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Trump shares AI video of resort in Gaza after claiming he wants to “clean out the whole thing”

Weeks after Donald Trump claimed he wanted to "clean out" Gaza, the president shared an AI-generated video that promoted future Trump-branded resorts in the territory.

The video opens with false photos of the devastation in Gaza under the text "Gaza 2025: What's Next?" before transitioning to colorful, mocked-up images of Trump and Netanyahu sunbathing, golden statues of the president and bearded bellydancers swaying along a pristine coastline.

A presumably AI-generated dance track promises "no more tunnels, no more fear, Trump Gaza is finally here" as the video Trump shared to Truth Social cycles through shots of money raining down and Elon Musk eating pita. 

The video caused immediate outrage among authorities in Gaza. 

“We strongly condemn, in the harshest terms, the disgraceful video published by U.S. President Donald Trump, which contains unethical scenes that violate the customs, morals and traditions of our Palestinian people,” Hamas Media Office Director Ismail al-Thawabta told the New York Times.

Trump has pitched U.S. control over the Gaza Strip more than once since taking office, sparking a new round of backlash each time. 

“The U.S. will take over the Gaza Strip, and we will do a job with it too,” Trump said at a press conference earlier this month. “We’ll own it and be responsible for dismantling all of the dangerous unexploded bombs and other weapons on the site. Level the site and get rid of the destroyed buildings. Level it out.”

Responding to the backlash, White House spokesperson Anna Kelly backed up Trump's plans to resettle Gaza residents and rebuild the area.

"As President Trump has said, Gaza in its current state is unhabitable for any human being," she shared in a statement. "President Trump is a visionary, and his plan to have the United States involved in Gaza’s rebuilding will allow for Palestinians to resettle in new, beautiful communities while improving conditions in the region for generations to come."

“Bloated, fat and disgusting”: Trump paints bleak picture of United States in first Cabinet meeting

President Donald Trump has moved beyond "American carnage," leaving the nihilistic outlook of his first term behind in favor of gleeful bullying and childish name-calling. 

The difference in style between Trump's first and second go-round in the Oval Office was on full display Wednesday when the president called the United States a "bloated, fat, disgusting" country and bashed predecessor Joe Biden during the first meeting with his Cabinet.

Responding to a reporter's question about the Department of Government Efficiency and Elon Musk's controversial attempts to slash the size of the federal government, Trump called Biden a "disgrace."

"I think Elon wants to and I think it’s a good idea because, you know, those people, as I said before, they’re on the bubble. You got a lot of people that have not responded. So we’re trying to figure out — Do they exist? Who are they?" Trump said of emails spearheaded by Musk that asked federal workers to share details of their workweek and carried a tacit threat of being forced out of their jobs. "And it’s possible that a lot of those people will be actually fired. And if that happened, that’s okay, because that’s what we’re trying to do. This country has gotten bloated and fat and disgusting and incompetently run." 

Trump went on to say that Biden was "the worst president in the history of our country" and blamed him for ongoing inflation.

"He just left office. I think he's a disgrace," Trump said.

Trump supported Musk's federal workforce decimating machine even after Musk admitted at the meeting that DOGE "will make mistakes."

"For example, with USAID, one of the things we accidentally canceled very briefly was ebola prevention," he said. "But we do need to move quickly if we're to achieve a $4 trillion deficit reduction." 

Michelle Trachtenberg, “Buffy the Vampire Slayer” and “Gossip Girl” star, dies at 39

Actress Michelle Trachtenberg, known for her roles in the hit teen drama series, "Gossip Girl" and "Buffy the Vampire Slayer," has died at 39.

According to reports from ABC 7 New York, Trachtenberg's mother found the actress' body on Wednesday morning in her New York City apartment near Columbus Circle. While there are very few details about Trachtenberg's death, police sources say it is not believed to be suspicious and that she appears to have passed of natural causes, having recently undergone a liver transplant. 

Born and raised in New York City, the child star made her acting debut in commercials at just three years old before landing roles on television shows like "Law & Order" by the age of six. Trachtenberg’s early appearances hinted at a successful future, culminating in 62 acting credits. Among them was her breakout role in the book-to-movie adaptation of "Harriet the Spy," where she starred alongside Rosie O’Donnell, Eartha Kitt, and J. Smith-Cameron.

O'Donnell, who worked closely with Trachtenberg on "Harriet the Spy," reflected on the actresses' alleged troubles in a statement to People, saying, "I loved her very much. She struggled the last few years. I wish I could have helped." 

As the outlet points out, Trachtenberg's final Instagram post was seven days ago, where she shared a throwback of herself wanting to "look like naughty #tinkerbell."

In recent months, Trachtenberg shared a number of photos to her 800,000+ followers appearing gaunt and frail, which led many of her fans to speculate on the condition of her mental and physical health. 

“I’ve got to stop some time”: Prue Leith revealed that she may be leaving “Great British Bake Off”

Since 2017, Prue Leith has been a beloved addition to “The Great British Bake Off.” The celebrity chef and television personality succeeded Dame Mary Berry, serving as star judge alongside Paul Hollywood.  

Unfortunately for fans, Leith’s on-screen stint may be coming to an end soon, she revealed in a recent interview with the Daily Mail. “I'm doing this year's ‘Bake Off,’ and I don't know if this will be my last. I've got to stop some time, so I might stop next year,” Leith said last weekend. “I thought I'd just see how I go this year, because I definitely feel a bit older this year than I did last year.”

“Things like, getting out of a chair takes me longer than it used to. I don't like big steps without a handrail,” she added. “None of these things worried me two years ago — I could run upstairs — and so I'm very keen to leave ‘Bake Off’ before I'm asked to leave.”

“But on the other hand, I really enjoy it.”

Leith also serves as a judge on the show’s US spin-off, “The Great American Baking Show.” According to the Daily Mail, Leith is “weighing up leaving that [program] too.”

Season 16 of “The Great British Bake Off” is scheduled to start filming in April. New episodes are slated to premiere in September.

A grisly horror movie death can be so much more than just useless carnage — if it’s well-written

If you asked my parents to describe what I was like as a child using only one word, they’d spit out “anxious” before you even finished the question. Like any burgeoning homosexual child, I came equipped with the gay starter pack that included talkativeness and flamboyance. But those were hardly defining characteristics when my anxiety came into play, trampling my other traits like they were all vying for the top spot in a Riverdance tournament. I walked through life like animals do, with an abundance of caution and a hasty turn in the other direction the moment I perceived a threat. There was fleeting comfort in movies, which I’d use to get out of my head for a bit and enjoy living a couple of hours in someone else’s shoes. But my persistent underlying anxiety meant that one genre remained a blind spot for far too long: horror

When the genre turns out something fresh and truly clever, horror can transcend entertainment, becoming an outlet for our real-life terror when we have nowhere else to put it.

As a kid, I spent enough time twisting the shadows of trees cascading through my window from the outside into the shapes of serial killers or bloodthirsty monsters, why put concrete images of those things into my head? I avoided horror at every turn. When I was 10, I missed the first half hour of a movie because I was hiding in the movie theater bathroom to avoid seeing the trailer for “Blade: Trinity.” (Someone did come to check on me, yes. I claimed bowel irregularity, typical 10-year-old stuff.) Another time, after managing to get through most of “The Ring” alongside an older cousin — in broad daylight, at my request — I sprinted out of the house the second the movie got around to Day 7, when Naomi Watts’ character was supposed to die. There was no horror movie I couldn’t avoid. After a while, I became the MVP of a game where I was the only player.

Over time, I grew out of this deep-seated fear of, well, being in fear. But it wasn’t without the proper exposure therapy (and a bit of good, old-fashioned maturation) first. When I try to locate the turning point, I am taken back to a fateful night watching “Final Destination 3” with some peers. Grisly, unpredictable, horrific death is the hallmark of the “Final Destination” franchise, in which sexy co-eds manage to thwart an untimely end, only for death’s iron hammer to track them down and execute their fate one by one. Strangely enough, turning death into an invisible force as opposed to some night stalker with a protean face dissolved some of my usual apprehension. I still winced and covered my eyes, but by my own measure, I was doing a great job handling it. By the time the movie got to one of the series’ most famous kills, the tanning bed death, knowing exactly what was to come allowed me to have fun with a horror movie for the first time in my life. It still gave me nightmares, sure, but they didn’t follow me into waking life.

In the years since, I’ve developed a real soft spot for horror films that successfully take common fears — like an anxious kid’s dread that death is waiting around every corner — and turn them into haunting thrill rides. The horror space does not necessarily demand ingenuity; there’s an audience for even the worst drivel at the bottom of the barrel. But when the genre turns out something fresh and truly clever, horror can transcend entertainment, becoming an outlet for our real-life terror when we have nowhere else to put it.


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I’d hoped that Osgood Perkins’ new film “The Monkey” might provide that same kind of release. Based on a Stephen King short story of the same name, “The Monkey” promised a revival of the convoluted deaths from the “Final Destination” series by way of a splatter gore midnight movie. The concept is that a cursed toy monkey causes lethal havoc on someone every time the key in its back is wound, and by accepting that the monkey can’t be destroyed, the characters acquiesce that death is inevitable no matter how much they fight it.

If there were any time for a gratuitously bloody metaphor for how difficult it is to persevere knowing that you have no real control, it would be at this moment, when every day brings a new fire to contend with — often too literally! “The Monkey” certainly has a simple enough premise to deliver on that metaphor. If history repeats itself, maybe this could provide the same chilling solace that “Final Destination” did for people like me during the Bush administration.

The MonkeyTheo James in "The Monkey" (Courtesy of Neon)Or, at least that’s what I told myself before the film’s first act all but squandered that promise. “The Monkey” has no shortage of grisly deaths, but they are by and large unmemorable, save for a couple of kills that feel like Perkins was “yes, and”-ing with himself as he wrote the screenplay. (A nest of yellowjackets sits in front of a car, and a gun shoots through a windshield, and it shoots the nest, and the insects fly through the hole in the windshield, and they fly into someone’s mouth and eat them alive.) A movie that begins with a disembowelment should have nowhere to go but up. And yet, it’s from that death, which appears in the film’s opening sequence, that the movie plateaus. Perkins does not expound upon his theory that we’re all profoundly screwed. Instead, he sits in it, content to let the rot fester around his film and its audience until death comes for us too. To put it plainly: It’s a hopeless, humorless movie about death that’s so damn boring you’ll wish you could die just to be somewhere else.

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But it's Perkins’ nihilism that really grates. The horror subgenre where death’s hand chooses a seemingly random victim has the potential to be invigorating because it reveals the intrepidity of the human spirit. Even when we’re faced with the fact that we will die, our natural desire to change our fate — or at the very least prolong it — is what makes us people. This will to live is what sets us apart from animals and insects; it’s what drives our empathy and makes us special to one another. It’s also what makes those films from the “Final Destination” franchise so much fun: Some will perish, and one or two others will avoid balconies and heavy machinery for the movie’s duration. The persistence in those films puts Perkins’ to shame. “The Monkey” is not a movie about accepting that death will come for us all, it’s a movie about giving up.

Shawnee Smith in "Saw" However, we’d be remiss if we didn’t consider the “Saw” movies, which sit at the other end of Perkins’ spectrum of pastiche. “The Monkey” combines the Rube Goldberg-ian death sequences of “Final Destination” with the splatter gore of “Saw.” For a long time, the latter franchise was considered meritless torture porn, but in recent years, the “Saw” films have seen a long-deserved resurgence. Yes, a fair share of them are gratuitous horror exploitation, but if you can get over those sights, you’ll find that even the most grisly installments try to carry on the series’ tradition of covert social commentary. Most recently, the franchise’s 2023 reboot “Saw X” was a scathing indictment of the healthcare industrial complex, which has coincidentally only become increasingly timely as more Americans find themselves trying to solve the health insurance industry’s Rubik’s cube. 

The “Saw” films follow a killer named Jigsaw who captures his victims and forces them to endure a series of potentially lethal tests of will and physical endurance. These are his way of making his hostages appreciate the lives that they have, which he believes are being wasted. (The films make Jigsaw into such a sympathetic villain that I’ve often caught myself thinking, “Wow, that Jigsaw’s views on addiction are really problematic,” before I remember he’s also torturing people.) The “Saw” movies may be blunt in their messaging and even more forthright with their carnage, but they are also surprisingly hopeful. The series doesn’t just broadly gesture at our collective cynicism, it confronts it head-on. The films also manage to spin some wry humor in the process, something “The Monkey” can’t quite wrap its head around how to do. In Perkins’ movie, a character dies by tripping and choking on the vape they can’t stop puffing on. It’s a similar reproach to the dregs of modern culture that you’d see in a “Saw” film, only far more cruel and snobby.

If I stayed hyper-aware of death’s inevitability like “The Monkey” suggests we be, I’d never appreciate all of life’s highs and lows as they happen.

To be completely fair, if Perkins sought out to make a film that was brutal for brutality’s sake, I might not even be sitting here, clacking away on my keyboard. With the horror space as saturated as it is, a growing audience craves senseless splatter films. We don’t need to look much further than the popularity of the “Terrifier” movies to determine a market for the antithesis of contemporary “elevated horror.” People want to be shocked and grossed out; initial rumblings around a single over-the-top scene in last year’s “In a Violent Nature” drove viewers to seek the film out to see if it could make good on its repulsive promises. 

But that presents a problem in itself. There’s now a substantial mainstream audience for the splatter film. No longer are these movies relegated to underground, B-movie status, making the gore-forward subgenre more likely to be co-opted by those who want to get in on the action, yet don’t fully understand its appeal. “The Monkey” wears the skin of one of these gruesome slashers, with kills trying to raise a viewer’s pulse with a little bit of innovation. But a little bit does not go a long way in Perkins' movie. He’s got too much on his mind to allow this monkey to really go bananas, and his indecision makes the movie’s nihilistic viewpoint feel all the more hollow and forced. 

“The Monkey” is filled with loose ends, ideas about absent fathers and childhood trauma that have their emotional impact shredded to bits by lawnmower accidents and shotgun blasts. Perkins is neither heartfelt nor heartless, and his lack of commitment keeps “The Monkey” from ever reaching the terrifying heights of its peers. What could be a clever comfort when we need it most is only another disappointment to add to the pile. Thankfully, a “Final Destination” series reboot is right around the corner later this spring, so all we have to do is keep our heads until then.

That’s what I found myself thinking as I exited my screening of “The Monkey” and stepped into the dreaded overhead lighting of the elevator, which promptly got stuck on the 12th floor. This has, somehow, never happened to me, despite always knowing that it could. But while others beside me seemed visibly nervous, I was surprised by how level-headed I remained in the two minutes before the machine started moving again. The 30-year-old version of myself handled it much differently than the kid who would’ve been destroyed by suddenly being thrust into his own horror movie — my anxious worst nightmare come true.

Being momentarily trapped in a tight space was still briefly terrifying and even a little thrilling, but most of all, it was real. It was a humbling reminder that things can go bad faster than we ever think they could, and it made the elevator jam a gripping occurrence. If I stayed trapped in that mindset all the time, hyper-aware of death’s inevitability like “The Monkey” suggests we be, I’d never appreciate all of life’s highs and lows as they happen. Frankly, far too many of my childhood memories are steeped in the sad knowledge that this will all end one day. That’s exactly why I find a few gnarly doses of onscreen carnage strangely comforting: They allow me to remember that this existence is finite, so I can accept that fact before moving on with living life. Trust me when I say that sitting in that bleak reality all the time wouldn’t set us free, it would make us absolutely miserable.

Latest DHS hire called for “martial law” after Trump lost the 2020 election

The Trump administration has tapped a 29-year-old lawyer who called for "martial law" to keep Donald Trump in power after he lost the 2020 election to act as its point-man to the Department of Homeland Security, acting as a liaison between the White House and DHS as well as oversee political appointments at the department.

The man, Paul Ingrassia, held a similar post with the Justice Department before he was reportedly pushed out following clashes with the department's chief of staff. According to ABC News, while at DOJ Ingrassia had pushed for only hiring candidate who display "exceptional loyalty" to the president.

Before working in the Trump administration, Ingrassia co-hosted a podcast called “Right on Point," which also had an active Twitter (now X) account, using that platform to spread conspiracy theories and propose radical actions to support a right-wing political agenda.

Following Trump's defeat to former President Joe Biden in 2020, the Twitter account urged "secession" if courts ruled against Trump's election fraud lawsuits and made numerous posts calling followers to "support martial law." The posts were first uncovered by CNN.

“Time for @realDonaldTrump to declare martial law and secure his re-election! It’s the only way,” the podcast’s account posted in December 2020 in a now-deleted post. Many of its tweets in the weeks prior to Biden's inauguration branded Republicans as traitors, likening former Vice President Mike Pence to Judas and Brutus and suggesting that he belongs in the "ninth circle of hell." When right-wing commentator Seb Gorka — a former aide in Trump's first term who now serves as a deputy assistant to the president — pushed back on a post that called for Pence to be shot by a firing squad, the account responded by calling him "soft."

Four days after the Gorka tweet, Ingrassia shared a blog post from his podcast that urged Trump to use emergency powers to stay in the White House, claiming he had a "moral imperative" to uphold election security by ordering a re-vote in some states, all overseen by the military. The proposal is unconstitutional per the 20th Amendment.

“To that end, a martial law orchestrated revote in at least the four defendant-states in the quashed Texas lawsuit: Georgia, Pennsylvania, Michigan, and Wisconsin is needed,” Ingrassia wrote.

Trump showed favor to Ingrassia by reposting his articles; the newly-minted DHS liaison, in return, declared in his social media bio that he is “President Trump’s favorite writer.”

Spooked by public outrage, GOP aides urge lawmakers to reconsider future town halls

After an initially tepid response to President Donald Trump's return to the presidency, a series of drastic and possibly unconstitutional cuts to the federal workforce has incited anger among people who fear that they and their communities will suffer from those policies. While a handful of protests outside federal agencies targeted by Elon Musk's DOGE has drawn the most media attention, viral clips of rowdy crowds at lawmakers' town hall meetings have since spread across the internet.

Many of the anti-Trump protests have been organized by progressive groups like Indivisible and MoveOn, who have seen a surge in membership and fundraising. While Republicans contend that the backlash is the creation of liberal activists rather than an organic uprising of Americans in general, videos also show unmistakable anger from constituents in deep-red congressional districts as well.

In one town hall in the district of Rep. Rich McCormick, R-Ga., an attendee, citing cuts to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, demanded: “Why is the supposedly conservative party taking such a radical and extremist and sloppy approach to this?”

McCormick tried to assuage his questioner by saying that overspending would result in shortfalls to Medicare, Medicaid and Social Security, prompting the attendee to retort that the administration was taking a "chainsaw approach" that was "rushed" and done "sloppily." As the town hall continued, McCormick was interrupted several times by constituents saying, “we’re pissed,” and “don’t bend over,” as well as chants of “shame!”

Party leaders, apparently spooked by the hostility, are advising members to consider avoiding in-person town halls and the risk of confrontation, GOP aides told NBC News. Part of the rationale is that yet another town hall episode would not only hurt a lawmaker in their district, but could make its way onto the screens of people in other districts and damage the Republican brand there.

The pressure also appears to have forced some Republicans into publicly vowing to urge the Trump administration to take a more measured approach with the cuts. After his town hall, McCormick said that he would reach out to Musk and urge him to show more compassion and use a previously scheduled meeting with Trump to "bend" his ear over the issue.

“If we have layoffs at the [CDC], some people are going to be affected. The question is, do we give people time to adjust to their lives? And I think that’s my biggest concern, is that we’re being compassionate,” McCormick told NBC News.

America’s allies adjust to Trump’s abandonment

French President Emmanuel Macron came to the White House this week and his old pal President Donald Trump didn't even greet him at the door as the protocol requires for visiting world leaders. It's not the most important norm that Trump has thrown in the garbage can in his first month in office but it's a telling one. The president doesn't consider it necessary to show respect to America's traditional allies anymore. Macron might as well have been a door-to-door salesman.

They didn't hold hands as much as they did in Trump's first term but they did hold a couple of fairly congenial press avails in which the two leaders pretended to be friends and Macron very gently corrected Trump on a couple of his most egregious lies about Ukraine, namely that the U.S. had spent more than Europe on military aid to the war-torn country and that Ukraine had started the war. Overall, it didn't seem to accomplish much since Trump has come to believe that he will be seen as a great peacemaker if he forces Ukraine to surrender to Russia while America's erstwhile allies are coming to understand that he could not care less what they think about anything.

The post-WWII alliances are being tossed aside in favor of new ones with strongman leaders.

Macron is scheduled to debrief the European heads of state today, and tomorrow the UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer will be at the White House to try another round which will likely have the same result. All this urgent diplomacy came after Trump accused France and the UK of not having done anything in three years to "end the war." Macron called a crisis meeting of European leaders in Paris last week to discuss next steps. They'll convene again this weekend after Starmer returns home to see where they stand.

I understand that they have to try, despite the writing being on the wall. After all, the alliances that were formed after WWII to ensure there would not be another catastrophic world war held together the peace, prosperity, and security of the last 80 years. Abruptly destroying them on the whim of a vengeful, 78-year-old would-be strongman whose definition of an ally is one that unquestionably does his bidding with no question of reciprocation is difficult to accept. But it seems they have no choice and the consequences are monumental.

One of the main purposes of the NATO alliance and the rest of the American security guarantees of the past 80 years was to ensure that the long-standing enmity between the nations involved in the two world wars would not compel them to re-arm and do it all again. The brief alliance between the U.S. and the Soviets to beat the Nazis didn't last and the Cold War that ensued featured proxy wars all over the world as the two nuclear powers competed for influence. But that stand-off did manage to prevent the worst case scenario and the United States and its allies ultimately prevailed with the break-up of the Soviet Union accomplished without another massive conflagration.

That happened over 35 years ago now and it was not a ridiculous notion to think that a re-evaluation of that post-WWII world order was overdue. Even though Trump's reasoning was puerile and uninformed, it wasn't a completely outrageous request in his first term that Europe should pick up more of the tab for their national defense. America's security umbrella was expensive and the world was changing so a pullback to allow others to take a bigger role wasn't a totally crazy idea.

But then Russia invaded Ukraine and the logic of the NATO alliance was quite suddenly made relevant again. In fact, it was so relevant that countries that had long held back from joining the alliance, Finland and Sweden, were so alarmed by the Russian aggression that they finally joined up. The alliance agreed to supply Ukraine with the military supplies and arms it would need to defend itself, not merely out of sympathy but the knowledge that this kind of aggression was exactly how things had gotten out of control twice before. As it turns out 80 years isn't very long in the great scheme of things after all.

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Unfortunately, Donald Trump is oblivious to all that and wouldn't care anyway. For reasons no one may ever fully understand he has an almost preternatural affinity for Russian president Vladimir Putin and seethes with resentment toward Europe. Given that it has elected Trump twice now, Europe is belatedly realizing that the U.S. is no longer a reliable ally and are speaking openly about arming up. The UK's Starmer announced this week that they plan to substantially raise defense spending (at the expense of foreign aid) and Germany's new Chancellor Friedrich Merz made it clear in a speech after the election last weekend that his country would no longer be dependent on the U.S. for its security.

Politico reported:

The Trump administration does not care about Europe and is aligning with Russia, said Merz, who is on course to become Germany's new leader. The continent, he warned, must urgently strengthen its defenses and potentially even find a replacement for NATO — within months. […]

“My absolute priority will be to strengthen Europe as quickly as possible so that, step by step, we can really achieve independence from the USA,” Germany's chancellor-in-waiting said. “I never thought I would have to say something like this on a television program. But after Donald Trump's statements last week at the latest, it is clear that the Americans, at least this part of the Americans, this administration, are largely indifferent to the fate of Europe.” 

You can't blame them. But in light of the neo-fascist AfD coming in second in the recent election, you can't blame some of us for feeling a little nervous about where that may lead. But we have only ourselves to blame.

He's not wrong that the U.S. is aligning with Russia and they are right to be nervous as well. The sell-out of Ukraine began almost the moment Trump took office. He has excluded them (and the European allies) from "peace talks," extorted natural resources as "compensation" for the money America has spent on its defense, demanded that Russia be allowed back in the G7, called Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelenskyy a dictator and said that Ukraine started the war. At the UN on Tuesday the U.S. joined Russia, Belarus and North Korea, in opposing a resolution condemning Moscow's war against Ukraine. All of this has been done without asking anything of Russia. In fact, it comes with a promise to lift sanctions and work on joint economic ventures.

The post-WWII alliances are being tossed aside in favor of new ones with strongman leaders such as Vladimir Putin, China's Xi Jinping, Turkey's Recep Tayyip Erdogan, Saudi Arabia's Mohammed Bin Salman. These are all based upon Trump's personal admiration for their leaders, not any sort of strategic logic. The world has begun to accept that this is real and is adjusting accordingly.

The UK's Financial Times published a mournful requiem for the great post-war alliance the other day which ended with these words:

After three generations of US leadership, it is always tempting to believe that Trump does not mean what he says. Perhaps this is a feint in some grand art of the deal. But allies and erstwhile friends must banish those self-soothing thoughts. With Trump, what you see is what you get. America has turned.  

America’s last undecided election threatens our core democratic principles

One of the most important premises of America’s election system in the 21st century is that the federal judiciary demands that the states must treat all cast ballots equally. Federal courts require states to uphold the constitutional principle of equal protection if the government of a state has determined that certain offices are to be decided by popular vote. 

Furthermore, states must adhere to the right to due process. After an election has been completed, federal law prohibits states from throwing out ballots that were cast in accordance with the prevailing understanding of established election practices in that state at the time of the election.

These two bedrock principles of free and fair elections currently risk being weakened by a highly unusual election dispute playing out in North Carolina — and I am astounded that there’s any chance the courts would throw out the votes of North Carolinians who properly cast their ballots in last November’s election. 

After two recounts confirmed that Justice Allison Riggs defeated Judge Jefferson Griffin in the race for Seat 6 on the North Carolina Supreme Court, Judge Griffin filed election protests making three core claims: First, that absentee and early in-person voters should have their votes excluded from the count despite the fact that they followed the proper protocols for registering and casting their votes; that overseas voters – only from four Democratic-leaning counties – should have their ballots thrown out because they did not provide a photo ID when they voted, even though state officials unanimously declared that overseas voters were exempt from such a requirement; and that the votes of children of North Carolina citizens who live abroad should be cast aside because they have not lived in North Carolina, even though the legislature has allowed such voters to vote in each election since 2011. Griffin is now suing to overturn the State Board of Elections’ rejection of these protests. 

While researching my comprehensive history of disputed elections in the United States, I identified several striking patterns for how such disputes are decided. For example, although courts are by no means infallible, they tend to be much more likely than committees of legislators to do a fair job of resolving such contested elections.  

Since the middle of the 20th century, federal courts have played a vital role in policing the fair conduct of elections and election disputes. Previously, nearly all such matters were left to the state courts. Still, the federal judiciary played an essential part in ensuring that state courts did not trample on voters' fundamental civil rights.

In its landmark 1978 decision of Griffin v. Burns, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the First Circuit stopped a Rhode Island state court from changing the outcome of the Democratic primary for a seat on the Providence City Council. The state supreme court had ordered the election’s outcome overturned by claiming that absentee ballots were impermissible in primaries, even though Rhode Island’s secretary of state had been providing for absentee ballots in primaries for the last seven years. The federal judiciary intervened, explaining that such an outcome would unjustly disenfranchise innocent, eligible voters.  

Similarly, the federal judiciary demonstrated its crucial role when it decided a dispute over the 1994 election for the Alabama Supreme Court’s position of chief justice. The Democratic-majority state supreme court attempted to undo their Democratic colleague's reelection defeat by incorrectly claiming that prevailing election procedures on election day obligated them to count absentee ballots that failed to meet the proper requirements.

A fact-finding inquiry by a federal district judge determined that the clear practice of election administrators in Alabama for over a decade had been to exclude such ballots, and no reasonable voter could have understood otherwise. As a result, the federal judiciary ordered the swearing in of the Republican candidate for the state’s chief justice, ensuring that the majority on the state’s top court did not rig the result in its favor.

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These cases have set an important standard for resolving such election disputes in recent decades. So long as the federal judiciary adheres to these long-standing principles and precedents, it has represented an important brake on local loyalties and partisan politics. 

However, this critical precedent is being tested today in the election dispute over a North Carolina Supreme Court seat. 

If the courts allow Judge Griffin’s attempts to throw out the votes of tens of thousands of North Carolinians, they will undermine trust in North Carolina’s elections and trust in the courts. Furthermore, they would upend the precedents that allow voters to know their votes will be counted if they follow the rules. 

From MAGA to monarchy: How tech billionaires are engineering American autocracy

Thomas Paine, The Father of the American Revolution, wrote in opposition to the British Monarchy and in favor of American independence. We live in a period of revolution that is rapidly moving toward a return to a monarchy. In our modern times, it is not to have the return of a king, but to an all-powerful executive surrounded by loyal and very wealthy oligarchs. Paine’s writings were both educational and influential in shaping public opinion. In the Trump age, Americans are in desperate need of a refreshed pass on Paine’s Common Sense pamphlets.

Common Sense: Addressed to inhabitants of America 

Curtis Yarvin is a monarchist. He is also the political philosopher of tech billionaire Peter Thiel. Yarvin’s fringe ideas have taken center stage and are hiding in plain sight under the cloak of MAGA populism. But Yarvin’s ideas are the antithesis of populism as these ideas promote the consolidation of authority, control, and wealth to technocrats and oligarchs. According to Yarvin, democracy doesn’t work and the country should be run more along the lines of a monarchy, or to use his language, a dictatorship. Actually, it’s more an amalgamation of a monarchy with a kleptocracy, a form of government where leaders use their political power to extract wealth from the people they govern in order to achieve personal gain in the form of power and influence. Tech billionaires like Thiel and Elon Musk are pro-kleptocrat oligarchs who have their ideologically aligned disciple, JD Vance, helping to advance the dystopian reality of Yarvinism, as outlined by The Verge

Vance…went on to explain how former President Donald Trump should remake the federal bureaucracy if reelected. “I think what Trump should do, if I was giving him one piece of advice: Fire every single midlevel bureaucrat, every civil servant in the administrative state, and replace them with our people. And when the courts stop you, stand before the country and say, ‘The chief justice has made his ruling. Now let him enforce it.’”

This is what we are witnessing—the firing of the federal workforce and the deconstruction of the administrative state. Expect disregard for court orders soon because they are coming.

Project 2025 includes these policy objectives, all of which concentrate wealth and none of which benefit ordinary citizens

  • The plan to reclassify up to 50,000 federal workers as "at-will" employees
  • Proposed elimination of independent regulatory agencies that oversee financial markets
  • Plans to weaken or eliminate the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau
  • Proposed changes to antitrust enforcement that would benefit large corporations
  • Targeting of financial regulatory bodies that currently prevent market manipulation

If you think any of these policy objectives, or recent Trump executive orders, are being exercised to abolish waste and fraud in government, you are badly deceived. Although this is what you hear daily from Elon Musk and the enablers of DOGE, these efforts are all about power, control, and the self-aggrandizement of the rich and the powerful. Doing this under the auspices of reducing waste and fraud sounds like a good thing. But that’s not the case at all. It’s being done to get rid of democracy and install an authoritarian techno-kleptocracy. Certain government watchdogs such as Inspectors General, various regulations, and the rule of law, along with a host of other government structures and personnel, stand in the way. Eliminate these barriers or install cronies who will not oppose this radical restructuring. That’s the playbook to achieve the techno-autocratic monarchy/kleptocracy Yarvin envisions. Don’t be deceived by justifications based on eliminating fraud and abuse. Those justifications are lies. Who benefits from this radical reshaping of government? Certainly not the common American.

Using a statement from "A Raisin in the Sun," “There are two types of people in the world—the takers and the tooken.” This is all about the rulers and the ruled, the haves and the have nots. The tooken are essentially the working class and the poor––the vast majority of Americans. 

Vance, an acolyte of Thiel and fully on board with Yarvinism, is entrenched in this. Donald Trump is the figurehead of this well-orchestrated effort. Trump may have risen to power by appealing to MAGA-style populism, but he is not a populist. He is only concerned about increasing his own wealth, power, and influence, all at the expense of the commoner or anyone else that he can exploit. 

The tooken-class includes most MAGA devotees, except for those who are already rich and powerful and stand to get even wealthier and more powerful as government checks and balances, government regulations, and administrative guardrails are systematically gutted. The GOP agenda isn’t populist, it’s not about eliminating fraud and waste in government, it’s about the rich getting richer, all on the backs of the working class. Tariffs will not benefit the average person. Neither will efforts to purge DEI. Diversity, equity, and inclusion initiatives are to assist many average people, but these efforts have been demonized and portrayed as deleterious to society mostly by adversely affecting white, Christian men. More lies. 

Some have referred to Project 2025 as a Christian nationalist blueprint. Vance is an advocate of a particular version of very conservative Catholic ideology that aligns with Christian integralism, one that blends nationalism with religious tenets and beliefs. As Ruth Braunstein writes in  Religion News

“But the conservative wing of the Catholic Church appears to be producing a powerful cohort of elite Catholic Christian nationalists who, if Donald Trump wins in November, will be at the very epicenter of American power. It is worth considering how their distinctive history, theology and institutions will shape their vision of how to exert Christian dominion over American society.” 

 Vance and other Catholic integralists want to remove the barriers between church and state. While not seeming to espouse a full-blown theocracy, Catholic integralists want government to be infused with Christian values. An important caveat to mention, the Christian values supported are selective. They do not necessarily include care of the sick and the poor, and certainly would not include tolerance for women exercising bodily autonomy or support of anything LGBTQ. Sinners and nonbelievers beware because the conflated church-state is dictating what is and is not okay. Irrespective of the religious convictions of technocratic billionaires Musk and Thiel, as a champion of Christian nationalism, Vance provides a useful tool  to align with that coalition. Such an alliance is an unholy matrimony since Yarvin and his student technocrats seem only to be focused on a marriage of monarchism and kleptocracy. Religion and religious values are not central to the cause, but it’s convenient to have supporters of Christian nationalism not opposing what you are attempting to do. It seems the religious leaders either don’t realize they are being played or somehow think they stand to benefit from the hardship and loss of freedoms that will ensue if the technocrats succeed.

Immigrants are not the problem; DEI is not the problem—these rallying causes are distractions. When you rise to power on the wings of fear and anger, you must rely on fear and anger to remain aloft. Immigrants are not ruining our country or our economy. DEI efforts are not some leftist agenda that needs to be opposed by defenders of freedom and democracy. Transgender people are not corrupting our youth, our military, or schools, or our healthcare system. 

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There is an inordinate wealth disparity in this country. The three wealthiest Americans own more wealth than the bottom 50% of the country combined [Institute for Policy Studies]. The top 1% of Americans own about 32% of the country's wealth [Federal Reserve's Survey of Consumer Finances,  2023]. Every day working-class families, along with the poor and disenfranchised, are being exploited. To not see this for what it is can be attributed to being naïve and gullible, to self-deception by outright denial, or to being complicit.
If you believe in the democratic principles as envisioned by the Founders and enshrined in the Constitution, you understand that the principles of representative government are founded upon the power of the people. The realities raised here transcend the ideological labels of conservative/liberal, Republican/Democrat, religion, race, or ethnic group. Wherever you lie on the political or cultural spectrum, you do not stand to benefit from the changes that are underway unless you already are in the upper echelons of wealth and power, the top 1%. For the 99% of the rest of us, the time to act is now. Make your voice heard by contacting your elected representatives. Send them a copy of this and hold them to account to uphold the rule of law. Vote the enablers out of office. Talk to your friends and neighbors across the ideological rifts and labels that are designed to divide us. Demand government transparency. 

Stand up to the tyranny and oppression of those who are deceiving you into falsely believing this is all for your own good. Don’t be complacent because the proponents of Yarvinism are counting on your inaction and your misguided belief that they are acting on your behalf and in your best interests. They are not.

— By a common man

“A woman is like a child”: MAGA quickly turns its sights on stripping Republican women of power

For decades, the anti-abortion movement has aggressively promoted women into visible leadership roles. It's for cynical reasons, namely, to bat off entirely accurate accusations that the movement is misogynist. Never mind that there have always been women who are eager to police the bodies and behavior of other women. Enough people are credulous or at least disingenuous enough to think that "I'm a woman, which means I can't hate other women" is an actual argument. For ambitious women who wanted to climb the ranks of Republican politics, anti-feminism has long been the steadiest of ladders. The propaganda value of their gender outweighed their party's larger hostility to women in leadership. 

But now that Roe v. Wade has been overturned and Donald Trump is back in the White House, many on the right feel they no longer need to hide the naked sexism fueling their movement or put up with the annoyance of women in even token leadership positions. As Kiera Butler at Mother Jones reports, the anti-abortion movement is embroiled in an escalating civil war right now over these issues. Male leaders of the Christian right have been swarming Kristan Hawkins, the 39-year-old head of a "student" anti-abortion group, demanding her ejection from the movement. It started after she objected to Republican legislators introducing bills to charge women who get abortions with murder, an extreme move she fears will backfire on the movement. But mostly it was about growing male anger on the Christian right that women are allowed leadership positions at all. 

"Removed [sic] this woman from public service," declared influential Christian nationalist pastor Joel Webbon, part of the "TheoBros" movement that includes the leadership of Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth's church. Soon other TheoBros jumped in, declaring "We need Christian men leading the fight against abortion," arguing that women's suffrage was a mistake, and accusing Hawkins of emasculating her husband by being "busy jet-setting."


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Forty-five percent of female voters backed Trump in 2024, despite his overt misogyny. Most, no doubt, believed that complicity would protect them and that the attacks would be centered on other women. But while the GOP certainly wants to strip liberal and feminist women of their rights, male MAGA leaders are showing increasing interest in bringing Republican women to heel, both culturally and through the force of law. After all, they are more likely to live and work with Republican women. If they want to feel the full flowering of male domination, it's Republican women they need to see submitting. 

House Republicans passed a bill (now stalled in the Senate) this session to require citizens to have a passport or birth certificate matching their name to vote. This would be a back-door ban on voting for any woman who took her husband's last name and doesn't have a passport, an estimated 69 million women.

Webbon and the TheoBros have been clamoring more loudly in recent months about their wish to strip women, especially their own wives, of the right to vote. "You won't let women vote? Well, our society doesn't let five-year-olds vote," Webbon explained in a May podcast. He added that "a woman is like a child" and that "God has appointed men to protect them." As Sarah Stankorb at the New Republic documented, there has been growing support in Christian nationalist circles "for the repeal of the 19th Amendment and support a 'household vote' system in which men vote on behalf of their families." Hegseth's former sister-in-law reports she heard him echo similar sentiments. 

This isn't mere idle chatter, either. House Republicans passed a bill (which stalled in the Senate) this session to require citizens to have a passport or birth certificate matching their name to vote. This would be a back-door ban on voting for any woman who took her husband's last name and doesn't have a passport, an estimated 69 million women. It would also disproportionately affect Republican women, who are more likely to be married, more likely to have changed their name and less likely to have a passport

Similarly, there's been a slowly rising volume on the right of talk about banning no-fault divorce, fueled by Republicans like Vice President JD Vance saying it's too easy for women — even those in abusive marriages — to leave their marriages. Legislators in red states are filing more bills to do so, and while it's unlikely any will pass soon, the goal is to create more momentum for an eventual ban. This would affect Republican women more because, as with abortion bans, only red states would even consider such laws. It's also true that red states have higher divorce rates than blue states, because sexist cultural mores lead to more unhappy marriages. But rather than treating their wives better, MAGA men are looking at making it illegal for their wives to leave them. 

There have been recent visceral examples of how the increasingly bold sexism on the right is impacting women, especially in Republican circles. Last week, D.C. police opened an investigation into Rep. Cory Mills, R-Fla., over allegations he beat a 27-year-old woman, not his wife, he is allegedly dating. The police report indicates the woman said Mills "grabbed her, shoved her, and pushed her out of the door," and the officers saw "bruises on her arm, which appeared fresh." Police also report that the victim let them hear Mills on the phone "instruct her to lie about the origin of her bruises." He denies the allegation. 

The situation took a darker turn Tuesday, when NBC News reported that Trump-appointed U.S. attorney Ed Martin, who has mostly been focused on firing prosecutors who worked on January 6 cases, did not sign an arrest warrant for Mills. This could destroy the case, since federal involvement is usually required when suspects are members of Congress. Martin hasn't explained his reasoning, but it's also well-documented that his boss, Trump, has long argued that "fortunately" men of a certain class have enjoyed the right to commit violence against women. But it's a privilege Trump reserves only for his friends. When immigrants or working-class men of color are accused of such crimes — even if they are shown to be innocent — Trump calls for extreme punishment, including the death penalty. 

Less terrifying but still disturbing is the tabloid-esque drama regarding MAGA billionaire Elon Musk and women who have (or say they have, with evidence) children with him. Right-wing influencer Ashley St. Claire sued Musk this week for proof of paternity, citing text messages from him such as "I knock you up again," even though, she says, he barely bothers to visit with the existing child. Even more disturbing, Canadian singer Grimes — whose children with Musk have been legally acknowledged — took to X to beg him, "Plz respond about our child’s medical crisis. I am sorry to do this publicly but it is no longer acceptable to ignore this situation. This requires immediate attention.”

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Feminist writer Moira Donegan wrote on Bluesky that the right-wing woman "believes that sexual and reproductive service to right wing men will earn her their protection, affection, and material support. She is wrong." Instead, Donegan wrote, "it is a core belief of the right wing man that no woman, however compliant, has any claim on him that he must respect."

To be sure, it's not just conservative women who are at risk at the hands of an increasingly misogynist MAGA movement. That much was illustrated in a distressing incident in Idaho, where three men accosted a woman who spoke out at a town hall, dragging her fighting out of the room while the local sheriff cheered them on. They were later revealed to be security guards, but it appears that wasn't clear at the time — and it's certainly questionable that violence was necessary because a woman was heckling Republican officials at a public event. Abortion, the Associated Press reported, appears to have played a triggering role in the display of violence. "One lawmaker mentioned legislation that he said protected doctors from 'being forced to do abortions,'" to which audience members shot back “women are dying" and "doctors are leaving our state!” 

During a GOP town hall at Coeur d'Alene High School, Teresa Borrenpohl called out, “Is this a lecture or a town hall?” Witnesses said three unidentified men, who were not wearing badges or ID, then physically removed from her seat by order of the Idaho county sheriff.

[image or embed]

— Shannon Watts (@shannonrwatts.bsky.social) February 24, 2025 at 12:20 AM

That footage is viscerally shocking, but crucially, Republican women are fools if they think that treatment will only be reserved for Democratic women. On the contrary, because Republican women tend to be in closer proximity to Republican men, they're far more likely to be on the receiving end of anger over talkback or other perceived insubordination. 

Where to invest if you’re scared of investing

Investing isn’t only for those who know stock symbols or have a fat stack of cash to throw into the market. If you know investing is a good idea but you’re worried about losing it, there are a few places to start.

Making money moves can have major impacts. Some are easier than others — buying groceries and paying your bills seem like a given. But what about thinking about your future self, now?

Methodical, logical, long-term investing might feel scary, but you might already be doing it. Regardless of your risk level, here’s where you can start investing so you’re not scared of it anymore.

For the very scared: savings

If you need a place to put extra cash and you don’t want to chance losing it, take a no-risk option with a savings account, like a Certificate of Deposit (CD) or a high-yield savings account (HYSA). 

A CD is a type of savings account where you put in a lump sum of cash for a set amount of time without touching it and lock in a set interest rate. Most banks or credit unions charge an early withdrawal fee if you take money out before your terms are up. Terms vary by institution, but some are as short as three months and some as long as five years. If you lock in a high interest rate, that rate is good for the whole term, regardless of market conditions.

A savings account gives you access to your money whenever you’d like, earning regular interest on that savings. Many banks offer traditional savings accounts, while some offer HYSAs. Higher yields mean earning more interest and you’ll have access to it when you need it. But with variable interest rates, you risk a drop in earnings if those rates dip.

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Savings accounts up to $250,000 are FDIC-insured or NCUA-insured (if you have an account at a credit union), which means if the institution declares bankruptcy, you get your money back up to that amount. If you have more than that to invest, consider opening many savings accounts to cover the full amount.

For the ultra newbie: exchange-traded funds

When you’re new to investing, putting money into something with the expectation that you may not get something back feels a little scary. Kevin Matthews II, founder of BuildingBread, a wealth education company, is also a former financial adviser. Money is personal, and it’s important to figure out your investing goals both now and in the long run. 

“How long [do you] plan on investing this way?” he said. “Is this for retirement or something just to get started? For someone with a basic understanding of the stock market, an ETF that tracks the S&P 500 can be a decent place to start.”

"For someone with a basic understanding of the stock market, an ETF that tracks the S&P 500 can be a decent place to start"

ETFs are exchange-traded funds, or an investment fund that holds a bunch of securities that can be bought and sold on an exchange like the S&P 500. Because ETFs hold multiple assets, they are low-risk investments and instantly diversify your portfolio. Depending on your investment setup, you can buy them through traditional brokerages or robo-advisers.

“Between 1980 and 2024, we have only had 10 years with negative returns,” Matthews said. “It doesn't guarantee the future, but it might help ease someone's fear.”

There’s a chance you’re already investing

You might be investing right now without even realizing it. 

“There are a lot of people who contribute to their 401(k) at work but don't consider themselves investors, but they are,” Matthews said.

According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, nearly 3 in 4 Americans had access to retirement benefits as of 2023, and 56% participated in those plans.

Employer-sponsored retirement plans can take many different forms, such as a 401(k), 403(b) or profit-sharing plan. They all have differences, but they usually involve taxes and payout options. Many of these plans allow company workers to tailor investments to individual preferences. 

If you aren’t participating in your company’s plan, you might miss out on a company match. This is when your employer contributes to your retirement plan up to a certain amount, which is essentially free money for your future. That’s extra money to put toward your investments. Don’t be afraid to ask if you are unsure what your company offers. It’s better late than never.

"Avoid cryptocurrency if your risk-averse history has shown that it might not be the best place for you at the moment"

“You can expand your knowledge and habits by adding one short 10-15 minute podcast or YouTube video to your regular social media diet during the day,” Matthews said. “Just like compounding interest, your knowledge and skills will build up.”

Recognize red flags

Rather than jump into the deep end, take your time by walking down the steps in the shallow end. Make sure you can hold your breath underwater before moving into more complicated investments. 

“Avoid cryptocurrency if your risk-averse history has shown that it might not be the best place for you at the moment,” Matthews said. He also recommends avoiding penny stocks — shares of small public companies that trade for less than $5 per share. They are often associated with startups and companies in niche markets. 

Some places are better for beginners than others, and not every investment type is right for every investor. 

Grow when you’re ready

If you’re unsure whether to take the next step, think about how far you’ve come. There was once a time when you didn’t feel like you could start investing, and now you’re here. It’s OK to work on your own time. 

The best way to know when you’re ready is to make sure your basics are covered, “like budgeting and having your emergency fund in a good place,” Matthews said. “After that, it's just a matter of personal comfort and confidence.”

Consumer confidence hasn’t fallen this much since 2021

Consumers aren’t liking what they see in the economy right now.

The Conference Board’s Consumer Confidence Index dropped by 7 points to 98.3 for February, below the Dow Jones consumer forecast of 102.3, according to CNBC, marking the largest monthly decline in consumer sentiment since August 2021.

“Views of current labor market conditions weakened. Consumers became pessimistic about future business conditions and less optimistic about future income,” Stephanie Guichard, the board’s senior economist for global indicators, said in a statement. “Pessimism about future employment prospects worsened and reached a ten-month high.”

Additionally, the Expectations Index — a metric based on consumers’ short-term expectations for the economy — dropped 9.3 points to 72.9, below the threshold of 80 that usually signals a recession. The uncertainty seemed to stem largely from the looming worry of a trade war and President Trump's newly imposed tariffs, along with bird flu affecting grocery prices.

“There was a sharp increase in the mentions of trade and tariffs, back to a level unseen since 2019,” Guichard noted. “Most notably, comments on the current Administration and its policies dominated the responses.”

The anticipation of higher prices from tariffs could influence spending in the short term, chief U.S. economist at financial services firm LPL Financial Jeffrey Roach suggested to CNBC. Consumers have a tendency to stockpile in the face of impending price hikes or scarcity, which may be shown as an uptick in economic activity.

“We should expect some short-term behavioral shifts within the consumer,” Roach said. “Consumers are increasingly nervous about the unknown impacts from potential tariffs and could pull forward consumer demand as they anticipate higher prices for imports in the near future.”

“Boy Meets World” stars Danielle Fishel and Maitland Ward trade jabs on-air during rewatch podcast

Twenty-five years after the end of "Boy Meets World," stars Danielle Fishel and Maitland Ward's on-air reunion snowballed into a verbal spat, firing accusations against each other about their individual experiences working together.

Ward, who played Rachel, a character introduced in the show's college seasons, was a guest during the Feb. 23 episode of the "Boy Meets World" rewatch podcast, “Pod Meets World,” co-hosted by Fishel and fellow cast members, Will Friedle and Rider Strong. The tone of the conversation shifted an hour into recapping Ward's stint on the teen show and her subsequent pivot to the adult film industry when Fishel asked Ward: “Do you hate us?”

“No, I do not hate you. I think that you hate me because you wouldn’t speak to me on ‘Girl Meets World,’ and that was hurtful,” Ward responded.

Fishel and Ward volleyed back and forth about their perspectives on their seemingly strained relationship. Ward accused Fishel of unfriending and ignoring her messages on Facebook. Fishel then noted that she was not active on Facebook but took a dig at Ward, claiming she spoke to TMZ to slander the cast when their podcast was in the news.

“Are you trying to accuse me of using you, or are you trying to accuse me of something?” Ward replied before suggesting that Fishel, Friedle and Strong “hate” former co-star, Ben Savage, and series creator, Michael Jacobs. 

In the podcasts' previous episodes, the hosts shared their rocky experiences with Jacobs as children and their recent unsuccessful attempts to reach out to Savage. Fischel urged, “We absolutely do not hate either of them.”

“Let’s be honest about this,” Ward said. “You’re trying to go at me now to get the ratings because you know that people will be interested. I just wanted to remember the good times.”

“Now you only want to talk about the good times, but when TMZ runs into you randomly on the street, that’s the time when you want to drag our names through the mud,” Fishel stated.

Eventually, the conversation between the pair de-escalated, and the episode ended. Fishel thanked Ward for coming on the podcast and even invited her back.

"By the way, you can sit down and talk and at the end of it say 'we don't need to be friends. I don't hate you.'" Fishel concluded, "I don't hate Maitland — not even the slightest."

Trump’s DC attorney refuses to sign arrest warrant for Republican accused of assault: report

The United States Attorney’s Office in Washington, DC, is being accused of running interference for an ally of President Donald Trump, with the acting US attorney, Ed Martin, reportedly refusing to sign an arrest warrant sent by the Metropolitan Police Department in Washington D.C. for Rep. Cory Mills, R-Fla., who is being investigated over the alleged assault of a 27-year-old woman who is not his wife.

Both the Washington, D.C., police and the Metropolitan Police confirmed Monday that they were investigating an alleged assault by the Florida Republican, who has denied wrongdoing. Police reports obtained by News4, an NBC affiliate in the nation's capital, indicated that the alleged altercation began at a luxury penthouse apartment last Wednesday.

Law enforcement sources told the outlet that they sent an arrest warrant to the U.S. attorney’s office on Friday but that the warrant has not been signed. They also stated that they do not comment on uncharged cases. 

The interim U.S. attorney — former “Stop the Steal” organizer Ed Martin — has described himself as “President Trump’s lawyer” and promised to serve billionaire Elon Musk by going after those who identify Musk’s cadre of young adults working for DOGE. Last week he sent a letter to Rep. Robert Garcia, D-Calif., suggesting that the lawmaker could be prosecuted for comments criticizing the SpaceX CEO.

According to police reports obtained by News4, the alleged victim called police herself and showed a responding officer “bruises on her arm which appeared fresh” and claimed that “(Her significant other for over a year) grabbed her, shoved her, and pushed her out of the door.”

Another report indicates that the victim “let officers hear Subject 1 [now identified by MPD as Mills] instruct her to lie about the origin of her bruises … Eventually, Subject 1 made contact with police and admitted that the situation escalated from verbal to physical, but it was severe enough to create bruising.”

When police arrived at the hotel lobby next door to where the assault allegedly took place, they were “able to immediately identify [the alleged victim] out of all other patrons in the lobby by her demeanor: physically shaking and scared.”

According to police, the woman recanted her statements after the responding officer told the subject that he would be placed under arrest. A second version of the police report obtained by News4 said that police responded to a family disturbance and that there was no cause for arrest. Yet a third version of the police report indicated that police responded to an assault and that it was under investigation.

In a statement to NBC News, Mills’ office said that "law enforcement was asked to resolve a private matter at Congressman Mills’ residence. Congressman Mills vehemently denies any wrongdoing whatsoever, and is confident any investigation will clear this matter quickly.” The woman who called police has since said the incident was a "personal matter" and that there was "no physical altercation," according to a local Fox affiliate.

 

Why you shouldn’t wait to file your taxes this season

Around one-third of Americans procrastinate filing their taxes. But no matter how tempting it sounds, it’s not a good idea — unless you want to risk your identity being stolen.

Tax-related identity theft is one of the biggest reasons to file as soon as your documents are ready, experts say. The fraud, defined on the Federal Trade Commission website, can happen when someone gains access to your Social Security number or other personal information to steal your tax refunds or gain employment. 

According to CNBC, tax identity theft has become a “serious problem,” with more than 15,000 identity theft tax returns reported from the 2024 filing season — an increase from 12,600 cases in 2023. The processing time for these cases is now at an average of 22 months, up from 19 months last year.

The New York Department of State website recommends installing firewalls in your computer and shredding any documents with sensitive information. It also warns about scam messages that appear to be sent from the IRS, asking about personal or financial information through phone, email or electronic message.

Ultimately, the best way to defend against tax identity fraud is to file your taxes early, so scammers and identity thieves aren’t able to get to it before you.

“If you have all your documents, get that return submitted,” tax attorney Adam Brewer told CNBC. “There’s nothing good that comes from waiting.” 

However, that’s not to say you should be hasty. If you want to avoid delays on your tax returns, especially given the recent IRS layoffs, it’s best to check every detail carefully to ensure completion and accuracy. As Tom O’Saben, director of tax content at the National Association of Tax Professionals, put it: It’s always better to “measure twice, cut once.”

Wondering if the thousands of IRS layoffs this week will impact your refund? O'Saben says it shouldn't be affected if you file electronically and select direct deposit for payment. Returns are usually processed within 21 days. 

To filmmaker Dawn Porter, the “Eyes on the Prize” message is plain: “We cannot wait for the savior”

The first two parts of Henry Hampton’s landmark series “Eyes on the Prize” are a methodical accounting of the birth and early strides of the Civil Rights Movement. Part I aired in 1987 and walked through the seminal events between 1954 and 1965 that launched the struggle.

Part II followed the icons of the movement, including Malcolm X, Muhammed Ali and Martin Luther King, Jr., as well as looking at the efforts of the Poor People’s Campaign, the Black Panthers and Fred Hampton’s role and assassination – figures and groups that have since been chronicled in scripted films and many documentaries.

Hampton, who died in 1998, is not here to see the series’ stellar third installment, for which filmmaker Dawn Porter took up the charge as its executive producer. But he would have approved of its assiduous dedication to the humanity of America’s ongoing struggle to gain the rights that a second Donald Trump administration is reminding us that we can’t take for granted.

If you are feeling unmoored and powerless, "Eyes on the Prize III: We Who Believe in Freedom Cannot Rest 1977-2015” is a potent prescriptive, and extremely timely. The six-part series speaks to the power of regular people banding together in whatever way they can to create massive resistance to injustice.

Work on this series began in 2021, a reasonable timeline for an anthology covering nearly four decades of civil rights struggle. That needs to be said given its uncanny timeliness. Those unfamiliar with the production scope of an anthology like this should be forgiven for assuming the producers and filmmakers were inspired by recent headlines. Instead, they looked farther back to find the stories that inform where Americans find themselves now.

The first episode, “America, Don’t Look Away 1977-1988,” addresses the fight for fair housing and healthcare. These are present concerns, but Geeta Gandbhir’s film chronicles the battles everyday residents fought in the late ‘70s through the ‘80s to simply live safely and with dignity.

"What I was looking for were examples of all the myriad ways that oppression happens. And it's not always obvious,” Porter says.

Episode 4, Rudy Valdez’s “Spoil the Vine 1982-2011,” speaks to residents of Black communities in West Virginia and Florida that were exposed to deadly toxins from a Union Carbide factory and an Environmental Protection Agency dump site, placed mere feet from their homes.

In “Trapped: 1989-1995,” Samantha Knowles looks at the ways over-policing in Washington D.C. and South Central Los Angeles criminalized the poorest of the poor, especially Black men. The Smriti Mundhra-directed “We Don’t See Color” zooms in on affirmative action at both the university level and in one North Carolina community’s public school system.

“What I was looking for were examples of all the myriad ways that oppression happens. And it's not always obvious,” Porter explained in our recent conversation. “The housing story in the Bronx? That is not an obvious story. The environmental racism that occurs? That is not an obvious story.”


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We spoke with Porter about that emphasis, and what she hopes audiences will take away from these new "Eyes on the Prize" installments.

The following interview has been edited for length and clarity.

When did you first decide to revisit “Eyes on the Prize”?

I was actually really hesitant to do it. And I was hesitant because it is such an important story, and it was a little daunting. The original “Eyes” has been historically taught in schools. It is something that the country rallied around. And so the significance of this next installment was so apparent.

In the end, it was too important an opportunity to pass up. So we started working on this in 2021. We were still in lockdown . . . It took several months to pull together this team, and in the conversations with HBO and the producers, the very first thing I asked for was, “We need to have six different directors of color, six different teams.” It was a big ask, and HBO completely understood why I wanted to have all of these creatives involved. That honors Henry Hampton's original structure.

Also for modern times, it makes the point that we have all these brilliant directors, and their contributions are integral to the collective whole of this series.

Let's talk about that because I think that when I look back  — and it's been a very long time, I'll admit, since I've seen the full 14-hour “Eyes on the Prize” — I remember it being a family affair. It was a big deal in my household. I don't know if it was the same for you.

One hundred percent. That was part of my worry about that, like, oh my goodness —  this is something I sat down and watched with my family. With my mother, with my sister, with my grandparents, my cousins. It was a big deal. It was like watching “Roots.”

The approach this time matches the era in terms of how we talk about democracy and the ways that it's under attack. One that’s very apparent now is the idea that a fully multicultural, [socioeconomically diverse] and united populace would be a main force in bringing all of these rights that were fought for and are continuing to be fought for, into fruition and to get them fully solidified.

Can you talk about how that is reflected in the directors that you sought, and the subjects you spoke with and featured?

Yes, and that framing is really critical to what we were trying to accomplish and what we had in mind as we were assembling these teams and selecting these stories.

In the 1960s we had a very easily identifiable enemy. There were laws saying, “You cannot sit here, you cannot eat here, you cannot go to school.” In the 1970s and '80s, '90s and early 2000s, and even today — well, I'll get to today – but in the period that we cover, racism and exclusion were not quite so obvious, and it was important to us to point out that while laws had been eradicated or changed, behaviors had not always been eradicated or changed. And so our job was a little harder. We had to point to things that were more subtle forms of discrimination and exclusion. Those were the stories that we were looking for.

I would say that 2025 is now becoming more like 1968, where there are specific and not subtle attacks on full equality for all people, regardless of background. When Trump has weaponized the term diversity as something that corporations, educational institutions and even PBS are stepping back from, that is outrageous. That is 1968-level discrimination.

"We had to point to things that were more subtle forms of discrimination and exclusion. Those were the stories that we were looking for."

So what we are pointing to in this series of “Eyes” are the more subtle forms of systemic discrimination. . . . So we were quite intentional in choosing the people to tell the stories. I wanted to have directors who were from minority backgrounds, and so we have a range of people, but also people who have different styles. Having those different opinions and not being afraid to let them lean into how they wanted to do their storytelling was really important.

But then we needed to be cohesive, and so the very first thing I did was have everybody gather, and we all watched the original series together, all the episodes. We sat in a room and watched them all together, and then we had a conversation about what we saw. How did "Eyes" become so powerful? What was it about the storytelling that was so impactful? Were we going to have a narrator? If we were going to have a narrator, who would that voice be? You know, Julian Bond was the narrator for the first eyes. Were we going to do that?

And we decided not, for many reasons, but having those collective conversations about what we as a unit were trying to accomplish with this installment, those were really, really important conversations.

Still from "Eyes On The Prize III" (Courtesy of HBO)

I'm glad you pointed out that there isn't a narrator because, for me, that choice highlighted a cohesive theme. The theme I noticed—perhaps influenced by the dominant conversation right now—is the power of community.

Was that intentional? Did that theme emerge as you and the directors watched these together, or am I seeing it because it's such a prevalent topic at the moment?

No, it's completely intentional, although I will say we were making this in 2021. So we could not know how relevant it would be in 2025.

I certainly respect the choice to have a narrator in the original series. But what I feel as a filmmaker . . .  what a narrator does is have you feel like there is one answer to a problem, [that] there is one definitive take.

I think there are many ways to resist, but I think the most powerful part of our story is that it is coming from these individual people. There are some moments where the people who are just doing the things that they need to do realize that they can do it. And I think that is very powerful right now.

"We were making this in 2021. So we could not know how relevant it would be in 2025."

You know, I made a film about John Lewis. I had the pleasure of traveling with him for a year, and that was during Trump I. And I would say to him, while we were traveling, “Mr. Lewis, I'm so worried about kids in cages.” “I'm so worried about” … XYZ thing. And he would say, “There's always something that you can do.”

Not everyone is going to protest in the streets, but that doesn't mean you're not resisting. That doesn't mean you're not paying attention. So figure out what it is that you can do. It might just be being kind to your neighbor. It might be resisting the idea that we are so separate and apart. It may be pushing back against that false narrative. One of the things that we wanted to come through here is that ordinary people, they just start doing things. And that is what form the resistance ultimately takes.

We cannot wait for the savior. The savior is us.

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The original “Eyes on the Prize" aired on PBS. It was publicly available. You can still find it online. This is airing on HBO, a cable premium service. I’m wondering, thinking in terms of getting this exposed to as many people as possible, what occurs to you as an executive producer, regarding how available this will be.

You know, it's a good question. If I'm being really honest, HBO is a really great place for this. They put in the resources to have six different teams with six different producers of color. They are going to publicize this. I wish to goodness gracious that PBS were in a position to do that.

… So one of the things we have to be is practical. Would I rather have this series exist? Yes, that is the answer; yes, it will exist. And I have no doubt that the HBO executives, who have been insanely supportive of this effort, will figure out ways to make it as available as it should be.

…And I love PBS. I've done a number of projects for PBS, and I know the struggles that they have. They're in danger of being defunded. The President of the United States and his minions have called for eliminating public television. That's the situation we're in right now. We need to make these stories available where they can be.

Still from "Eyes On The Prize III" (Courtesy of HBO)I want to also say about the PBS issue that I think we should be asking ourselves why our public television system is not in a strong enough position to relaunch “Eyes.” What have we done as a community to fail PBS, that they don't have the resources they need, and they're in more danger than ever? I hope this makes people realize what we will lose if we lose public television.

Whenever we think about the Civil Rights Movement, there’s a tendency—one the right wing has exploited—to treat it as a distant, settled history, defined by gigantic icons like Martin Luther King Jr., Rosa Parks, and Malcolm X, with no one stepping up to continue their legacy. What do you hope people will take away from this new iteration of "Eyes on the Prize?"

This is such an important question, and I want to address this: “Eyes on the Prize” focused on ordinary people. They did not focus on the famous people of the movement. When we look back and we see John Lewis, well, he's famous now. He wasn’t famous then. He was another student activist.

And so we cannot let people who would rather we erase this history define it, because that's when it becomes the history that you can ignore. Instead, the message of “Eyes,” then and now, is that there is not one movement leader or the leader. It's all of us who are working collectively in a communal way. That is where the power comes from. And so you cannot kill one person and stop a movement. Those are tragedies, but civil rights activism did not stop in 1968. It continues to this day.


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I spoke with Raoul Peck for one of his recent documentaries and at the end of our conversation,  I asked him if he had a sense of hope. He said, “I don’t think like that. I'm not working for hope. I'm working because I have no choice” — which, you know, fair, given everything that's going on. 

I want to pose the same to you because you've produced a span of content about culture and social change. And I wonder, with your work, do you have any kind of hope and or optimism in terms of the way this country is moving?

Raoul is a very good friend . . . And one of the many, many things that I admire and love about his work is his honesty. Although he may not feel hopeful, his work makes us feel hopeful because he leans into the experience of individuals, and in his beautiful telling of these stories, he gives us inspiration.

And so I would say I have had the real pleasure of doing a variety of stories. And I think what underpins all of them is this idea that people are stronger than they think. They are more interesting than they think, and they are more inspirational than they think.

. . .You know, we need to be in the dark for a little bit to remember our strength. And it's not fun being in the dark. It is not pleasant. I would rather we were not in this terrible situation. But I do not think that the worst of us will prevail. I just do not believe that. And so as unpleasant as it is, we will persevere.

"Eyes on the Prize III: We Who Believe in Freedom Cannot Rest 1977-2015" airs over three consecutive nights: Episodes 1 and 2 air back to back beginning at 9 p.m. Tuesday, Feb. 25, with Episodes 3 and 4 airing Wednesday, Feb. 26 and Episodes 5 and 6 airing Thursday, Feb. 27 on HBO. All six episodes will be available to stream Tuesday, Feb. 25 on Max. 

Don Lemon eviscerates Megyn Kelly for mocking Joy Reid’s MSNBC exit

Don Lemon had some strong words for Megyn Kelly after the conservative pundit targeted Joy Reid following Reid's firing from MSNBC during a network shakeup.

On his YouTube show, Lemon, a former CNN anchor, called Kelly a "troll" and a "racist" in response to her remarks on Sunday, when she posted on X referring to Reid as the “absolute worst person on television” and celebrated the cancellation of Reid's MSNBC show, "The ReidOut."

“Remember when Joy Reid laughingly mocked ‘white women tears’ as pathetic and offensive to her?” Kelly wrote. “Who’s crying now, Joy?”

“No, the worst person on television was fired from NBC and the Today Show a few years ago, and that’s Megyn Kelly!” Lemon fired back on his show, defending Reid and turning Kelly's remark back around to her. “That’s the worst person, who’s not on television anymore. It’s you! So, hoorah for that—NBC did something good with that.”

In his 20-minute video, Lemon also criticized Kelly for frequently attacking women on social media and her podcast. He cited headlines about her critiques of women in media, including CNN host Kaitlan Collins, whom Kelly had called “extremely boring with no personality” and a “cold-hearted b***h.”

“Was that really necessary?” Lemon asked. “And how is that supportive of women? She could’ve offered advice, like, ‘Hey, you need to establish a bond or connection with your audience.’ She didn’t have to call the woman a ‘B.’”

Reminding of Kelly’s past criticism of MSNBC hosts Joe Scarborough and Mika Brzezinski, Lemon added, “So let me just say to Megyn Kelly, in my 30-some years as a journalist and my 50-some years as a person of color: Go f**k yourself.”

Taking a sip from a "Megyn Kelly Today" mug, he wrapped up: “Let’s move on.”

Reid has not responded to Kelly’s comments, but she addressed her firing on the podcast "Win With Black Women" on Sunday. A progressive and vocal critic of Donald Trump, she said she was "not sorry" for speaking out.

“I went hard on so many issues . . . I am not sorry that I stood up for those things,” Reid said. “I’ve been through every emotion—anger, rage, disappointment, guilt that I let my team lose their jobs.”

Can humans really extinguish all life on Earth? It’s complicated

You’ve heard it before: we’re well into the sixth mass extinction of life on earth. Only this time, unlike the other five big ones, humans are overwhelmingly the killers responsible. As we continue to set the world on fire, regardless of a certain administration's attempts to pretend it's not happening, scientists warn we are in unprecedented territory that could result in a whole bunch of death, especially for impoverished people in the global south and the ongoing "biological holocaust" happening to nature. 

But are we truly the masters of our domain, this little blue planet? And could we really end all life on Earth? What if we dropped every nuke at once? Would that get every bug, including roaches and bacteria? 

“No way, no chance, no prayer — there's not the slightest possibility that we could wipe out all of life,” said Dr. David Jablonski, professor of geophysical sciences at the University of Chicago. "I mean, there are microbes living under glaciers and a kilometre down in the crust [of the Earth.]"

When I feel despair, and a kind of profound bottomless sadness, at the unchecked destruction of millions and millions of years of irreplaceable biodiversity going on right now, I take a little comfort imagining that from the smoking ruins of whatever remains once we've finally, foolishly removed the last biological underpinnings that keep us alive, complex life will likely re-emerge. It's done so after at least five other mass extinctions, all long before humans arrived on the scene. And it will do so after the Anthropocene extinction, which is being caused by human activities. Our downward spiral notably includes the spread of invasive species; overexploitation of species; habitat modification, fragmentation and destruction; pollution; and, of course, climate change. Though Jablonski is more bullish on the survival prospects of unicellular life, there is some comfort for the multicellular among us too.

Jablonski studies patterns of evolution, including the ways in which life rebounds after mass extinctions. It's been observed that following these mega-death events, not only is there not nothing, but in fact in the years — actually, the hundreds of thousands or millions of years, because we're talking geological time here — following a mass extinction, there is often an explosion of biodiversity, with surviving species evolving new branches on their evolutionary trees. 

"The things that survive and probably diversify will of course be the rats and the ragweed and the cockroaches … unless some really concerted work is done to ameliorate some of the most extreme forces."

It's not always an absolutely gobsmacking profusion of uncontrollably bizarre life, as occurred with what's aptly called the Cambrian Explosion, a period about 540 million years ago when evolution got extremely creative. Nature began evolving entirely new body plans, with innovations like hard shells and backbones that have even survived up to today, and the ancestors of pretty much all the major groups (phyla) of animals. Of course, plenty of branches on the evolutionary tree fizzled out too, which is why creatures like Hallucigenia, a worm bug with spikes on its back and tentacles and legs on its front, are no longer with us.

We don't really know why the Cambrian was so exceptionally diverse. The ancestors of groups that diversified so much during the Cambrian existed before. But it wasn't till the Precambrian extinction 544 million years ago that they burst through their previous limits, generating new species that found new ways to live.

Sometimes, as with mammals after the non-avian dinosaurs died out, the diversity that occurs post-extinction isn't so much a question of numbers of species but of a group diversifying functionally (expanding the range of what new species in the group can do) or morphologically (expanding their possibilities of size or physical form) into new ecological niches. This can result in many things growing startlingly big, for example. It's almost as if the mass extinction process were clearing the way for this wild flourishing of new life you've planted. Almost.


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That's because, explained Jablonski, the patterns of diversity in the life we see after extinction do not relate to the patterns of diversity that existed before that extinction. After the Cretaceous–Paleogene extinction that killed off most of the dinosaurs, for example, the top carnivores for a while were not the mammals that ultimately replaced them but giant, flightless birds known as "terror birds." Also known as Phorusrhacids, these nightmare creatures grew up to ten feet tall and weighed 200 lb, and they could hunt you down by chasing you across the South American or Antarctic plains with their great hooked beaks at a pace of 30 mph. 

The terror birds, which out-competed the mammals in occupying this particular ecological niche, may even have driven mammalian predators to take to the forests instead. The point here is that if we kill off all the animals in hopes of sparking some glorious diversification as life rebounds in a few millions years' time, there's no guarantee of what we're going to get. 

"There's no way our world looks the way it did in the Mesozoic, even without the fact that we no longer have T-Rex and Triceratops. It's also that in the oceans, the lineage, the modes of life that were most diverse no longer have the most species in them," Jablonski told Salon. 

"It's so different from the picture that you sometimes get" of post-extinction rebound, where it was seen as a simple recovery of populations, "essentially just recreating the vanished world," Jablonski went on. By contrast, the modes of life (the different ways organisms adapt to their environment) that exist seem to rebound pretty well, but entirely different types of organisms may occupy them (a terror bird, for example, when you were hoping for a cheetah.) And that's important if we were thinking that, given that life's so robust and resilient, we might as well go for broke, destroy everything we can, and enjoy all the new life in a few million years' time.

"We have already seen cockroaches go extinct."

"The bottom line is that the selectivity of extinction and modes of life has nothing whatsoever to do with the convenience or well-being of humans. The things that survive and probably diversify will of course be the rats and the ragweed and the cockroaches, and so that probably is going to be the shape of the world in the future, unless some really concerted work is done to ameliorate some of the most extreme forces," Jablonski said, noting that it isn't even an issue of having the right numbers of species, but the right modes of life. If you were playing God, for example, you'd want to stash as many pollinators in your ark as you can, and as many plant species that are really good at storing carbon as you can.

"There's no reason whatsoever that the survivors or the rebounders will do that for us unless we actually engineer that," Jablonski said, referring not to bioengineering but to the urgent task of carefully designing nature reserves and migration corridors to protect exploited species at risk from human pressures by conserving large enough areas that the species you prioritize can survive in, taking into account their ability to get there and the expected climate. 

So, the cockroaches will outlive us?

"I was talking to someone just last week who was like, 'Oh yeah, cockroaches have survived every extinction event, and they'll be here after everything else dies'. And I'm like, 'Well no, not really'," Dr. Dominic Evangelista, an evolutionary biologist and principal investigator at The Roach Brain Lab at the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign, told Salon in a video interview. 

Evangelista has found that cockroaches, of which there are some 7,000 species, only ten of which are city pests, are younger than previously believed. In the past, fossils of insects that were likely ancestors of both praying mantises and cockroaches (and termites, which are a subgroup of cockroach) called roachoids may have been incorrectly identified as roaches. Now it is believed that the earliest real cockroach fossil is just 125 million years old, meaning it lived well after the Permian-Triassic extinction, when some 90% of all species on Earth were wiped out, and after the Triassic-Jurassic extinction that cleared the way for the dinosaurs. The Cretaceous period was the time of the cockroaches, and they thus survived just one of the five mass extinctions that occurred before the one we're living in right now. Nor are they particularly resistant to radiation compared to most other insects. Not such tough guys after all.

So are humans capable of driving Earth's cockroaches to absolute extinction?

"One hundred percent," Evangelista told Salon. "And we have already seen cockroaches go extinct."

The biggest danger to these supposedly hardy creatures is habitat loss in the tropics, where species diversity is extreme and where the thousands of different species of cockroach tend to specialize, so that different species will be endemic to different areas, meaning that they are found in that region and nowhere else. High levels of endemism make it extremely easy to extinguish a species from existence: burn down one lush, lavishly biodiverse forest and you may have wiped out thousands of species so specialized they live nowhere else and may be unknown to science. Burn enough forest and you risk driving not one, but all 7,000 species to extinction.

In one prescient example, a particular cave in Guinea, West Africa that once sheltered the Simandoa cave roach (Simandoa conserfariam) was destroyed a bit more than a decade ago in a bauxite mining operation. With it went the cave roach, which is now extinct in the wild. That insect, which exists now as a relic in captivity and can be purchased on the internet by hobbyists, is a beautiful creature with rust-coloured legs and a black body, the prothorax outlined in white, concealing a striking black-and-white striped abdomen.  

Entire species may vanish before humans have even had the chance to christen them with a name, let alone to understand their behavior, their role in the ecosystem, or (to center our petty human lives again) their potential to, say, fight antibiotic resistant bacteria, or teach robots how to walk. Given that scientists keep finding new species of cockroach, even in highly-sampled areas, that seems more than likely: Evangelista's lab is at work describing species unknown to science from Guyana, an area of pristine and biodiverse forests that are relatively understudied, as well as from neighboring French Guiana, already known as a cockroach diversity hot spot in South America.

So, we can kill cockroaches after all. And in fact, we're doing it all the time. Evangelista said it's hard to prove that something has gone extinct if you didn't know it existed to begin with.

"Personally, I am certain that not only have humans caused some cockroaches to go extinct, but we've probably caused hundreds or maybe thousands of cockroaches to go extinct, and we don't even know about it," Evangelista said. Getting rid of roaches is one thing — but are humans really so powerful as to destroy all life on the third rock from the Sun?

Well, if we can't destroy all God's creatures, who can?

Perhaps it would help to consider what, other than humans or divine intervention, might kill everything on Earth.

The tiny organisms Jablonski mentioned living within the Earth's crust or under glaciers are extremophiles, tiny organisms that live and thrive in the most extreme environments we can imagine (a rather human-centric definition, mind.) There are extremophiles that can thrive under the extraordinarily high pressure at the bottom of the Mariana Trench; in environments more alkaline than pH 11 and more acidic than pH 0.06 (which are both high ends of the spectrum); at up to 252º F in the Earth's crust or in scorching hydrothermal vents; in super-dry, super-salty, or super-cold environments; or under the effects of ionizing radiation.

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Boiling off all the world’s oceans seems to be THE initial outcome to worry about on the way to total extinction, at least according to a study from Oxford University titled "The resilience of life to astrophysical events." Researchers David Sloan, Rafael Alves Batista, and Avi Loeb considered the various things that could cause such a calamity in reference to the impact that could be expected upon the tardigrade, a particularly hardy, bizarrely cute micro-animal also known as a water bear.

TardigradeSEM Micrograph of a water bear, Tardigrade (Getty Images/Cultura RM Exclusive/Gregory S. Paulson)Technically, tardigrades are not extremophiles, because while they can survive conditions that would kill anything else, that doesn't mean they thrive in them. But they're pretty darn tough. The easiest way to kill off the tardigrades, the researchers argue, would be to sterilize the entire planet, adding 5.6 × 1026 J of energy to make the oceans boil off. It would require even more energy to remove the Earth's atmosphere, and you'd also need more radiation to kill a tardigrade hiding deep enough under the sea. Only a large asteroid impact, supernova explosion, or deadly gamma-ray bursts (GRBs) offer much chance of evaporating the oceans. The researchers estimate the likelihood of the various events serious enough to do this at a probability of less than 10−7 per billion years.

It’s unlikely that there’s anything we puny humans can do that would have the impact of these extremely extreme events, which, as Sloan, Batista and Loeb concluded, were unlikely to finish off the water bear anytime soon. By soon, they mean any time before the sun engulfs us all, which will happen sometime in the next five billion years

Our star dying is an event, the authors say, that even tardigrades are not going to pull through. Luckily for them, by the time that happens the tardigrades may well have hitched a ride into outer space and traveled well beyond the sun’s overheated grasp. We, on the other hand, will be long gone by then, shriveled by some far more minor cataclysm like the fragile little primates we are.

So if tardigrades (never mind hardier extremophiles) are likely to survive gamma-rays, asteroid impacts and exploding supernovae, it seems highly likely that we're not going to be the ones who strike the fatal blow to all life on Earth.

On the other hand, we're trying really hard.

“This is our time”: Economic blackout targets injustice

Economic boycotts have long been a tool of resistance. At the turn of the 19th century, the English boycotted sugar produced by enslaved people, dropping demand and opening the market for Indian sugar. Rosa Parks’ defiance of a bus driver’s order to move to the back sparked the 1955 Montgomery 13-month bus boycott, which slashed income from fares and led to the Supreme Court decision that segregation on buses is unconstitutional. And recently, Target’s repeal of diversity and inclusion efforts contributed to its sinking stock price as indignant customers took their business elsewhere.

In a time of extreme division and an urgent fight to advance and maintain civil rights while the current presidential administration is bent on destroying them, the calls for justice ring louder than ever in recent history.

A New Yorker transplanted to the Midwest, John Schwarz, originated the People’s Union Economic Blackout set for Friday that aims to unite consumers, reminding them — and the corporate retailers and services they patronize — of the might of a single dollar that in aggregate can create powerful change.

“If people are ever going to have an opportunity to voice their opinion, to make changes to get the government and the major corporations to start contributing a little more to alleviate their stress on the American families, this is our time,” Schwarz said.

The one-day blackout, which has gone viral since its announcement in early February, is to see folks across the country spend no money at corporate retailers such as Target, Amazon and Walmart. The action includes skipping fast food restaurants, avoiding gas stations and putting away the credit cards, except for at small businesses and independent community establishments.

“We can organize beyond everything that divides us — politics, religion, race, gender, labels. We have to find that common ground,” Schwarz said. He insists that most everyone can relate to feeling the burden of inflation and feeling powerless against corporations that pay few, if any, federal taxes.

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Nikki Porcher, founder of Buy From a Black Woman, a business-support organization, favors the idea of financial resistance on Friday and advocates for a multipronged long-term strategy. She says the strike will only be effective with mass participation, media coverage and sustained behavior change going forward.

“If people return to their usual spending patterns the next day, the momentum can be lost. Additionally, without clear demands or follow-up actions, corporations may not feel compelled to change,” she said.

And even though Schwarz insists the blackout on Friday isn’t political, it’s impossible to ignore the statement it makes about the rapid rollbacks in DEI initiatives taken by corporations, universities and other institutions that fear blowback from the Trump administration.

“The strike raises awareness about economic disparities and corporate accountability, encouraging people to be more intentional with their dollars. It also sends a clear message that marginalized communities hold financial power and will not support businesses that harm them,” Porcher said.

Schwarz says he’s looking ahead with actions planned through July and has no illusions about the dent just one day of not shopping will make for a huge company — especially if people resume their regular habits the following day.

“They may have a little bit of a slower week, but the thing that will happen is those people sitting up in that big boardroom who don't really care about anybody, who see us all with just dollar bills and consumers, they're going to be the ones who turn around and go, ‘Wait, what just happened?’ And that's the whole point.”

"The strike raises awareness about economic disparities and corporate accountability, encouraging people to be more intentional with their dollars"

For lower-wage workers who may see a slowdown, Schwarz says he has encouraged them to take a sick day or paid time off if they can do so without endangering their job. They, too, can benefit from economic justice that lowers their disproportionate state and local tax burden and lessens the giant chasm between worker and CEO salaries.

Wait, you say we don’t have to pay taxes?

Schwarz echoes billionaire investor Warren Buffett in his call for corporations to pay more in taxes, shifting the burden from individuals. If 800 companies paid the taxes his firm Berkshire Hathaway pays, Buffett said, “No other person in the United States would have had to pay a dime of federal taxes — no income taxes, no social security taxes, no estate taxes.”

“I want this to shake their wallets so bad that they turn around and go to the federal government and say, 'Listen, listen, we'll pay our fair share in taxes,'” Schwarz said.

Legitimate businesses need to make money, he acknowledges, “but they don't need to rob American citizens who aren't getting pay raises to compensate for this fictitious unicorn named inflation.”

But costs are generally passed on in the price of goods and services, and a prolonged boycott and taxation could potentially hurt consumers and workers unless there’s solid policy in place to protect against soaring inflation and price gouging. The free market and customer choice can also play a greater role in deciding the Wall Street winners and losers when more people channel their money into meaningful action.

“I think finally, now, with the access of the internet and people being able to communicate better and share their lives, people are realizing we're all tired, we're all exhausted, and the cause of the problem is all coming from the same place, no matter who we are or what we look like or what we wear or who we vote or pray for,” Schwarz said.

The Blackwater plan for Trump’s mass deportations: Military camps and a private army of enforcers

A delegation of military contractors, led by stalwart Donald Trump ally and former Blackwater CEO Erik Prince, has proposed that the federal government use militarized "processing camps," a private fleet of 100 planes and a "small army" of private citizens with arrest powers to pursue a mass deportation policy.

The 26-page blueprint submitted to Trump advisors just before the inauguration lays out an array of draconian measures to deport 12 million people before the 2026 midterm elections, according to a copy received by Politico. Discussions over the proposal, which is estimated by the document to cost $25 billion, are reportedly underway between the contractors and White House officials.

Even if implemented, the plan faces significant legal hurdles, experts told Politico. Recommendations likely to face legal challenges include a call to form a screening team of 2,000 lawyers to refer people to mass deportation hearings; create a public database of people summoned to those hearings'; sponsor a bounty program for local police departments; and deputize 10,000 private citizens with federal law enforcement powers.

Along with Prince, other key members of the group hail from the upper echelons of Blackwater, a private military contractor that provided security services for U.S. forces in Iraq and Afghanistan. The company has been implicated in several violent incidents, including the 2007 Nisour Square Massacre, where Blackwater personnel killed 17 civilians and injured 20. Four employees were convicted by the United States and later pardoned by Trump (since the incident, Blackwater has undergone several name changes and now is part of Constellis Holdings).

Deporting 12 million people in two years “would require the government to eject nearly 500,000 illegal aliens per month,” the document pitched by the group says. “To keep pace with the Trump deportations, it would require a 600% increase in activity. It is unlikely that the government could swell its internal ranks to keep pace with this demand … in order to process this enormous number of deportations, the government should enlist outside assistance.”

The Trump administration began arresting and deporting people immediately after Jan. 20, but the pace has since slowed as federal law enforcement struggles to scrape together enough personnel and detention space to handle everyone they're rounding up.

White House spokesperson Kush Desai told Politico that the administration has been receiving "numerous unsolicited proposals" and “remains aligned on and committed to a whole-of-government approach to securing our borders, mass deporting criminal illegal migrants, and enforcing our immigration laws.”

Those measures, Prince and former Blackwater executive Mathews wrote in the document, are essential to save the U.S. economy (the vast majority of economists say immigration boosts GDP).

"The nation has to eject as many of these illegal aliens as quickly as possible,” they wrote.

The draw of Trump’s spectacle: inhumanity

President Donald Trump’s first 30 days back in power have been an awesome spectacle. Trump and his agents have engaged in a historic and unprecedented blitzkrieg (“lightning war”) attack on American democracy, government, civil society and the country’s societal institutions more broadly. These attacks have consisted of many dozens of executive orders, diktats and acts that include attempting to revoke the 14h Amendment to the Constitution, usurping Congress’ control over the federal budget and spending, declaring a national emergency at the Southern Border and ordering mass deportations, firing inspectors generals and other non-partisan ethics officials, gutting the FBI and CIA, forcing thousands of career government professionals out of their jobs, establishing a thought crime regime and freeing Trump’s MAGA followers who violently attacked the Capitol on Jan. 6.

Many of Trump's and his administration's actions are unconstitutional and likely illegal. Trump promised to be a dictator on “day one” of his return to power, but he is not limiting himself to that one day. As leading historian Heather Cox Richardson bluntly warned in a recent interview, “We're already in a coup.”

These actions are awesome in the sense that they are causing severe dread and fear and constitute a daunting challenge that cannot be easily countered or overcome. Trump’s return to power and his aptly named “shock and awe” campaign constitute a spectacle in how they reflect a disorienting culture, where events happen so quickly, are mediated by the news media and other (digital) technology and lack coherence so what is left is an alienated and increasingly atomized public that feels disconnected from one another, lacks any meaningful agency to effect broad social change and seeks empty pleasure and distraction. In total, the experience machine of the spectacle has conquered the American people.

In an essay at CounterPunch, Susan Roberts offers these details about the concept of the spectacle:

“The Spectacle’s function in a society is the concrete manufacture of alienation.” Debord’s genius was in seeing that world in its totality and not in the fragmentary form in which it wants to be seen. And he realised that the purpose of the spectacle was to block that totalistic vision and that all of its efforts were focused on defeating such a realisation. To that end, the Spectacle encourages alienation and fragmentation: ‘the alpha and omega of the spectacle is separation.” Which it achieves by connecting to us like the spokes of a wheel. As a result, we are all directed from the centre but kept at a distance from one another. The Spectacle’s success depends on maintaining our alienation and preventing the re-emergence of notions like collective interests, community or solidarity. For its goal is an entirely solipsistic and depoliticised consumerist society.

Debord recognised the importance of authentic human activity, believing that it is by acknowledging and responding to our own volitions that we remind ourselves that we have inner worlds and are capable of reflection and critique, which is precisely why the Spectacle disallows it.

At Truthout, Henry Giroux highlights how the spectacle removes people from “larger social problems” and “public concerns”:

Think of the forces at work in the larger culture that work overtime to situate us within a privatized world of fantasy, spectacle and resentment that is entirely removed from larger social problems and public concerns. For instance, corporate culture, with its unrelenting commercials, carpet-bombs our audio and visual fields with the message that the only viable way to define ourselves is to shop and consume in an orgy of private pursuits. Popular culture traps us in the privatized universe of celebrity culture, urging us to define ourselves through the often empty and trivialized and highly individualized interests of celebrities. Pharmaceutical companies urge us to deal with our problems, largely produced by economic and political forces out of our control, by taking a drug, one that will both chill us out and increase their profit margins. (This has now become an educational measure applied increasingly and indiscriminately to children in our schools.) Pop psychologists urge us to simply think positively, give each other hugs and pull ourselves up by the bootstraps while also insisting that those who confront reality and its mix of complex social issues are, as Chris Hedges points out, defeatists, a negative force that inhibits “our inner essence and power.”

Continuing his starring role in the spectacle, President Trump is much more than a man or a mere mortal, he is now a symbol and character and even a type of godhead and divine savior for his most loyal followers. As the main character in a story that he is writing in real time and imposing on the American people and the world, Trump is ever more extreme in his quest for total power. Trump recently declared that he is a type of American Caesar or Napoleon. He then proclaimed via executive order that he and his attorney general have the final say in disputes over the law. The White House also shared an image of Trump wearing a crown and a robe.

A type of theater of cruelty is central to Trump’s spectacle and exercise of corrupt power. To that point, Trump’s White House social media account recently posted a video of “illegal aliens” being put on an airplane and deported. The audio of the video was enhanced to highlight the sounds of their chains, as MSNBC reports:

The video shows what appears to be ICE officials placing immigrants in chains and handcuffs before they board a plane, presumably for deportation. The post is captioned, “ASMR: Illegal Alien Deportation Flight,” referring to the acronym for “autonomous sensory meridian response,” a pleasant physical sensation triggered by certain sounds that has become a popular genre of videos on some social media platforms.

The video was filmed during an operation at King County International AirportBoeing Field in Seattle two weeks ago, reported The Seattle Times, citing a volunteer with an immigrant rights group that monitors weekly deportation flights out of the airport.

At the Daily Beast, Jill Filipovic engages in some needed truth-telling about the depravity of the propaganda video:

The “soothing” sound in this video, apparently, is the jangle of chains.

This was the core message: Putting other human beings in chains makes us feel good. It relaxes us. It’s pleasurable to experience—a white noise machine of human suffering….

It is hard for a person with a basic level of human decency and empathy to understand how anyone finds it enjoyable. But it’s also a signal, a green light to the everyday extremists who enjoy human suffering and have now been told their sickness is not just acceptable, but wonderful.

And it’s an attempt by the truly malevolent to weaponize their dangerous ignorance, to make their viciousness normal—and to implicate all of us in their inhumanity.

Continuing his joyful cruelty, Donald Trump’s Valentine’s Day “greeting” (which also featured “border czar” Tom Homan) was a digital card posted on social media that included the following poem, “Roses are red, Violets are blue, come here illegally and we’ll deport you.”

If the leaders of the Democratic Party and other pro-democracy civil society organizations are not moving fast enough, in the correct direction – or at all – it is up to their members and the broader public to force them to. If the leaders will not lead, then it is up to the people to lead from the bottom up.

It is no coincidence that one of Trump’s primary means of communication is via social media and his platform Truth Social. One of the deciding factors in support of Donald Trump in the 2024 presidential election was whether a given person received their news information from newspapers and other traditional mainstream news sources or instead from social media and/or smartphone apps. The latter group proved much more vulnerable and easily manipulated by disinformation, misinformation and other lies and distortions about politics and reality — which helps to explain their support for Trump and his MAGA authoritarian populist movement.

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On this, Kenn Orphan writes at Counterpunch about the spectacle and the power of social media in the Age of Trump and beyond:

Indeed, I am certain Debord would be horrified at the age of social media. At no other time in human history has there been a greater confluence of authoritarian dominance or social control implemented in such an intimate and ubiquitous manner. Unlike Debord’s time, social media provides a new medium to not only socially condition the masses but for the corporate state to gather what was once private information about those masses via their personally owned devices and apps.

That it masquerades as a form of democracy is equally disturbing, especially since at its core it represents the policing of thought and dampening of dissent. He wrote as if penning a prophecy: “The spectator’s consciousness, imprisoned in a flattened universe, bound by the screen of the spectacle behind which his life has been deported, knows only the fictional speakers who unilaterally surround him with their commodities and the politics of their commodities. The spectacle, in its entirety, is his “mirror image.””

This spectacle reigns supreme in today’s social media culture. It is essential to its formulation and operating guidelines. Under such a paradigm history must be sterilized of analysis and ultimately atomized into unrelated instances to make an eternal present, divorced from any transformative potential.

Donald Trump has now almost fully turned against Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelenskyy, and is basically on the side of Putin and Russia. Trump is rewriting history, declaring that Ukraine provoked the war with Russia. In reality, Russia was the aggressor and invaded Ukraine.

Continuing with the spectacle, Trump is lobbing insults and lies at Zelenskyy like a professional wrestling “heel” (the villain) cutting a “promo” on the “babyface” (the hero). Trump called Zelenskyy a “dictator” and a “moderately successful comedian.” Trump also said that “[Zelinskyy] refuses to have Elections, is very low in Ukrainian Polls, and the only thing he was good at was playing Biden 'like a fiddle.”

CNN’s Stephen Collinson observes, “Trump’s turn against Ukraine is not just a remarkable spectacle as the United States changes sides in the middle of a war. It’s one example of Trump’s stunning transformation of US foreign policy as America becomes a nation that is rejecting the international system of alliances and friendships that it built to defend democracy and as its president seeks accommodation with authoritarians like Putin."

One of the defining features of the Trumpocene and ascendant fascism is how so many people did not believe that such events in their full and now obvious horror would ever be possible in post-World War II and “post-racial” America, the “strongest” and “most vibrant ‘democracy’ in the world.” Unfortunately, it is now all too real. Such people are groping for answers and meaning.

Michael D’Antonio, author of a biography about Donald Trump, previewed much of this in an essay at CNN – which was written in 2017: “In his most authentic moments as President, most recently in Harrisburg, he has made himself into a riveting but also terrifying spectacle that is the shame of the Republican Party and the nation.”

In a previous essay here at Salon, I offered a list of keywords and concepts for describing the collective emotions and feelings that many Americans are experiencing in the weeks and months from Election Day to Trump’s formally taking power on Inauguration Day and beyond. I have added “discombobulated” to that ongoing list and type of guide to the long Trumpocene.

The purpose of Trump and his allies’ shock and awe campaign against American democracy, the rule of law, the Constitution, a humane society and reality itself is to wear down and distract the opposition. Pro-democracy Americans and other people of conscience and honor who care about the present and future of the country must immediately reorient themselves and move from reaction and inaction to immediate action. The time for recalibration and rest is over.

In a recent essay in the Los Angeles Times, Mary McNamara offers some solid practical advice about how to respond: “The fight must dodge Trump, the persona, and be brought to Trump, the president, and the changes he does or does not bring to this country.”

If the leaders of the Democratic Party and other pro-democracy civil society organizations are not moving fast enough, in the correct direction – or at all – it is up to their members and the broader public to force them to. If the leaders will not lead, then it is up to the people to lead from the bottom up. Those so-called leaders can then follow or be left behind. 

There is a deep and rich and vibrant history and tradition of liberal, progressive, and real pro-democracy populism and organizing and mass collective action in the United States. It is long overdue that it was mined and harnessed in defense of multiracial pluralistic democracy and to counter the Age of Trump and American fascism.  

Trump undercuts Zelenskyy — but Americans are not abandoning Ukraine

What America’s barely-elected president is trying to do to Ukraine and the world order is a disgrace. Most Americans are horrified. Even as Donald Trump, Elon Musk and Vladmir Putin conspire to force their naked oligarchy on the world, most of us have grandparents who remember how fascism works, and we don’t like strongmen. As our hearts break for Ukraine, America, and every democracy now fighting for its life, millions of people have reached out to President Zelenskyy in solemn solidarity. Democracy is under threat around the globe, and, though it took longer than it should have, the educated half of the US is finally paying attention

We know Putin is a KGB-trained thug who disappears his critics, and that Trump admires him for it; we also know that Trump keeps declaring national emergencies to give his criminally unqualified Secretary of Defense on-the-job training. Secretary Pete Hegseth, a former Fox News host with white supremacy ink all over his body, needs to learn early which military commanders will go along with Trump’s second violent coup, and which ones he needs to terminate (or worse). 

We also know Russia invaded Ukraine, not the other way around; hundreds of millions of people around the world have seen the videos and won’t be gaslit, despite Trump’s shameless lies. Please, whatever you think of Americans, do not think we are all as stupid as Trump assumes we are.

Trump has no mandate 

As Trump tries to demean Ukraine with Putin’s false claim that President Zelenskky's approval rating is at 4%, keep in mind that Trump barely won. He won 49% of the vote compared to Harris’ 48%, a difference of 1%.  America’s biggest challenge isn’t MAGA, but the plurality of 90 million qualified voters who didn’t bother to vote at all in November’s election despite the stakes. American apathy has many root causes, that’s another thing on our to do list, but love of an unhinged strongman isn’t one of them. 

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We also have a media problem, thanks largely to Trump/Musk/Putin’s relentless efforts to flood the zone with disinformation. The right wing controlled media (Fox, OAN, Newsmax, X, and nearly 2000 right-wing radio stations) runs pure Trump propaganda. That’s because, under our current legal system, corporate-owned media is not required to tell the truth. It’s not like in the UK where the law requires fairness and impartiality in reporting the news; Fox and X are more like Putin’s State TV, where corporate owners dummy down their viewers and prop up politicians for their own corporate interests. Restoring truth in the news is another thing on our to do list.  

Trump’s pettiness and lust for vengeance are un-American

Like white on rice, Trump is all over President Zelenskyy. It’s not a new obsession. Perhaps, like France’s Macron, he locked eyes with Melania and kissed her, I wonder? Trump really is that small, but in his defense, any playground bully would be aggrieved. Too many people love Zelenskyy and admire the Ukrainian people’s struggle. 

Zelenskyy's youth and good looks surely don’t help in Trump’s grievance department. Zelenskyy's 2019 refusal to manufacture “evidence” to hurt Joe Biden no doubt still chafes. Trump got caught trying to blackmail him with funds Congress had already approved, and he’s still blaming the victim, as any abuser would. His efforts this week to demand half of Ukraine’s rare earth minerals, like they owe something to the mob boss because presidents before him had principles, was next-level embarrassing. All I can say is I’m sorry.

Not only is he mentally unwell, he is laughably but dangerously petty. He nurses old grudges like a dementia patient and lives to hurt anyone who shows him up, and right now, tag, Ukraine is it.

Educated America knows we are in a coup

The problem in America is that extremely wealthy men have orchestrated a coup to further enrich themselves and their greedy families. Back when America really was a great superpower on the rise, the wealthiest industrialists paid their fair share of taxes. The Rockefellers and Vanderbilts built the nation and shared their wealth, and the nation benefitted for decades. At the apex of our rise, wealthy Americans paid effective income tax rates as high as 94%. But Republicans changed all that starting in the 1980s and insisted that deep tax cuts for the rich would trickle down. They never did.

Today, men like Elon Musk pay an effective tax rate of 3%, and his companies, like Tesla, pay almost nothing in taxes. That is why they spend so much to get Trump and other Republicans elected: to keep their unjust tax cuts and write their own regulations. 

Musk is end stage Citizens United

Republicans’ tax cuts to the rich morphed into selling election outcomes. In 2010, Citizens United held that the uber rich could select our national leaders by donating undisclosed millions to candidates who would do their bidding. After Musk paid $48 billion to ruin Twitter and another $300 million to get Trump elected, Republican Congressmen today are frightened, afraid to do their jobs. Musk has credibly threatened to primary any Congressman who criticizes Trump’s power grab, and when the world’s richest man aims his money at your head with the trigger cocked, you freeze.  

When he ran for re-election, Trump promised $1 billion fossil fuel donors that they could ruin the environment without regulations, and here we are. We have entered the final stage of Citizens United’s oligarchic takeover, with its infectious spawns Musk, Vance and Trump at the helm. 

As the world’s wealthiest men team up to impose maximum harm on the world by embracing Nazism and partnering with Putin, one of the world’s most lethal dictators, please take heart. It’s obvious violence is coming to the US, but America will sort itself out. We always do the right thing, as Churchill reportedly said, after other possibilities have been exhausted.  

I close here in shared weariness in knowing there really are evil men in the world who will do anything for power and wealth. Also, in sympathy and apology, heartbroken for both our countries, but not defeated. I just want Ukrainians fighting for their freedom and their lives, and democratic forces around the world to know:  Most Americans see Trump. And we see you.

“Slavery produced a genuine affection between the races”: Hegseth’s church foretold “DEI” firings

Donald Trump's administration is barely bothering to pretend that the firings at the Department of Defense are about anything but bigotry. On Friday, Trump fired Air Force Gen. CQ Brown Jr., only the second Black person to be chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. To add insult to injury, the highly qualified Brown was replaced by Air Force Lt. Gen. Dan Caine, a white man who, according to the Associated Press, "has not had key assignments identified in law as prerequisites for the job." Promoting unqualified white men over qualified women and minorities isn't just the modus operandi of the Trump administration. There's a long paper trail pointing to race as the reason they painted a target on Brown's back. 

With Hegseth, there's a direct line from his bigoted religious beliefs to his bigoted writings to his bigoted behavior in office.

Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, who is the shining example of Trump's love of giving plum jobs to wholly unqualified white men, has long held a racialized resentment of Brown. By his own admission, Hegseth's military career was a failure. He complained the Army "spit me out," though he tries to save face by claiming "the feeling was mutual." General Brown had a dramatically more successful career than Major Hegseth, with four stars and a storied journey from fighter pilot to commanding the Pacific Air Forces. Yet Hegseth sneeringly suggested in his 2024 book that Brown only got his promotion because of "his skin color." Hegseth claims this insult is justified because Brown "made the race card one of his biggest calling cards." This appears to be a reference to Brown's willingness to publicly state both that racism exists and that racism is bad, sentiments that should be unobjectionable to anyone who is not a racist. 

The levels of gaslighting and hand-waving on the right are getting to ridiculous levels, in their unconvincing efforts to deny that the firing of Brown was discrimination. So to offer more context for Hegseth's resentments of Brown, it's helpful to look at the church Hegseth joined a few years ago, the Communion of Reformed Evangelical Churches (CREC). The denomination is led by a pastor named Doug Wilson, whose work Hegseth has promoted in podcast appearances and his writings. In December, I wrote about how Wilson's teachings about women's inferiority appear to inform Hegseth's hostility to women in the military. Wilson's views on race are just as grotesque, unscientific, and ahistorical.


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"Slavery produced in the South a genuine affection between the races that we believe we can say has never existed in any nation before the War or since," Wilson wrote in his 1996 defense of Confederate slave owners, "Southern Slavery As It Was." "There has never been a multi-racial society which has existed with such mutual intimacy and harmony in the history of the world," he continued, painting slavery as an Edenic paradise for those captured in it. "Slave life was to [the slaves] a life of plenty, of simple pleasures, of food, clothes and good medical care."

In 2020, Wilson tried to defend these repulsive quotes with a blog post insisting they're taken out of context. But reading further, it's clear he hasn't changed his views. He admitted that there were "abuses" under slavery, but insisted "the benevolent master is not a myth." He quoted formerly enslaved people saying stuff like "Whippings was few," they were allowed "preachings and prayers" and the enslavers would sometimes "teach the young ones how to read and write" to defend his minimizations. Wilson also insists that his 2005 book "Black and Tan" is a better example of his views, but in it, he writes, "the South was right on all the essential constitutional and cultural issues surrounding the war" and "it was possible for a godly man to own slaves," so that's not quite the defense he thinks it is. 

Wilson plays word games like this frequently, such as in a 2024 blog post — since deleted — in which he defended white supremacist groups who troll college campuses with "it's okay to be white" fliers. Obviously, no one said otherwise, and the purpose of these fliers is to imply that being anti-racist is inherently anti-white. Wilson's response was to argue that to "talk about white privilege is envious and sinful." He compared people who object to white privilege to children "glancing around the room in order to see what everyone else received" on Christmas and "squabbling over the presents." 

Despite his excessive verbiage and gaslighting of his critics, Wilson's worldview seems quite simple: God placed men over women and white people over Black people. Any effort to disrupt the "natural" hierarchy is dangerous and sinful. As Adam Serwer wrote for the Atlantic on Saturday, the goal of the Trump administration is to "repeal the gains of the civil-rights era in their entirety." While Trump, Hegseth, and other MAGA figureheads occasionally "pay lip service to ideals of color-blind meritocracy," Serwer argues, it's swiftly evident that "merit" is code for the Trumpian "conviction that white men are by definition the most competent possible candidates."

The religious aspect in Hegseth's case helps fill out the picture more. Liberals respond to Trumpian talk about "merit" and "best person for the job" by pointing out that Trump regularly promotes unqualified people over incredibly qualified people. Hegseth, for example, was a minor Fox News host who had been pushed out of nearly every job he's had, based on allegations of mismanagement, problematic drinking and mistreating coworkers. But his pastor has an elaborate worldview where the right to hold power and authority is god-given, based on identity and not on competence. It's hard to back a white supremacist system with evidence and logic. It's easier to shrug and say, "If you have a problem with the unfairness, take it up with God." 

Wrapping discriminatory beliefs in religious garb also helps shield them from outside scrutiny, because outsider criticism can be demonized as "religious intolerance" or even "persecution" of Christians. During his Senate confirmation hearing, multiple Democrats brought up Hegseth's past comments denouncing women in the military, but no one brought up that his religious leader has questioned whether women should have the right to vote. The slavery apologia in his faith went completely unremarked upon. Bluesky user upyernoz suggested that Democrats still feel burned after Supreme Court Justice Amy Coney Barrett's hearing, where Republicans accused Democrats of "religious bigotry" because they asked her about her participation in a religious group that preaches extreme female submission to men. 

Far-right Christians in politics certainly want to have it both ways. They insist on the right to infuse their political action with their religious beliefs. When people criticize the bigotry of their beliefs, however, they cry foul and declare their privacy is being invaded. It certainly would be one thing if people with conservative religious views left those views at the church door. President Joe Biden, for instance, was personally opposed to abortion but supported women's right to access it if her faith (or lack thereof) spoke differently. With Hegseth, there's a direct line from his bigoted religious beliefs to his bigoted writings to his bigoted behavior in office. Putting unqualified people in charge based on elaborate, ahistorical views on racial hierarchy isn't just unfair, it threatens the integrity of our national defense.