints on U.S. campuses, which have been centers for Palestinian rights activism. The idea, in other words, was to help silence the Palestinian cause on campus. 

This is consistent with Israel’s goal of extinguishing all Palestinian hope for the same freedom in their native land that Israeli Jews enjoy. Israel continues to seize Palestinian land, demolish Palestinian homes, build settlements for Israeli Jews in the occupied West Bank, and deal cruelly with protesters — indifferent to law and morality, but sensitive to the charge of racism. Even Arabs who are Israeli citizens don’t have equal rights with Israeli Jews. 

Israel never wanted to share its Holy Land. Before the UN partition plan for Palestine took effect in 1948, Zionists forcibly expelled as many Palestinians as they could — upwards of 700,000 — from the future Jewish state and its border regions. In the 1950s, when the plight of Palestinians languishing in refugee camps was an issue, Israel apologists would ask pointedly why neighboring Arab states didn’t just take them in and relieve their suffering — and thereby relieve Israel of responsibility. Since seizing the West Bank, Jerusalem, Gaza and the Golan Heights in its preemptive 1967 war, Israel has striven to make life as difficult as possible for the Palestinians in those territories — especially in Gaza where, instead of the Palestinian Authority that does its bidding in the West Bank, Israel has Hamas to deal with.

The Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations has wasted no time in urging Joe Biden’s administration, even before its inauguration, to uphold Trump’s order deploying the expanded definition of anti-Semitism, thereby upholding the Democratic Party’s standing as at least as good a friend of Israel. For years, Israel and its watchdogs have relied on the Holocaust to insulate the state from criticism, but criticism has come anyway. Perhaps a new definition of anti-Semitism that includes many anti-Israel attitudes and opinions will bring better results. With this, Israel has escalated its demand from recognition of its right to exist to recognition of its right to do exactly as it pleases, free from criticism and even nonviolent resistance. 

The “Working Definition of Antisemitism,” adopted in 2016 by its developer, the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) and since then adopted or endorsed by 28 countries — all in Europe except for the U.S., Canada and Argentina — as well as other political bodies, has generated considerable controversy. The definition by itself is unproblematic, which only raises the question of why it was thought necessary. Anti-Semitism is, after all, an age-old phenomenon, and by now its features, Holocaust denial included, are pretty well known. The definition reads: 

Antisemitism is a certain perception of Jews, which may be expressed as hatred of Jews. Rhetorical and physical manifestations of anti-Semitism are directed toward Jewish and non-Jewish individuals and/or their property, toward Jewish community institutions and religious facilities.

Seven of the 11 illustrative examples listed are likewise unobjectionable, but the other four are troubling. They all relate to Israel and raise the question of whether promulgating a new definition of anti-Semitism is a valid undertaking if the purpose is to shield Israel from criticism as no other nation is shielded. 

Making Israel prominent in a definition of anti-Semitism also raises the question of the relationship between the Jewish state and the Jewish people. Clearly, they are not identical, whatever impression Zionists may want to give. For one thing, a good deal of the criticism of Israel and its policies the definition seeks to proscribe comes from diaspora Jews, on and off campus. Israel’s watchdogs can call these Jews self-hating and exclude them in their own minds from the Jewish people, but they still feel a need to muzzle them and other critics. In effect, the IHRA definition privileges hardline Jewish Zionists over other Jews.  

The Jewish state and the Jewish people

What’s wrong with the four examples can be summed up in a single sentence: Israel is not exceptional, any more than is its special friend, the United States. We must root out the idea of exceptionalism in both cases. No more playing world sheriff and deputy, which is our “special relationship,” unless some version of Armageddon is what we really want. Here, example by example, are my specific objections as a non-Zionist Jewish American.

“Denying the Jewish people their right of self-determination — e.g., by claiming that the existence of a State of Israel is a racist endeavor” is one example of anti-Semitism, according to the IHRA definition. Israel is a colonizing endeavor whereby people arriving from elsewhere subjugated and largely displaced the native population. Such an endeavor is commonly considered racist because the newcomers justify their takeover on the basis of assumed superiority, such as a higher degree of civilization or a higher morality. It was the Zionist settlers, not the backward Palestinian natives, who made the desert bloom — in the official story, that is. 

In addition, Israel claims a God-given title to the land of Palestine, so the position of Palestinians is even worse than that of Native Americans when European settlers were colonizing here. 

Zionist treatment of Palestinians reflects Zionism’s origins. Although the Dreyfus affair and the Kishinev Pogrom were formative events in its history, Zionism issued from the same womb that produced pan-Germanism and other late 19th-century ethnocentric and xenophobic movements. Do we have to ignore this racist background?

The right of Israelis to self-determination has entailed denying the same right to Palestinians, who can either submit to Israeli control — which will remain even if they get some pale imitation of a state — or leave the country and join tens of thousands of their fellows in exile. 

Another example of anti-Semitism involving Israel is “[a]pplying double standards by requiring of it a behavior not expected or demanded of any other democratic nation.” In other words, Israel cannot be criticized for doing what any other nation that calls itself democratic has gotten away with doing. This sets a very low bar for behavior and leaves little room for criticism. 

All nations apply double standards to their enemies, and military superiority makes this practice especially dangerous in the cases of Israel and the U.S. We set ourselves up as moral arbiters for the world, and nations perceived as hostile are, of course, undemocratic by definition. Friendly nations are presumptively democratic or, if that description strains credibility — as in the blatant and gruesome case of Saudi Arabia, for example — are at least our allies in the fight against evil.

Israel, the evangelicals and the Nazis

“Using the symbols and images associated with classic antisemitism (e.g., claims of Jews killing Jesus or blood libel) to characterize Israel and Israelis” is also deemed anti-Semitic. This example casts too wide a net. Israel itself is not that picky about its friends. Its evangelical Christian allies definitely believe that the Jews had Jesus crucified and that God will cause two-thirds of us to perish in order to convince the rest to accept Jesus as the messiah and be saved. One leading Christian Zionist is Pastor John Hagee, founder and chairman of Christians United for Israel, who adheres to the old line that Jews brought persecution on themselves by denying Christ, adding for good measure that both the Antichrist and Hitler were half-Jewish. The Christian right is a big supporter of Israel — for its own End Times ends. 

Neither Christian nor Jewish Zionists believe that Jews have a right to exist unconnected to the reborn Jewish state. For Jewish Zionists, Israel offers the Jewish people a chance for spiritual regeneration; for evangelical Christians, it offers Jews a literal last chance of eternal salvation. 

Pressuring countries to endorse the IHRA Working Definition is outrageous from a Jewish perspective as well as a humanitarian one. Given that Israel and its champions have embraced support from white nationalists and Christians who still believe Jews must accept Jesus to be saved — without even mentioning Israel’s questionable international associations — what standing does Israel have as an arbiter of anti-Semitism or Jewishness? Setting itself up as one takes real chutzpah. 

Israel places its interests above those of the Jewish people, from whom it demands an uncritical support that Jewish Americans properly refuse even to their own country. Speaking of double standards, Jewish members of Congress have set a bad example. They feel free to criticize the U.S. for infringing on the rights of minorities or for failing to prevent other countries from interfering in our internal affairs, but remain eerily silent about Israel’s scourging of Palestinians and its meddling in U.S. politics. 

Finally, drawing any “comparisons of contemporary Israeli policy to that of the Nazis” is verboten. “Contemporary Israeli policy” refers to the right-wing Likud government of Benjamin Netanyahu. This example will probably seem unobjectionable to most people, but that is precisely the problem. Viewing the Nazi regime as an aberration in Western history, an example of incomparable evil, is already standard practice when America’s “mistakes,” or Israel’s, are concerned. This view is not only factually wrong but an unearned gift to all nations looking to downgrade their crimes. The U.S. has had to resort to this ploy frequently to preserve its claim of being exceptional. 

Because Jews were the principal victims of Hitler’s regime — although not the only ones — Israel seeks, in our name, exemption from any and all criticism that likens Israeli actions or policies to those of the Nazis, regardless of any actual similarities. The implication here is that the crimes of the Nazis are necessarily beyond anything Israel or any other nation could be capable of. Is Germany comfortable representing the all-time absolute pinnacle of Evil?  

This is like saying there can only ever be one genocide, the Holocaust, and that no other mass murder inflicted by one group of people on another can claim that distinction. Yet if the Holocaust has had value as a cautionary example, it is because it has helped sensitize the world to genocide and ethnic cleansing. Critics of Israeli policies, Jewish and non-Jewish, are indebted to Zionists for that. 

In essence, Israel claims a right to persecute the Palestinian people free from any censure or criticism, based on the historical identity of Jews as a persecuted people, whose persecution culminated in the enormous historical crime of the Holocaust. Jews are the eternal victims, the Persecuted, and no other people can claim a share in the title, especially not in terms of a claim made against the Jewish state itself. To put it simply, Israel denies the meaning of the Holocaust, in the name of the Holocaust. 

For its part, the U.S. is hardly one to talk about the illegitimacy of comparisons to the Nazis. We have regularly compared foreign leaders to Hitler when we want to rouse the public against them. It’s true that Donald Trump’s political opponents did the same to him — but then, he invited it.

Anti-Semitism and the Zionists

Anti-Semitism is no joke, despite Zionist word games with the charge. So intractable is it that there are people who believe Hitler was part of our master plan for world domination. It is easier to believe the Holocaust never happened, of course, if one believes Jews are all-powerful, however few in number. Some still believe, as did Hitler, that we were responsible for both world wars (not to mention the American Civil War and 19th-century European wars). And why was the Jewish death toll in the 9/11 World Trade Center attacks not much higher, given Jewish dominance in international finance? We had advance warning! Perhaps Israel even helped the George W. Bush administration carry out the attacks. And guess who really killed JFK, according to unimpeachable internet sources?

Inconvenient facts do not, of course, deter anti-Semites. Did you not know that all big capitalists and financiers are Jews? It seems that those who were born Gentile lost their souls to a Jewish virus they contracted along the way, perhaps from contact with money, which grew into an obsession. Ezra Pound, no less, believed this. Friedrich Nietzsche, whom many intellectuals consider an exemplary anti-anti-Semite (and indeed described himself as such), believed in a Jewish instinct for decadence so powerful it has turned the Western world upside down. 

The English writer and Holocaust denier David Irving has suggested that the reason Jews have been hated down through the centuries — anti-Semitism being universal and eternal, as Zionists themselves admit! — is simply that we are hateful. Except for us, life on earth would be paradise. Anti-Semitism is a unique prejudice in that it holds a tiny proportion of the world’s population responsible for all the evils of the world. But it goes beyond that: Anti-Semites do not consider Jews part of the human race at all, but a deadly alien element.  

Political differences among Jews, sharp as they are, are of course immaterial to anti-Semites, who believe all Jews are in league to rule the world. A right-wing description of the Democratic Party as made up of “billionaires and Bolsheviks” is thinly disguised classic anti-Semitism. The “Protocols of the Elders of Zion,” first exposed as a fabrication nearly 100 years ago, not long after it began to be widely circulated, remains to this day the urtext of anti-Semitic political theory. All anti-Semites are bad for the Jews, including those who support Israel. The Jewish Zionists who embrace their support put Israel’s interest above that of the Jewish people, seeing them conveniently as one.

Or they privilege Israeli Jews over diaspora Jews. Andrew Breitbart’s Wikipedia biography quotes the late founder of the notorious right-wing site Breitbart News as saying, “I’m glad I’ve become a journalist because I’d like to fight on behalf of the Israeli people. The Israeli people, I adore and I love.” 

Who made up Breitbart’s beloved community? Not the full Jewish people, and not even all Israeli Jews. Those who work with Palestinians to fight the state’s anti-Palestinian policies, who try to block the demolition of Palestinian homes, who document Israeli crimes against Palestinians — those, I would guess, were excluded. Right-wing Jewish Americans like Breitbart are quite at home in the anti-Semitic and racist milieu of the American far right in this country because it is closel akin to the ruling right-wing faction in Israel. It was this homogeneous right-wing Israeli community that Breitbart claimed to love and adore.  

Ethan Bronner, who spent 12 years in Israel as Jerusalem bureau chief for, separately, Reuters, the Boston Globe and the New York Times, cites the support of Christian evangelicals as one factor in the positive transformation of Israel — which he now sees as a confident, prosperous nation — since his first visit there as a boy in 1965. In a recent article for the New York Review of Books, Bronner explains that Israel needs Jewish Americans less today — we have become unreliable supporters — now that “Christian evangelicals are fiercely attached to it and committed to protecting it politically.” Like the U.S., Israel lays claim to superior virtue in its conduct yet has always been aggressively undiscriminating in the company it keeps. Its recent Trump-brokered peace agreements continue that tradition.  

Bronner claims that the occupation of Palestinian territories “gnaws at [Israel’s] moral and democratic fiber,” but he is whistling in the dark and giving false comfort. Israel, he writes “calls itself Jewish and democratic, but it can’t hold onto the West Bank [and Gaza and the Golan Heights and all of Jerusalem] and still be both.” But in whose eyes? Israel is quite content to be Jewish and undemocratic, and racist to boot, while touting itself as moral and democratic for propaganda purposes. Just as Bronner sees nothing problematic in evangelical support for Israel, so Jewish Israelis, by and large, suffer no pangs of conscience about the current state of the Jewish state.

Those who cry anti-Semitism to discredit critics of Israeli policies bring the charge itself into disrepute. Do Israeli hardliners even care? Zionism’s relationship to anti-Semitism has never been one of unqualified opposition. Zionism is premised on persecution and the fear it arouses, and its leaders have always been mindful that anti-Semitism is useful to their cause. To put it crudely, anti-Semitism is good for business. Zionists directly encourage it through their alliances with Christian evangelicals and white nationalists. 

Recall how Jewish-American Zionists swallowed Trump’s calling them “brutal killers” in the real estate business and “not very nice people” at the Israeli-American Council’s annual meeting in December 2019. A president who has glowingly cited his “good German genes” was a hero to Zionists as the most pro-Israel chief executive in our history. 

Zionists seize upon and magnify any real or perceived anti-Semitism on the left — the recent case of former British Labour Party leader Jeremy Corbyn comes to mind — when right-wing anti-Semitism is much more prevalent and dangerous. Thanks to the work of the Anti-Defamation League, Zionists are as aware of this fact as anyone, but they have powerful allies on the right, which is also anti-Muslim, and only critics like Corbyn on the left. (Sadly, the ADL does not apply the same standards to Israeli politics, but lines up with most other Jewish organizations as an unquestioning supporter.) 

Can people who make calculated use of the charge to manipulate other people’s fears, genuinely feel threatened by anti-Semitism, or wholly antipathetic to it? To take their arguments seriously is to accept their opposition to anti-Semitism at face value, when it’s apparent they are ready to turn a blind eye to it for political reasons. 

Fear of anti-Semitism has never deterred diaspora Jews from courting disfavor by championing unpopular causes, including the once-unpopular cause of a Jewish state. We didn’t get a reputation for radicalism by bowing and scraping before the Gentile majority. Israel’s champions demand, however, that Jewish political activism must never run counter to Israel’s perceived interests, and ideally must serve them. 

Israel may represent a final solution to the problem of Jewish radicalism and activism. The Jewish state, like any other, is a jealous god. Only uncritical supporters of Israel are considered real, 100 percent Jews. To put this another way, it makes perfect sense that the Jewish state, which was not available for the job until 1948, would be a better instrument for keeping Jews everywhere in line politically than a non-Jewish one. The U.S. seems to understand and value this service.  

One-hundred-odd years ago, Vienna’s anti-Semitic Mayor, Karl Lueger, said to those who criticized him for consorting with Jews, “I decide who is or is not a Jew.” Today, those who believe Israel is above criticism decide who is or is not an anti-Semite, or a self-hating Jew, based likewise on political considerations — primarily meaning fealty to the current right-wing regime in the Jewish state. Champion and watchdog for Israel or self-hating Jew: Those are the choices Zionists offer to Jews who speak out about the Jewish state. By claiming to speak for all real Jews, however, they compel critics to do just that.

Trump’s Diet Coke button is a reminder of the most laughable, hypocritical parts of his presidency

President Joe Biden had a busy first day in office. He halted construction on the border wall and re-established DACA protections. He rejoined the Paris Climate Accord and recommitted the United States to the World Health Organization. And, according to broadcast journalist Tom Newton Dunn, Biden removed Donald Trump’s “Diet Coke button,” which the former president used to request cold sodas on-demand. 

“When @ShippersUnbound [Tim Shipman] and I interviewed Donald Trump in 2019, we became fascinated by what the little red button did,” Dunn tweeted. “Eventually Trump pressed it, and a butler swiftly brought in a Diet Coke on a silver platter. It’s gone now.” 

Throughout Trump’s presidency, his obsessive love of the beverage was well-documented. In 2017, the Washington Post published that he reportedly drank a dozen cans of Diet Coke per day and, while the majority of Americans are just finding out about the Diet Coke button, that same year, Demetri Sevastopulo wrote for The Financial Times about how he noticed the red button on Trump’s desk. He jokingly asked if it was the nuclear button, to which Trump replied, “No, no, everyone thinks it is. Everyone does get a little nervous when I press that button.” 

According to the Associated Press, the button has been a fixture “on the Resolute Desk that presidents have used for decades,” though not for summoning diet soda. The fact that Trump appropriated for it for such use is, frankly, unsurprising. Its existence is a reminder for some of the most laughable parts of Trump’s personality (and its removal seems to have been an almost a necessary exorcism). 

While assigning goodness or inherent value to a food item can turn into an uncomfortable pseudo-classist exercise (like when the New York Times hosted a quiz where readers could guess whether refrigerators belonged to Biden voters or Trump voters based on their contents), there’s a certain “Home Alone 2: Escape to New York” childishness inherent to slapping a button 12 times a day as a way to demand a Diet Coke on a silver platter. 

It’s a warped idea of what fanciness or indulgence denotes, which is both a perfect encapsulation of Trump’s public persona and, in part, what led to Diet Coke’s heyday in the ’90s. 

Consider the often-memed image of Trump and Melania standing, wax figure-like, in their $100 million New York penthouse. It’s gaudy and gold-covered with columns, chandeliers and frescos reminiscent of a Cheesecake Factory dining room. That photograph is the visual definition of the adage, “You can’t buy taste.”

Trump’s tastelessness was a glaring, omnipresent facet of his presidency. A photograph that feels strikingly similar was taken in 2019, when Trump invited the Clemson Tigers, that year’s national college football champions, for a White House dinner, only to serve them a buffet of Filet-O-Fish sandwiches and slices of Domino’s pizza, a choice that many criticized as racist and classist. He stands beneath a portrait of Abraham Lincoln with his arms outstretched over a mahogany table, stacked high with cardboard burger boxes and flimsy plastic packets of fast food sauces that were balanced inside pewter gravy boats. 

“We went out and we ordered American fast food, paid for by me,” he told reporters that night. “Lots of hamburgers, lots of pizza. Three hundred hamburgers. Many, many French fries.”

It may seem odd that a well-documented fast food devotee (and former McDonald’s and Pizza Hut spokesperson) like Trump would opt for Diet Coke instead of the real thing, but it’s important to consider what the beverage likely meant  to him. 

In his essay “The Decline and Fall of Diet Coke and the Power Generation That Loved It,” Nathan Heller asserts that while the Coca-Cola company tried to endear the beverage to “hip, scrappy youths, it became, enduringly, the beverage of the power generation that emerged across the Clinton years and cheered tie-less, outside-the-box, rule-bending thought in business and in life.” 

“During the late eighties and nineties, Diet Coke seemed less fussy, less patrician, less ‘Frasier’ than second-wave coffee,” Heller wrote.”It helped define a novel archetype of masculinity — the bootstraps kid who’d made it big, who was cool and modern, in a suit.” 

This is, despite the fact, that diet soda was traditionally marketed to women as a way to control weight. Emily Contois, the author of “Diners, Dudes and Diets: How Gender and Power Collide in Food Media and Culture,” wrote that while Coca-Cola went after male and female customers with Diet Coke, unlike their previous diet product Tab, they were largely unsuccessful. 

“Men (and broader culture) seemed to deem the beverage derisively feminine in later decades,” Contois wrote. “For example, in the Atlanta Journal-Constitution an unidentified Coca-Cola executive declared that diet is a ‘four-letter word’ for men, or at least those aged 16–24.” 

When I emailed Contois to inquire as to why she thought President Trump, a leader who was deeply preoccupied with a limited and pugilistic view of masculinity, would drink Diet Coke, her answer was succinct.

“Trump seemed to believe that rules, of any sort, don’t apply to him,” she wrote via email. “That guided his food and beverage choices — from a dozen Diet Cokes a day to well-done steak with ketchup to copious fast food — and much of his presidency.” 

While it’s impossible to know what exactly Diet Coke meant to Trump (though we know it was something he would request during tense conversations, like when he cried out for one while discussing purchasing the rights to a story about an alleged affair he had with ex-Playboy model Karen Mcdougall), the bizarre optics surrounding the revelation of the Diet Coke button is a fitting epilogue to his presidency. It’s a reminder of a man who could have just used an office mini-fridge to satiate his cravings, but obviously liked the feeling of being able to summon a servant with a cold drink at the push of a button. While so many of his stump speeches were bolstered by ramblings about being a man of the people, his actions consistently contradicted that — even down to how he took his dozen daily sodas. 

But the Trump era has concluded, and the Oval Office already looks different. Where a bust of Fred Trump used to preside over the office, there is now a statue of labor organizer Cesar Chavez; Trump’s beige rug has been swapped out for a royal blue replacement, and a portrait of Andrew Jackson was taken down in favor of a painting of Benjamin Franklin. No word yet on whether the Resolute Desk button will be replaced — and if so, what pushing it will summon. 

Why do so many astronomy discoveries fail to live up to the hype?

Britons who switched on their TVs to “Good Morning Britain” on the morning of Sept. 15, 2020, were greeted by news not from our own troubled world, but from neighboring Venus. Piers Morgan, one of the hosts, was talking about a major science story that had surfaced the previous day, informing his viewers that “there may be some form of life on Venus.”

Astronomers, he reported, were considering that “living organisms may be floating around in the clouds of planet Venus.” He was then joined, via live TV link-up, by Sheila Kanani, a planetary scientist and outreach officer with the Royal Astronomical Society (RAS). Morgan put it to her point-blank: “Is there life on Venus?” Kanani replied diplomatically but enthusiastically: “We can’t definitively say that there’s life on Venus at the moment. But whatever is going on at Venus is very exciting indeed.”

The research, which had been published the previous day in the journal Nature Astronomy by an international team of scientists, claimed that observations made with the James Clerk Maxwell Telescope in Hawaii and the Atacama Large Millimeter Array (ALMA) in Chile had detected the chemical phosphine, identified by its spectral signature, in the atmosphere of Venus, and that this could be read as a possible sign of life on the cloud-covered planet. Media outlets around the world carried the story — it made the front page of The New York Times — and tens of thousands tuned in to a press conference RAS co-organized to hear the scientists themselves discuss the finding. (Video of that event has by now racked up more than a quarter of a million views on YouTube.)

It was, in brief, the big astronomy story of 2020 — or at least it was poised to be, if the results held up. Within weeks of the initial publication, however, doubts surfaced. Some astronomers questioned the methodology behind the data analysis; it’s possible, they argued, that the purported signal wasn’t due to phosphine at all, but rather due to sources in the Earth’s atmosphere or possibly in the telescope itself. Another team of astronomers re-analyzed some of the data and concluded there was “no statistically significant detection of phosphine.”

By Nov. 20, the journal’s editors had appended a cautionary tag to the article: “The authors have informed the editors of Nature Astronomy about an error in the original processing of the ALMA Observatory data underlying the work in this Article, and that recalibration of the data has had an impact on the conclusions that can be drawn.”

Meanwhile, even if the team really had detected phosphine, there was no way to be certain of its biological origin; the paper’s authors acknowledged this, merely noting that on Earth, phosphine is typically associated with micro-organisms, but allowing that it could be due to some unknown chemical process. For many who heard the news, though, it was all too easy to leap from somewhat ambiguous spectral lines to little floating creatures in the Venusian atmosphere.

The kinds of astronomy and physics “breakthroughs” that generate breathless media coverage on par with the Venus-phosphine story seem to come along at regular intervals. Readers may recall the purported detection of signs of primordial gravitational waves from the early universe in 2014; claims of neutrinos moving faster than light in 2011; the supposed discovery of bacteria that can use arsenic in place of an element considered vital to life in a California lake in 2010 — and the grandest such claim of the last 25 years, the alleged discovery in 1996 of fossilized micro-organisms on a Martian meteorite that had been recovered in Antarctica. (That claim was so astounding that it prompted a speech by then-President Bill Clinton.) In the end, none of these claims have held up.

On the other hand, numerous other stories, equally big, have held up: In 2012, physicists used the Large Hadron Collider at CERN to confirm the existence of the Higgs boson; and, less than two years after the claimed detection of primordial gravitational waves, physicists used the Laser Interferometer Gravitational-Wave Observatory (LIGO) detectors to record gravitational waves emitted by merging black holes.

No one begrudges the attention bestowed on either of those discoveries, both of which have been recognized with Nobel Prizes. And hype can certainly be found in other fields; the human genome project understandably generated an enormous amount of media interest, as have various controversies over cloning. But astronomy and physics, which offer glimpses of the farthest reaches of the universe and perhaps shed light on ancient questions about our place in the cosmos, seem to trigger a never-ending stream of provocative pronouncements. And all too often those claims seem to fall flat.

In science, new findings face intense scrutiny. That is, after all, how science is supposed to work, and it’s hardly surprising that some claims turn out to be wrong. But if claim after claim fails to live up to the hype that surrounds it, scientists worry that the public will feel let down, and may even question whether scientists can be trusted — and whether they deserve to be funded. In other words, hype has consequences, and public trust in the scientific enterprise is at stake.

And yet the scientists and journalists that I spoke with for this piece are hesitant to place the blame on any one part of the process. Rather, it seems the machinery of hype depends equally on those who are engaged in science, those who employ them, those who fund them, and those who report on their findings.

“There’s something I call the press-academic complex,” says Brian Keating, a physicist at the University of California, San Diego. “You have a mostly virtuous cycle, where academics, scientists are doing research that’s fundamentally important, and then at some point, someone decides to go to their local press office.” Pretty soon, local media get wind of the discovery, then national media. “At a certain point, the scientist is guaranteed to lose control of the narrative,” he says.

Charles Seife, a veteran science journalist who teaches science writing at New York University, has seen the hype machinery gradually ramp up over the course of his career. “In the past 20 to 30 years, scientists have gotten a little bit more comfortable — either through social media more recently, but even previous to that, pushed by publicity-hungry administrators — to hype their own results beyond what would ordinarily be seemly or accepted by peers,” he says. The pressure is not just on the scientists, but on the journalists and the various intermediaries as well; just as scientists compete for funding and prestige, journalists compete for clicks and page-views.

“When you’re trying to get a story published, there is a huge pressure to make it sound like a big deal,” says Natalie Wolchover, a science journalist and senior writer and editor at Quanta Magazine.

Funding agencies, meanwhile, earn bragging rights when a project they enabled makes a major breakthrough; the same goes for the institutions that employ the scientists, whether it’s a university or a government agency such as NASA.

“Everyone has skin in the game,” says Seife. “Everyone benefits from having something get a lot of publicity and a lot of attention — presuming it holds up.”

* * *

Keating has had something of an insider’s view of the hype machine. He co-developed the telescope known as BICEP (Background Imaging of Cosmic Extragalactic Polarization) — predecessor to BICEP2, which made news in 2014 by revealing what was said to be evidence of ripples in space-time known as gravitational waves, or rather, the imprint that those waves left on the cosmic microwave background radiation, an all-sky glow left over from the early universe. If those gravitational waves from the early universe had truly been found, it would lend support to a theory known as cosmic inflation, an element of the Big Bang model of the early universe.

It also would have been a Nobel-worthy discovery. Indeed, Keating’s book about his experiences as a cosmologist, including the BICEP2 project, is titled “Losing the Nobel Prize.” As it turned out, the signal that BICEP2 measured was largely the result of dust in our own Milky Way galaxy, and not a signature of early-universe physics. (The waves successfully detected two years later by the LIGO facility were registered directly, rather than via any effect on the cosmic microwave background.)

In the six years since BICEP2’s purported discovery, Keating has come to realize that publicity is as much a part of his field as telescopes and grant applications. Major findings in astronomy and physics now routinely include press conferences. On the surface, a press conference makes perfect sense: It brings scientists and journalists together in one room (or, in Covid-times, a single webinar or Zoom screen). If the journalists have questions, the scientists can answer them in real time. But some scientists feel the press conference is a bad idea — especially if the findings have not yet been published in a peer-reviewed journal (as was the case with BICEP2; the research wasn’t published until a few months later).

Scientists who present their findings to the press before sharing their work with their peers are jumping the gun, says Marcelo Gleiser, a physicist at Dartmouth College. “And that, to me, is a capital sin.” This, he says, was BICEP2’s big mistake. “They did a good experiment — but they did not wait,” he says. “They wanted to make a big splash.”

But, Keating notes, the BICEP2 results weren’t kept secret, either, having been posted to arXiv.org — a sort of digital clearinghouse for research in physics — on the same day as the press conference. In his book, he explains the team’s decision to crowdsource the vetting of their work: “Instead of restricting our findings to a single referee’s eyes, which is typically what happens when scientists submit their findings to an academic journal — one who might well be a competitor and leak our results — we opened it to the whole world.” He notes that other research teams had adopted the same strategy, so they believed there was “strong precedent” for their course of action.

Today Keating feels differently. Having a press conference “obviously, in retrospect, was a big mistake,” he says. In fact, he now sees press conferences as “a spectacle that science doesn’t need,” noting that they were rare until the 1990s. A scientific breakthrough would have the same impact with or without a press conference, he says. Plus, if you’re shown to be wrong, “you have to walk back the result and somehow put the toothpaste back in the tube.”

As much attention as the BICEP2 press conference got, the highly polished YouTube video released by Stanford University — one of several institutions that supported the research — drew far more eyeballs. In the video, a researcher named Chao-Lin Kuo, who had designed the detectors at the heart of the BICEP2 experiment, walks up to the house of theoretical physicist Andrei Linde, one of the founders of inflation theory. Kuo, champagne in hand, tells Linde the telescope has found a clear signal of those primordial gravitational waves. Linde is ecstatic; the cork on the champagne is popped; tears well up. The video has been viewed more than 3 million times. The video was memorable, says Gleiser, but given how the story eventually played out, he now sees it as misguided. “It is embarrassing,” he says. “It is bad for everyone’s reputation, in the end.”

For Wolchover, the BICEP2 case and the discovery of gravitational waves announced by the LIGO team just two years later make an interesting contrast. In both cases, there was a much-watched press conference — but in the case of LIGO, the published, peer-reviewed article was made available at the same time as the news briefing. With BICEP2, there was voluminous media coverage but little scientific scrutiny, since the research had yet to be published. This ultimately “led to this very public downfall for that experiment, and egg on the face of some of the people covering it,” she says.

And yet, peer review is no panacea; the Venus-phosphine paper had in fact been peer-reviewed at the time the results were presented to the press. The key, Wolchover says, is skepticism — something she believes was lacking in media coverage of the Venus story. She fears that people will be left with “some vague idea that we discovered life,” she says. “And then they won’t see next week’s story that’s buried at the bottom of the newspaper, if it even makes it in somewhere like [The New York Times] saying that that result has been questioned.” A few weeks after the story broke, she tweeted: “The claim should have been approached with massive skepticism, given minor billing, or been skipped altogether for now.”

* * *

Marcia Bartusiak, a science journalist with decades of experience and an emeritus professor in the graduate science writing program at MIT, has seen it all before. For the scientists, there is “that desire to perhaps stick your neck out a little farther than you should have,” she says. “They’re on a tightrope of: They want the public’s interest, they want the continued funding — but they have to be careful to not disillusion people.”

Journalists, meanwhile, face similar pressures. Early in her career, Bartusiak was reporting for Discover magazine on the purported discovery of Martian meteorites. “But when I wrote the story, and I contained both sides, the editors wanted to pump up the exciting part — you know, ‘Meteorites from Mars?’ And they wanted to take out all the stuff about the evidence against it because they said ‘Oh, that just dilutes the story. It dilutes the punch.'”

About a decade later, Martian meteorites were in the news once again, this time with the startling claim that fossilized micro-organisms had been detected on a particular 2-kilogram chunk of rock known as Allan Hills 84001, named for the region of Antarctica where it had been recovered. Before the NASA press conference, held in Washington, D.C. on Aug. 7, 1996, the scientists were likely urged to “be a little bit more firm, be more emphatic,” Seife found in his reporting after the event. The push to be confident rather than cautious and reserved was clear, he says. Soon afterward, President Clinton spoke from the south lawn of the White House, pledging to fully support “the search for further evidence of life on Mars.”

Eventually, the claims were scaled back; the scientific consensus, when it was eventually reached, was that the rock most likely contained no micro-fossils after all. When I asked Seife how the “no fossils” coverage compared to the initial reporting, he laughed. The story “quietly faded away,” he said.

In the case of the Venus story, however, not everyone views what happened as problematic. “I don’t see it as an example of something that was horribly overhyped and then went south,” says David Grinspoon, an astrobiologist at the Planetary Science Institute in Tucson, Arizona. For starters, he says the team was reasonably cautious in presenting their results. If “other people show that they made a mistake, maybe that’ll end up being the story. That’s not a horrible story for science. That just shows how it works,” he says. And even if the results are mistaken, he says, it could be a “useful mistake” if the episode drives more scientists to investigate Venus’s atmosphere.

Just as the Venus-phosphine story was fading from the headlines, another seemingly big space story broke: In late October, NASA announced that astronomers using an airborne infrared radio telescope known as the Stratospheric Observatory for Infrared Astronomy had detected water on the sunlit side of the moon, in a large lunar crater known as Clavius. Previous observations had been ambiguous, but now the scientists said they were sure. As NASA press releases go, this one was cautiously worded, noting that even the Sahara Desert contains 100 times more water than SOFIA had detected. Even so, it became a huge story. NASA’s administrator, Jim Bridenstine, tweeted that, while it wasn’t clear if could serve as a practical resource, “learning about water on the Moon is key for our #Artemis exploration plans,” referring to NASA’s plan to land humans on the moon by 2024.

But, as Seife notes, we’ve known there’s water on the moon ever since the Clementine mission in the mid-1990s. NASA, he says, took a moderately noteworthy discovery “and all of a sudden it turned to, ‘We’re going to land astronauts there, and they’ll harvest the water, and launch rockets up from the water’ — it just makes no sense.” In a similar vein, Phil Plait, an astronomer and prolific science blogger, tweeted that the published paper is “very interesting and cool scientifically but tying it to Artemis is a MAJOR reach. Like, no. Stop.”

* * *

Several of the people I spoke with described a kind of feedback loop in which scientists are tempted to over-inflate their claims, with journalists playing along for the sake of a compelling story — with no obvious way of breaking the cycle. “I don’t know if we can totally abolish the hype,” says Bartusiak. “I think it’s always going to be with us.” An obvious danger, notes Gleiser, is that the public could become jaded, especially if science journalism begins to parallel the seesaw-like stories sometimes seen in health and lifestyle reporting, in which coffee, chocolate, and wine are either good for you or bad for you, their efficacy seeming to depend on the day of the week. The risk, Gleiser says, is that “we lose this very precious thing that our ancestors have worked very hard to develop, which is trust.”

A second, related, danger is that with everyone shouting their findings at the greatest possible volume, nothing coherent can be heard above the din. “It’s like how in a restaurant, when people start talking loudly, then other people start talking louder, and eventually everyone’s screaming,” says Wolchover.

A good first step, she and others suggest, would be to encourage coverage that more closely reflects the significance of the research being put forward. When that research is inconclusive, the audience needs be told so.

“If the public’s trust in science is undermined, that has a devastating impact, not only on scientists,” says Keating. “First the scientists will suffer, but then society will suffer.” This is especially serious, he suggests, in an age when trust in science and scientists is already on shaky footing. People will think, “We can’t trust science, which means knowledge, then who can we trust?”

This article was originally published on Undark. Read the original article.

What happens to the Resistance after the world’s loudest science denier leaves the White House?

When President Donald Trump moved into the White House in early 2017, those worried about the quickening pace of climate change had every right to be terrified. After all, on the campaign trail, Trump had hollered about pulling out of the Paris climate agreement and reviving the coal industry, as well as banning Muslims from entering the United States and “locking up” Hillary Clinton.

It wasn’t just bluster. Trump tried to do all of that, and much more. The former reality TV star and real estate mogul, with his thumb hovering over the “Tweet” button, presided over a frenetic presidential term marked by impeachments, walls, and travel bans — four years that were as poisonous for the country as they were for the climate.

Under Trump and his polluter-friendly appointees, the Environmental Protection Agency rolled back hundreds of rules intended to clean up the country’s air and water and curtail greenhouse gas emissions — which could result in almost 1.8 billion metric tons of extra carbon dioxide flowing into the atmosphere over the next 15 years. (That’s equivalent to one year’s worth of emissions from the country’s power generation.) Trump made good on his campaign promise, making America the only country in the world to abandon the landmark Paris Agreement after adopting it, ceding the international stage to players like the European Union and China. And all this amid three of the top five warmest years on recordrecord-breaking hurricanes, and devastating wildfires.

To be sure, past Republican presidents also loosened many environmental protections. But they didn’t do it on the same scale as Trump. “Trump’s appointees were more openly contemptuous of environmentalists than any Republican environmental appointees at least since Ronald Reagan,” said Adam Rome, an environmental historian at the University at Buffalo. Trump didn’t just destroy environmental protections — he bragged about it, while calling climate change a hoax created by China, saying “It’ll start getting cooler, you just watch,” and giving the green light to controversial oil drilling and pipeline projects.

With Trump expected to leave office on Wednesday, President-elect Joe Biden has promised to return to the Paris accord on his first day in office. But clearing up the rest of the damage will take time. And time, unfortunately, is in short supply. To avoid warming of more than 2 degrees Celsius or (3.6 degrees Fahrenheit), as required by the Paris Agreement, the U.S. needs to zero out its emissions by the year 2050. According to one analyst, before Trump, the U.S. would have needed emissions to drop 4.5 percent each year to reach that goal; after Trump, it will be more like 5.5 percent. The difference isn’t trivial: In a world where it took a devastating pandemic to cut the world’s emissions by only 7 percent last year, every metric ton of CO2 matters.

Trump, however, will leave another legacy behind when he departs the White House. In the past four years, climate activism has catapulted into the mainstream. Riding on the waves of what has been called the “American resistance” movement against Trump, it went from a movement associated with pipeline protests, university divestment, and more niche concerns to grabbing major headlines. Youth-led activist groups like the Sunrise Movement and Zero Hour sprang up seemingly overnight — staging marchesoccupying Congressional offices, and confronting presidential candidates. Abroad, a Swedish teenager named Greta Thunberg began skipping school on Fridays to protest the lack of action on global warming, inspiring teenagers around the world to do the same. In London, thousands of protestors from “Extinction Rebellion” stopped traffic, chained themselves to fences, and brought Tube stations to a screeching halt.

Not that all of this activism was simply a backlash against Trump. Raging wildfires, record-breaking hurricane seasons, and scorching heat waves have also vaulted climate change into the public’s consciousness. But it’s hard to imagine it occurring without him. “When a political system is in place that is not open to people to push for change from within the system, they go outside of it,” said Dana Fisher, a professor of sociology at the University of Maryland. “They march in the street, they yell in the street, they do sit-ins. It makes a lot of sense when you have an administration that doesn’t even acknowledge that climate change is real.”

Now, however, these newly emboldened activists are facing a new reality: What will happen to the movement when the world’s loudest climate denier is no longer in the White House?

* * *

Natalie Sweet’s first-ever protest was the Women’s March in Washington, D.C., the pink-hatted national rally held the day after Trump’s inauguration in 2017. Sweet was in eighth grade at the time and drove to the protest from New York City with her family.

She was already starting to get political. “What Trump’s election did for me was show how high up racism and prejudice can be in politics,” she said. “That really propelled me forward.”

Sweet, now 17, serves as the communications director for Zero Hour and is emblematic of many teenagers who spent their high school years protesting Trump. Most got their first taste of politics at the Women’s March or at the March for Our Lives — the massive demonstrations against gun violence held in the wake of the school massacre in Parkland, Florida — then pivoted to protesting inaction on global warming. “They were the first children of ‘the resistance,'” Fisher said. “They came out originally around other issues but then started to see the importance of climate change.”

Young people turned to protest as they started to believe that the political system was failing them, said Hava Gordon, an associate professor of sociology at the University of Denver. Before Thunberg was famous, back in the summer of 2018, she was just a lone teenager protesting outside the Swedish Parliament. She went on to inspire millions of young people worldwide to skip school and take to the streets, cursing about climate change (“Maybe if it was called ‘Father Earth’ you’d actually give a shit!” one protest signread) and calling for urgent action.

Gordon said they didn’t want to “wait their turn” to have a voice in politics — and that the dysfunction of the Trump administration had revealed that waiting wasn’t an option anyway. So they adopted an attitude of “‘we’re not gonna wait to be acculturated into this political machine, because it’s totally broken.'”

In some ways, these protests mirrored those in the past, with calls to “listen to the science,” giant blow-up Earth balloons, and signs about saving polar bears. But the most recent demonstrations have also been markedly different, shaped by concerns that go well beyond climate change and the future of Arctic sea ice. The new generation doesn’t just want to stop global warming — they want a plan that creates millions of jobs and builds a new, non-polluting economy. In 2018, activists with the Sunrise Movement held a widely covered sit-in in the office of House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, demanding a “Green New Deal” — a legislative agenda that would cut carbon emissions while also providing jobs to every American, a $15 minimum wage, and universal health care. The idea soon turned into a rallying cry.

For a long time, the label of “environmentalist” didn’t comfortably fit activists who were more concerned with racism and human health than polar bears and endangered species. “People have been trying for decades to make environmental justice a bigger issue, and to build alliances that go beyond the traditional concerns of social justice activists on the one hand, and climate activists or environmental activists on the other,” said Rome, the historian. The coalition for a Green New Deal managed to do what previous generations of environmental activists could not: join union workers, health care advocates, and community leaders together for a common goal, one that was intertwined with concerns around social justice and equality.

Fisher, the University of Maryland sociologist who has spent the last four years interviewing activists about their reasons for protesting, says that the emphasis on race and equality has been growing — even as some of the backlash against Trump is waning. According to Fisher’s data, in April 2017, when 200,000 people took part in the People’s Climate March in Washington, D.C., 47 percent of participants said they were protesting partly for “equality”; 56 percent said they were there because of Trump. By last April, when the COVID-19 pandemic forced most Earth Day celebrations and climate protests online, the number of people who said they were participating for equality had jumped to 57 percent. The president, meanwhile, was only motivating 28 percent of respondents to turn out. “I think people have become a bit inured about the outrageousness that is Trump,” Fisher said.

Over the three years between the surveys, there were plenty of other reasons to protest runaway global warming — including an onslaught of climate-charged disasters that were hard to ignore. In 2017 alone, Hurricane Harvey submerged Houston in 50 inches of rain, the worst rainstorm in U.S. history; the monster storm known as Irma was deemed the strongest Atlantic hurricane on record; and Hurricane Maria became the deadliest storm in almost 20 years, killing thousands in Puerto Rico. The flame-ridden West saw its worst wildfires in recorded history last year, burning down thousands of buildings and choking swaths of the country in smoke. The country sizzled through deadly heat waves year after year, sea levels steadily rose, and changing weather patterns parched the continental United States, half of which is now experiencing drought.

It felt as if we were already beginning to live through passages of a dystopian work of climate fiction. The world seemed to be teetering into the new, scary era that scientists had been warning was coming for decades — and continued to warn about in harrowing reports, such as the 1.5 degrees C report from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change and the United States’ Fourth National Climate Assessment, which both came out in 2018.

The Trump administration, in character, tried to bury the assessment by releasing it on Black Friday. And what did the U.S. president have to say about his own administration’s report? “I don’t believe it.”

* * *

The horror show in the White House, in tandem with extreme weather catastrophes throughout the world, might have managed to scare more than just young Americans into caring about the climate. A record percentage of the public now grasps that our planet is overheating, and more than a quarter are alarmed about the crisis — double what it was five years ago, before Trump was elected. Climate change became a concern for CEOs and Wall Street as well as for younger Republicans. “They don’t necessarily care about nature, they’re not necessarily tree huggers, but they recognize one of the great challenges of the 21st century is building a sustainable economy and a sustainable society,” Rome said.

Many business leaders, he said, “couldn’t stomach Trump’s denialism.” Corporate executives said that withdrawing from the Paris Agreement was bad for business; automakers sided with California when Trump challenged the state’s stricter fuel efficiency rules. As the federal government backslid on climate, corporate pledges to go “net-zero” emissions starting pouring in (with varying degrees of legitimacy).

Corporations alone won’t save us, Rome said, but they are “certainly a sign that there’s a larger awareness out in the world that these challenges are real and they’re not going away.”

Will all this momentum end up inspiring legislation? In early January, run-off elections in Georgia that sent two Democrats to the Senate provided the start of an answer: After Biden’s inauguration, his party will be in control of the House of Representatives, the Senate, and the presidency — a trifecta not seen since President Barack Obama stepped into the White House over a decade ago. Given the extremely narrow margin in the Senate (Democrats hold 50 seats, including two independents, giving them the slimmest edge possible over their Republican counterparts), Biden will not be able to pass anything close to the $2 trillion climate plan he envisioned. But he will, by fits and starts, be able to get some legislation through.

There is some concern that, with a friendly face in the White House, some of the activism that has marked the past four years will begin to trickle away. It’s hard to imaginehundreds of thousands of people turning out for a “March for Science” during a Biden presidency, as they did during Trump’s. Protests and organizing, after all, come in cycles: When activists’ preferred party is in power, they have fewer reasons to take to the streets.

But that doesn’t necessarily mean the momentum behind climate action will fade. “Activism exists on a spectrum,” Fisher said. Organizers can attack a problem from the “outside” — staging a sit-in, for example, or protesting a much-disliked political candidate — or from the “inside,” through lobbying elected officials and joining political campaigns. Many of the climate groups that have emerged over the past four years began on the outside, and then began inching, slowly, toward the inside. “Environmental groups have for years used this kind of combination of tactics,” Fisher said.

Along the way, organizations like the Sunrise Movement have accumulated more political power and media attention than would have previously been thought possible. Last spring, just a year and a half after Sunrise’s sit-in, its co-founder, Varshini Prakash, served on atask force to help the Biden campaign refine its climate plan, rubbing shoulders (via Zoom) with Washington insiders and former Secretary of State John Kerry. But the group intends to keep playing the role of outside agitator as well, and Prakash has said that they will hold the new president accountable. “Our role is to say these campaign promises are great, but we need you to act upon them from day one,” Prakash told Reuters in December.

Some things in the next four years won’t change much. Thunberg will probably continue to skip school — and maybe even college — on Fridays. And even after the best efforts of the Biden administration, it is likely that the U.S. will still not be on track to cut its emissions enough to reach the Paris Agreement’s goal of keeping warming below 2 degrees Celsius. (According to the nonprofit Climate Action Tracker, only a handful of countries in the world, including India, Ethiopia, and the Philippines, are on track to do their part in hitting that mark.)

But Trump’s strange, turbulent, and destructive years in office have given the climate movement something that it didn’t have before: a unified foundation on which to build, and a message that could resonate well beyond those concerned about “the planet” in the abstract.

“If the movement can show that as a fast-food worker, you should be concerned about climate change and all the things that propel it,” Gordon said, “that’s a huge victory.”

Scientists get closer to understanding Mars’ ice ages by looking to Antarctica

Scientists have known for years that Mars is covered in glaciers that ooze down steep cliffs, roll over mesas, fill craters and flow through valleys — but for a myriad of reasons, geologists can’t just go to Mars and start excavating on these glaciers. Plus, even if they could, these glaciers are buried deep in boulder debris.

“They are topped with rocks, dust, and sand, like Oreo crumbs sprinkled over a big serving of vanilla ice cream,” said Dr. Joe Levy, an assistant professor of geology at Colgate University, in an email to Salon. “That blanket of debris acts like an insulator, keeping the ice cold and preventing it from sublimating away as water vapor.”

Like those on our planet, glaciers hint at a previous ice age. Yet little is known about these Martian ice ages. Scientists believe that Earth had five significant ice ages throughout history, the most recent being the Pleistocene Epoch which began about 2.6 million years ago. Yet there is still much unknown about the ice age — or ages — on Mars.

According to a new study, spearheaded by Levy and published in the Proceedings of the National Academies of Sciences, we have a better sense of how Martian ice ages worked. Researchers estimate Mars had between six and 20 separate ice ages during the past 300 to 800 million years, defying what some scientists previously believed, which is that Mars had just one very long ice age.

“We started this project with a snapshot of glaciers on Mars; high-resolution satellite images of hundreds of potential target glaciers,” Levy said. “But what we didn’t know was whether the glaciers formed, in one long ice age from about 800 to 300 million years ago, if they formed all at once in a short burst, or if they formed slowly, bit by bit every 100,00 years or so when Mars’ orbital tilt moved ice away from the polar caps and into the middle latitudes where we see the glaciers.”

As a geologist, Levy figured “the rocks might tell the story.” Indeed, they did.

“We mapped more than 68,000 rocks visible in HiRISE [The High Resolution Imaging Experiment] images collected from orbit,” Levy said. “HiRISE camera images have a resolution of 25 cm/pixel, so most of our boulders we examined in our virtual fieldwork were the size of a kitchen table up to the size of a car.”

Levy and his team predicted if glaciers formed more quickly, suggesting multiple ice ages over shorter spans of time, there would be a group of larger rocks near the top of the glaciers they studied. The smallest, most eroded ones, would be at the bottom. Alternatively, if the glaciers formed slowly over hundreds of millions of years, “rocks that fell high on the glacier and that were carried all the way down the glacier could have a very long time to erode and get smaller,” Levy explained.

As they studied the images and pieced together how these rocks and glaciers formed a more comprehensive story, the researchers received a “huge shock,” Levy said.

“There was absolutely no pattern to the boulder sizes,” he said. “They didn’t get smaller; they weren’t all the same size.”

As they zoomed out a little more, a pattern quickly unfolded.

“What was suddenly obvious in the measurements, though, was that the boulders were clustered into groups,” Levy said. “Our team is the first to point out that boulders on martian glaciers come in bands, like a barcode stretched out down the glacier.”

Jack Holt, co-author of the study and director of the Earth Dynamics Observatory at the University of Arizona, told Salon via email they recognized this pattern because “boulder bands on Earth are evidence of ice accumulation switching on and off.”

“This is something we have observed on Earth at similar glaciers that are found in the Dry Valleys of Antarctica,” Holt said.

The researchers discovered an average of 5 to 6 bands on the glaciers they studied. In some places, as few as two.

“In others as many as 20, suggesting about five or six big orbital wobbles for Mars that moved ice from the polar caps and into the glaciers,” Levy said. “We see more bands at colder sites, which makes sense, since a smaller climate push should grow a glacier at a colder sites, while warm sites will need a really big ice age to grow a glacier, so we only see the biggest glaciations recorded in the warm sites.”

Hence, this is how the scientists landed on the conclusion that Mars had between six and 20 separate ice ages during the past 300 to 800 million years. Levy and his team believe that by studying the glaciers, not only will they learn about the red planet’s ice ages, but the glaciers will provide scientists with more information about Mars’ orbit and climate during this 300 to 800 million-year window.

“Mars seems to have had several ice ages driven by big changes to its axial tilt,” Levy said.

Both researchers told Salon there’s more to learn about both Mars, our solar system and universe by gaining a better understanding of Mars’ glaciers.

“Given the age of the ice, its persistence through climate cycles, they could be important as potential habitats, so if we were to find evidence for past or extant life in these deposits it would of course have enormous consequences to our understanding of the solar system and universe,” Holt said.

However, Levy warned that the debris bands could “be a real hazard for future Mars explorers who want to use the glaciers as a water source.” He said there’s enough water in these glaciers to meet human needs “for years and years,” and that living in the glaciers could help “avoid radiation exposure,” but that “drilling through debris layers, to get out ice cores, or to mine ice for future explorers, is really hard.”

“The way to avoid that hazard is to land an ice-penetrating radar on your glacier before you go to mine it for water, see where the debris bands are in the ice, and then dodge around them when you dig,” Levy said. “So, my hope is that future explorers pack smart; sitting on top of a nearly limitless pile of ice, but not being able to blast through a debris band, would be awful.”

Why Biden can’t govern from the center

I keep hearing that Joe Biden will govern from the “center.” He has no choice, they say, because he’ll have razor-thin majorities in Congress and the Republican party has moved to the right.

Rubbish. I’ve served several Democratic presidents who have needed Republican votes. But the Republicans now in Congress are nothing like those I’ve dealt with. Most of today’s GOP live in a parallel universe. There’s no “center” between the reality-based world and theirs.

Last Wednesday, fully 95% of House Republicans voted against impeaching Trump for inciting insurrection, even after his attempted coup threatened their very lives.

The week before, immediately following the raid on the Capitol, more than 100 House Republicans and several Republican senators objected to the certification of Biden electors in two states on the basis of Trump’s lies about widespread fraud.

Prior to the raid, several Republican members of Congress repeated those lies on television and Twitter and at “Stop the Steal” events.

Trump has remade the Republican party into a white supremacist cult living within a counter-factual wonderland of lies and conspiracies.

According to various surveys, more than half of Republican voters — almost 40 million people — believe Trump won the 2020 race or aren’t sure who won; 45% support the storming of the Capitol; 57% say he should be the Republican candidate in 2024.

In this hermetically sealed cosmos, most Republicans believe Black Lives Matter protesters are violent, immigrants are dangerous and climate change doesn’t pose a threat. A growing fringe openly talks of redressing grievances through violence, including QAnon conspiracy theorists, of whom two are newly elected to Congress, who think Democrats are running a global child sex-trafficking operation.

How can Biden possibly be a “centrist” in this new political world?

There is no middle ground between lies and facts. There is no halfway point between civil discourse and violence. There is no midrange between democracy and fascism.

Biden must boldly and unreservedly speak truth, refuse to compromise with violent Trumpism and ceaselessly fight for democracy and inclusion.

Speaking truth means responding to the world as it is and denouncing the poisonous deceptions engulfing the right. It means repudiating false equivalences and “both sidesism” that gives equal weight to trumpery and truth. It means protecting and advancing science, standing on the side of logic, calling out deceit and impugning baseless conspiracy theories and those who abet them.

Refusing to compromise with violent Trumpism means renouncing the lawlessness of Trump and his enablers and punishing all who looted the public trust. It means convicting Trump of impeachable offenses and ensuring he can never again hold public office — not as a “distraction” from Biden’s agenda but as a central means of reestablishing civility, which must be a cornerstone of that agenda.

Strengthening democracy means getting big money out of politics, strengthening voting rights and fighting voter suppression in all its forms.

It means boldly advancing the needs of average people over the plutocrats and oligarchs, of the white working class as well as Black and Latino people. It means embracing the ongoing struggle for racial justice and the struggle of blue-collar workers whose fortunes have been declining for decades.

The moment calls for public investment on a scale far greater than necessary for Covid relief or “stimulus” — large enough to begin the restructuring of the economy. America needs to create a vast number of new jobs leading to higher wages, reversing racial exclusion as well as the downward trajectory of Americans whose anger and resentment Trump cynically exploited.

This would include universal early childhood education, universal access to the internet, world-class schools and public universities accessible to all. Converting to solar and wind energy and making America’s entire stock of housing and commercial buildings carbon neutral. Investing in basic research — the gateway to the technologies of the future as well as national security — along with public health and universal healthcare.

It is not a question of affordability. Such an agenda won’t burden future generations. It will reduce the burden on future generations.

It is a question of political will. It requires a recognition that there is no longer a “center” but a future based either on lies, violence and authoritarianism or on unyielding truth, unshakeable civility and radical inclusion. And it requires a passionate, uncompromising commitment to the latter.

Betsy DeVos and the politics of fear: A not-so-fond farewell to Trump’s education secretary

Even Betsy DeVos — one of the longest-serving of Donald Trump’s revolving-door cabinet secretaries — finally reached what she called an “inflection point” with the former president’s open call for violent insurrection, resigning slightly before he left office. Amid the chaotic Trump administration, DeVos was in many ways the perfect choice for education secretary. She showed an astounding lack of knowledge about public education. She seemed at best uninterested and at worst downright hostile to America’s public schools.

DeVos’ tenure leaves us with unanswered questions: How is it possible that the leader of the Education Department could be so indifferent to public education itself? Why wouldn’t she learn the basics about her own department?

Scholars and pundits have offered answers. For one thing, DeVos did not care about her department because she thought her department should not exist. Like conservatives ever since the Reagan administration, DeVos yearned to dismantle her own department from within. DeVos, in this analysis, was never the guardian of public education but rather the “wolf at the schoolhouse door.”

That explanation is true and important. For decades, conservative leaders have threatened to eliminate the Education Department entirely. Even when Rick Perry could not remember all three of the federal departments he planned to eliminate back in 2011, he remembered that one of them was Education.

But that explanation can only get us so far. There is another reason why conservatives like DeVos often show a stunning ignorance about public schools. After all, even if she only planned to undermine public schools, it would make sense for her to learn a little something about them. Secretary DeVos never did.

In her infamous interview on “60 Minutes” in 2018, for example, DeVos seemed surprised by the questions. Were public schools in Michigan — her home state — doing better or worse? She stumbled. She hemmed and hawed and finally choked out an awkward, “I don’t know.”

As one pundit said at the time, “If I were a boxing referee, I would have stopped this exchange halfway through.” No one did. DeVos went on to show her utter lack of … well, everything having to do with her job. When interviewer Lesley Stahl asked her if she had visited any struggling public schools, DeVos flailed. “I have not,” she began, “I have not — I have not intentionally visited schools that are underperforming. … Maybe I should. Yes.”

It wasn’t just that she didn’t know anything about schools, even in her home state of Michigan. She didn’t even seem willing to learn, and she didn’t improve with time. When the COVID pandemic threw American schools into utter confusion, DeVos shocked observers once again with her trademark combination of incompetence, ignorance and chilling apathy. When asked what her department would do to help coordinate an educational response to the pandemic, DeVos punted. It was not the job of her department, she said, to “collect and compile that research.” Of course, that was precisely her job. As the original charter of the Education Department laid out, one of its primary responsibilities would be to improve schools “through federally supported research, evaluation, and sharing of information.”

She didn’t know that. She was even unwilling to spend three seconds to Google it. Yet DeVos turned herself into a rare survivor in the Trump administration, keeping her seat at the table as other Cabinet members came and went.

So yes, if we want to understand the mysteries of Betsy DeVos we need to understand that she never wanted to protect and improve public education. Like generations of conservative leaders, she has had a long antipathy for secular public schools and a deep distrust of the federal government itself.

But if we stop there, we won’t really answer the toughest questions about her. After all, Ronald Reagan’s education secretaries, Terrel Bell and Bill Bennett, also planned to undermine their own department. But whatever their flaws, both Bell and Bennett knew a lot about education and learned a lot more on the job.

DeVos didn’t bother to learn, and her approach to conservative education activism is as different from Terrel Bell’s as President Trump was from President Reagan. In order to make sense of it all, we need to unearth and decode a long tradition of conservative educational activism. We need to understand the ways conservatives have always used Trump-style tactics in their fights to control public education.

For a full century now, conservative activists have learned how to win when it comes to public schools. Time and time again, conservatives have failed when they attacked public schools directly. When they’ve tried to fight against modern teaching or progressive textbooks they haven’t succeeded. But they have won — and often won big — by fighting against imaginary schools, schools in which students are threatened by sneaking subversive teachers and corrosive anti-American textbooks. In a nutshell, conservative education policy has often been a non-starter, but conservative scare tactics have dominated schools.

This tradition is the soil in which DeVos’ Trumpish type of leadership could grow. To be sure, DeVos doesn’t represent all educational conservatives any more than Trump represents all conservatives. Just as plenty of smart, well-informed conservatives abhor Trump’s toxic narcissism, there have been plenty of smart, well-informed conservatives in the past who have offered good ideas about American education. DeVos isn’t one of them. She comes from a world in which there has been only one thing people needed to know about public education: It was a monster.

Consider one example from the war years. In 1939, America was torn apart, beset by an unimaginable combination of unprecedented crises. The world was ablaze, with Nazis blitzing Europe and the Japanese war machine seizing Asia. At home, the economy reeled from the Great Depression. Pundits warned that President Franklin D. Roosevelt was turning himself into a dictator. Homegrown Nazis mounted alarming rallies nationwide and voices shouted to keep “America First.”

In the midst of all this, conservative activists discovered that America’s public schools had become the targets of a sneaking subversion. Conservative groups such as the National Association of Manufacturers, the American Legion and the Daughters of the American Revolution warned that a popular series of social studies textbooks spread “socialistic” ideas among the nation’s innocent schoolchildren. Critics warned that the books by Professor Harold Rugg taught that America was only a second-rate nation, a cruel capitalist regime.

In many ways, the conservative campaign against the Rugg textbooks worked. When the specter of socialism reared its head, school leaders across the country outdid one another in their haste to purge their classrooms. Even as Nazis built bonfires of banned books in Europe, conservative activists across the United States burned textbooks in Wisconsin’s fields and New York’s empty lots.

A set of textbooks that had once been in the hands of nearly half of all American middle-schoolers was soon hard to find. The frenzy over the Rugg textbooks might seem like an example of the way conservatives have long controlled American schools. It might seem as if conservatives have always exerted veto power over textbooks and curriculum. It might seem that Americans have always teetered on the edge of a frightening right-wing hysteria.

On closer look, though, the lamentable Rugg textbook episode tells a very different story. Yes, conservative activists managed to whip their followers into a frenzy. They managed to dominate headlines and turn school board meetings into desperate shouting matches. But they didn’t actually change schools very much.

For instance, at the height of the controversy, on Aug. 29, 1940, the New York Times front page headlines screamed, “Rugg’s Books Banned from More Schools.” But after a few months, state school boards reviewed the charges and found them baseless. Unfortunately, newspapers like the Times buried those less-inflammatory stories. For example, the news of Georgia’s positive review of the Rugg books was only briefly mentioned in a short article on page 21.

Moreover, when conservatives terrified Americans into yanking Rugg books from their schools, the books were replaced with very similar books by different authors. Despite the accusations made against them, Rugg’s books were really not very radical at all. They represented middle-of-the-road, mainstream social studies education.

If conservatives had wanted to change the way young Americans learned about history and society, they would have had to make much deeper changes in the kind of books students used. Yet when conservatives in the American Legion tried to do just that, they failed miserably. Years before Legion stalwarts learned of Rugg’s textbooks, they tried to commission their own history textbooks. They found a willing writer, Charles F. Horne of the City College of New York. Their new textbook, they promised, would teach a history “so glorious that its proper study must inspire any child to patriotism.”

Unfortunately for their big dreams, the new American Legion textbook was bad — so bad the Legion itself tried to pretend it had never existed. The books were full of glaring factual errors. As one disgusted historian wrote, the books’ only goal seemed to be to “produce a bigoted and stereotyped nationalism … a deplorable subservience to the rule of ignorance.”

In the end, America’s schoolchildren ended up reading textbooks very similar to Rugg’s, though without his name on the cover. Conservatives failed miserably when they tried to instill their own ideas into America’s schools, but they succeeded when they spread terror about an imaginary socialist threat.

The Rugg debacle was far from an isolated case. In every generation, conservative activists have sought to take control over America’s public schools. And in every generation, they have run into the same fundamental roadblocks. They could not change American schools in ways that really mattered. But they could do one thing very well: terrify the general public by spinning extravagant stories of sneaking subversion.

Long after the Rugg textbooks had been shunted off into dusty school-district warehouses, another school controversy repeated the pattern. In Pasadena, California, conservative activists attracted national attention by upending their school district. The charge? Teaching “progressive” methods that undermined the patriotism and Americanism of helpless children.

At the time, a loud-mouthed populist leader had brought the Washington establishment to its knees, reeling off lists of conspirators who had infiltrated the government. The fact that Joseph McCarthy had no facts to back up his wild charges didn’t matter. He drew big crowds — angry crowds — and Republican politicians rushed to keep up with his changing stories.

Just as in the Rugg era, in 1950 the imagined danger was from socialist subversion. And just as in the Rugg era, conservatives looked hard at public schools for evidence of communist infiltration. In Pasadena, a new superintendent became the latest Harold Rugg. The superintendent, Willard Goslin, had had an impressive career before he took over Pasadena’s schools in 1948. By 1951, though, he had been fired. Conservatives from Pasadena and around the country rallied to eliminate Goslin and others like him. They warned that school leaders like Goslin were injecting a subtle form of ideological poison into their children, the poison of “progressive” education.

In broad outline, at the time “progressive” education included a range of ideas, from field trips and group projects to ungraded report cards and non-authoritarian teaching. As Willard Goslin saw it, progressive education simply meant better education. He planned to abolish report cards so that students and parents would be free to learn as individuals, not crammed into a one-size-fits-all grading scheme. He established working groups that included teachers, school staff and community members to make decisions about schools. He wanted to abolish gerrymandered school zones that kept Black and Latinx students isolated in separate schools.

As Goslin saw it, there was nothing subversive about these ideas. They were merely the new way to teach, freed from meaningless traditions of strict discipline and schooling based on fear. Goslin thought the citizens of Pasadena agreed, since they had recruited him away from his job in Minnesota, begging him to bring modern learning to their community.

Goslin was wrong. A coalition of local conservatives quickly mobilized against his plans for their schools. They passed around pamphlets by right-wing pundits. They warned one another that “progressive” education was nothing but a stalking horse for socialist subversion. The age-old progressive scheme, they insisted, was to undermine American traditions of self-reliance and competition. By getting children in school to focus on working together instead of competing for grades, progressive educators planned to raise a generation of helpless drones, ripe for totalitarian plucking. Progressive education, right-wingers shouted, meant nothing less than “the disintegration and final extinction of the American society.”

Like Harold Rugg, Goslin found himself the surprised bogeyman for these conservative fears. He was booted from his position. It might seem as if conservatives asserted once again their control over the nation’s schools. Yet just as in the early 1940s, in the 1950s conservative activists actually demonstrated only the hard limits of their own power.

In Pasadena, on second glance, “progressive” education remained just as popular as ever. A teachers’ group conducted a survey during the bitter campaign against Goslin. In late 1950, they asked over a thousand of their fellow citizens what they thought about their local schools. It turned out that a slight majority (50.7%) of Pasadenans did indeed think their schools were worse in 1950 than they had been in the past. But very few people actually blamed progressive classroom methods. By vastly overwhelming majorities, Pasadenans approved of typically progressive teaching methods such as “group discussions” (97%) and “field trips” (92%). People loved modern teaching techniques such as using “motion pictures” (92.7%) and “group projects” (95.4%).

In late 1950, Pasadenans embraced progressive education. Yet they wanted Goslin out, on charges of promoting progressive education. Just as in the case of Rugg, conservatives in the 1950s could not control schools, but they could spread fear. In Goslin’s case, he was accused of two offenses. First, he was rumored to plan a summer camp for Pasadena’s children. The camp, conservative activists charged, would spirit students away to the woods for indoctrination. It would brainwash students into accepting socialist truths and rejecting American values. The fact that Goslin had no plans for such a camp didn’t matter. The rumors were enough.

In addition, while conservatives publicly blasted Goslin’s alleged plans to abandon the “three Rs,” it was another “R” that energized them more: Racism. Goslin had not planned any socialist summer camps, but he had planned to rezone the district. If Goslin had had his way, Pasadena’s small but growing populations of African-American and Latinx students would be more fully integrated into the school system. In public meetings, conservatives attacked the supposed subversion of progressive classroom methods, but among themselves they warned that their property values would plummet if they lost preferential access to all-white schools.

Just like in Pasadena, time after time conservatives have failed when they tried to upend progressive traditions in public schools. Those traditions have always been far too popular to be attacked directly. But time after time, conservatives have scored spectacular successes when they have marshaled the politics of fear to spread anxiety about the goings-on in public schools.

The strange career of Betsy DeVos has been only the latest instance of this long legacy of conservative educational activism. Even before she became Trump’s education secretary, she harangued conservative audiences that public schools were nothing but a “dead end.” It wasn’t merely that public schools offered worse academics, DeVos warned. In a speech in late 2020, DeVos articulated some of her guiding beliefs about the dangers of public education. Public schools, DeVos suggested, threatened to yank children from the loving care of their homes and churches and wipe away “every distinctive feature of families.” Instead of sustaining and reinforcing the religious beliefs of conservative Christians, DeVos agreed, public schools would only cram “uniform guidance” down every student’s throat.

By injecting toxic strains of fear and suspicion into every dialogue, DeVos poisoned educational politics from the very top. Her strategy of attacking public education helps explain why she was so successful in keeping her seat in Trump’s Cabinet. President Trump himself harped on the same refrain. Sounding just like the anti-Rugg activists of the 1940s or the anti-Goslin pundits of the 1950s, Trump has warned that public schools in 2020 spread a sinister subversive lesson.

As part of his “1776 Commission,” this past November Trump intoned darkly that public schools placed “rising generations in jeopardy of a crippling self-doubt.” For too long, Trump warned, “a series of polemics grounded in poor scholarship has vilified our Founders and our founding.” As a result, Trump believed, “many students are now taught in school to hate their own country.”

It sounds scary. Parents might justifiably worry if public schools were putting their children in jeopardy. They would have a right to object if public schools tried to strip their children of their religious beliefs. Shouting “subversion” in a crowded school board meeting has always been a brutally effective technique, except for one thing.

When it comes to public schools, lots of Americans have direct experience that gives the lie to right-wing fear-mongering. When asked by Gallup pollsters in 2010, large majorities of Americans give their kids’ public schools high grades. The better they knew their schools, the better they liked them. Only 18% of people thought the nation’s public schools as a whole were doing a good job. And only about half (49%) thought their local public schools were thriving. But among people with kids in public schools, over three-quarters (77%) of respondents gave their children’s schools an “A” or “B.”

The politics of fear can only get conservatives so far. True, they can get superintendents racing to discard textbooks. And they can cost a few high-profile school leaders their jobs. But they have never been able to convince Americans that their public schools are actually subversive. Unlike a lot of institutions, public schools are by definition embedded in their local communities. Families go in and out of their schools every day, though these days it may be only via Zoom.

Public schools face plenty of problems and challenges. But by harping on the politics of fear, Betsy DeVos and other conservative activists only take attention away from those real problems. By frightening students and parents with far-out tales of sneaky left-wing teachers and subtly suspicious textbooks, conservatives have always managed to score some short-term successes. The long-term effect of those scare tactics, however, has been to foster a corrosive suspicion in the public’s attitude toward public education.

The odd tenure of Betsy DeVos doesn’t make much sense in traditional terms. She was a department leader who despised her department, a spokesperson for public education who didn’t have any idea what to say. In more normal political times, it would have been impossible for her to keep her job. However, in the poisonous atmosphere of Trump’s White House, DeVos fit right in. Like her boss, she did not deal in facts and figures, in policies and plans. Instead, she drew on the long tradition of right-wing fright campaigns.

Why didn’t she bother to learn anything about public education? Because she knew her success lay elsewhere. As conservative activists have done for generations, Betsy DeVos only needed to attack a figment of the conservative imagination. She did not need to know what went on in real schools, because she only needed to resurrect a cartoonish misrepresentation, a bogeyman that had long haunted conservative nightmares.

President Joe Biden has started the work — and what a massive change that is

In relatively simple, straight words and actions contrasting fully with his predecessor, President Joe Biden started the work he said he would do as the nation’s chief executive.

There was a certain national determinedness evident in choosing to have the ceremonies on the Capitol steps just days after a Trump-clad mob swarmed to deny presidential election results and would-be healing messages that seemed welcome by most Americans.

It was a ceremonial day, a non-corny, heartfelt flood of oratorical references to Hope, Light, Unity, Positivity and Truth. “We need to end this uncivil war,” Biden intoned in a speech he has wanted to make for more than 40 years.

“We must reject the culture in which facts themselves are manipulated and even manufactured,” Biden said.

More importantly, there was action, on Day 1 of President 46, and an expression of Doing Right that has been missing for a long time. Biden makes us believe he will act to fight for racial inclusion and against white supremacy and any anti-democratic movement.

What struck home was how simple the messages were, despite the complexities ahead in carrying them out: Wear masks. Get vaccines done. Join the world again. Widen access to health and public education. Recognize Climate Change.

It was pretty far from Donald Trump’s proclamation that we were facing “American carnage” — and then did his best to bring it about.

Actually, few missed Trump on the podium.

An upbeat message

The message — delivered better by 22-year-old poet laureate Amanda Gorman and the benedictions than by deeply empathetic Biden: Get along as neighbors with a common purpose of dealing with Big Issues. The unity Biden seeks among “enough of us” is attention to issues beyond our personal well-being.

Biden may not be a soaring orator, but he came across as believable and ready to steer a course through our simultaneous pandemics. Even political opponents could come away feeling that at least Biden wants to do the job — apparently with as little pomp as possible.

“To heal, we must remember,” he said at the nation’s only official memorial to 400,000 coronavirus deaths. Again, simple words used at a simple ceremony. It was a public action that eluded Trump, whether for pandemic, joblessness, race gaps or environment.

The slew of Biden executive orders really were pretty simple statements, too. They acknowledge America is not alone in the world on:

climate or pandemic

owning up to what we owe a generation of Dreamers

halting separation of families at the border

remaking immigration 

relaunching the fight to control coronavirus.

They are ideas that may come across as bold, even controversial, in a bifurcated Congress or even in a country divided by what it has been told by competing news sources.

But, in truth, they were simple statements toward justice and toward righting some of what has gone awry.

Trump’s departure

To the end, Trump proved his usual narcissistic focus of egotistical self-congratulations, only half-heartedly wishing an unnamed Biden good luck because he, Trump, had bequeathed him a country in such wonderful shape, reality notwithstanding.

Trump’s petulant departure was a ridiculous, self-serving, sad attempt to take the spotlight, complete with red carpet and artillery fire. He threatened a return “in some form” and said a Trump movement would carry on.

His last-minute pardon list made absurd anew the misuse of presidential powers on behalf of political buddies and served as a “final ‘screw you’ to the criminal justice system that he thinks unfairly targeted him and his allies,” as Axios said. And a last move to revoke his own executive order, which newly allows his inner circle to take lobbying jobs, overturned his commitment to draining the swamp.

Trump’s actions were not conservative or liberal, they were not helpful to the nation, they did not make us safer or healthier or more secure. They helped only Trump as he set off to a rally-like playing of “YMCA” blaring, on his imagined government in exile in West Palm Beach. Even QAnon supporters said in tweets that maybe they had been duped into believing in this guy.

Indeed, Trump will be back –- in the form of a trial in the Senate where his prospects seemed to dim with Sen. Mitch McConnell, Republican leader, placing direct blame for provoking the Capitol riots on Trump.

Add to that plenty of other legal actions preceding and during the Trump years pending in New York courts. Only conviction in the Senate, however, will be sufficient to precede a vote to deny him the right to seek the presidency again.

Biden’s burden

What seemed important about last Wednesday’s highly contrasting images was both in closing the Trump era and taking action to start anew on issues that are about policy, not personality. The day’s ceremonies seemed to make even more absurd last week’s Insurrection Day attacks, which gave voice only to divide and not toward getting anything done.

For example, there will be plenty of debate on whether Biden’s approach to immigration and offering a path to citizenship to millions of undocumented arrivals is practical or achievable. We heard equally early, overwrought Republican opposition.

Specifics aside, what we could recognize was that on Day 1, Biden was proposing legislation offering a simple statement of humanity and that he was seeking to underscore an American tradition of openness.

We expect the same shortly on coronavirus funds and jobs, on the environment and on health. From the opening bell, we’re seeing a government that believes in making change to make American lives better, not Biden’s own political future.

That is a welcome development already.

Donald and Melania Trump fired chief usher before leaving White House to spite the Bidens

President Joe Biden was blamed for firing the White House chief usher on his first day on the job, but his predecessor actually did the deed — apparently to spite the incoming first family.

Donald and Melania Trump sent White House ushers home early on Inauguration Day in one of their last acts in a tense presidential transition, a well-placed official not associated with the Biden team told the National Journal.

“The Trumps sent the butlers home when they left so there would be no one to help the Bidens when they arrived,” the official said. “So petty.”

Other knowledgeable sources confirmed to the Journal that chief usher Timothy Harleth, a former executive of Trump Hotels hired by Melania Trump, was summarily fired by the outgoing president and first lady — and not by the Bidens, as was widely reported afterward.

Harleth was already gone by the time Joe and Jill Biden arrived at the White House on Wednesday afternoon, leaving no one in place to open the doors for their inaugural entry and leading to an awkward pause.

“It’s a big protocol breach for the president to ever stand in front of a closed door at the White House,” said a veteran White House social expert. “That may be why there was nobody to open the doors to the Bidens. You couldn’t expect the Biden staff to know to do that. Doors are opened and closed by ushers. There are rules about all these things and everyone has their job.”

The rest of the usher staff was back on the job Thursday, but Harleth — considered to be a Trump loyalist — was not expected to be retained by the Bidens for long.

We need to build a lot of wind turbines. Will Americans agree to live near them?

Late last year, Princeton researchers released a major study modeling different ways the U.S. could reduce its net emissions to zero by 2050 — a target that has been advanced by scientists, and countries around the world, as our best hope for limiting the worst effects of climate change. The models were designed to prioritize cost-effectiveness, and the researchers found that the U.S. could in fact achieve net-zero by 2050 without spending much more of our gross domestic product on energy than we do today. But that finding came with several caveats, including the warning that “expansive impacts on landscapes and communities” will have to be “mitigated and managed to secure broad social license.”

Put more bluntly, a lot more Americans are going to have to get on board with having renewable energy infrastructure like wind farms in their neighborhoods. The researchers estimate that we’ll need to devote between 93,000 and 400,000 square miles of land to wind farms in order to meet that net-zero goal. While the wind turbines’ direct footprint would only be about 1 percent of those figures, their visual footprint — the area throughout which you would likely be able to see the turbines — could be as big as Nebraska, Iowa, Kansas, Missouri, Oklahoma, and Arkansas combined. The study calls “community opposition to visual and land-use impacts of wind” a “potential bottleneck deserving immediate attention.”

Under one pathway with 100% renewable electricity and aggressive electrification, wind turbines could take up an area as big as Nebraska, Iowa, Kansas, Missouri, Oklahoma, and Arkansas combined.Princeton / Net Zero America study

Community opposition is already a majorobstacle to the development of wind farms. Despite national polls that indicate that wind energy has broad social license to expand, local battles still slow projects down, drive up their costs, and in some cases, kill them altogether. To address this bottleneck, policymakers might turn to social scientists, who have spent decades trying to untangle the complex dynamics that go into how communities respond to these projects. Recent findings could help planners predict where wind projects might be more welcome, and where they might need to do more work (or spend more money) to earn community support.

The first thing to understand about community opposition to wind is that it’s not just a matter of NIMBYism, the idea that people might support wind energy in general but selfishly don’t want it in their backyard. “Researchers have looked into that question in particular,” said Joe Rand, a senior scientific engineering associate at Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory, “and said you know what, there are legitimate reasons why people are concerned. There’s meat and the bones of why there could be opposition.”

Past case studies and surveys have tied opposition to the perception within a community of unfair or nontransparent decision making, and to a lack of a clear benefit to the community for hosting the project. The implication is that opposition can be warded off or ameliorated if developers consult with communities early and often in the process and work out local “co-benefits” such as jobs, energy bill credits, investments in schools or roads, or even co-ownership.

And yet it’s not that simple. Sarah Mills, a researcher at the University of Michigan, has watched as proposed wind farms in Michigan that seemed in many ways identical — the same developer, the same permitting procedures, similar lease agreements with local landowners — were met with very different reactions. “It’s super contentious in one community and not contentious in another community,” Mills said. “My sense was that there was something underlyingly different about those places.”

She and her colleague Douglas Bessette recently investigated whether certain characteristics of a community might predict how a wind project will be received independently of developer practices and permitting processes.

“Understanding whether it’s different individuals within a community or different communities themselves … which are more willing to accept this kind of infrastructure and which are not, I think, is going to help align future policies,” Mills said.

Limiting their study to four Midwestern states — Michigan, Minnesota, Illinois, and Indiana — Bessette and Mills made a list of wind farms and asked local energy professionals to rate on a scale of 0 to 10 how contentious the project had been prior to its construction. Then they weighed those scores against a wide range of public data, including population density, political affiliation, educational attainment, the size and other characteristics of farms in the area, and the presence of scenic features on the landscape, looking for correlations.

They found that areas with more natural amenities — defined by the United States Department of Agriculture as water bodies and topographical variation — had more contentious wind farm proposals. In addition, wind projects were less contentious in communities where landowners lease their farmland to offsite farm operators instead of cultivating it themselves. These tend to be areas with more production-oriented farms — think vast expanses of big commodity crops like corn and soy — rather than part-time or hobby-oriented farms, whose operators tend to live on the property. “These ag-centric communities likely see wind development as one more way for their land to be productive,” the authors write in the study.

Past case studies had already shown that wind tends to have support in farming communities and is often viewed negatively in tourist areas, but this is the first study to collect data on a whole slew of projects — 69 total — and corroborate those observations with hard data. “Now we have statistics behind those, which I think is helpful,” said Mills.

Even more helpful will be future work that expands on this research to look at more of the U.S., something that Mills intends to do. Her study also only included wind farms that were actually built, which may have skewed the results. Next time she hopes to incorporate projects that were canceled, too.

“Work like this needs to be highlighted, and we need more work of this nature to be conducted,” said Rand, who was not involved in the study. “I really think that the social, cultural, and institutional challenges are coming to the forefront.”

Rand says that as more of the “lowest-hanging fruit” gets taken — sites with good wind that are close to transmission lines and far away from people — researchers expect projects to become more contentious. Mills’ study supports this hypothesis: It found a correlation between the year a project came online and its contention rating.

But while Mills’ study can offer developers some guidance about where they might face less resistance, Rand said it would be unrealistic to think we could only develop renewable energy in places where 100 percent of the community is on board. For him, the role of social science research is not to figure out how to avoid opposition, but rather, how to enable more responsible development that leads to better outcomes for all parties.

“That would mean developers are better equipped with tools, techniques, or approaches to work with communities to increase co-benefits,” Rand said. “Or communities themselves and their elected officials are similarly better equipped with the knowledge, tools, resources that they need to have a positive outcome when developers come knocking.”

The research could also feed into the models used in the Princeton report mapping out paths to net-zero. Erin Mayfield, a postdoctoral researcher at Princeton who worked on the land use and renewables siting aspects of the report, pointed out that she and her fellow researchers were optimizing for cost, but the cheapest way to decarbonize isn’t necessarily the best or most realistic one. In future research, she said, they plan to integrate other constraints and objectives such as community preferences and balancing the costs and benefits to communities, using social science research.

“Modeling has often been a very kind of a technocratic approach,” she said, “but it’s not how systems actually develop. It’s not reflective of what people care about, both now and potentially in the future. Without incorporating these other objectives … we are losing a big part of the picture, and it’s not reflecting what could happen or what we may want to happen.”

This slow-cooker turkey chili is a leaner alternative to a classic dish that doesn’t skip on flavor

Turkey chili is a great alternative to classic beef chili, providing a leaner but no less flavorful meal for the dinner table. To help protect our ground turkey from drying out, we enlisted the help of a panade — a paste of bread and milk — to provide added moisture. We also found the addition of broth and a little soy sauce helped reinforce the meatiness of the leaner meat. Be sure to use ground turkey, not ground turkey breast (also labeled 99% fat-free), in this recipe. Serve with your favorite chili garnishes.

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Recipe: Slow-Cooker Turkey Chili

Serves 8 to 10

Cooking time: 4 to 5 hours on low ||

Slow cooker size: 5 to 7 quarts

Ingredients:

  • 2 slices hearty white sandwich bread, torn into 1-inch pieces
  • 1/4 cup soy sauce
  • 2 pounds ground turkey
  • 3 tablespoons vegetable oil
  • 3 onions, chopped fine
  • 1 red bell pepper, stemmed, seeded, and chopped
  • 1/4 cup chili powder
  • 1/4 cup tomato paste
  • 6 garlic cloves, minced
  • 1 tablespoon ground cumin
  • 3/4 teaspoon dried oregano
  • 11/4 cups chicken broth, plus extra as needed
  • 2 (15-ounce) cans kidney beans, rinsed
  • 1 (28-ounce) can diced tomatoes, drained
  • 1 (15-ounce) can tomato sauce
  • 1 tablespoon packed brown sugar
  • 2 teaspoons minced canned chipotle chile in adobo sauce
  • Salt and pepper

1. Mash bread and soy sauce into paste in large bowl using fork. Add ground turkey and knead with hands until well combined.

2. Heat oil in 12-inch skillet over medium heat until shimmering. Add onions and bell pepper and cook until softened and lightly browned, 8 to 10 minutes. Stir in chili powder, tomato paste, garlic, cumin, and oregano and cook until fragrant, about 1 minute.

3. Add half of turkey mixture and cook, breaking up turkey with wooden spoon, until no longer pink, about 5 minutes. Repeat with remaining turkey mixture. Stir in broth, scraping up any browned bits; transfer to slow cooker.

4. Stir beans, tomatoes, tomato sauce, sugar, and chipotle into slow cooker. Cover and cook until turkey is tender, 4 to 5 hours on low. Break up any remaining large pieces of turkey with spoon. Adjust consistency with extra hot broth as needed. Season with salt and pepper to taste. Serve.

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