Spring Sale: Get 1 Year, Save 58%

McEnany tells “Fox Friends” that COVID-19 restrictions are “Orwellian” as pandemic surges across US

Describing new coronavirus restrictions put in place by governors as “Orwellian” and against “the American way,” White House press secretary Kayleigh McEnany lashed out at blue states during her latest “Fox & Friends.”

McEnany’s comments, made in her official White House capacity, came amid dire warnings from within the administration about the current record-setting resurgence of infections. The White House coronavirus task force alerted Vice President Mike Pence on Tuesday that the U.S. could see 2,000 deaths a day if states do not impose new restrictions, according to CBS News.

“Fox & Friends” co-host Steve Doocy asked McEnany on Wednesday about the restrictions as families across the country weigh whether to cancel holiday gatherings amid a surge of COVID-19 cases.

“There a number of governors who are suggesting, look, that you don’t need to be in a big group, particularly of people that are outside your bubble,” Doocy said. “What do you think of these suggestions and guideline some of the governors have given in advance of this? Because it is a super contagious disease.”

“Yeah, I think a lot of the guidelines you’re seeing are Orwellian,” McEnany began, before advocating for federal guidelines. “Let me start by saying the CDC has put out considerations as we prepare to go about Thanksgiving — about socially distancing, wearing masks, doing what you can. There’s a whole list of pages of very good considerations, and in that they say they aren’t recommending a certain number of people. But they are giving considerations that you should put in place, and I think that’s the American way.”

The holiday guidelines from the Centers for Disease Control (CDC) do not put a cap on gatherings. The federal agency recommends that individuals base crowd size on the ability for individuals from different households to stay 6 feet apart.

But the guidance does explicitly direct Americans to follow all safety laws, rules and regulations in place in their area — regulations which McEnany again characterized as “Orwellian.”

“The American people know how to protect their health,” she said. “We’ve dealt with COVID for many months. But it’s Orwellian in a place like Oregon to say, ‘If you gather in numbers more than six, we might come to your house and arrest you.’ And you get 30 days of jail time? That’s not the American way, and we don’t lose our freedom in this country. We make responsible health decisions as individuals.”

Gov. Kate Brown, a Democrat, on Friday warned that she had no choice but to enforce her order capping social gatherings at six people from two different households. Penalties for violations include jail time of up to 30 days, fines of up to $1,250 or both.

“For the last eight months, I have been asking Oregonians to follow the letter and the spirit of the law, and we have not chosen to engage law enforcement,” Brown said Friday, adding that she had directed law enforcement to apply the penalties.

“At this point in time, unfortunately, we have no other option,” she concluded. 

The U.S. has passed 247,000 reported COVID-19 deaths, according to data from Johns Hopkins University. In May, White House task force coordinator Dr. Deborah Birx projected that the country would see a maximum of 240,000 deaths.

“Our projections have always been between 100,000 and 240,000 American lives lost,” Birx told MSNBC host Chris Matthews. “And that’s with full mitigation and us learning from each other of how to social distance.”

On “Fox & Friends,” McEnany skirted another legal question: whether President Donald Trump would commit to a peaceful transfer of power to President-elect Joe Biden.

“If the president doesn’t win . . . what happens with the transfer of power?” co-host Ainsley Earhart asked. “Will it be peaceful?”

McEnany did not entirely rule out the possibility. 

“This president has always said he will engage in a peaceful transfer of power if the facts bear out that way,” the senior White House responded. 

However, McEnany, who recently appeared on multiple Fox News shows in her political capacity as a Trump campaign adviser, left open the possibility that a peaceful transfer of power might not happen.

“The president believes — so, too, do many others — that if every legal vote is counted, then he will remain president,” she said. “He’s pursuing litigation, but this president always wants what’s in the best interest of our country.”

You can watch the clip below via Twitter:

Tucker Carlson caught falsely accusing a living woman of voting while dead

As decisive a victory as President-elect Joe Biden has enjoyed — 306 electoral votes and a nationwide lead of at least 5.8 million in the popular vote — President Donald Trump and his allies are still hoping to overturn the election results in key battleground states. One of them is Georgia, where Trump’s campaign and Fox News’ Tucker Carlson wrongly accused a voter named Deborah Jean Christiansen of voting fraudulently. But CNN interviewed Christiansen, ascertaining that her vote was perfectly legitimate.

Trump’s campaign and Carlton both accused Christiansen of voting in the name of a dead woman. However, CNN reporters Konstantin Toropin, Daniel Dale and Amara Walker explain that in Georgia, there were two different women named Deborah Jean Christiansen. One of them died in 2019, but the other is alive and well and had every right to vote in the 2020 presidential election.

The two Georgia-based women, according to CNN, were “born in the same year and month but on a different day.” And CNN interviewed the Deborah Jean Christiansen who is still living and voted for Biden.

Toropin, Dale and Walker explain, “Christiansen answered the door when CNN showed up on Tuesday evening. Christiansen, a retired mental health counselor who moved from Nebraska to Georgia in September, said she voted for Trump in 2016 but came to regret the decision, then voted for Joe Biden in 2020. Christiansen said the false accusation from the Trump campaign is ‘just ridiculous,’ part of an effort by a ‘narcissist’ president to deny the obvious reality of his defeat.”

Christiansen told CNN, “The guy lost the election. He should be worried more about taking care of people, with this COVID-19 going on. He’s got a pandemic. Come on, Biden won. Let’s move on. Let’s help him transition.”

The following misleading tweets were posted by Trump or members of his campaign, and one of them has been flagged by Twitter as “disputed”:

According to Toropin, Dale and Walker, “It is not clear whether the Trump campaign intentionally or unintentionally mixed up the living Deborah Jean Christiansen and the deceased Deborah Jean Christiansen. Regardless of its motive, though, the president’s team was falsely alleging a crime had occurred — and needlessly putting private citizens in the national spotlight. And it was not the only time the Trump campaign did so.”

Trump silent after GOP effort to block election certification in Michigan thwarted

Despite later reversing their decision, two Republican members of Michigan’s Wayne County Board of Canvassers were told their woeful legacies had already been sealed after they attempted Tuesday to block the certification of the county’s 2020 election results, including an effort during the process to carve out Detroit—which voted overwhelmingly for President-elect Joe Biden and other Democrats—from its wealthier suburbs.

While President Donald Trump initially praised the move by Monica Palmer, the Republican chair of the committee, and William Hartmann—the other Republican on the four-member panel—to halt the certification as a “beautiful thing” and declared “Flip Michigan back to TRUMP,”  the two later changed course after fierce public condemnation, including charges that their refusal was both racist in origin and an assault on the democratic will of the people.

As of this writing Wednesday morning, Trump has not acknowledged the reversal of the GOP members and ultimate certification of the Wayne County results.

“Our democracy is built on respecting the will of the people when they express it at the ballot box,” said Kristen Clarke, president and executive director of the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law, following word that the GOP members had blocked the certification late Tuesday afternoon.

“President Trump and his allies’ relentless and anti-democratic attempts to undermine the election combined with the Wayne County Board of Canvassers’ failure to certify the vote,” charged Clarke, “are part of an attempt to promote chaos, confusion, and discord.”

As the Detroit Free Press reported Tuesday evening, “After initially voting against certifying the election results, [Palmer] said she would be open to certifying the election results for other jurisdictions but not Detroit.” That move in particular was seen as an overt effort to disenfranchise a huge number of Black voters in the city.

Rep. Rashida Tlaib (D-Mich.), who represents large portions of Wayne County in the U.S. House and won easily won reelection on Nov. 3, characterized what Hartmann and Palmer did as “disgusting,” something no community deserves

“It’s plain and simple, folks,” Tlaib tweeted. “The Republican members of the Wayne County Board of Canvassers put politics above their duty to our residents. Suggesting that all of Wayne County can be certified, EXCEPT for Detroit, is horrifying racist and a subversion of our democracy.”

The idea that local or state election boards could somehow override 2020 results has been a concern since before the Nov. 3 election, with experts warning that Trump’s repeated efforts to undermine confidence in the results was part of a long-game ploy to create enough doubt in the minds of voters that GOP electors would have room to refuse certifications—a thesis spelled out in journalist Bart Gellman’s piece in The Atlantic, published online in October, titled “How Trump Could Attempt a Coup.”

What transpired in Michigan on Tuesday—though ultimately unsuccessful—is nearly exactly the kind of effort that Gellman and others had warned about.

Jonathan Kinloch, the Democratic vice chair of the board accused the two GOP members of putting partisan politics—including a fealty to Trump—before their legal obligation to certify the legitimate election results. “This is reckless and irresponsible action by this board,” Kinloch said added. And Allen Wilson, the other Democrat on the board, echoed that sentiment and said: “I’m actually appalled to be sitting here today.”

In the midst of Tuesday’s battle over the certification in Wayne County, the progressive advocacy group MoveOn said the “refusal by GOP partisans to certify Detroit’s votes is their latest attack on democracy. Fortunately, voters decide who wins. Candidates don’t get to throw out votes they don’t like and GOP members of County Boards of Canvassers definitely don’t.”

In its statement, MoveOn turned out to be correct. Not long after, while a virtual feed of the board’s meeting was apparently offline, both Palmer and Hartmann ended their obstruction and both joined with the two Democratic members to approve the certification.

Detroit Mayor Mike Duggan, according to the Free Press, celebrated the unanimous vote to certify the county’s election results.

“Every court on the Detroit election results has ruled that Trump’s claims of error were baseless,” Duggan said. “Had the Board of Canvassers disenfranchised 1.4 million Wayne County voters over partisan politics, it would have been an historically shameful act. Glad to see common sense prevailed in the end.”

But for many people like local resident Ned Staebler, a board member of the Detroit Economic Growth Corp., the GOP ultimately unsuccessful effort was unforgivable and will not be forgotten. During an online public comment period ahead of the final vote, Staebler excoriated the two in a video that has since gone viral. “The Trump stain, the stain of racism that you, William Hartmann and Monica Palmer, have just covered yourself in is going to follow you throughout history,” Staebler declared.

When the election was finally certified—which means that Michigan will remain safely and dominantly in President-elect Joe Biden’s winning column—Trump offered no followup comment via Twitter or otherwise, leaving some to wonder whether he was aware that the effort he referred to as courageous and “beautiful” had been scuttled.

 When Michigan state Rep. Abdullah Hammoud (D-15), noticed Trump’s silence and asked online: “Who wants to break the news to him?” Congresswoman Tlaib accepted the duty.

“I will,” she said.

Judge cancels fraud evidence hearing after Rudy Giuliani admits “this is not a fraud case” in court

A federal judge based in Pennsylvania has heard enough from Trump attorney Rudy Giuliani.

Judge Matthew Brann of the United States District Court for the Middle District of Pennsylvania on Wednesday announced (PDF) that he was formally canceling an evidentiary hearing that had been scheduled to take place on Thursday.

“The evidentiary hearing previously scheduled for Thursday, November 19, 2020 is CANCELLED,” the judge wrote in his order, which also denied a motion by Trump attorney Linda Kerns to sanction opposing counsel for a supposedly “threatening” phone call.

As Law and Crime News reporter Adam Klasfeld notes, Judge Brann telegraphed this move in court on Tuesday when he said that he didn’t see the need to hold an evidentiary hearing based on the claims being made by the Trump campaign.

“Context: Rudy Giuliani admitted in court yesterday, ‘This is not a fraud case,'” writes Klasfeld in explaining why the judge saw no need to hold a hearing on fraud evidence when Giuliani said that the case didn’t actually involve fraud allegations.

“Abuse of office”: Graham hit with formal ethics complaint amid allegations of election meddling

Ethics experts asked the Senate Ethics Committee on Wednesday to look into Sen. Lindsey Graham‘s phone call last week with Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger, CNN reported.

The three experts — Walter Shaub, a former top ethics watchdog for the federal government, Richard Painter, the chief ethics lawyer for President George W. Bush’s administration, and Claire Finkelstein, the director of the University of Pennsylvania’s Center for Ethics and the Rule of Law — are asking the Senate to look into whether or not Graham made a suggestion that Raffensperger “disenfranchise Georgia voters by not counting votes lawfully cast for the office of president.”

The letter reflected, in part: “If these allegations are true, Senator Graham’s conduct constitutes an abuse of office and conduct unbecoming of a senator. For the Chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee to suggest to a state Secretary of State that he refrain from counting lawful votes threatens the electoral process and damages representative democracy. The Senate Select Committee should investigate this matter and, if it finds Chairman Graham committed the alleged misconduct, seek an appropriate sanction or any other appropriate remedy.”

The letter continued, “Secretary Raffensperger’s allegation describes extreme misconduct and abuse of senatorial authority. This alleged attempt by Senator Graham to throw the election for President Trump after the fact by encouraging the very fraud he purports to be investigating threatens the fabric of our nation by undermining the very thing that makes it a republic, our elections. Even if the committee believes only Senator Graham’s account, his call to the state election official during an ongoing vote count amounts to misconduct. These alleged acts committed by Senator Graham bring discredit and dishonor upon the Senate and constitute conduct unbecoming of a United States Senator. Therefore, we urge the committee to open an investigation of Senator Graham at once and, if it finds the conduct occurred as alleged, take the strongest action within its authority to address misconduct by a member of the Senate.”

Their joint letter can be viewed here.

Trump campaign avoids $8M bill by limiting Wisconsin recount to cities with large Black populations

President Donald Trump’s campaign avoided paying $8 million for a statewide recount in Wisconsin by targeting its effort at cities with large Black populations.

The Trump campaign paid the state $3 million on Wednesday, according to the Wisconsin Elections Commission. The campaign said it will seek a recount in Milwaukee County and Dane County, which includes Madison.

“These two counties were selected because they are the locations of the worst irregularities,” the campaign said in a statement.

Milwaukee and Madison, the two most-populous cities in the state, boast large Black populations and a history of voting for Democrats.

By limiting the recount to two counties, the campaign avoided paying the nearly $8 million cost of a full statewide recount. The campaign has to pay for the recount, because President-elect Joe Biden’s margin of victory is greater than 0.25%.  

Trump lost the state by nearly 21,000 votes, and election experts have long said the president’s call for a recount stands no chance of realistically reversing the outcome. Former Green Party candidate Jill Stein similarly paid for a recount in the state in 2016, which resulted in a change of only 131 votes. Trump won the state by about 22,000 votes in the last election.

The recount is part of a seemingly hopeless effort to overturn the result of the national election, in which Biden is expected to hold a 306-232 advantage in the Electoral College. Trump would need to flip at least three states to overturn the result, which is highly improbable given that his campaign has won only one of its 26 legal cases so far.

Georgia, where Biden leads by about 14,000 votes, has already started a recount. But the Trump campaign simply “doesn’t have the votes” to reverse the result, according to Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger.

Biden won Dane County by about 260,000 to 78,000 votes, and he carried Milwaukee County by about 317,000 to 134,000 votes. The two counties represent about 35% of all statewide votes for the president-elect.

“A failed candidate, a failed campaign and soon to be a failed recount effort,” Milwaukee Mayor Tom Barrett told the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel on Wednesday. 

Dane County Clerk Scott McDonell predicted that Biden would actually gain voters after the recount given that the area is overwhelmingly Democratic.

“This was a really clean election from our point of view,” he told the outlet.

Francesca Hong, a Madison Democrat who was elected to the state assembly this month, said targeting a recount in counties which are home to 74% of the state’s Black population was “the most blatant and racist form of voter suppression.”

“For the WI GOP to continue congratulating and thanking 45 is sickening,” she tweeted. “There will be no evidence of voter fraud only voter suppression.”

The Trump campaign has baselessly claimed that absentee ballots were “illegally altered” and “illegally issued” by elections officials who allegedly gave “illegal advice” to voters.

“The integrity of the election results cannot be trusted without a recount in these two counties and uniform enforcement of Wisconsin absentee ballot requirements,” Jim Trupis, counsel to the campaign, said in a statement. “We will not know the true results of the election until only the legal ballots cast are counted.”

Democrats, meanwhile, rejected the campaign’s claims.

“This is an attack on cities, on minorities, on places that have historically voted Democratic,” Barrett told the Associated Press. “Don’t let anyone fool you that this is about irregularities.”

“Why would Trump claim there was voter fraud across our state, but only call for a recount in the two most Democratic and diverse counties in Wisconsin?” Wisconsin state Treasurer Sarah Godlewski asked. “The voters of Wisconsin clearly and resoundingly chose [Biden]. This cherry picked recount is nothing more than effort to subvert the will of the people of Wisconsin.”

CDC adjusts its public health messaging to appeal to Americans’ individualism

Last week, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) switched up its public health messaging. The new messaging, which can be observed in the agency’s Nov. 10 scientific briefing, strongly emphasizes how wearing a mask keeps you, the individual, safe. Not others, not strangers or community members — but the wearer themselves. 

“Masks also help reduce inhalation of these droplets by the wearer (‘filtration for personal protection’),” the CDC states. “The community benefit of masking for SARS-CoV-2 control is due to the combination of these effects; individual prevention benefit increases with increasing numbers of people using masks consistently and correctly.”

In addition to touting the individual benefits, the CDC highlighted the economic benefits of wearing a mask, too.

“An economic analysis using U.S. data found that, given these effects, increasing universal masking by 15% could prevent the need for lockdowns and reduce associated losses of up to $1 trillion or about 5% of gross domestic product,” the new messaging explains.

It’s undisputed that mask-wearing is protective for the wearer — though perhaps even more so for others in their vicinity, should the wearer be unknowingly sick. Yet the CDC’s new messaging differs drastically from the dawn of the pandemic, when the CDC first urged Americans to wear face coverings in public. Back then, the CDC’s guidance focused on how donning a mask protected others from you, as you might have the coronavirus but be asymptomatic and unaware of it. Now, as Dr. Anthony Fauci, director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Disease, said, the benefit of wearing masks is a “two-way street.”

Nine months into the pandemic, the CDC’s messaging-shift is the equivalent of a Hail Mary pass to convince a very resistant cohort of the American public to wear masks regularly, avoid large gatherings and comply with social distancing restrictions. One might interpret it as an indirect admission that America’s hyper-individualistic culture is partly to blame for the deadly spread of COVID-19. 

But is a messaging shift — to focus on the benefits of mask-wearing to the individual — enough to change Americans’ behaviors, and thus save lives? Experts are divided. 

Research shows that there’s a partisan divide among who’s more likely to take the pandemic seriously or not — suggesting that, beyond individualism, political affiliation plays a strong role. A Pew Research survey in August showed that 76 percent of Republicans and GOP-leaners wore masks in stores, compared to 92 percent of Democrats and those who lean toward the Democratic Party did. As the New York Times columnist and economist Paul Krugman explained, Republicans and the far-right have become so selfish about their “freedom” that any restrictions have become a threat.

“The modern U.S. right is committed to the proposition that greed is good, that we’re all better off when individuals engage in the untrammeled pursuit of self-interest,” Krugman wrote. “In their vision, unrestricted profit maximization by businesses and unregulated consumer choice is the recipe for a good society.”

Mid-pandemic, this mindset is epitomized by Republican Congresswoman-elect Marjorie Taylor Greene of Georgia, who has repeatedly condemned wearing masks and described other mitigation strategies like “forced social distancing” as a violation of “Americans [sic] guaranteed freedom of life, liberty, and pursuit of happiness.” Greene, who is a Qanon conspiracy theorist, referred to the pandemic restrictions as “draconian.”

Beyond politicians, the individualist attitude is observed in everyday Americans, too. A 21-year-old in South Dakota told AP News that she and her friends were “kind of over this whole COVID thing.” “I won’t wear a mask unless I absolutely have to,” she said. “A am a very strong Christian and I know where I’m going, and I believe God will take me when I’m supposed to go. So if I get COVID and I die from COVID, it’s not my decision.”

American culture has long been resistant to the notion that one’s actions might have consequences for others. We see this most clearly in the examples of people dying indirectly from super-spreader weddings that they didn’t attend. A 55-person wedding reception in rural Maine led to 177 cases of COVID-19, including seven deaths. A recent wedding in Grant County, Washington has similarly turned into a super-spreader event

Dr. Cindy Prins, as epidemiologist at the University of Florida, told me that COVID-19 is a “behavioral disease” in many ways. Those who work from home, wear a mask outside and physically distance themselves from other people, Prins said, “have a much lower risk of getting COVID-19.” As the CDC noted in its new scientific briefing, an additional 15 percent of population compliance with mask-wearing could mean the difference between another lockdown and no lockdown.

Americans have a strange relationship with the idea of selfishness. It’s an insult to be called selfish. Nobody wants to be called selfish, yet we see our society rewarding selfishness all the time. To survive in late-stage capitalism, you need to be financially and economically successful. And since we live in a dog-eat-dog world, people will do whatever it takes to survive. Strangely, research in the past has shown that humans are altruistic by nature — they innately care for others, and thus choosing to be selfish actually takes more effort. However, when it comes to Americans, one study published in Psychological Science found that we are less motivated to do something if it doesn’t benefit us directly.

Prins said it’s not so much selfishness that she believes is the problem in containing the pandemic, but instead the overall “mixed messaging” citizens have received.

“We started out saying  ‘don’t wear a mask, you only need to wear it when you’re sick,’ then we changed gears and said ‘masks are good,’ but we weren’t seeing widespread mandates,” Prins said. “I think that those early, confusing messages made an impression on some people, and it’s really hard once you get some of that information out to change people’s minds.”

She added that the fact it’s become a political issue instead of a scientific one has made matters worse. 

Daniel P. Aldrich, Professor and Director of the Security and Resilience Studies Program at Northeastern University, told me he believes selfishness is part of the problem, but not worthy of all of the blame.

“Many people would say that the whole society of capitalism runs on us each out there trying to make a bunch — and it works for some of us but not all of us,” Aldrich said. “But I think the behavioral choices that we make, the information that we get, and the trust we have in the information — that is what drives me to put on the mask, to make the mask for my neighbors, or to go do the opposite, right?”

Aldrich, whose recent research highlights how regular participation in civil society and having trust in government officials affects the likelihood of a community adopting new health behaviors in the U.S., said a person’s community matters most when it comes to an individual following pandemic restrictions. For example, if there aren’t any anti-lockdown rallies in your community, you’re not going to join one.

“I can’t join a rally here if there are no rallies,” he said, adding that it takes “more than just messaging,” but that the source of the messaging is important. “It has to be that the information is trusted, that the information is repeated and reinforced, and the only way those things happen is if you have a network that you’re embedded that does those things.”

So, does this mean that the CDC’s shift in messaging will work? Probably not, both Aldrich and Prins told me.

“Behaviorally, I’m not sure that that’s going to change what some people do,” Prins said.

Aldrich agreed.

“Much of our behavior is a function of our network,” Aldrich said. “Their networks don’t take the information seriously, and what we need to do is find influencers in the networks; if President Trump had said, ‘I had COVID-19, but I’m still wearing a mask just to keep you safe,’ that is a way of reinforcing behaviors in a network.”

Whether it’s selfishness or toxic masculinity that keeps Republicans leaders from following and promoting mask-wearing, one thing remains clear: it’s a small percentage of people ruining life for everyone. And until we can all get on the same page, which would require looking out for one another, this pandemic will continue to rage on.

GOP secretary of state: Trump “would have won” Georgia, but he “suppressed” Republican mail-in votes

Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger on Tuesday continued to fire back at President Donald Trump’s baseless attacks against the integrity of the election, calling his fellow Republican’s loss in the state was self-inflicted.

Raffensperger, a Republican who has come under repeated attack from within his own party, claimed that the lame-duck president cost himself a win by dissuading his own base of supporters from voting by mail. According to the secretary of state, 24,000 Republicans who voted by mail in the primary did not vote in the general election.

“Those 24,000 people did not vote in the fall, either. They did not vote absentee, because they were told by the president, ‘Don’t vote absentee. It’s not secure,'” Raffensperger told WSB-TV. “But then they did not come out and vote in person. He would have won by 10,000 votes. He actually . . . suppressed his own voting base.”

Biden is the first Democrat to win Georgia since former President Bill Clinton carried the state with about 43% of the vote in 1992. Biden won 49.5% of the vote this year, edging out Trump by about 14,000 votes.

Raffensperger said Trump’s misinformation about the integrity of the vote in Georgia was “just another red herring thrown out there by a campaign that doesn’t have the votes.”

He also warned that Trump’s attempts to sow doubt in the state’s elections threatened to hurt Sen. David Perdue, R-Ga., and Sen. Kelly Loeffler, R-Ga., in their upcoming runoffs, which will decide control of the Senate.

“When you have disunity and distrust in the process,” he said, “you are going to discourage the Republican base from turning out.”

Trump has attacked Raffensperger in recent days as “a so-called Republican (RINO).” Rep. Doug Collins, R-Ga., who is leading the president’s recount effort in the state, has accused him of failing to investigate unfounded reports of irregularities. Perdue and Loeffler jointly called for Raffensperger to resign, citing issues around “transparency.”

Raffensperger, who went on a tear debunking Trump’s false claims about the election, called Collins a “failed candidate” and a “liar” after he lost his intraparty challenge to Loeffler. Dubbing Georgia’s elections a resounding “success,” the secretary of state called Perdue and Loeffler’s allegation “laughable.” 

Raffensperger on Monday also accused Sen. Lindsey Graham, R-S.C. of trying to pressure him to throw out legal votes. Gabriel Sterling, the state’s voting system manager who was also on the call, corroborated Raffensperger. Graham denies the allegations. 

“What I heard was basically discussions about absentee ballots and . . . if there was a percentage of signatures that weren’t really, truly matching, is there some point we could get to — we could say somebody went to a courtroom could say, ‘Well, let’s throw (out) all these ballots, because we have no way of knowing because the ballots are separated’,” Sterling told CNN.

Graham’s comments “might have gone a little to the edge of” what people would consider acceptable, he added.

While Raffensperger has drawn praise from Democrats for standing up to Trump’s baseless attacks, the Trump campaign’s pressure on him began long before Election Day, according to ProPublica.

Raffensperger turned down an offer to serve as an honorary co-chair of the Trump campaign in Georgia, and he later rejected Republican requests to publicly support the president, according to the report.

The secretary of state argued that it would have been a “conflict of interest” to take sides while overseeing an election. He told ProPublica that he believed the recent attacks were “clear retaliation” for resisting pressure from the campaign.

“They thought Georgia was a layup shot Republican win,” he told the outlet. “It is not the job of the secretary of state’s office to deliver a win. It is the sole responsibility of the Georgia Republican Party to get out the vote and get its voters to the polls. That is not the job of the secretary of state’s office.”

Raffensperger dismissed the post-election complaints as attempts to make excuses for Trump’s loss in a traditionally red state.

“If Trump and Collins were concerned about voter fraud, they would have proposed and passed legislation to fix it,” he said. “They did nothing — absolutely nothing.”

HBO’s “Crazy, Not Insane” brings understanding of serial killers, if you have the stomach for it

Near the beginning of “Crazy, Not Insane,” Dr. Dorothy Otnow Lewis poses a simple question few people ask of another. “Don’t you ever wonder why you don’t murder?”

That curiosity has driven Lewis’ work for decades, placing her in room with such famous murderers as Arthur Shawcross, Joseph Paul Franklin and Ted Bundy. In all, the psychiatrist interviewed 22 serial killers over the course of a long career spent exploring the minds of people who do evil to others. In interviewing them along with many other clients, Lewis finds ample support to her belief that murderers are made, not born.

This flies in the face of what our culture has long believed about the nature of human evil, and it has resulted in Lewis’ work being dismissed in many quarters. But the fact that she even dared to wonder what moves some people to act upon homicidal urges that others hold at bay, if they have them at all, also makes her work revolutionary and influential in the justice system. That’s an understatement; she’s credited with influencing Supreme Court rulings on capital punishment that were handed down in 1988 and 2005.

Lewis’ theories aren’t the reason people are likely to tune in to “Crazy, Not Insane.” It’s the names of the murderers that draw us as opposed to the doctor who spoke with them, and whose video and audio recordings play a central role in differentiating this film from other documentaries.

But filmmaker Alex Gibney is careful to centralize Lewis and her work, creating a fascinating portrait in personality contrasts. Gibney found Lewis in the course of developing a dramatic series with Laura Dern about a psychiatrist whose job is to discover which death row inmates are sane enough to be executed, and found himself as intrigued by her work as her persona.

Without question, it is Lewis’ gentle curiosity that energizes “Crazy, Not Insane” as opposed to the famous killers she’s spent time with. Much of the documentary is spent in her living room where she pores over notes from her prior cases and digs through old tapes, reading aloud her notes about her interview subjects and her own background as she contemplates what she’s learned about the human propensity for violence.

Dern narrates some of these passages when the film retreats into history and takes us into the rooms where Lewis and her frequent collaborator Dr. Catherine Yeager recorded conversations with these killers and other subjects who bolster her view on the existence of dissociative identity disorder, a condition still regarded with skepticism by a portion of the larger psychiatric community. But the actor’s narration is handled with a light touch so as not to overwhelm Lewis as the main focus.

Eventually we see Lewis stumble upon one cassette she had presumed long lost, which was part of the four and a half hours she spent interviewing Bundy on the day before his execution.

That Gibney saves this until the end of “Crazy, Not Insane” is a relief. It allows the viewer to maintain focus on the key questions Lewis asks in her work, and it prevents the two-hour film from becoming another lurid distraction in capitalizing on the so-called “rock star” status of men like Bundy.

Regardless, the documentary is certainly grisly and difficult to watch at times, and Gibney’s artistic recreations and illustrative usage of 8 millimeter stock footage take nothing away from the gruesomeness of the acts described by Lewis’ interview subjects or the terrifying case histories of other clients with whom she’s worked. But unlike the various docuseries or scripted films about serial killers, Gibney’s approach plainly does not seek to capitalize on the sickening theatricality surrounding infamous killers and their crimes.

What he does instead is coax the viewer into examining their own understanding of the possible brutality lurking inside all of us. Lewis herself embarked on her career path out of an unsinkable desire to understand why she had no desire to harm or murder others and why other people do.

She explains that this seed was planted in childhood, when her mother revealed to her the names of famous anti-Semites – including Walt Disney, the man responsible for some of her favorite childhood films. She came to understand that bigotry and insanity are different, that one can quite easily hide under a kind exterior. A murderer’s violent impulses may operate much in the same way.

This element of exploration makes “Crazy, Not Insane” fodder for contemplation in these times for anyone who has the stomach for it, because while the film is ostensibly about murder and crime it’s also about understanding how violence emerges in a person. One of the film’s most chilling passages shows Lewis’ recorded conversation with an electrician who operated as an executioner-for-hire. It doesn’t take long to see how profoundly the act of killing has impacted him even as he claims it hasn’t. That’s before he shows her the acrylic paintings he does after each execution. 

That’s vital for us to contemplate at a time when threats of violence have become commonplace in the public sphere, with neighbors threatening neighbors over such simple acts as wearing a face mask. This is not to say that every combative bully is equally in danger of becoming homicidal; in the end, that’s not why Lewis says she does what she does.

Instead, what drives her is figuring out alternatives to barbarism. A portion of her career was spent serving as an expert witness in high-profile cases, tasked by defense lawyers to help get inmates’ death sentences commuted to life in prison. This makes her mission a humane enterprise.

But she holds no illusions as to the popularity of what she does. “To understand sometimes means to forgive,” she says. “And these days, people aren’t in a very forgiving mood.”

Were we ever?

“Crazy Not Insane” premieres at 9 p.m. Wednesday, Nov. 18 on HBO and HBO Max.

Kelly Loeffler under fire for soliciting campaign cash in halls of the Senate — an apparent crime

Kelly Loeffler, R-Ga., the ultra-wealthy unelected legislator who faces a January runoff election, solicited campaign donations in the halls of Congress during a Wednesday morning Fox News appearance, in an apparent violation of both Senate ethics rules and federal law.

“Look, we know that hundreds of millions of dark, liberal money is pouring into our state,” Loeffler told America’s Newsroom host Sandra Smith in the interview. “That’s why it’s so important that everyone across the country get involved. They can visit Kelly for Senate dot com to chip in five or 10 bucks and get involved, volunteer.”

Loeffler, far and away the wealthiest member of Congress, also posted a separate clip from the same interview, conducted in the Senate building, to her personal candidate Twitter page. That video links out to a campaign donation form.

Senate ethics rules bar lawmakers from asking for campaign contributions on federal property, and federal statutes make doing so a crime. From 18 U.S. Code § 607:

It shall be unlawful for an individual who is an officer or employee of the Federal Government, including the President, Vice President and Members of Congress, to solicit or receive a donation of money or other thing of value in connection with a Federal, State or local election, while in any room or building occupied in the discharge of official duties by an officer or employee of the United States, from any person.

Violators, the law says, “shall be fined not more than $5,000, imprisoned not more than three years or both.”

Citing that criminal statute, the Rules and Standards of Conduct maintained by the Senate Ethics Office say “members and staff may not receive or solicit campaign contributions in any federal building.”

“This kind of shameless fundraising in the halls of the Senate is a clear ethics violation and yet another example of how Senator Kelly Loeffler is looking out for herself,” Alex Floyd, spokesperson for the Democratic Party of Georgia, told Salon in a statement. “It’s been months since Senator Loeffler has taken action to help Georgians impacted by the pandemic, and instead of using her time in Washington to fight for coronavirus relief, she’s doing what she thinks is best for her political campaign.”

Sen. Lindsey Graham, R-S.C., was widely criticized in October for fundraising during a televised interview in the halls of the Senate, a move blasted as “a crime in plain sight” by a fellow member of Congress.

(Georgia’s Republican Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger now claims that Graham pressured him to throw out legal mail ballots during a call the top official expected to concern the state’s upcoming runoffs, including the one involving Loeffler.)

But whereas Graham told supporters that “a little bit goes a long way” when he directed potential donors to his campaign website, Loeffler, who has publicized her promise to self-fund her campaign, explicitly enumerated an item of value — “five or 10 bucks.”

Federal filings show that Loeffler, who has reportedly circulated an article claiming that she and her husband are worth $800 million, has so far given her re-election effort $23 million. Of that figure, $5 million arrived in late September, a few days after the senator’s husband, the chair of the New York Stock Exchange, liquidated between $1,250,002 and $5.5 million in stock of a financial management company he owns. (Loeffler worked there as a senior executive until her appointment to the Senate last December.)

But Loeffler has not given any money to her campaign outright. Instead, she has contributed it in the form of repayable loans.

In September, Rep. Matt Gaetz, R-Fla., called Loeffler out for allegedly bribing President Donald Trump with $50 million in exchange for helping her knock out her Republican special election opponent. Loeffler, who appears to have tapped a loophole in Trump’s tax bill which allows business owners to write off the costs of private jets, dismissed Gaetz’s remarks as inaccurate.

Loeffler edged out Rep. Doug Collins, R-Ga., in Georgia’s Nov. 3 special election. Now, she faces a runoff against Democratic challenger Dr. Raphael Warnock in January. Along with another Georgia runoff between Republican Sen. David Perdue and Democratic rival Jon Ossoff, the contests will decide whether Democrats or Republicans ultimately control the U.S. Senate.

J. Kenji López-Alt explains why a Dutch oven is the secret to a springier, crustier loaf of bread

Early in the pandemic, when everyone, including me, had flocked to their kitchens in an attempt to perfect their “project breads” — crusty sourdough, six-strand challah, dense rye — I found a lot of solace in a YouTube video by food writer and chef J. Kenji López-Alt. 

Released in April, it’s titled “POV No Knead Bread” and has nearly 300,000 views. Over the course of 20 minutes, López-Alt walks through one of the most well-known bread recipes of all time, Sullivan Street Bakery owner Jim Lahey’s no-knead loaf. It skyrocketed to popularity in 2007 when Mark Bittman published it in the New York Times. 

It’s popular because it’s simple, the loaf equivalent of  “set it and forget it,” and that appealed to a pandemic-era crowd who didn’t necessarily want to deal with multiple proofs and elaborate braiding. Bakers just gently combine the dough ingredients, leave it overnight, and it comes out with a golden-brown crust and a springy center. But as López-Alt lays out in his video, there’s a lot of science at work that makes the recipe essentially fool-proof.  

He spoke to Salon to break down the basics of no-knead bread and why home bakers should consider adding a Dutch oven to their list of bread-making tools.w

What you need to know about gluten

Gluten — or rather, the lack thereof — has become a selling point over the last decade with the growing popularity of gluten-free options, even among consumers who don’t have immune conditions like celiac disease. But even as people grab these options off the shelf, there seems to be a lot of confusion about what gluten actually is. 

Short answer: It’s a wheat protein. In bread-making, it’s important for the texture and rise of the loaf.

“Gluten is the sort of protein network that develops when you knead bread,” López-Alt said. “Basically, you’re taking flour proteins, breaking them down, and then you’re recombining it into a sort of cross link. There’s a particular protein called glutenin, which is long and stretchy, and you have to unravel it and then get it to stick to itself, kind of like Velcro.”

This, López-Alt said, creates a long, elastic gluten network, which is sort of like a net that holds bread together. 

Creating a gluten network without kneading

While many bread recipes call for kneading (but not too much or too little, which is why there are so many primers out there on how to knead dough to perfection) as a way to form said gluten network, you can also let your dough rest overnight and allow enzymes to do the work. 

There are several enzymes — which are protein molecules that kickstart biological activity — at work in bread. There’s amylase, which converts complex sugars into simple sugars that yeast are then able to feed on and produce alcohol and CO2; there’s maltase and invertase, which together produce much of the glucose needed by the yeast for fermentation. 

And then there’s proteases, which are protein-chopping enzymes that basically snip gluten into smaller pieces that are able to make additional connections, forming that gluten network López-Alt mentioned. 

“Those enzymes will do the work for you, it just takes them a long time to do it,” he said. “And then simultaneously, there’s yeast that’s producing carbon dioxide bubbles. The motion of the bubbles, and the growth of those bubbles and their migration around the inside of the dough actually does some of that crosslinking work for you as well.” 

Mimic a professional baker’s oven with a Dutch oven

“One of the problems people have at home is that, especially with gas ovens — gas ovens vent, so they burn their fuel inside, and the product of that fuel has to vent out somewhere — is that those ovens aren’t great at trapping steam,” López-Alt said. 

Professional bakers, meanwhile, use steam injection ovens. These ovens typically contain a water canister inside the oven cavity. When the oven reaches a certain temperature or pressure, it will inject heat into the broiler through a pump, which then turns into steam. 

“The steam does a couple things,” López-Alt said. “First of all, it gelatinizes the starch layer on the outside of the bead, which means it doesn’t dry out as fast, which allows for better ‘oven spring.'”

As The Kitchn’s Emma Christensen puts it, oven spring is “the final burst of rising just after a loaf is put in the oven and before the crust hardens.” 

“During those first few minutes as the dough starts to heat up, the yeast go into a feeding frenzy, converting the sugars in the dough into carbon dioxide and alcohol,” she wrotes. “Water in the dough is simultaneously turning into steam and pushing its way out of the dough.” 

“You want that to happen before the crust on the outside begins to harden,” López-Alt said. “Because once it begins to harden, then it doesn’t experience much of a spring anymore because there’s too much pressure holding those gases in, so instead of expanding the bread, they crack out and leak out and your bread becomes more dense.”

So, you want the outside to stay soft in the early stages of cooking so that your bread can rise.

“Like, if you touch a piece of bread that’s been inside a steam oven during the first10minutes, the exterior is kind of like a gel,” López-Alt said. “It feels kind of slick, and what happens is that that gel layer kind of then eventually dries out for this really shiny, crackly crust, as opposed to a dry and crunchy crust.” 

Put simply — a steam oven will result in a better crust and a better spring for your loaf. This is where the Dutch oven comes in. 

“First of all, it pumps more energy into the bread faster and more efficiently because it’s in a very small, enclosed environment,” he said. “So the bread bakes more efficiently. But more importantly, it traps moisture inside that Dutch oven, so all the steam coming off the bread gets trapped in there and mimics the effects of a steam oven.”

You can use a Dutch oven for other loaves as well. Ken Forkish’s Saturday White Bread, from his book “Flour Water Salt Yeast” specifically calls for using one, as does this hearty bread recipe from Le Creuset . The result is an artisan-style loaf on a home baker’s budget. 

López-Alt is also the co-editor of  “The Best American Food Writing 2020,” out now, which will be featured in an upcoming Salon story.

“Fox & Friends” host urges Trump to work with Biden transition team “in the country’s best interest”

Fox News host Brian Kilmeade has urged President Donald Trump to begin “coordinating” with President-elect Joe Biden’s transition team on key issues, such as national security and the coronavirus pandemic.

Trump has launched a flurry of lawsuits challenging the vote count in numerous states, but those efforts have been highly unsuccessful. The campaign has not produced any evidence of widespread fraud or irregularities.

Though Trump “continues to fight on” despite coming up short in the election, his legal efforts in the key swing state of Pennsylvania are expected to fall flat by the end of the week “if they don’t produce something,” Kilmeade said on Wednesday’s edition of “Fox & Friends.”

With the dubious legal effort seemingly on its last legs, Kilmeade urged Trump to stop his administration from blocking Biden’s transition team from beginning its work.

“I think it’s . . . in the country’s best interest if he starts coordinating on the virus and starts coordinating with security with the Biden team,” Kilmeade said. “And just brief them, because, on the virus, we’re going to be able to get [a vaccine] out as soon as two weeks. We need to coordinate on the transportation and implementation — and you’ll see how thorough the planning has been — so we don’t drop the ball in a little while.”

The presidential transition typically begins immediately after there is an apparent winner. The Associated Press and other major news outlets projected Biden to win the election on Nov. 7. But Emily Murphy, the head of the General Services Administration, has refused to sign paperwork allowing the transition to formally begin.

The agency provides nearly $10 million to fund the transition, supplies the president-elect’s team with government emails and office space at every agency and allows access to senior officials throughout the administration to begin coordinating on issues like the distribution of a future coronavirus vaccine. Agency officials have instructed employees not to communicate with Biden’s team until a Trump appointee “deems the results ‘clear,'” according to documents obtained by BuzzFeed News.

Numerous current and former government officials have warned that transition delays might have an impact on American lives. Andy Card, the former chief of staff to George W. Bush, recalled this week that the delayed transition resulting from the 2000 recount and legal battle “contributed” to a lack of preparedness before the 9/11 attacks.

Though many Republicans have continued to enable Trump’s baseless claims sowing doubt in the legitimacy of the election results, some GOP lawmakers have urged Trump to at least provide national security information to the Biden transition team.

“I don’t think they need to know everything,” Sen. Roy Blunt, R-Mo., told The New York Times. “I think they do need to know some things, and national security would be one of them.”

“President-elect Biden should be receiving intelligence briefings right now — that is really important,” Sen. Susan Collins, R-Maine, agreed. “It’s probably the most important part of the transition.”

Sens. Lindsey Graham, R-S.C., and Chuck Grassley, R-Iowa, also said the Biden team should receive national security briefings.

“Our adversaries aren’t going to wait for [Biden] to catch up to take action,” Sen. Marco Rubio, R-Fla., the acting chair of the Senate Intelligence Committee, said this week. “Giving [Biden] access to additional information doesn’t prejudice the president’s electoral claims.”

But Trump has refused to allow Biden to receive classified intelligence, leading the president-elect to hold a national security briefing from experts outside of the government on Tuesday, many of whom served in the Obama administration.

Biden’s team said in a statement that it would continue to meet with experts outside of the government, “especially as the lack of GSA ascertainment prevents the transition from meeting with and hearing from current executive branch officials, including on pressing matters of national security and foreign policy.”

Biden’s team is also concerned about the lack of information it has received about the administration’s coronavirus vaccine efforts. Pfizer on Wednesday announced that it would seek authorization for its vaccine, which it says is 95% effective, within “days.” Trump has alleged that Biden will try to “steal” credit from him for the development of the vaccine, according to The Daily Beast. At the same time, he has rejected blame for the quarter-million coronavirus deaths under his watch.

Sen. Lisa Murkowski, R-Alaska, told The Times it was imperative for the Trump administration to share vaccine distribution plans with Biden in order to ensure that “as the president-elect is able to come in and bring with him a transition team . . . there is that flow of information that we typically see when we have transitions.”

Dr. Anthony Fauci, the top infectious disease expert in the country and a member of the White House coronavirus task force, warned on Monday that Trump’s sabotage could delay the rollout of the vaccine.

“We want a smooth process for that,” he told NBC News. “And the way you do that is by essentially having the two groups speak to each other and exchange information.”

Biden was starker in his condemnation of Trump’s refusal to accept his defeat.

“If we have to wait until Jan. 20 to start that planning, it puts us behind,” the president-elect said on Monday.

He added, “more people may die if we don’t coordinate.”

The crackpot factor: Why the GOP is worried about turning out the vote after Trump

Donald Trump’s attempts to steal the election are fruitless. His legal theater is going nowhere, and it’s becoming apparent that this is more about shaking down credulous supporters for cash than about actually overturning the election results. Michigan pounded another nail in Trump’s coffin Tuesday, when two Republicans who were blocking the vote certification in Wayne County, which includes Detroit, relented in the face of public outrage. It’s all over but the grifting, which will likely continue as long as Trump keeps getting people to give him money for his “legal defense” — money that is being funneled through a PAC and likely straight into Trump’s pocket

Yet the Republican establishment is still tiptoeing around Trump, coddling his fragile ego by refusing to admit he lost the election. Some are going a step further, such as South Carolina’s Sen. Lindsey Graham, who has been exerting pressure on state officials to toss out legally-cast ballots. Why are all these Republicans so afraid of Trump, who will no longer be president in 63 days?

The main reason appears to be that Republicans really are worried about their electoral prospects after Trump. The record Democratic turnout in the 2020 election — President-elect Joe Biden turned out 14 million more voters than Hillary Clinton in 2016 — caused many Republicans down-ballot from Trump to sweat their re-election prospects. Luckily for them, however, Trump also turned out an eye-popping 10 million new voters, which was enough to save the skins of many GOP candidates, even as Trump lost by slender margins in swing states. 

Trump is a turnout machine for Republicans, who have been desperately casting around for years now for a way to save their party despite demographic changes that make the Democrats more popular among voters. The question of whether there will be Trumpism after Trump now dogs both Republicans who want to replicate their electoral successes under the reality TV president and Democrats who dearly hope this whole disaster was an anomaly. 

“[S]ome conservative opinion leaders are already looking forward to a post-Trump future where the viable things about the 45th president can be neatly separated from his troublesome persona,” Ed Kilgore writes for New York

He cites “a representative fantasy” by right-wing writer Kristin Tate at The Hill, who longs for a “Republican with the political positions of Trump, but without decades of tabloid fodder,” proposing that candidate might avoid “the bandwagon effect of suburban voters eager to show their public disapproval of his latest action.”

Kilgore explores the various hopes that Republicans have for a “new Trump.” Will it be Sen. Josh Hawley of Missouri, a Bible-thumper straight out of “The Handmaid’s Tale” who has some crossover appeal for his occasional swipes at corporate America (though mostly for its perceived degeneracy)? Or Sen. Tom Cotton of Arkansas, who brings the racism and militant neofascism of Trump, but without the gleeful sleaze of a shameless sexual assailant? 

These choices expose why Republicans fear that there may be no way to have Trumpism without Trump. Those guys and other contenders are all missing the secret sauce that helped Trump recruit so heavily among non-voters and infrequent voters. And no, it’s not his so-called charisma.  

What Trump really has going for him is what I call the “crackpot factor.” Trump speaks to voters who share the racism and sexism of typical GOP voters, but who often don’t vote because they think politics is boring and are awash in conspiracy theories about how the system is “rigged.” Those voters saw a kindred spirit in Trump, a man who speaks fluent conspiracy theory and who got his start in politics by promoting claims that Barack Obama wasn’t a native-born U.S. citizen. 

Before the 2020 election, the team at FiveThirtyEight took a deep dive on the views of people who vote infrequently or not at all. There’s a lot of reasons for non-voting, such as a belief it doesn’t matter or the obstacles that make voting difficult, but one important factor was a lack of trust in the system. For some voters, especially nonwhite voters or liberal-leaning voters, this is unfortunately a realistic assessment of the situation, where social progress often feels glacial and voting doesn’t seem to make much difference.

But for right-leaning voters, I suspect a lot of this distrust flows from a conspiratorial mindset, born from a steady diet of misinformation that has been made all too readily available by the internet. These are the types that populate the audience for Joe Rogan and Alex Jones. These are people who hate Democrats but also feel alienated by the religiosity and elitism of mainstream Republicans, and turn to “alternative” sources of information that are thick with paranoid conspiracy theories. Trump, who indulged the same “alternative facts” that they enjoy, stirred something in them that other Republicans simply couldn’t. 

In 2014, Pew Research, using extensive data, developed a political typology that sorted Americans into six groups. Two of the Republican-leaning ones are incredibly familiar to political observers, the “steadfast conservatives” and “business conservatives,” or, respectively, the religious right and the rich folks who are in it for the tax cuts.

But they also detected an emerging group, which they deemed “young outsiders,” who “do not have a strong allegiance to the Republican Party” and, in fact, “tend to dislike both political parties.” These voters registered as “socially liberal,” insofar as they don’t support bans on abortion or gay marriage and, importantly, aren’t especially religious.

But the “young outsiders” do share the racism of traditional conservatives. They are easily riled up by the demonization of social spending programs like Obamacare or food stamps They approve of programs, like Medicare, that are viewed as benefiting white people. They’re in favor legal marijuana but oppose gun control. And they vote far less often than other conservatives. 

I personally believe that the Pew research failed to capture how sexist this group is. The usual proxy questions to measure sexism, such as attitudes towards abortion, simply aren’t adequate in this context. I suspect this group, while not as opposed to abortion as other conservatives, is angry about other feminist concerns such as the #MeToo movement, where men’s privilege to mistreat women are being attacked.

These are, I suspect, the Gamergaters and the alt-right types who flocked to Trump in the years after this survey. They gobble down internet conspiracy theories like QAnon, which creates engagement with right-wing politics for those who aren’t religious conservatives or business elites. They like to imagine that embracing more authoritarian attitudes is an “edgy” revolt against liberalism. They are overwhelmingly white (though 14% are Hispanic), and under 50 years old. While more than half of those defined as “strong liberals” are college graduates, three-quarters of the “young outsiders” don’t have college diplomas. 

Trump got a whole lot of those people who don’t usually vote to do so, turning out more non-college-educated white voters in 2016, for example, than Mitt Romney did in 2012. These voters overlooked his alliance with the religious right and were instead fixated on his playboy persona, his over-the-top sexism and racism and, of course, his sweeping embrace of nutbar conspiracy theories of all kinds.

Over the past four years, everything that Trump’s opponents hate about him — his grossness, his cruelty to women and people of color, his rejection of the polite norms of D.C. politics and, of course, his conspiracy theories — likely generated even more enthusiasm from this subset of voters that other Republicans have had trouble capturing or motivating. 

That’s why it’s reasonable to be skeptical about the likely success of the current crop of wannabe Trumps. Hawley’s religiosity and culture-war rigidity won’t play well with these Trump Republicans who are just fine with premarital sex and legal weed, even if they’re not fond of women having the right to file sexual harassment complaints. Cotton may roll out fascist fantasies that appeal to the QAnoners and the alt-right, but he’s a stiff and, I suspect, won’t appeal to those who enjoy Trump’s wrestling-heel gift for insulting and degrading people. Sen. Ted Cruz of Texas, who also wants to be the next Trump, has intense weenie energy that makes it hard for him to win these people over. 

Trump speaks to the great American crackpot, especially the younger set that was otherwise more interested in perusing conspiracy theory websites or “pick-up artist” forums than in voting. These folks won’t be moved by Hawley’s promise of a handmaid in every bed or Cotton’s promise of stormtroopers on the streets. In the face of the growing Democratic majority, Republicans need this subset of crank voters, who don’t care about old-school culture-war fights over abortion or evolution, but sure do love QAnon. Without Trump’s demented tweeting and his willingness to leave empirical reality behind, it’s not clear how the GOP can keep the crank vote going. 

Robert Reich debunks Trump’s post-election lies

Even though Joe Biden won the highest percentage of the popular vote for any challenger since FDR in 1932, the Trump campaign is fighting in courtrooms across the country in a desperate attempt to overturn the results.

So far, they’ve been utterly unsuccessful. Why? They have no evidence to back up their claims of widespread voter fraud. 

Here’s a brief debunking of some of the baseless claims Trump and his lackeys are promoting in key swing states.

In Pennsylvania, a postal worker who alleged he saw a postmaster instruct postal workers to backdate ballots mailed after Election Day walked back his allegations when questioned by federal investigators. In a recording of his interview, the postal worker can be heard admitting he made “assumptions” based on snippets of a conversation he overheard, and declined to stand by his original statement.

And in a court case filed in the state, the Trump campaign claimed that Republican poll watchers had been barred from watching vote counts in Philadelphia. That was a lie: One of Trump’s attorneys admitted in court that the campaign did, in fact, have people in the room.”

In Michigan, Trump supporters circulated a list of over 14,000 voters who are supposedly dead but cast ballots for Joe Biden. CNN ran a random sample analysis of 50 of the names, and found no instance of a dead person voting.

They have tried to bolster their claim by circulating videos showing voters who have birthdates in January, 1900 returning ballots. But Detroit’s Director of Elections explained that “the date of January 1, 1900 is often used…as a temporary placeholder for absentee ballots arriving just before Election Day,” – information that has to be inserted in order for the electronic poll book to accept the entry.

Down in Georgia, false rumors of ballots being found in a dumpster behind the Spalding County Election Office circulated widely. But an investigation from the Sheriff’s office found that no ballots were found in the dumpster, and that conclusion was affirmed by the Secretary of State’s Office.

In Arizona, claims that the use of Sharpie markers on ballots would result in them being tossed sparked a flimsy lawsuit. But the Maricopa County Board of Elections, the State Director of Elections, and the State Attorney General all confirmed that the use of Sharpies did not result in disenfranchisement.

In Nevada, Trump campaign lawyers claimed they had evidence of “criminal voter fraud,” because some Nevadans had voted from out-of-state. In fact, the voters in question included military service members and their families, as well as students and Congressional staffers who moved out of state within 30 days of the election, all of whom are legally allowed to cast a vote in Nevada.

And the New York Times reached out to top election officials in every state, and all said they found no evidence of widespread voter fraud.Make no mistake: Trump and his lackeys have no standing to change the outcome of the election. But with GOP leaders pushing his lies, nearly half the country is coming to believe the election was stolen — and that is almost as dangerous.Joe Biden will be our next president. But we need to aggressively knock down every baseless claim made by Trump and the GOP, to defend not just Biden’s victory, but also, the trust on which American democracy is based.

Rapid testing for the coronavirus is less accurate than the government wants to admit

The promise of antigen tests emerged like a miracle this summer. With repeated use, the theory went, these rapid and cheap coronavirus tests would identify highly infectious people while giving healthy Americans a green light to return to offices, schools and restaurants. The idea of on-the-spot tests with near-instant results was an appealing alternative to the slow, lab-based testing that couldn’t meet public demand.

By September, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services had purchased more than 150 million tests for nursing homes and schools, spending more than $760 million. But it soon became clear that antigen testing — named for the viral proteins, or antigens, that the test detects — posed a new set of problems. Unlike lab-based, molecular PCR tests, which detect snippets of the virus’s genetic material, antigen tests are less sensitive because they can only detect samples with a higher viral load. The tests were prone to more false negatives and false positives. As problems emerged, officials were slow to acknowledge the evidence.

With the benefit of hindsight, experts said the Trump administration should have released antigen tests primarily to communities with outbreaks instead of expecting them to work just as well in large groups of asymptomatic people. Understanding they can produce false results, the government could have ensured that clinics had enough for repeat testing to reduce false negatives and access to more precise PCR tests to weed out false positives. Government agencies, which were aware of the tests’ limitations, could have built up trust by being more transparent about them and how to interpret results, scientists said.

When health care workers in Nevada and Vermont reported false positives, HHS defended the tests and threatened Nevada with unspecified sanctions until state officials agreed to continue using them in nursing homes. It took several more weeks for the U.S. Food and Drug Administration to issue an alert on Nov. 3 that confirmed what Nevada had experienced: Antigen tests were prone to giving false positives, the FDA warned.

“Part of the problem is this administration has continuously played catch-up,” said Dr. Abraar Karan, a physician at Harvard Medical School. It was criticized for not ensuring enough PCR tests at the beginning, and when antigen tests became available, it shoved them at the states without a coordinated plan, he said.

If you tested the same group of people once a week without fail, with adequate double-checking, then a positive test could be the canary in the coal mine, said Dr. Mark Levine, commissioner of Vermont’s Health Department. “Unfortunately the government didn’t really advertise it that way or prescribe it” with much clarity, so some people lost faith.

HHS and the FDA did not respond to requests for comment.

The scientific community remains divided on the potential of antigen tests.

Epidemic control is the main argument for antigen testing. A string of studies show that antigen tests reliably detect high viral loads. Because people are most infectious when they have high viral loads, the tests will flag those most likely to infect others. Modeling also shows how frequent, repeated antigen testing may be better at preventing outbreaks than highly sensitive PCR tests, if those tests are used infrequently and require long wait times for results. So far, there are no large scale, peer-reviewed studies showing how the antigen approach has curbed outbreaks on the ground.

People need to realize that without rapid testing, we’re living in a world where many people are unknowingly becoming superspreaders, Karan said. About 40% of infections are spread by asymptomatic people with high viral loads, so antigen tests, however imperfect, shouldn’t be dismissed, he said.

Even those who are more skeptical said they can be helpful with a targeted approach directed at lower-risk situations like schools, or outbreaks in rural communities where PCR is impractical, rather than nursing homes where a single mistake could set off a chain of deaths.

It is “completely irresponsible” to take a less-accurate test and say it applies to all situations, said Melissa Miller, director of the clinical microbiology lab at the University of North Carolina.

There’s no precedent for the government to bet this much on a product before it’s been thoroughly vetted, said Matthew Pettengill, scientific director of clinical microbiology at Thomas Jefferson University. “They put the cart before the horse, and we still can’t see the horse.”

The government quickly embraced an unproven test

During a public health crisis, the FDA can issue emergency use authorizations to make tests available that might otherwise have been subjected to many months of scrutiny before being approved. The three most popular antigen tests in the U.S., from Abbott Laboratories, Quidel and Becton, Dickinson, commonly known as BD, had to submit far less proof of success than is usually required.

FDA gave the first authorization to Quidel on May 8 based on data from 209 positive and negative samples. BD got its permit July 2 with a total of 226 samples and Abbott in late August with 102. Outside of a pandemic, the agency might otherwise have required hundreds more samples; in 2018, BD’s antigen test for the flu provided data on 736 samples.

There’s no excuse for the small pool of data, particularly for Abbott, Pettengill said. At the start of the pandemic, the FDA authorized PCR tests based on as few as 60 samples because it was difficult to find confirmed cases. By the time Abbott got its authorization in August, it was “a completely different ballgame.” Abbott’s validation document states the company collected swabs from patients at seven sites. Given the case counts over the summer, it should have only taken a few days to collect many hundreds of samples, Pettengill said.

Abbott didn’t respond to requests for comment. Quidel pointed ProPublica to an article in The New England Journal of Medicine that explained how regular antigen testing can contain the pandemic by identifying those who are most infectious.

“We have full confidence in the performance” of our test, Kristen Cardillo, BD’s vice president of global communication, said in an email. BD “completed one of the most geographically broad” clinical trials for any antigen test on the market, she added, by “collecting and analyzing 226 samples from 21 different clinical trial sites across 11 states.”

The day after the Abbott test was authorized, HHS placed a huge bet on it, buying 150 million tests.

Then, it gave institutions like nursing homes advice on how to use them off-label, in a way in which they were untested and unproven.

The three tests are authorized for the most straightforward cases: people with COVID-19 symptoms in the first week of symptoms. That’s how they were validated. They produced virtually no false positives that way and were 84% to 97% as sensitive as lab tests, meaning they caught that range of the samples deemed positive by PCR.

Yet HHS allowed their use for large-scale asymptomatic screening without fully exploring the consequences, Pettengill said.

A recent study, not yet peer reviewed, found the Quidel test detected over 80% of cases when used on symptomatic people and those with known exposures to the virus, but only 32% among people without symptoms, The New York Times reported.

The HHS encourages nursing homes that can’t get access to PCR tests to use antigen tests, even on asymptomatic people. The agency suggested repeat testing to reduce false negatives but didn’t mention false positives.

An October survey found that nearly a third of nursing homes had left the federally provided antigen tests untouched, The Wall Street Journal reported. Staff cited time-consuming paperwork for federal reporting requirements and skepticism about their accuracy.

“I think a lot of the trust was lost, unfortunately,” Karan said.

“Be prepared for some ‘pressure'”

As antigen tests began to give false positive results in nursing homes, state public health officials in Vermont and Nevada pushed back. But HHS officials overruled their concerns and pressured them to keep using the tests.

In July, an urgent care clinic in Manchester, Vermont, discovered that, of 64 patients (mostly asymptomatic) who the Quidel test said were positive, only four, all symptomatic, got a positive PCR result. As reported by the Vermont alt-weekly Seven Days, Quidel said the fault lay with the PCR tests. The FDA also pointed a finger at the PCR “without any foundation of evidence,” Levine, the state health commissioner, told ProPublica.

There was a potential problem related to the PCR machine’s software, but Vermont’s state lab retested the samples after upgrading the system and found no change in results, Levine said. State officials also conducted pop-up testing in the Manchester region and found just a handful of positives out of 1,600 tests, he said, proving that there was no outbreak in the community.

Levine said his health agency ended up labeling the 60 samples as “discordant” instead of “false positives” and left them out of the official case count. “We didn’t want hard feelings,” he said. “I do think this administration wanted to show it was doing something … and this [antigen test] is one way to demonstrate that.”

The federal government defended Quidel again in early October. The Times reported that Nevada’s Health Department ordered nursing homes to stop using all antigen tests after reviewing results from 3,725 tests. Nursing homes had double-checked 39 samples the BD and Quidel tests flagged as positive, but 23 of them tested negative via PCR. Nevada’s letter noted that it only learned about the problem because the state chose to go above and beyond federal guidelines: The FDA had said there was no need to double-check positive results. State officials told nursing homes to continue using PCR to fulfill testing requirements.

Cardillo, the BD spokesperson, said a “very small number” of the 11,250 nursing homes using BD tests reported higher than expected false positives, and “we are conducting thorough investigations into those cases.”

When an official from the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services asked why the state adopted a ban, a Nevada health facilities inspector said false positives could put nursing home residents at risk, according to emails obtained by ProPublica via a public records request.

If someone tests positive on an antigen test, the nursing home may sequester the patient with other residents who are truly infected, the Nevada official, Bradley Waples, wrote. If that person later has a negative PCR test, then the faulty diagnosis will have placed them “in danger of contracting the virus by introducing them to a room full of actual positive residents.”

His email didn’t explain whether anyone had been infected that way. A spokesperson from the Nevada Health Department declined to comment.

In one nursing home, the antigen tests found seven positives out of 35 samples, yet all seven tested negative by PCR, Waples wrote. Two other states had reported similar false positive problems, he added.

“Thanks Brad,” the CMS official replied. “It’ll be interesting to see what HHS does with this information. Be prepared for some ‘pressure.'”

That pressure arrived two days later in a letter from HHS, where Assistant Secretary Brett Giroir ordered Nevada to rescind the ban. You “must cease immediately or appropriate action will be taken against those involved,” he wrote. Nevada complied.

Giroir’s letter cited some of the key arguments for antigen tests, including their ability to detect those who are most infectious. Yet the agency’s reasoning glosses over many unknowns. Some people can become acutely ill without ever showing high viral loads, or only doing so briefly, said Miller, the North Carolina scientist. Those with lower viral loads may still be able to infect others, and the data is murkier for asymptomatic people, she added.

“I’m not saying it’s right or wrong, but we’re not fully understanding how these tests perform in certain populations, and yet they’re being used,” Miller said.

“It’s a test, yes, but there are people on the other side of that test,” she added. If you have a family member in a nursing home that’s getting false positives, it takes time to confirm results by PCR, Miller said. “These are days in which the residents and their families have an incredibly high level of anxiety and worry about their loved ones.”

America needs a national antigen testing plan

The initial vision of giving every American at-home tests every day has been slow to materialize. Many of the available antigen tests require machines to read the results or someone who’s trained to administer the test. Some states aren’t even reporting their antigen results, so it’s unclear when they’re used or how they complement PCR.

“We need a federal plan for who gets tested, with what tests … when, how often, and what data should be reported back, and what those data pieces mean,” said Dr. Rebecca Lee Smith, an epidemiology professor at the University of Illinois.

So much remains unknown about the best way to use antigen tests, Smith added. If you have a million tests, is it better to test a million people once, or test half a million people who are at high risk twice, or test essential workers five or 10 times? “It’s how you use the tests, not just how many tests you have.”

The U.S. has never had a national testing strategy, said Dr. Ranu Dhillon, an expert on rapid testing and global health equity at Boston’s Brigham and Women’s Hospital. The administration’s haphazard approach to antigen tests is an extension of that larger failure, he said.

While there have not been well-publicized examples of false negatives that have led to outbreaks, one risk that’s been overlooked until recently is the probability of false positives in low-prevalence communities — places where few people have the virus, Miller said.

Even if a test is very “specific” (providing few false positives), it can flag more false positives than true positives. This happens for both PCR and antigen tests, but if antigen testing scales up to tens or hundreds of millions of tests a month, communities and institutions could get overwhelmed, Miller said.

One paper from August found that if a quarter of American school kids were tested three times a week with an antigen test that’s 98% specific, it would produce 800,000 false positives a week that need to be double checked by PCR tests. (For reference, the U.S. is processing an average of 1.4 million tests per day, nearly all of them PCR).

Miller said she’s received confused phone calls from doctors asking for advice. She helped a state task force create a flowchart that explains how to interpret antigen results and when to do repeat testing. “But why are 50 states doing this,” instead of a single clear message from the administration? Miller asked.

Karan, the Harvard physician, said federal officials need to set expectations. An employer who can’t afford PCR might welcome antigen testing, because catching 80% of infected workers would be better than catching none at all. Meanwhile, anyone who gets a single negative result shouldn’t use it as an excuse to go to a bar, he said, and they should understand they might test positive a couple days later. This is particularly crucial for the many who plan to rely on antigen tests results to clear them for Thanksgiving gatherings.

Smith said any testing plan must be paired with a strong program of contact tracing, isolation and quarantine. The reality in this country is that “just telling someone they’re positive has not been enough. There has to be a cultural shift.”

As Reuters reported, Slovakia drove down its infection rate through a mass antigen testing program that imposed strict quarantine rules. The country tested 65% of its population in one weekend, then repeated the tests in hot spots a week later. Anyone who refused testing had to stay home, while those who tested negative got certificates that let them participate in public life.

That approach wouldn’t be feasible in the U.S., Smith said. “We need to instead think about empowering and supporting people to abide by isolation and quarantine.”

ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.

Another accelerant could fan COVID-19 surge: Donald Trump

If you were to choose a single word to describe the effect of Donald Trump’s presidency on the state of health care in America, that word might be “devastating.” From undermining faith in established experts and best practices to his failure to follow even basic protocols amid a global pandemic, Trump has led a freewheeling attack on medical science. It could take years to undo some of the worst effects.

Still, Trump’s term in office ends on Jan. 20, 2021. How much more damage can he really do?

“That’s a great question – one I worry about myself,” said Dr. Jeanne Noble, who heads the COVID-19 response unit at the University of California, San Francisco Medical Center emergency department. “Hopefully there are not several more landmines that will explode between now and January.”

That sense of worry consistently emerges in interviews and email exchanges with medical, science and policy experts. Here are some of the concerns over ways Trump could still affect health care in the U.S. before his administration’s run comes to an end.

* * *

Distribution of a vaccine. On November 12 President-elect Joe Biden’s incoming chief of staff, Ron Klain, told MSNBC that Trump’s ongoing refusal to acknowledge the election results may hamper the new Biden administration’s ability to hit the ground running with a national vaccination plan in January.

The New York Times reported that Biden advisers know very little about Warp Speed, the Trump administration’s program to get a vaccine distributed to Americans once it’s approved. Under a normal presidential transition of power, Biden staffers would have access to details and documents about such programs.

“Right now – right now – there are officials inside the Department of Health and Human Services who are busy planning a vaccination campaign for the months of February and March, when Joe Biden will be president,” said Klain. “The sooner we can get our transition experts into the meetings with the folks who are planning the vaccination campaign, the more seamless the transition.”

Administrative havoc. Trump toyed publicly with the idea of firing Dr. Anthony Fauci, perhaps the most trusted voice on COVID-19 messaging, before the election. If he decides to follow through, even just for spite, it could prompt a massive rift at the National Institutes of Health during a period in which U.S. infection rates have soared to all-time highs.

Technically, Trump can’t fire Fauci, so he’d have to get the director of the NIH, Francis Collins, to do it. Collins has said several times that he will neither fire nor demote Fauci, whose constantly sought advice on mask wearing and social distancing irritates the safety defiant Trump. To get to Fauci, Trump might first have to fire Collins and install a puppet interim director, which would throw the institutes into open chaos at a time when a coordinated national policy is desperately needed.

It’s also possible that Food and Drug Administration commissioner Stephen Hahn’s days are numbered, again without an obvious successor. The Washington Post reported that the White House was upset with Hahn for allowing FDA staff-written guidance on vaccine policy to go forward; the guidance, which included a careful timetable for vaccine approval, made it all but impossible for a COVID vaccine to be approved by Election Day.

Ongoing equipment shortages. As the country attempts to manage the massive spike in virus cases, its health providers in some areas once again find themselves on the brink of crisis when it comes to having sufficient personal protective equipment (PPE) for their doctors, nurses and patients. Trump, unfortunately, retains the capacity to inflame that crisis.

“U.S. and global demand for PPE continues to far exceed supply for the entire industry,” a spokesperson for 3M Company told CBS. The company is the leading manufacturer of the N95 masks that are preferred at most hospitals, clinics, nursing homes and the like.

In such emergencies, state and local health officials often look to the government for relief. But according to the New York Times, the Trump administration’s Strategic National Stockpile has amassed only 115 million N95 masks — far short of the 300 million officials had said they planned to place in reserve. And Trump, by all accounts, will continue to refuse to invoke the Defense Protection Act to ramp up production.

COVID money for private schools. Politico reported that among the 15 or so moves Trump might make via executive order before leaving office, one would seek to allocate COVID-19 school relief money directly to parents, a sort of end-around the CARES Act that would allow the money ultimately to flow to private schools instead of the public school systems for which it was intended.

It’s a stunt that Trump’s education secretary, Betsy DeVos, already has attempted several times, to no avail. Most recently, a federal court judge blocked private schools from accessing the $13 billion set aside for K-12 education in the CARES Act and nullified rules DeVos had tried to impose to facilitate that access.

The ruling said that the COVID school money included in the relief package was clearly and unambiguously meant to be disbursed with a focus on low income students. DeVos had tried to steer it to private and parochial schools on the basis of their total populations instead.

Even if Trump signs an executive order, it’s not clear how much weight it would carry. Traditionally, E.O.s are seen as more symbolic than legally binding. Still, undoing it would be a time-consuming task for Joe Biden and his staff, and it couldn’t happen until Jan. 20 at the earliest.

Dangerous COVID-19 messaging. Although Trump will only be in office about nine weeks longer, they could be disastrous weeks for the country with regard to the virus, in part because he will continue to refuse to observe social distancing or wear a mask – or urge others to do so.

“Mask wearing is as effective as a vaccine, statistically speaking,” said Dr. Noble. “If people would wear them universally, that brings a reduction in transmission of around 70% to 80%, which is on par with a really effective vaccine. It’s sad, because that has been at our disposal – and we’ve been encouraging mask use since March.”

But despite his own White House being all but on fire with infection, Trump continues to demur. “He can’t back off now,” said a New York-based physician. “He’s put too much into that to back off.”

Refusal to transfer power. Well beyond being a self-serving publicity stunt, Trump’s continued intransigence means that Biden cannot access vital government agencies, officials and information. That includes everything the White House is doing – and not doing – to contain the pandemic or address any of the other health issues facing Americans.

While that process plays itself out, physicians around the country go about their jobs – but they also know that time is wasting. “This is just going to make it that much more difficult [for Biden’s health administration] to get up and running,” said Dr. Jorge Nieva, of the University of Southern California’s Keck School of Medicine. “It’s just very unfortunate.”

Copyright 2020 Capital & Main

“No you didn’t” trends after Trump’s latest election result lie

The internet rose up in collective response and ridicule overnight after President Donald Trump, just before midnight Sunday, again falsely claimed he won the 2020 presidential election.

The words “No you didn’t” began trending on Twitter following the demonstrable lie by Trump—aka the “world’s worst loser” — which came more than a week after President-elect Joe Biden was determined the winner after crossing the 270 electoral college vote threshold and as his popular vote advantage climbed well above 5 million votes.

“It is a sad failed pathetic coup attempt,” wrote freelance journalist John Walker in response to the claim, “but it is still [nevertheless an] attempt to overthrow democracy.”

In addition to the simple “no you didn’t” response, others made similiarly outrageous claims to make the point of how absurd Trump’s behavior remains:

As the Associated Press reported early Monday:

There was no widespread fraud in the 2020 election. In fact, election officials from both political parties stated publicly that the election went well, and international observers confirmed there were no serious irregularities. Trump’s campaign has tried to mount legal challenges across the country, but many of the lawsuits have been thrown out and none has included any evidence that the outcome might be reversed.

Biden, a Democrat, defeated Trump by winning back a trio of battleground states: Michigan, Wisconsin and Pennsylvania, and topped the 270 electoral vote threshold to clinch the presidency. Biden so far has 78.8 million votes, the most ever by a winning candidate, to Trump’s 73.1 million.

Commenting on Trump’s continued refusal to admit defeat, comedian John Oliver took on the issue during his show Sunday evening to offer a rebuke of the president’s behavior and advised the American people to be neither fooled by nor tolerant of it.

“Trump lost this election and he knows it,” said Oliver, but that hasn’t ended his destructive efforts.

“As a parting gift to the country,” he added, “Trump is somehow managing to divide us even further while also hobbling his successor at the worst possible time which is absolutely unforgivable.”

 

 

How Mitch McConnell flouts the will of the American people

Tim O’Daniel and his coworkers at Cleveland Clinic Akron General confront additional cases of COVID-19 every day in a hospital so busy it’s sometimes difficult to find an empty bed.

They’re also battling rising frustration after waiting months for comprehensive coronavirus testing and other federal resources essential to containing the pandemic.

Americans voted overwhelmingly in the November 3 election to support the nation’s health care workers and go on the offensive against COVID-19.

But while President-elect Joe Biden assembles a team of scientific advisers and finalizes his strategy for defeating the virus, there’s no reason to wait until he takes office on January 20 to begin turning the corner.

Americans can come together to demand that the Republican-controlled Senate immediately pass a commonsense bill providing coronavirus testing, contact-tracing programs and funds that states could use to give hazard pay to essential workers, like health care professionals.

Right now, one person—Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell—stands in the way of America’s fight against COVID-19. Instead of rushing to give Americans the support they demand, he defies the will of the people and lets the bill languish while the pandemic death toll mounts.

“We’re paying with our lives,” noted O’Daniel, president of United Steelworkers (USW) Local 1014L, who recently lost a colleague to COVID-19. “We’re paying with our health.”

The House already approved the bill, known as the Health and Economic Recovery Omnibus Emergency Solutions (HEROES) Act, which would also set workplace safety standards for the duration of the pandemic and ensure a reliable supply of personal protective equipment (PPE) for the frontline workers putting themselves in harm’s way.

McConnell refused to take up the HEROES Act before the election—even as infection rates soared—because saving lives meant less to him than ramming through Justice Amy Coney Barrett’s confirmation to the Supreme Court and cementing the court’s right-wing majority for decades to come.

“The confirmation of that justice did nothing to help the American people right now,” observed O’Daniel, who’s infuriated that McConnell and other Republican senators “can act on a dime” for partisan political gain while dithering for months on measures essential to controlling COVID-19.

“Cleveland Clinic Akron General is inundated with COVID patients right now,” he said. “We don’t see any kind of lull in the positive cases. They keep coming. We don’t see any outside help.”

It wasn’t enough for McConnell to put politics before Americans’ safety in the run-up to the election.

He’s now flouting the marching orders that American voters issued on Election Day, when they braved COVID-19 and turned out in record numbers to demand not only a comprehensive pandemic response but also decisive steps to rebuild the nation’s shattered economy.

Americans overwhelmingly favor the kinds of economic measures included in the HEROES Act, such as another round of $1,200 stimulus checks to help low- and moderate-income families make ends meet during the crisis. The bill would also extend $600 per week in federal unemployment benefits and emergency health care to millions of workers who lost jobs through no fault of their own, while also protecting the unemployed from eviction and mortgage foreclosure.

However, McConnell opposes aid to ordinary Americans—and even made the ridiculous claim that some workers would rather receive unemployment benefits than return to the jobs the pandemic took from them.

Instead of aiding O’Daniel and other health care workers overrun with COVID-19 patients, he worries about protecting corporations from what he fears will be a flood of lawsuits filed by workers and customers they recklessly exposed to the virus.

And so, although the American people want a stimulus bill to be the Senate’s top priority, McConnell and his Republican cronies refuse to act.

“They’re holding the whole country hostage,” observed Brad Greve, president of USW Local 105, which represents workers at Arconic Davenport Works in Iowa.

The company laid off more than 100 of Greve’s members in July. A few moved to take jobs in other cities. But most just struggle to get by while hoping the economy will improve and enable them to return to work.

“A stimulus program is going to have to fill the gap here,” Greve said, noting workers laid off from many other businesses in the Davenport area face similar hardships. “They need help.”

O’Daniel knows that Biden will take office on January 20 with decisive measures to defeat the virus and restore the economy.

But it angers him to think that while he and other health care workers do their part to fight COVID-19 every day, McConnell just sits on his hands as the pandemic rages. Further delay in attacking the virus, O’Daniel noted, will mean the needless deaths of many more good-hearted Americans like the coworker he’d known for 25 years.

“This can’t wait,” O’Daniel said. “We needed help a long time ago.”

PTSD expert Seth Norrholm: To heal from Trump’s abuse, we must end “catastrophic thinking”

For more than four years Donald Trump, his Republican Party and their agents have been physically, psychologically, emotionally and economically abusing the American people. In total, Trump’s behavior has caused a type of collective PTSD — certainly in the United States and quite likely the world.

Trump’s authoritarian campaign of terror against nonwhite people has included unrepentant police thuggery; the brutal practice of “family separation” directed at migrants, refugees, and immigrants; the destruction of civil rights and human rights protections; and empowering white supremacists and other right-wing extremists.

Trump’s administration has sabotaged coronavirus relief efforts. This has included persistent public lies about the threat posed by the virus as well as a refusal to provide relief and other assistance to parts of the country deemed to be “disloyal” to Donald Trump. Trump and his corrupt inner circle have also viewed the pandemic as an opportunity to enrich themselves at the expense of the public. Trump and the Republican Party’s response to the coronavirus pandemic now killed hundreds of thousands of people in the United States and caused widespread economic ruin.

That devastation is part of a larger pattern: Trump administration policies have worsened social inequality in the United States, an outcome that inevitably shortens lifespans for many Americans.

Donald Trump has lied at least 25,000 times (the fact checkers at the Washington Post have stopped counting — there are simply too many to track). Trump’s campaign of lies exemplifies the way authoritarian leaders create a state of malignant reality where objective truth no longer exists. In all, TrumpWorld is a mad house that has damaged the minds of tens of millions of people.

Donald Trump leads a political personality cult where he gives permission to his followers to engage in antisocial and other harmful behavior against their shared “enemies.” Trumpism is also a type of political religion, whose adherents are literally willing to sacrifice their lives in a show of love and loyalty for their prophet and Great Leader.

Trump’s death-cult rallies have been particularly effective in that regard: public health experts have concluded that such rallies have directly and indirectly led to the deaths of hundreds of people, and quite possibly thousands.

The Trump administration’s policies in response to the coronavirus pandemic and other issues have created lasting harm and will cause an increase in deaths and illness far into the future. Ultimately, as with abuse within families, Trump’s abuse will have an intergenerational impact on the American people.

Like other abusers, Donald Trump is holding the American people hostage by refusing to concede the 2020 presidential election and engaging in violent and other destructive acts in retaliation for the public’s decision to “break up” with him.

Now that Trump has been decisively defeated by Joe Biden in the 2020 presidential election, how can the American people begin to heal from Trump-caused PTSD and other emotional and psychological injuries? How should the American people balance their momentary joy and excitement about Trump’s defeat with a healthy and balanced understanding of the present and future of the country? What does healthy vigilance for the American people look like so that another authoritarian fascist such as Donald Trump does not take power in the future?

In an effort answer these questions, I recently spoke with Dr. Seth Norrholm. He is a translational neuroscientist and one of the world’s leading experts on PTSD and fear. He is currently the scientific director at the Neuroscience Center for Anxiety, Stress, and Trauma (NeuroCAST) in the Department of Psychiatry and Behavioral Neurosciences at the Wayne State University School of Medicine in Detroit.

This is the second of our conversations about the Age of Trump, post-traumatic stress disorder, and the emotional health of the American people.

At the end of this conversation, Norrholm counsels that for the American people to truly heal there must be a proper public accounting of the Trump administration’s many crimes, which must then result in punishment or other consequences for the perpetrators.

As usual, this interview has been edited for clarity and length.

How are you feeling now that the election is over, and Joe Biden is president-elect?

Guarded. Cautious. Trump brought out the worst in all of us. This is a feeling most people do not like to have. Such emotions take a toll on a person emotionally.

Right now, I feel relieved. I will feel more relieved after the inauguration. On social media, people were sharing that they are now able to sleep for the first time in years after the election and Trump being defeated. There are definitely people for who that is true.  

When you saw the American people celebrating in the streets when it was announced that Joe Biden had won the election, as a clinician who studies PTSD how did you make sense of those emotions?

I return to what we see in abusive relationships. There was the watered-down Mueller report. Impeaching Trump failed. Those events are like what happens if the authorities come to the house because they have been alerted to a problem. They see bruises, broken furniture, and then they leave without any consequences. The abused person is left in this state of despair where there was hope — resolution was within his or her grasp and it did not happen.

That weekend when the election was called for Biden was the result of that anxiety being stretched out for several days: The abused person is left there in an ambiguous state of not having resolution. That is why it was so important for the election to be finally decided. Once the election was called, it was like an abused person now at least seeing the start of the breakup with the abuser.

Clinically, what we would do with a person who is in an abusive relationship is to conduct an “extraction.” The relationship is broken off, and then there are law enforcement guardrails put in place, such as a restraining order. There are physical guardrails too, where the abused person can move out of the abusive home and find shelter elsewhere. With Trump the guardrails that are supposed to be in place are still not there. For example, most companies do not fire somebody for cause and then say, “OK, you’ve got 70 days to get out of here,” because obviously that is a great deal of time to wreak havoc and continue to be abusive.

Trump still being president is very much the same thing. A person would not break up with an abusive spouse or partner, and then say, “OK, as of two months from now, we will formally end this.” Such a situation would be an emotional mess.

What about Donald Trump’s followers?

There are the hardcore loyalists who are going to continue to support Trump no matter what he stands for. They support the efforts to change the results of the election. They are going to continue to align themselves with Donald Trump. Those supporters are not going anywhere. If and when there is another version of Donald Trump and his movement, they are the people who will be there for it. They will stick with their right-wing extreme views.

There is also another group of Trump supporters who now view him as the loser. Some of his supporters are now taking down their Trump signs. They are accepting that Trump lost the election. The next question then is: Why were they loyal to Trump to begin with? There are of course the active racists who subscribe to Donald Trump’s belief system and his overall worldview. There are other Trump supporters who are just opportunists. They had a financial stake in him being president. For them, holding their nose and accepting Trump made sense. There are other Trump supporters where their view of Christianity aligned with Trump’s political convictions. For these people, Donald Trump was the person most likely to strike down Roe v. Wade and put judges in power who agree with extreme right-wing Christian belief systems.

Donald Trump is a neofascist and an authoritarian. Leaders of that type do not quit. There is no predicting the type of destruction and chaos that Trump will unleash in the weeks and months before Biden is inaugurated in January. The American people must be vigilant that a future version of Trump does not rise to power. What does healthy vigilance look like in terms of your PTSD model for understanding the impact of Trumpism?

With PTSD, hyper-vigilance manifests as an overwhelming sense of threat and concern that is not proportional to reality. While it is possible that something adverse may happen during the course of a given day, most days it’s not likely. For example, defensive driving is healthy vigilance. The prototypical or stereotypical way that we think about hyper-vigilance is the combat veteran who rarely goes out in public, and when he or she does, they sit with their back against the wall so they can see the entire store or a restaurant.  

In hindsight, I believe that the time of Trump’s presidency will be understood as one where many Americans were traumatized in the sense of having a daily sense of anxiety, dread and concern. Signaling to that is how people said that once Trump lost the election it was the first time they did not have to look at their phones to see what he did overnight or what he had tweeted.  

The stress and anxiety of the pandemic is added on top of the stress and anxiety of Trump’s presidency.

What counsel would you offer to the American people in terms of managing their emotions about the 2020 election? The Age of Trump is one of extreme emotions and highs and lows, hopes and disappointments.

The level of stress has been excessive. There are people who have now spent four or so years having to deal with Trump’s presidency and its consequences. Those people are more at risk for stress-related illnesses such as gastrointestinal problems, cardiac problems and exacerbation of other physical symptoms because of the stress.

The elation that many people are feeling because of the election and Biden winning is a positive and healthy state of mind. It is a response to good news and something positive. This is a relief from a chronic stressor where it is now either temporarily removed or eliminated completely. The 2020 election and Joe Biden beating Donald Trump helped many people reset after years of chronic stress.

Watching Joe Biden and Kamala Harris give their acceptance speeches on that Saturday night reminded me that I forget what an adult leader sounds like. I forgot what it felt like to look at the president of the United States with reverence. I forgot what it felt like to feel normal.

How do Americans get back to some sense of normalcy?

The moments of elation and relief allow a person to reset and to perhaps stop catastrophic thinking. Catastrophic thinking creates connections between stressful things, and that is how a person can fall into hopelessness and despair and depression. Depression can then cascade into substance use.

That is how many of our psychological co-morbidities occur, because there’s been a constant state of decreased mood or anxiety that starts to bleed over into other areas of your life.

I believe that some people may be somewhat buoyed by Biden’s election. The transition and inauguration of Joe Biden allows people to reset themselves emotionally and mentally. But I worry that the next 10 weeks will be a return to a state of anxiety for many people, more of the same that they experienced during Trump’s presidency. The celebrations of Biden and Harris winning may turn out to just be a brief reprieve.

What of the so-called “Resistance” to Donald Trump and his movement? There are people who appear to be on Twitter and other social media all day long, every day, constantly discussing Donald Trump. Of course, there are others who have been engaging in organizing, activism and social change work. What do such people do with their energy now that Biden has won the election?

It is like a marathon. This is true both physically and emotionally. A person training for a marathon is investing themselves in a goal and objective that thoroughly takes over most of their waking hours. The big event comes, the marathon. You run the marathon and then it is over. For some people, the plan is, “When is the next marathon?” That is why there are ultra-marathons. People must change their objectives and have something else to work toward.

In specific terms of your question about Trump and the Resistance, it is a matter of directing those energies somewhere else. Many of the problems are not going anywhere. Trumpism and white supremacy and racism and other social problems are not going anywhere here in America. If a person has spent the last four years as part of the Resistance, fighting back against Donald Trump and his authoritarian movement, such a person can now channel that energy towards related concerns that are far from resolved, such as working with the Black Lives Matter movement, or working against sexism. There are many causes left to struggle for. The energy can be directed there. Find that next objective and channel the energy towards that.

I am an advocate for a truth and reconciliation commission, and if warranted, criminal prosecutions for members of the Trump regime who have committed crimes. What role does the truth play in making sense of the Age of Trump and all that has happened? Will revealing the full truth about the Trump regime somehow re-traumatize people? Will there be closure? What if there are no investigations or punishments for the Trump regime’s obvious crimes?

That would not be a good outcome. For the psychological well-being of the American people, there need to be consequences for the horrible things that happened under the Trump presidency. There needs to be a resolution. In terms of the abusive relationship analogy we have been using, there need to be consequences — that courtroom moment where a sentence is handed down to the abuser. Closure is important. If there is no closure, then the abuser and all that trauma can continue to cause emotional, psychological and physical trauma.

There is a hunger and need for some kind of resolution among the American people because of what Donald Trump and his administration have done to them. Such a resolution will provide validation and affirmation. “Yes, this guy really was a bad guy” needs to be publicly acknowledged. The feelings of stress and anxiety were warranted. Ultimately, the American people need their feelings to be validated about Donald Trump and what has happened with him as president.

Enough with “both sides”! Faux-neutral journalism is no way to fight the truth-deniers

The conventional wisdom among the leaders of our major newsrooms is that the best way to reach people who believe crazy, awful things is to remain neutral.

They maintain that taking sides would actually make news organizations even less credible with that particular population.

“We face an enormous burden of people who think that, if we’re from one side or the other, they’re just going to tune out and not pay attention to the world’s best journalism,” Associated Press executive editor Sally Buzbee said in September.

New York Times executive editor Dean Baquet has repeatedly embraced what he calls “sophisticated true objectivity” as a defense against those who would have the Times counter falsehoods more assertively. You don’t call it a lie, he has said. “Let somebody else call it a lie.” (See “NYT editor Dean Baquet wants his reporters to keep an “open” mind — or maybe an empty one” and “Dean Baquet interview makes clear New York Times still ruled by both-sides-ism.”)

Countering the reformers’ view that balanced criticism is naïve at this stage in American politics, National Public Radio public editor Kelly McBride recently described the dominant newsroom view as believing “that our current experience is particular to the Trump presidency, that American politics will eventually regain equilibrium, and that journalism’s attachment to neutrality should remain consistent in order to remain effective over the long run.”

But more than 73 million people voted for Trump in the presidential election, suggesting that the strain of overt fact-rejection nurtured by the right wing is still very much with us — and unlikely to succumb any time soon to more journalistic business-as-usual.

Several journalism professors — among 151 academics who contributed to a new, wide-ranging collection of essays, “U.S. Election Analysis 2020: Media, Voters and the Campaign” — argue that if journalism is to rise to the challenge of the moment, it has to change.

Seth C. Lewis from the University of Oregon, Matt Carlson from the University of Minnesota and Sue Robinson from the University of Wisconsin-Madison write that “traditional journalistic practices remain more-or-less intact” even as “the overall media environment has changed radically” with the advent of a powerful right-wing media machine that massively spreads disinformation.

That’s not going to work, they write. Journalists “will never rebuild trust among people who feel marginalized by news by simply offering more of the same — more helpings of ‘just good, accurate news.'”

And they pose (rather than answer) a crucial question:

Doubling down on high-quality information is not without merit, but it misses the essence of the challenge ahead: How does one do journalism in a way that appeals to people’s core identities, particularly as those identities fracture and diverge and confound traditional universals?

Nikki Usher, who teaches at the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign, argues that the election results make clear that the institutional news media needs to stop ducking issues of race — and needs to embrace antiracism as a core value of journalism.

This 71 million turnout of people endorsing racism is a reminder that the U.S. has not interrogated its past and the institutional news media has largely avoided doing so,” she writes.

The “reluctance to see racial equity as a basic news value rather than as a political orientation,” she writes, “is objectivity gone wrong.”

Usher closes with a powerful quote from an important journalist disrupter:

Wendi Thomas, award-winning investigative journalist and editor of social justice news outlet MLK50 wrote to me after I asked for ways to make this very argument to my other colleagues, “Newsrooms have always operated under some foundational truths: It’s good for people to have enough food to eat. Shelter is important. Quality education matters. … That expanding those truths — in the face of undeniable and incontrovertible quantitative and qualitative evidence that Black life is devalued and endangered in every way that can be measured — strikes the old guard as a violation of objectivity shows that the facts don’t matter as much to your senior colleagues as much as they might argue.”

Usher has more to say in a post on Medium this week about the overall need for reporters to take a firmer stand on core issues. She argues that “information on its own cannot win the battle against slick misinformation that comes from trusted GOP news sources.”

In short, reality-based journalists need to fight back on behalf of truth as hard as the right-wing media fights on behalf of disinformation. (See my essay on the final collapse of “objective” political reporting.)

Usher calls on reporters to put a “moral valence” around their reporting. Euphemistically calling lies “falsehoods,” for instance, is “a far weaker form of journalism than journalism emboldened by a willingness to use the strength of morality to make a claim.”

(The reformer journalist Wesley Lowery famously describes this desired state as “moral clarity.” As I wrote in support of Lowery’s argument: “Journalists shouldn’t pretend they know the answers. We should just stop pretending we don’t know what the problems are.”)

Lastly, Victor Pickard, a professor at the University of Pennsylvania, sees the corporate media embracing a pre-Trump status quo as an excuse to continue its “abiding reliance on official sources and deference to power.”

But that means failing to confront the media’s disastrous conduct during the Trump era:

While it’s refreshing that many media organizations have finally stopped deferring to Trump, we must look seriously at the role they have played in normalizing fascistic politics — as well as the structural factors that cause these institutions to predictably fail in advancing democratic aims.

And it means failing to serve the actual needs of the American people at a moment of multiple crises:

[I]f the U.S. is to tackle the daunting problems it faces — climate change, deep structural inequalities, monopoly power, mass incarceration and other forms of systemic racism — the status quo should not be preserved; it should be radically changed.

I suspect that the leaders of major corporate newsrooms are breathing a sigh of relief not just because the election is over but because they hope reformers will stop pushing them to become more aggressive about fighting racism and disinformation and other urgent challenges to our democracy and our nation.

But I think the pushing has just begun.

Right-wing trolls launch Stop the Steal PAC to cash in on election lies

The right-wing trolls behind the baseless “Stop the Steal” election fraud movement have launched a political action committee (PAC) to cash in on the false claim that the election was rigged against President Donald Trump, according to a filing posted this weekend on the Federal Elections Commission (FEC) website.

The organization, called Stop the Steal PAC, shows signs of being what campaign finance watchdogs know as a “scam PAC” — a for-profit fundraising vehicle that professes to support a cause but in reality ends up pocketing most of the money for its members, or shuffles it off to contracted firms.

Stop the Steal PAC’s treasurer, Patrick Krason, and his wife Crystal are affiliated with a number of these small-time PACs. For instance, Krason also launched the Draft Sarah Huckabee Sanders for Arkansas PAC, but lives in West Virginia, had never visited Arkansas and had no connection to the former White House press secretary or her family.

Former Arkansas Gov. Mike Huckabee, Sanders’ father, warned prospective donors away from Krason in 2019.

“[Neither] Sarah nor anyone connected to her has ANYTHING to do with it,” Huckabee told the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette. “The person who launched it is unknown to everyone in Sarah’s family, her political orbit, or her circle of friends.”

Earlier this year a conservative watchdog group filed an FEC complaint against a Krason-led “social welfare” charity called the Stronger America Fund, alleging that he had unlawfully coordinated with a congressional campaign he was working on at the time.

Several of Krason’s other PACs say they aim to legalize marijuana, and others — such as Make Virginia Great Again and MAGA Coalition — draw on familiar-sounding Trump-world phraseology. He also appears to have chiefly paid his own firms through campaigns, FEC filings show.

While Stop the Steal’s FEC filing lists an address in Washington, D.C., it’s only a drop box — Krason’s actual office is in Charleston, West Virginia. The group’s phone number is different from the one listed on Krason’s own website, and directs calls to a Google subscriber mailbox after one ring.

Krason told Salon in a phone interview that while he had handled federal compliance for Stop the Steal, it was not his PAC, but would not disclose the client.

In addition to Krason, the PAC’s registration with the FEC lists a man named Daniel Bostic as a designated agent.

Bostic’s 54,000-follower verified Twitter profile says he is a former model and congressional staffer, a reference to his “full-time” work as a homeschooled South Carolina 17-year-old in the Washington office of then-Rep. Tim Scott, R-S.C. (Scott is now a U.S. senator.) The 20-something activist also claims a producer credit on a recent documentary about the widely-mocked efforts of Rep. Devin Nunes, R-Calif., to discredit the Russia investigation. Bostic is an active member of the Stop the Steal movement, which he heavily promotes on social media.

But Bostic is just one of a number of MAGA-world second-stringers who appear to see Stop the Steal as a way to ride the fantasy of a stolen election into a future of relevance, influence and income after Trump departs the White House.

While the movement’s name may suggest a reaction to the 2020 election, its roots trace to the 2018 midterms — and specifically Florida Republican Sen. Rick Scott’s 2018 narrow victory over then-incumbent Democrat Bill Nelson. That was when Roger Stone launched the group as a coda to the “Brooks Brothers riot” of 2000.

At the time, Stone had the help of a far-right operative and conspiracy theorist named Ali Alexander, an itinerant provocateur who signed on to recruit for the “Stop the Steal” campaign and appears to be the organizing force behind this year’s post-Trump iteration.

Alexander’s current approach echoes the eclectic appeal he envisioned in a Periscope video in 2018, as reported in Right Wing Watch, where he hoped to motivate not just Republicans, but QAnon followers, Democrats and “homeless people in all the adjacent counties” to keep an eye on the vote count.

But Alexander, formerly known as Ali Akbar, has a checkered history even by the loose standards of the alt-right movement, and today he does not have the full confidence of MAGA-world, some of whom suspect him of being a disingenuous grifter.

As Ali Akbar, he was convicted of theft and credit card fraud in 2007 and 2008. He entered national politics as a John McCain campaign staffer in 2007, when he was apparently reprimanded — ironically enough — for discussing opportunities to committing voter fraud during the Republican primary campaign. (Former McCain campaign officials contacted by Salon did not recall him, or the alleged incident.)

More recently, in the final weeks of the 2016 campaign, a PAC affiliated with Alexander got a $60,000 injection from billionaire far-right financier Robert Mercer. The next year he popped up amid the Unite the Right controversy, and in 2018 tried to help kickstart a short-lived Trump-centric alternative to the annual Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC), called the American Priority Conference. He followed that up with an ill-fated joint troll operation in Minneapolis with right-wing personality Laura Loomer and indicted felon Jacob Wohl.

Today, Alexander is the organizing force behind Stop the Steal, which last weekend organized demonstrations in several U.S. cities to protest President Trump’s defeat. The demonstrations served a dual role as promotional platforms for a hodgepodge of conservative and alt-right media personalities — e.g., Jack Posobiec, Mike Cernovich, Scott Presler and Amy Kremer — described in a Mother Jones profile of the event as “a collection of disgraced right-wing internet figures.”

Their rhetoric and messaging has been amplified by Trump himself and his high-profile allies, who have repeatedly peddled baseless claims that Democrats have “stolen” the election, making unfounded allegations about “missing” military ballots, “illegal ballots” and chicanery in vote-counting sites in multiple key battleground states.

The Stop the Steal PAC was born on Saturday, the day of the scheduled protests. That also coincided with a change to the group’s website, which appears to have removed its “donate” button after it was revealed that contributions went straight to Alexander’s personal accounts, including his PayPal, CashApp and Amazon Wishlist.

Given the warring factions within TrumpWorld, Stop the Steal’s future as a cohesive movement appears tenuous, especially without the bonding agent of Trump at the top of U.S. politics. Alexander’s apparent cash grab has already begun to draw fire from inside the tent. While the movement may now have the imprimatur of an officially FEC-registered PAC, the name defines the mission, and there are two full years ahead with no steal to stop.

Bostic and Alexander did not respond to multiple requests for comment.

Ex-best friend predicts Ivanka will land in Palm Beach “where casual white supremacy is de rigueur”

Lysandra Ohrstrom is a Brooklyn-based freelance journalist. She is also someone who, according to an in-depth article she wrote for Vanity Fair, considered Ivanka Trump her best friend when they were growing up in New York City. And Ohrstrom’s piece, published this week, is full of anecdotes about their interactions in the past — including times when the now-White House senior adviser expressed bigoted anti-Islam views.

“Ivanka Trump was my best friend growing up,” Ohrstrom explains. “We first met when I joined her seventh-grade class at Chapin, an all-girls’ school on Manhattan’s Upper East Side that had a reputation for attracting a blue blood, feminine, but ambitious cohort of young girls — not unlike its most famous alumnus, Jackie O. After spending the previous four years in social isolation in the suburbs, I was eager to land on the popular side of the classroom, ruled over by Ivanka and about five other wild, entitled, precocious preteens.”

Ohrstrom goes on to say that “Ivanka and I really bonded the July before our freshman year of high school when a group of Chapin girls went to Paris for a language program in what would be the first of many trips she and I took together.” Yet in adulthood, the journalist explains, “The gulf between us became increasingly apparent.” Ohrstrom spent time in Lebanon, and Trump expressed anti-Islam views.

“My pro-Palestinian stance began to chafe,” Ohrstrom writes. “Since 2007, I’ve worn a necklace with my name written in Arabic, and Ivanka grew increasingly irritated by it. Sometimes, she would randomly say, ‘I hate that thing.'”

Ohrstrom adds, “Then one night in the middle of dinner, she glanced at the necklace and said, ‘How does your Jewish boyfriend feel when you are having sex and that necklace hits him (in) the face? How can you wear that thing? It just screams terrorist.'”

Ohrstrom also remembers when, during a conversation about the exorbitant rents in Manhattan, Trump said something along the lines of, “I can’t talk about this stuff with you anymore because you’ve really turned into a Marxist.”

The journalist makes it clear how vehemently she disagrees with the politics of President Donald Trump’s administration, noting that she voted for President-elect Joe Biden. And Ohrstrom wraps up her Vanity Fair article with some thoughts on what Ivanka Trump’s future might be like after her father leaves office.

“The damage the Trump family has done is unforgivable, even if perpetrated by my childhood best friend,” Ohrstrom writes. “I expect Ivanka will find a soft landing in Palm Beach, (Florida) . . . where casual white supremacy is de rigueur and most misdeeds are forgiven if you have enough money. It’s the perfect spot for her to lie low, shielded from the economic and social consequences of the policies she pursued for the past four years, the backlash against them, and from having to interact with her MAGA following.”

Tucker Carlson dispels rumor he’s leaving Fox for Newsmax, says show will expand company wide

Fox News personality Tucker Swanson McNear Carlson paused on his Monday night program to dispel rumors that he planned to leave the network, assuring his audience that his show was only “getting bigger” and network brass wanted “more of it — not less.”

“Over the weekend, we got a lot of calls asking if we’re leaving Fox News,” Carlson claimed, before teasing an apparent extension of his show’s “reporting and analysis.”

“Ironically, at that very moment, we were working on a project to expand the amount of reporting and analysis we do in this hour across other parts of the company,” the Fox News host said.

“This show isn’t going anywhere,” Carlson continued. “It’s getting bigger. The people who run Fox News want more of it — not less — and we’re grateful for that.”

“We’ll have more specifics soon,” he added.

The apparent expansion comes after the network announced a round of layoffs amid what a spokesperson characterized to Salon at the time as a “corporate realignment.” Reached for comment on Carlson’s alleged new project, a Fox News spokesperson referred Salon back to the host’s remarks.

The brief segment came in response to a Facebook screenshot of a post from a fake Tucker Carlson account on Parler, a right-wing alternative social media platform. It kicked off a rumor that Carlson, who is the conservative network’s biggest draw, had announced he was taking his show to Newsmax, a competing network which has positioned itself to the right of Fox.

“The American people spoke their truth. Fox News is over,” the fake account said in the screenshot. “I’ll be starting at NewsMax next month.”

In a caption, the Facebook user — a QAnon follower — who posted the screenshot wrote: “Good News. TUCKER CARLSON IS MOVING TO NEWS MAX [sic]. WHERE THE TRUTH PREVAILS.”

Facebook flagged the post as misinformation, but did not remove it. (The Daily Caller, a news site co-founded by Carlson, partners with Facebook’s fact-checking team.)

Over the last year, President Donald Trump, displeased with Fox’s polling and news segments critical of his administration, has mounted a war of words against the network often credited for his political ascent. Trump has repeatedly called Fox “unwatchable,” and the president allegedly screamed at network founder Rupert Murdoch over “unfair” pre-election coverage.

“Fox News weekend afternoons is the worst!” the president tweeted in July. “Getting into @CNN and MSDNC territory. Watch @OANN & @newsmax instead. Much better!”

Trump, however, reserves his ire for the “news side” of Fox. The president frequently heaps praise on primetime entertainers, including Laura Ingraham and his “pillow talk” pal Sean Hannity, who continue to amplify the president’s message nightly in spite of his election loss. 

Carlson, who in June turned in the highest ratings for any cable news show ever despite advertiser boycotts over “race-baiting” comments, maintains the approval of Trump and his base, though he has occasionally criticized the administration.

But Carlson has also been rumored to be considering a run for office himself, possibly as the presidential heir to Trumpism. Days after his record ratings were published, Carlson called on viewers to reject the mainstream Republican Party, which feeds them “partisan junk food designed to make them feel full even as they waste away.”

“Who cares how many Benghazi hearings we have? We’re supposed to care — why should we? How did Peter Strzok’s text messages become more important than saving American jobs from foreign nationals who are taking them? It is lunacy,” the Fox News host said. “We fall for it every time.”

“And to the extent this show has participated in it, we apologize with deepest sincerity,” he added.

Ted Cruz calls Democratic senator “a complete ass” for asking Republican colleague to wear a mask

Sen. Ted Cruz, R-Tx., on Monday called Sen. Sherrod Brown, D-Ohio, a “complete ass” who wears a mask “as an ostentatious sign of fake virtue.” Cruz fired off the heated rhetoric after Brown asked another Republican colleague to put on a face covering.

“I’d start by asking the presiding officer to please wear a mask as he speaks,” Brown told Sen. Dan Sullivan, R-Alaska., who was presiding over the Senate floor at the time of the incident. 

“I don’t wear a mask when I’m speaking like most senators,” Sullivan shot back. “I don’t need your instruction.”

“I know you don’t need my instruction, but there clearly isn’t much interest in this body in public health,” Brown responded, adding that senators who refuse to take public health precautions were “exposing” staffers in the building.

“We have a majority leader that calls us back here to vote on an unqualified nominee, and at the same time, to vote for judge after judge after judge,” Brown added. “Exposing all the people who can’t say anything, I understand. The people in front of you, and the presiding officer and expose all the staff here — and the majority leader just doesn’t seem to care.”

A CSPAN video of the exchange, which showed a staffer directly in front of Sullivan, went viral on Monday, accruing more than 836,000 views by Tuesday afternoon.

Cruz tweeted his response alongside the video: “This is idiotic. Sherrod Brown is being a complete ass. He wears a mask to speak — when nobody is remotely near him — as an ostentatious sign of fake virtue. Dan Sullivan was over 50 feet away, presiding. Last I checked 50 feet is more than 6 feet.”

Sen. Chuck Grassley, R-Iowa, who at 87 years old is the second oldest U.S. senator, announced the following day that he had tested positive for COVID-19. He had also been on the Senate floor on Monday.

Cruz was called out in July for not wearing a mask on an American Airlines flight, in violation of company policy. Marc Perrone, president of the United Food and Commercial Workers International Union, called it a “horrifying disregard of the lives of others.” COVID-19 cases were surging at the time in the Republican’s home state of Texas, and deaths in the state hit a high a few weeks after the flight.

After a White House ceremony for the Supreme Court nomination of Amy Coney Barrett in late September, three Republican senators tested positive: Sen. Thom Tillis of North Carolina, Sen. Ron Johnson of Wisconsin and Sen. Mike Lee of Utah.

The New York Times noted that “many top Republicans attended” that ceremony “without masks or social distancing, raising concerns that others might have contracted the virus but had not yet been diagnosed.”

https://www.salon.com/2020/08/11/ted-cruz-criticized-for-joking-about-magic-money-tree-for-pandemic-aid-its-not-a-goddn-joke/

Centers for Disease Control and Prevention guidelines advise Americans to keep a distance of at least 6 feet between themselves and others in order to help mitigate the spread of COVID-19. Cases continue to surge across the country, with one million added over the last seven days.

COVID-19 has killed more than 247,000 Americans, according to data compiled by Johns Hopkins University. That surpasses the high estimate that White House task force coordinator Dr. Deborah Birx gave Fox News host Chris Wallace in early May.

“Our projections have always been between 100,000 and 240,000 American lives lost,” Birx said at the time. “And that’s with full mitigation and us learning from each other of how to social distance.”