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Republicans scramble to get Trump his payback — yet keep coming up short

As usual these days, Republicans in Congress are a bubbling cauldron of chaos and dysfunction with wild hearings, inexplicable strategy and internal strife. They are all fighting among themselves trying to curry favor with their party's leader, Donald Trump, and jockeying for power. And it's an election year, which even in placid times turns politicians into preening posers desperate for money and attention. It is a combustible situation.

The budget is still not settled although they managed to extend the deadlines for a short while as they try to hammer out deals on taxes, national security and the border. And they have a lot of work to do on all the investigations they are currently pursuing, which to this point are utter embarrassments.

It would be quite something to see Donald Trump's howl at his orders being rejected.

The big show was supposed to be the impeachment of Joe Biden, promised to Donald Trump as payback for the two impeachments he endured. That one's not looking good at the moment. The House Oversight Committee Chairman James Comer, who is running the Hunter Biden investigation, keeps punching holes in his own narrative every time he interviews another witness. Just last week, another presumed "whistleblower," Eric Schwerin, a former business associate of the president’s son, was interviewed in closed-door testimony and swore under penalty of perjury that the president was not involved at all in Hunter's business dealings.

This is how Chairman Comer lamely explained all this:

CNN reported that the GOP is finally seeing the writing on the wall

[O]ne GOP lawmaker estimated there are around 20 House Republicans who are not convinced there is evidence for impeachment, and Republicans can only lose two votes in the current House margins…

“You’d be hard pressed to say it’s going well,” said a GOP source closely following that investigation. “It’s a jumbled mess.”

It appears that Biden's impeachment is going nowhere fast but all is not lost. In the next few days, we should see a vote in the House of Representatives to impeach Department of Homeland Security (DHS) Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas as part of their current election year border extravaganza. If they go through with it, it will be the second impeachment of a Cabinet secretary in history, the last one happening 150 years ago. Why are they doing it? They are opposed to the administration's immigration policies, something which has never before been the basis for impeachment, defined as treason, bribery and high crimes or misdemeanors.

They know this is bogus, of course. It's all for effect, much like the dozen or so different Benghazi hearings in the run-up to the 2016 election. Rather than have the Judiciary Committee handle the matter as is usual, they opted for the Homeland Security Committee to run the inquiry. They opted to only hold two sham hearings before releasing the articles of impeachment last week. They charged him with two articles: "willful and systemic refusal to comply with the law" and a "breach of public trust," claiming that he failed to detain enough migrants and lied to Congress and the American people. These are vague allegations that don't even come close to meeting the Constitutional definition of impeachable offenses.

Even the Wall Street Journal editorial board, hardly a friend of the administration, tried to wave them off:

House Republicans are marking up articles of impeachment against Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas, and the question is why? As much as we share the frustration with the Biden border mess, impeaching Mr. Mayorkas won’t change enforcement policy and is a bad precedent that will open the gates to more cabinet impeachments by both parties.

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Perhaps most galling is the fact that DHS claims that if enough migrants are not being detained, it's because Congress has failed to provide the funding to do so. And now, even with Democrats and the White House capitulating to most of their demands, they are refusing to take yes for an answer.

On Sunday night Senate negotiators released the details of their hard-fought bipartisan border agreement which is harsher than we would have seen under any Democratic administration or congressional majority in the last 40 years. (There are some policy improvements as well as laid out here by Connecticut Sen. Chris Murphy) They agreed to the terms as the price House Republicans demanded in order to fund other vital national security priorities. So naturally, the House Republicans immediately declared it dead on arrival. This was expected since they've been saying that for weeks despite not knowing what was in it.

Republican House leaders immediately launched into bad faith interpretations of the bill with Speaker Mike Johnson, R-La., even lying to the media and suggesting that he wasn't ever consulted on the negotiations (a contention refuted by the principal GOP negotiator, Sen. James Lankford, R-Ok., who said that Speaker Johnson declined his invitation to participate.)

Now the larger bill, which also contains funding for Ukraine, Israel, and humanitarian aid for Gaza, will have to pass the Senate which, according to some observers, is why the House is rejecting it outright in the hopes that it will influence the Senate to kill the bill:


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I don't know what those means are but it would be quite something to see Donald Trump's howl at his orders being rejected. It's hard to see exactly how that will come to pass but the House GOP is so dysfunctional and working with such a tiny majority that I suppose anything is possible.

We know that Trump and the Republicans don't want to pass any border legislation because they have told us they want to use the "crisis" to beat up Democrats in the election. This is no secret. They also don't want to pass any more Ukraine funding for reasons that are simply inexplicable unless their apparent attraction to Russian President Vladimir Putin is more than simply for show. Speaker Johnson said over the weekend that he plans to take care of Israel in a separate bill (so his evangelical buddies and the hard right Israeli leadership don't need to worry about that.)

It would be nice to think that the American people will see through all this and realize how utterly craven and irresponsible the Republicans are being but with all the noise out there it's impossible to know if they can hear it even if they're paying attention. The one person we know for sure the Republicans have to fear is Donald Trump who is going to be very, very angry if they don't follow through on the impeachment of his nemesis Joe Biden. He made himself crystal clear on that and I won't be surprised if they go through with a perfunctory impeachment vote regardless, just to make him happy. If there's one thing they are terrified of doing it's pissing off Dear Leader. 

“Freakout stage”: Experts alarmed over delay in Trump case — as Supreme Court danger looms

Some legal experts are growing anxious about how long it is taking a D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals panel to rule on former President Donald Trump’s presidential immunity claim.

Trump appealed U.S. District Judge Tanya Chutkan’s ruling rejecting his argument that presidential immunity shields him from election subversion charges because he committed the acts while in office. A three-judge panel heard arguments last month but has not issued a ruling as the case remains stayed. Any ruling is expected to be appealed to the Supreme Court.

“I am officially now at the freakout stage. I’ve resisted that for a long time,” former acting Solicitor General Neal Katyal told MSNBC on Sunday, calling the delay a “real problem.”

“I think we’re now at the point, to use a different legal phrase, that ‘justice delayed is justice denied,’” Katyal said. “I can’t imagine a more compelling need for speed than the idea that American citizens deserve to know before the election whether a candidate for office is a felon and an insurrectionist. And it’s even more galling to me because this is an easy case. There is no responsible constitutional scholar who thinks Donald Trump is right, that there is absolute immunity.”

Former federal prosecutor Andrew Weissmann, who served on special counsel Bob Mueller’s team, said he was “in violent agreement” with Katyal, arguing that there “really is no reason” for the delay since Trump’s immunity claim is “absurd” and “preposterous.”

But Georgia State Law Prof. Anthony Michael Kreis argued that there is no reason to freak out just yet, noting that the court is considering “three other issues in addition to the immunity claim.”

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“Far from delaying, judges are working a relative lightning speed. Would I like to have had a decision already? Yes. Is there a huge difference between waiting 14 days or 30? No,” he tweeted. “If a month goes by without any word, then I’ll start to get anxious. But, I think the prospect of a well reasoned decision that gets a cert denial from SCOTUS is better than a quick decision that causes a real delay.

“Folks are not considering the major delay that would be avoided if the DC [Circuit] issues a decision that does not get a cert grant— the Supreme Court taking up an appeal is a real danger in terms of derailing the Trump trial in Washington—not a couple of extra days in the DC [Circuit],” he added.

Judge Karen Henderson, a George H.W. Bush appointee, during arguments, suggested that the case could be sent back to the trial court for more analysis on whether Trump’s indicted actions could be considered official acts.


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MSNBC legal analyst Lisa Rubin warned last week that "that would be the worst of all worlds, because that can mean sending the case back to Judge Chutkan to determine which aspects of the indictment are worthy of immunity and which are not. And that could even further elongate case beyond the appellate process.”

Rubin theorized that the other two judges assigned to the case may be “really putting some pressure on Judge Henderson to try to get on board and see if they could do something unanimously.”

National security attorney Bradley Moss predicted that either Henderson is “writing a dissent that is taking time” or the “panel is writing an epic opinion so comprehensive it’s meant to be the final word and SCOTUS won’t even take it up.”

“Old Smoker” and the “Squalling Newborns”: Strange new star type discovered hiding in the Milky Way

After a decade spent monitoring the sky, an international team of astronomers have discovered a nursery of newborn stars, along with an entirely new type of elder star that has been hidden at the heart of our galaxy — and which may solve a mystery about the formation of new elements in the universe. 

Published in the Monthly Notices of the Royal Astronomical Society, four new research papers detail the fruit of a 10-year survey of hundreds of millions of stars conducted at the Cerro Paranal Observatory in the Chilean Andes. Using the observatory’s massive, high-powered Visible and Infrared Survey Telescope (VISTA), researchers notice that 222 of those many-millions of stars were acting odd, and flashing dramatically in strange patterns.

The team slowly whittled down the list of possible issues. About two-thirds of the stars were easy to classify as well-understood events of various types, researchers said. But the others stars were harder to read. What the scientists needed was to spread the light out along different wavelengths and determine, for each one, which parts of its spectrum had the most light. They needed to bring out the big guns.

"These outbursts happen in the slowly spinning disc of matter that is forming a new solar system."

That’s when then the team turned to the ESO’s aptly-named Very Large Telescope. And to the University of Valparaiso’s Dr Zhen Guo, who headed up the team’s work on the spectra, whose goal was to discover one of these newborn stars throwing a tantrum.

 "Our main aim was to find rarely-seen newborn stars, also called protostars, while they are undergoing a great outburst that can last for months, years, or even decades. These outbursts happen in the slowly spinning disc of matter that is forming a new solar system. They help the newborn star in the middle to grow, but make it harder for planets to form,” said Guo in an RAS release. “We don't yet understand why the discs become unstable like this."

A newborn star eruptsThis star gradually brightened 40-fold over the course of two years and has remained bright since 2015. This infrared image shows what we would see if our eyes were sensitive to wavelengths three times longer than visible light. (Philip Lucas/University of Hertfordshire)

That instability would be the marquee signal of the team’s discovery — 32 newborn protostars whose eruptions increased in brightness at least 40-fold, and in some cases over 300-fold. As remarkable as it may be for astronomers to capture a veritable nursery of newborn stars, an even more surprising discovery emerged when 21 mysterious red stars came into view. Seated at the center of the Milky Way galaxy and giving off a mysterious pattern of their own, these stars were shrouded in something peculiar.

Professor Philip Lucas, of the University of Hertfordshire, led the international team of researchers. In a release, Lucas said he wasn’t sure if the strange stars “were protostars starting an eruption, squalling newborns if you will, or recovering from a dip in brightness caused by a disc or shell of dust in front of the star. A third option was that they were older giant stars throwing off matter in the late stages of their life, puffing out gas like old smokers.”

The team dug into the spectra further, honing in on seven of the 21 space oddities, and compared them to data from earlier astronomical surveys around the world. Their exciting conclusion became apparent: this strange group in the nursery weren’t newborns like the others, but grandparents. And an entirely new type of star altogether.


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The founder of the decade-long survey, Professor Dante Minniti of Andrés Bello University in Chile, described the ancestral giants in the Royal Astronomical Society’s announcement.

"These elderly stars sit quietly for years or decades and then puff out clouds of smoke in a totally unexpected way. They look very dim and red for several years, to the point that sometimes we can't see them at all," he said. 

This strange group in the nursery weren’t newborns like the others, but grandparents. And an entirely new type of star altogether.

As in real estate, so in astronomy — location is everything. And the Old Smokers’ location is one reason scientists are able to determine the age and significance of the giant stars. Their dwindling light lives in the nuclear stellar disc, the innermost part of the Milky Way and the center of its spiraling arms. And that’s where we usually find the heaviest, densest elements in galaxy.

"Matter ejected from old stars plays a key role in the life cycle of the elements, helping to form the next generation of stars and planets," Lucas said. “This was thought to occur mainly in a well-studied type of star called a Mira variable. However, the discovery of a new type of star that throws off matter could have wider significance for the spread of heavy elements in the Nuclear Disc and metal-rich regions of other galaxies."

The ESO’s Very Large Telescope's is an increasingly critical tool in the discovery of celestial births. By using the telescope’s Spectro-Polarimetric High-contrast Exoplanet REsearch (SPHERE) instrument last July, a different team of scientists at the observatory were able to photograph the birth of a new planet for the first time in history. 

 "This discovery is truly captivating as it marks the very first detection of clumps around a young star that have the potential to give rise to giant planets," said researchers at the time.

Since coming online in 2022, the James Webb Space Telescope has similarly opened up a rush of new astronomical discoveries never before possible, including the infrared analysis of newborn stars like those discovered by Lucas’ team. As the Very Large Telescope gave us the first glimpse in July of a planet being born, the Webb telescope in the same month brought researchers around the world a new understanding of how newborn protostars operate on a molecular level.

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"The research reveals that the very youngest stars appear to emit beams of almost pure molecules, contrary to what astronomers thought before,” scientists said during the Webb discovery last year. “How such beams are produced without the added ingredients of atoms and ions, is currently a mystery."

That mystery is why studying Old Smoker and others of his generation is a crucial part of astronomy’s new aims. The quest to discover our chemical and elemental lineage — the very origins of all matter in the universe — is an exciting one, and scientists at the forefront of that quest are now finding answers in the light-spectrum signatures of the oldest stars that ever existed.

Using high-powered telescopes like the VISTA, Very Large Telescope and the Webb, researchers are advancing our knowledge of the stars at unprecedented speed — letting us see further back in time, deeper in into our collective history with more definition than ever before.

We are now at the mercy of democracy doomers

The 2024 election is set to be the longest general election match-up in modern American history.

This is true both in terms of the number of days and also the general feeling of exhaustion and anxiety (or excitement) about the threat of Donald Trump’s return to the White House, boredom with a rematch between the 2020 presidential candidates, and how large segments of the American public would prefer an alternative to both President Joe Biden and Trump.

"It's almost a cruel joke on the electorate that the longest presidential election potentially ever might also be the one that they're least excited about," one Democratic pollster told ABC News. 

To save America’s multiracial pluralistic democracy from Trumpism and the larger neofascist movement – a struggle that will take decades and not years or one election cycle — will require great focus, mobilization, and expenditures of time, energy, and resources by the country’s pro-democracy movement as well as everyday people as well.

Unfortunately, new research from the Pew Research Center shows that for a variety of reasons many Americans are instead relatively disengaged and uninterested in politics. This disengagement is a de facto surrender to Trumpism.

Pew’s profile of some of these political disengaged Americans (what I and others have described as “politics dropouts”) begins with:

In a fractious political environment often dominated by the loudest voices on the left and right, some people are saying: Count us out.

Last year, we talked to a group of people who, while they may vote, are not strongly attached to either political party. They don’t closely follow news about politics or government, though some feel guilty when they don’t. By and large, they look at the nation’s politics as a topic better avoided than embraced.

With the first votes of the 2024 election about to be cast, these are people whose voices are largely overlooked. Last May, we conducted six focus groups of adults who have soured on politics and political news. 

They have a sense that politics is everywhere – and often in a bad way. They find themselves overwhelmed by how much information they confront in their day-to-day life.


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The focus group participants also told Pew that today’s toxic political environment is hurting their mental health, so they avoid it. In addition, Pew notes how, “Others are turned off by polarization, negativity in politics, and a two-party system that they feel does not represent their views and is too limiting.”

Pew’s profile of these political dropouts speaks to larger trends among the American public. Other research from Pew shows how the American people are generally dissatisfied with the country’s political culture and direction. The result is a type of legitimacy crisis, which is the fuel driving the rise of Trumpism, the larger neofascist movement and other antidemocratic politics and values.

Pew’s 2023 report on the overall state of America’s politics reached these general conclusions:

[N]o single focal point for the public’s dissatisfaction. There is widespread criticism of the three branches of government, both political parties, as well as political leaders and candidates for office. 

Notably, Americans’ unhappiness with politics comes at a time of historically high levels of voter turnout in national elections. The elections of 2018, 2020 and 2022 were three of the highest-turnout U.S. elections of their respective types in decades.

But voting in elections is very different from being satisfied with the state of politics – and the public is deeply dissatisfied.

Pew’s detailed findings include:

  • Just 4% of U.S. adults say the political system is working extremely or very well; 
  • Positive views of many governmental and political institutions are at historic lows. 
  • A growing share of the public dislikes both political parties. Nearly three-in-ten (28%) express unfavorable views of both parties, the highest share in three decades of polling. And a comparable share of adults (25%) do not feel well-represented by either party.
  • Majorities back age and term limits and eliminating the Electoral College. 

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There are other well-documented explanations for political disengagement and why so many Americans are political dropouts.

Political participation is related to a feeling of political efficacy, i.e. that participation “matters” in terms of how elected officials, parties, and “the system” responds to a given person or group’s demands and interests. Participation and engagement through voting and other political activities are also correlated with income and other resources. Poor and working-class people are not mobilized in this country both because of demands on their time and lack of resources but also because the two institutional political parties, and the country’s elites as a group, are suppressing and demobilizing them. Of course, white racism, the color line, and other aspects of America’s political culture and history have hampered mass mobilization by poor and working-class people in this country to address common needs and concerns.

Political scientists and other researchers have repeatedly shown how Congress is not responsive to the needs and demands of the average American — in essence the United States is an oligarchy. While this may be frustrating and surprising to members of the news media and the political class who generalize from their own interests and peer group to that of the public at large, most people in the United States do not follow politics closely, lack a sophisticated understanding of politics and current events, and do not possess a coherent ideology or way of systematically organizing their political beliefs and resulting behavior.  Moreover, even in a time of democracy crisis and other great challenges both here and abroad, many Americans are not paying close attention to current events – which includes voting in the 2024 election.  

The Fourth Estate is supposed to be the guardian of democracy. In the Age of Trump and in the decades that helped to birth this democracy crisis and long neofascist moment, the mainstream news media has mostly failed in that regard. One of their greatest failures is not explaining in a clear and consistent way to the American people why politics matters in their day-to-day lives.

To an unsophisticated and overwhelmed public, which is caught up in the spectacle of news as entertainment, struggling with economic precarity, future shock, and an pathological attention economy and empty consumerism, these discussions of politics all too often just seems like partisan bluster and fighting where both sides are equally bad and responsible for the country’s problems. Ultimately, for all of this talk about a crisis in democracy and the threat of fascism and how the institutions need to be protected, what do those words really mean to the average person? And given how more than 50 percent of the adults in the United States read below a sixth-grade level, do they even possess the cognitive skills and abilities to be responsible civically engaged citizens?

The 2024 election and the future of the country’s democracy and freedom will be decided by a relatively small number of people (estimates suggest that the 2024 election will be decided by 100,000 or fewer voters in a small number of battleground states). The party and leader who can best compel the political dropouts and otherwise disengaged – the choice between the sanity and even handedness and responsible leadership of President Biden of the chaos and spectacle and excitement of Trump and his Republican fascists and MAGA people – will have an advantage in the 2024 election and determining if the United States will remain a real, albeit flawed democracy (or not).

Republicans pick up where Trump’s “perfect call” left off

So, Donald Trump has betrayed the Ukrainian people for a second time. 

His treachery is of historic, maybe even literary, proportions: repeatedly selling out the people of Ukraine for his own political ambitions. He’s been in Shakespearean villain territory many times, but this most recent selfish and heartless move puts him up there with the vilest villains the Bard of Avon ever created.

Donald Trump, private citizen, has insisted to elected members of Congress that there be no bipartisan agreement on new security measures for the southern border — you know, the “invasion” that Republicans are constantly talking about, which Democrats agree is a crisis that must be addressed.

Because Republicans have already tied any changes to immigration policies to their support of more funding for Ukraine, that country’s effort to repel Putin’s illegal, bloody and incredibly destructive invasion is also now suffering.

Does this remind you of anything? Yes, when Trump, then occupying the White House, tried to strongarm Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy into saying that Ukraine was opening an investigation of Joe and Hunter Biden, when Joe Biden was still just one of many Democrats vying for his party’s nomination. Trump threatened to cancel a promised visit to the White House, and funding for military aid was delayed.

You may remember his first “perfect call,” the one that got Trump impeached by the House that first time, with two counts: abuse of power and obstruction of Congress.

It’s notable that Trump pressured Zelenskyy to merely say Ukraine had opened an investigation of the Bidens. That was all he desired, because any actual investigation would have come up with zilch. But the idea an investigation was underway would affect how voters saw Biden. 

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Republicans are still at it, doing bogus investigations out of the public’s view. Their planned impeachment of Alejandro Mayorkas, secretary of homeland security, for not upholding immigration laws is absurd, because he has upheld the immigration laws we have and which Republicans refuse to change, or even fund properly, so they can keep it as an election issue — that and, I guess, the psyops conspiracy that is Taylor Swift and Travis Kelce.

As I write this, the details of the proposed bipartisan deal are not completely known, but it is apparently a real compromise between the two parties (so much so that one Republican senator has been censured by his party for leading the negotiations with his Democratic colleagues). According to a recent New York Times account:

Democrats already have agreed to substantial concessions in the talks, including making it more difficult for migrants to claim asylum; expanding detention and expulsion authorities; and shutting down the intake of migrants when attempted crossings reach a level that would overwhelm detention facilities — around 5,000 migrants a day.  

Here’s what President Biden had to say about it:

“What’s been negotiated wouldif passed into lawbe the toughest and fairest set of reforms to secure the border we’ve ever had in our country. It would give me, as president, a new emergency authority to shut down the border when it becomes overwhelmed. And if given that authority, I would use it the day I sign the bill into law.”

By some accounts, Biden may be belatedly changing his view on how to best deal with the obvious crisis on the border, and he apparently has not been able to overcome obstacles placed in his way during the first three years of his term. Still, it’s unfortunate the Republicans in the House will do only what benefits them politically now and have also tied any further support of Ukraine to a bipartisan border deal, months in the making, they say they will not vote for. It is especially unfortunate, given that a number of the things they complained about this administration’s handling of immigrants —  Mayorkas’s so-called lawlessness —  also apply to the Trump years and even before. If you are interested in understanding what is driving this level of immigration, and our own deep complicity in it, you’ll want to listen to this.

Republicans did not allow Mayorkas to testify publicly, so he had to issue a letter to defend himself and to request Congress take appropriate action. The impeachment of Mayorkas is merely performative; as with other Republican-led investigations, it’s about insinuation, not facts. 


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MAGAs clearly think little of education and get exercised by all sorts of literature, so let’s bring Shakespeare back in to refresh ourselves for a moment as we work our way through this pitiable drama of repeated treachery. Given that Trump regularly finds glee in crafting derogatory names for his opponents, I wonder what Shakespeare might have written about the likes of him?

As it happens, I don’t have to search for appropriate names for Trump because they’re right here on the “Shakespeare’s Insults” coffee mug our older daughter gifted me some years back. So many fit the man-child: “light of brain,” “clod of wayward marl,” “bolting-hutch of beastliness,” but specifically to his inability to speak the truth there’s the perfect “infinite and endless liar, an hourly promise-breaker.” (To be sure, I looked it up, and the quote is even more apt than that, speaking also of cowardice.) 

As with nearly all things Trump, this would be funny if it weren’t so dire, with so many followers laughingly following this hollow character, this particularly addled Shakespearean fool. The MAGA faithful like to pretend Trump is joking about being a dictator, but, as Salon’s Amanda Marcotte keeps noting, they love him because they know he’s serious about it. He may play the clown, making all the hate easier to digest,  but he’s not the fool in this play, now in it’s third act; he’s the monster, the megalomaniacal villain, and has been all along.

In a discussion of Trump working to stop the bipartisan agreement to heighten security on the border on Joy Reid’s program on MSNBC, Stuart Stevens, lifelong Republican and senior advisor to the Lincoln Project, reminded us that lives are at stake:

“This is not a serious party. What gets lost in all of this is sort of the scope of the human tragedy that’s involved, both on the border and in Ukraine. I mean, it’s not an exaggeration that people are dying every hour because of this. It’s not some theoretical game…this is real stuff. This is why you have a government and you elect people to make tough decisions. We have this massive budget, and we have the largest military…this is a false choice. We can afford to do both.”

But Donald John Trump — the compulsive liar, the sexual predator, the guy who used to pretend to be his own press agent so he could claim a spot on the Forbes list, the twice-impeached former president with 91 felony counts in four different venues — doesn’t want an immigration deal or more assistance for Ukraine, nevermind that the lack of both will lead to more suffering, homelessness and death.

People will lose loved ones so Trump can run on his favorite xenophobic issue, as much his comfort zone as all that orangy pancake makeup he applies to hide his face every day. He certainly has nothing else real to put before the American public, not on the economy (which Trump is now pathetically trying to claim as his own) or bolstering our foreign alliances or protecting the rights of American citizens.

Oh, that perfect description of Trump — “an infinite and endless liar, an hourly promise-breaker”? It’s from “All’s Well That Ends Well.” We must work hard this year to make certain of that, for us and all the peoples and countries around the globe that depend on a strong, stable and dependable United States.

23andMe’s lesson to tech elites: The days of sloppy security are over

This isn’t the first time at-home genetic testing company 23andMe has been in the news for a hack, but the recent breach — whose details were finally disclosed last week after going unnoticed for five months — appears to be its corporate coup de grâce. As reported by the Wall Street Journal this week, 23andMe’s stock is in the toilet after a 98% value crash that (at the time of writing) left it at 68 cents a share, with NASDAQ still threatening to delist the company as it now faces four class action lawsuits

The company’s DNA database contained information on at least 14 million people, and nearly half of those accounts were exposed in the data breach, with at least some genetic data stolen and put up for sale. A subset of those accounts — 23andMe says it was no more than 16,000 — had private health information extracted, along with genetic information on family members and relatives. More than a million profiles of users with Ashkenazi Jewish ancestry were reportedly curated into a list by attackers.

The cyberattack apparently went unnoticed until early October, when the company finally asked users to change their passwords. By December, it notified customers of the breach, according to TechCrunch. And by Jan. 11, calls began for Congress to investigate

Sitting atop this burning pile of “everyone told you this was coming” is 23andMe’s billionaire CEO Anne Wojcicki. From her earliest days heading the company, it seems she’s been digging it into a scientific and regulatory hole while dismissing privacy-ethics concerns with typical Silicon Valley hand-waving and hollow security reassurances. 

I’m not just picking on a figurehead. Wojcicki raised around $1.4 billion for 23andMe (about 80% of which she’s reportedly burned through) and, with stock-based supervoting privileges, she’s got full control over her company. Since 2009 she’s made a show of having the reins, though not much show of her security advancements. Of course, innovative notions don’t seem to be her forte.

As the Journal detailed in its scathing report, 23andMe wasn’t initially Wojcicki’s idea. It was Linda Avey’s — a genetics expert who already had a business and knew Google co-founder Sergey Brin. Avey told Brin about her company in 2005, back when he and co-founder Larry Page were building Google out of the fabled Menlo Park garage. That garage belonged to Anne’s sister Susan Wojcicki, later the CEO of YouTube. Susan introduced Brin to Wojcicki, and the two started dating.

"I get minimum wage. I've never been paid in cash," claimed the 23andMe CEO.

Since Wojcicki was a Google Girlfriend and Avey needed Google-sized money, she agreed to let Wojcicki come aboard. To no one’s surprise, two weeks after Brin and Wojcicki married in 2007, Google cut the check and 23andMe was born. Apparently limelight-hungry and insecure, Wojcicki flexed her status as Mrs. Google in 2009 to back-stab Avey — reportedly using her cachet to push 23andMe’s board to fire the genetics expert in a surprise meeting. 

The cracks started showing in 23andMe’s shoddy science in 2010, and the Government Accountability Office called the company out for producing “test results that are misleading and of little or no practical use.” But it didn’t matter, really, given the company’s self-stated goal: building the ultimate motherlode of profitable DNA data. 

Writing for Salon almost exactly 10 years to the day, in 2014, Benjamin Winterhalter called it:

“The idea of a massive genetic database holds all the ominous potential,” he wrote. “Their kit is merely the prototype for a kind of bioinformatics product that companies will package and market to us in the years to come…. 23andMe is, in the final analysis, a marketer of data.” 

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Fair call. As Salon noted in 2013, the Food and Drug Administration had already ordered 23andMe to stop selling its spit kits “without marketing clearance or approval.” But it took six years before the FDA issued a formal order. In 2015, it gave 23andMe the green light again and the company raised $115 million. By 2017, 23andMe was telling customers whether they were at risk for 10 diseases based on the company’s skewed comparison catalog.

Can we be sure that user privacy was respected at 23andMe, or at similar companies, even before the latest hack? Buzzfeed News revealed in 2019 that another gene-test company, FamilyTreeDNA, had given the federal government access to its own database. In a statement emailed to Salon after the first version of this article appeared, a 23andMe spokesperson said that the company “has never shared customer data with law enforcement or the federal government.” Given the gag orders used by authorities under the Patriot Act and the lack of privacy laws in the U.S., it’s impossible to verify that, or to know whether any previous data breaches have gone undiscovered. 

You know the craziest thing about all this? 23andMe reportedly never made a profit. It was always just a bet that rode on some rich people’s last names, staying afloat for 16 years on a promising “maybe,” while Wojcicki got paid.

But Wojcicki was on a spree in 2019, doubling staff in a massive new building. She dropped another $400 million in 2021 for telehealth company Lemonaid. And reached peak celebrity when 23andMe went public, riding a $6 billion valuation. It didn’t matter that only two of the 50 possible drug candidates developed with its database ever got close to market approval, she still set up a 150-person drug outpost during the 2022 cash crunch. By the end of 2023, she fired half that staff, hit 23andMe with three rounds of layoffs and sold off a subsidiary.

Wojcicki made $33 million in 2021. That’s absurd even by Silicon Valley standards. She made $20 million the year before. And when the Journal asked her about it last week, her response was such a transparent line of crap that everyone who read that article could see straight through her costly and careful facade. 

“I get minimum wage. I’ve never been paid in cash,” she said. 

I think her better quote came when she previously bragged to Fortune about being a billionaire: “Having cash — and being able to fund projects — opens up doors.”

I’m sure she’s right, and that her cash will open up plenty of doors for her in the coming months. Office doors of lobbyists, lawyers and judges. Since billionaires are such special, precious babies who can never be allowed to see the inside of a jail cell, maybe that cash will open the doors to her private jet for her — which she will board with whatever coterie of yes-men she keeps around to prop up her delusional notions of tech ethics. Maybe, if we’re all lucky, she can then flee any trace of accountability for her starring role in this mess, as she seems to so desire, and relieve us all of having to watch the remainder of her company’s grotesque spectacle.

An earlier version of this article originally appeared in Salon's Lab Notes, a weekly newsletter from our Science & Health team.

CORRECTION: This article has been revised, updated and corrected in a number of areas. As initially published, the article implied that detailed personal information had been extracted from 6.9 million 23andMe accounts in the 2023 data breach. According to a response from 23andMe after publication, that was incorrect. Some genetic data was extracted from millions of accounts, but the company says personal information was scraped from only a small proportion of those. The chronology of events following the data breach has been clarified. A Government Accountability Report from 2010 has been more accurately summarized. A disputed characterization of GlaxoSmithKline’s 2018 investment in 23andMe has been removed, as has the suggestion that 23andMe was involved in identifying immigrants for the purpose of family reunification, a proposal that was never put into practice.

Taylor Swift wins historic album of the year at the Grammys and announces new album

Taylor Swift glided into the Grammys late and in style, ready to snag the coveted album of the year award while sitting on a secret ready to be revealed to her hungry fans and the audience: her newest studio album is coming.

On stage to give her acceptance speech for winning best pop vocal album for "Midnights," Swift gleefully said, "This is my 13th Grammy, which is my lucky number." She continued, "So I want to say thank you to the fans by telling you a secret that I have been keeping from you for the last two years, which is that my brand-new album comes out April 19th. It’s called 'The Tortured Poets Department.'"

Swift said excitedly, "I’m going to go and post the cover right now backstage," and within minutes Swift's X account posted the album announcement.

"All’s fair in love and poetry. . . New album 'The Tortured Poets Department.' Out April 19," the account tweeted.

As if that wasn't exciting enough, Swift became the first person in Grammy history to win album of the year four times with "Midnights," quivering with joy in her acceptance speech, saying, “All I want to do is keep being able to do this. It makes me so happy. All I want to do is keeping doing this. Mind blown. Thank you so much.”

Swift has won album of the year for her albums "Fearless," "1989" and "Folklore."

Before the surprise announcement and the album of the year win, at the beginning of the 66th Grammys, host Trevor Noah announced to the audience at Crypto.com stadium on Sunday evening that the pop star would be one of the celebrities to look forward to that night. And right on cue, Swift breezed into the crowd, making her way to her table with her crew in tow. The pop star waved to the audience with all eyes on her as soon as the night started.

As one of the most nominated women of the night and culture's most talked about celebrities, Swift's NFL appearances were a hot topic at the award show. She laughed along with Noah's joke about angry NFL fans being upset at her being shown at games too often.

Swift is no stranger to being the center of attention, whether she wants to be or not. Last month at the Golden Globes, the singer and friend Selena Gomez were caught on camera talking and fans all over the internet were lipreading their conversation. This time around, the singer used her black lacey fan to cover up her face so she could talk to friend and frequent collaborator, Jack Antonoff, without fans making PowerPoint presentations about what she could have been saying.  

The show's performances ranged from "Fast Car" sung by Tracy Chapman and Luke Combs, "Vampire" by Olivia Rodrigo and "Flowers" by Miley Cyrus and Swift happily sang along to each performance — so a normal awards night for the singer. She even held up her drink and screamed in solidarity with Cyrus as she said that she won her first Grammy during her "Flowers" performance.

Even as SZA won R&B song of the year, the tearful singer saw Swift in the crowd and said "Hi Taylor, I love you." Swift laughed at the endearing shoutout.

At the end of the night, Swift came out the Grammys with the top award and a new album ready to share with the rest of the world and most importantly, her fans.

Joni Mitchell performs emotional rendition of “Both Sides, Now” at the Grammys for the first time

The incomparable Joni Mitchell made her Grammys debut performance in her nearly six-decade-long career.

While the 10-time Grammy winner has been on the Grammys stage to accept her numerous accolades before, she has never performed — until now. Accompanied by Brandi Carlile, Blake Mills, Lucius, Jacob Collier, Allison Russell and SistaStrings, the singer performed an emotional rendition of her hit 1966 song "Both Sides, Now," at the Crypto.com arena in Los Angeles Sunday evening.

Carlile, a friend and fellow Grammy winner, introduced Mitchell to the audience, saying that the 80-year-old folk singer has survived poverty, polio and a stroke – and even relearned how to sing and walk after her 2015 brain aneurysm. Carlile added that Mitchell has come a long way since then and is "the matriarch of the imagination."

Sitting in a white throne-like chair with golden accents, Mitchell wore a black beret and black velvet outfit while she sang into a gold microphone and had sparkly cane to match. Moreover, Mitchell and her musical crew were lit with surrounding chandeliers as they performed her hit song and audience members like Meryl Streep, Beyoncé and Dua Lipa all watched, enraptured.

Mitchell was met with a standing ovation when the performance came to a close. Host Trevor Noah then handed Mitchell a Grammy for her 2023 live album, "Joni Mitchell at Newport," which won for best folk album during the Grammys pre-show.

 

Annie Lennox pleads for ceasefire during moving Grammys tribute to Sinéad O’Connor

Scottish singer-songwriter and political activist Annie Lennox found the perfect opportunity to address the Israel-Gaza war during the Grammys on Sunday night — while paying tribute to equally outspoken artist Sinéad O'Connor, who died on July 26, 2023. 

At the end of an extra somber rendition of O'Connor's beloved song, "Nothing Compares 2 U," off of her 1990 album "I Do Not Want What I Haven't Got," Lennox raised an arm in the air and called out, "Artists for ceasefire. Peace in the world." At the time of her performance, she was the only artist during the awards event to mention the war at all, including host, Trevor Noah.

In December, Lennox opened up about her feelings towards the conflict in a post to Facebook, writing, "Dear Friends, From the late 80’s I had several occasions to visit Israel, and therefore became highly aware of the legacy of tensions, challenges and complexities that lay between the two communities. Back then, it seemed as if there might be hope for the 'Peace process' – but tragically, that never came into fruition. Politics subsequently took a hard turn and now, almost 40 years later, we’re watching a situation described by many as ‘genocidal ethnic cleansing.’ With the abject destruction of Gaza and the deaths of over 20,000 citizens and 53,688 wounded, that tragically appears to be the case. Armageddon has been normalized. How many more thousands of babies, children, women and men must be killed until ‘Hamas is destroyed’?

Watch Lennox at the Grammys here:

 

 

Trump goes after Gavin Newsom in potty-mouthed interview with Maria Bartiromo

In a one-on-one with Fox News host Maria Bartiromo on Sunday, Donald Trump triggered the network's censors during a portion of the interview in which he railed against Gavin Newsom, blaming him for almost every issue the state of California is currently suffering.

Perhaps triggered by Newsom calling him "damaged goods" and "not as entertaining as he once was" in a recent interview of his own, Trump fired back calling the governor "so much bulls**t."

"His state is doing horribly. You look at the homeless problem. You look at the people that are leaving. You have companies that are leaving. They're all leaving for other locations. I think Gavin's easy because California is a disaster."

Elsewhere in the exchange with Bartiromo, Trump talks about those dictator comments he made in the recent past — basically saying he was just joking at the time — and also works in a dig at Michelle Obama, weighing his odds against her with, "Look, I've seen polls where she doesn't do well. She may do well, but I've seen polls where I beat her easily." 

Watch here:

 

Jon Stewart returns to “The Daily Show” as the voice of past generations. What about future ones?

Second time around . . . or Second Coming? Measuring the explosive ovation at the news of Jon Stewart’s once-a-week return to “The Daily Show” hosting chair makes either description accurate. Directly in the wake of Comedy Central announcing Stewart’s return his biggest fans weighed in.

Doug Herzog, the former president of Viacom Music and Entertainment Group and the man responsible for hiring Stewart for the job back in the late ‘90s, described it to The Wrap as “a baller move.”

“I was thrilled to see that,” Rob Reiner told Dean Obeidallah on his Sirius XM show, “because we need his voice and his mind to be commenting on what's going to unfold in the next 10 months.”

Pollster Nate Silver and Mark Hamill also endorsed that decision along with – no surprise here – Trevor Noah, who took over for Stewart in 2015. Noah left at the end of 2022, explaining that he missed touring and being out in a world where he’s a much bigger player than he was when he joined “The Dailly Show” as a correspondent in 2014.

Conversely, the audience Noah left behind in 2022 is much smaller than Stewart’s in 2015, when Nielsen indicates “The Daily Show” averaged just over 1.3 million viewers. That dwarfs Noah’s 372,000 per-episode viewership average in 2022, the season that recently earned his “Daily Show” its first and only Emmy. (Stewart's era racked up 23 Emmys and three Peabody Awards.)

You might say Noah got out while getting was good. The story of late night’s decline is a tale told many times over along with that of linear TV as a whole. But “The Daily Show” is a special case because of how Stewart sculpted it to be not merely a satirical sorta newscast. He made it the opposition to Fox News and its pundits.

In 2013, “The Daily Show” pulled around 2.5 million viewers a night.

But when Stewart left in 2015, so did most of his flock, many of them migrating over to his former correspondents-turned-hosts Stephen Colbert and John Oliver, who expanded the "Daily Show" format into seriously reported longform satire for HBO's "Last Week Tonight." But the audiences for all conventional late-night were starting to contract. Social media robbed monologues of their immediacy. Streaming video on demand converted younger viewers to the habit of watching TV on their own schedules instead of a network’s.

Embrace your power and drink your collagen supplements.

So the people who still turn to these shows after their local stations sign off aren’t getting their news from them, as polls claimed about “The Daily Show” more than a decade ago. We’re watching because we want to hear what these hosts have to say about the headlines. More to the point, we’re willing to watch them based on when the networks have scheduled them. Why? Because we're in the habit of watching live TV. Ergo, we’re old.

Notice I said we. If you are excited about Stewart's return, you were probably with him when he dragged us through the 2004, 2008 and 2012 elections. That makes you old. Hell, if you didn’t have to look up Reiner to figure out who he is, you are not a part of this channel's current target demo. Who uses the term "baller" anymore? You, that's who.

Embrace your power and drink your collagen supplements. Comedy Central and “The Daily Show” are counting on us.

We are the viewers that made “Yellowstone” a hit, on cable and in repeats of years-old seasons on CBS. We are the viewers who make Hallmark Channel a live ratings force every holiday season. Sometimes during the rest of the year too. Gen X and Boomers are linear TV's life support.

We were a big part of the reason that in 2014, “The Daily Show” commanded just over $129 million in ad revenue, according to data supplied to Salon by advertising intelligence firm Vivvix.

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In 2015, when Stewart left and Noah took over, the show still earned an impressive $118 million. But it was all downhill from there. Vivvix says Noah’s “Daily Show” show pulled in just under $40 million in 2022, reflective of its 65% ratings plummet between 2015 and August 2022, according to Nielsen. Variety recently shared Vivvix data estimating the show brought in around $19 million in 2023. 

We’re also the viewers who showed up when “The Daily Show” kicked off its celebrity host rotation a little over a year ago. The proof is in which stars came out on top. Out of everyone who played behind that desk before the Writers Guild Strike halted all late-night productions in May, the name who pulled the highest audience was 72-year-old Al Franken. Second place went to 63-year-old John Leguizamo. Fellow Xer Silverman won the bronze. She’s 53.

We Olds are excited to make Monday nights on Comedy Central appointment viewing again.

What we’re saying is, when Showtime/MTV Entertainment Studios head Chris McCarthy called “the voice of our generation” in his official company statement announcing the chief’s return, he wasn’t referring to Gen Z. He meant Gen X and Boomers, Stewart’s cohort.

We still pay for cable by a large margin, but might not have forked over extra cash to watch “The Problem with Jon Stewart” before Apple TV+ ended it. Those who did encountered a more severe version of the guy who gleefully lobbed truth bombs at Bulls**t Mountain back in the day. He’s also improved as an interviewer along the way. The best “Problem” episodes deployed Stewart to joust with an Arkansas state official's promotion of damaging anti-trans laws, for example. One of the least effective showed him glad-handing Bob Iger, the guy who threatened to sell ABC, while asking him if he thought the news could be fixed.


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How well Stewart fits into the current landscape is hard to say. But we Olds are excited to make Monday nights on Comedy Central appointment viewing again. And who knows? Maybe enough of us will be inspired to stick around Tuesday, Wednesday and Thursday when the chair rotates among the show’s younger correspondents.

After the November elections, what then? This is fundamentally the same question that’s hounded “The Daily Show” and its producers since Noah left. Stewart and his manager James Dixon will serve as executive producers through 2025, which should be more than enough time to get its house in order.

But what form will the show take? Whom will it target? "The Daily Show" still needs a permanent host along with a revamp, just like the rest of late-night. These are some of the problems Stewart is taking on in part, and he may not be in a position (or of the right generation) to solve them.

But he may wield his influence to ease his successor's ascent including, as Oliver suggested on NBC's Today, luring Roy Wood, Jr. back into the fold (good luck!) or perhaps coronating Amber Ruffin. But if that happens just in time for the genre to fold up for good, what was the point of all this frustration?

Maybe it’s better to refrain from pondering the road ahead, which looks dark enough with or without Stewart and other late-night hosts shepherding us through the murk. At least “The Daily Show” has chosen a way forward, although it may take a miracle to convince younger viewers to follow.

Jon Stewart returns to "The Daily Show" Monday, Feb.12 on Comedy Central.

 

We need home economics now more than ever

In 1955, Young America Films, an educational and instructional video production company, released a nine-minute short simply titled, “Why Study Home Economics?” It opens on two high school-aged sisters, Janice and Carol, deciding which courses they will take the next term. Janice says, “Well, I have to fill one science requirement and English, and I want to take home economics…” 

“Home economics?!” Carol replies, aghast, “Why in the world do you want to take home ec.?” 

While the video is definitely seeped in some mid-century misogyny in terms of Janice’s primary motivation for taking the course (“Anyone who's going to be married and a homemaker would be foolish not to take home economics!" she eventually declares), the school’s home economics instructor, Miss Jenkins, takes a broader view of its benefits. “To tell you the truth, Janice,” she tells her. “You need to know more than how to run a house or an apartment. You need to know why, as well as how.” 

This was at a time when home economics was taught in nearly every high school in the country, though largely only to girls. A few decades later, home economics courses became required for both male and female students, and then, in 1994, the American Association of Family & Consumer Sciences recommended the name of the class be officially changed to "family and consumer sciences" as a way to more accurately reflect how its subject matter had developed through time. Beyond baking, cooking and sewing, modules on topics like nutrition and family finance had been added to the curricula.

By the early 2000s, however, enrollment began to slow. According to the Craft Industry Alliance, by 2012 only 3.5 million students were enrolled in home economics classes nationwide, a decrease of 38% over the prior decade. There are a few reasons for this: Some experts point to the complicated (and often inherently sexist) relationship Americans have with domestic labor as a motivation for the courses’ nationwide decline, while others say that simply any classes that don’t contribute to test scores and grades aren’t prioritized. 

Now, there are only about 6,000 schools left in the United States that still offer home economics — or family and consumer sciences — though I’d argue that there’s never been a better time to bring it back. 

The call for a resurgence in these courses isn’t a new one; in 2010, researchers Alice H. Lichtenstein and David S. Ludwig published a paper in JAMA titled “Bring Back Home Economics Education.” It read, in part: 

Even more than before, parents and caregivers today cannot be expected or relied on to teach children how to prepare healthy meals. Many parents never learned to cook and instead rely on restaurants, take-out food, frozen meals, and packaged food as basic fare. Many children seldom experience what a true home-cooked meal tastes like, much less see what goes into preparing it. Work schedules and child extracurricular programs frequently preclude involving children in food shopping and preparation. The family dinner has become the exception rather than the rule.

To improve education about food, it is not necessary to bring back the classic home economics coursework, replete with gender-specific stereotypes. Rather, girls and boys should be taught the basic principles they will need to feed themselves and their families within the current food environment: a version of hunting and gathering for the 21st century. 

However, the need for these courses has only increased in the subsequent decade. As Axios reported last month, 72% of respondents of a recent survey conducted by the Harris Poll said that groceries are where they feel most affected by inflation. That said, per a recent survey conducted by Mint, a reported 65% of Americans said they don't know how much they spent last month, with Gen Z as the least likely generation to know what they spent.  

As the economy, as well as the way we transmit generational knowledge, shifts, younger Americans need help beyond TikTok and Reddit for learning how to budget, meal plan and shop, all skills traditionally taught in home economics. As Susan Turgeson, president of the Association of Teacher Educators for Family and Consumer Sciences told NPR in 2018: “Everything about FCS is really teaching resource management and employability skills, creative and critical thinking — we just do it through food.” 

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Cassandra Loftlin, a chef, recipe developer and co-founder of Goodness Gracious Grocery, has done a lot of work in the food education space, including writing recipes specifically for children, and has seen firsthand the impact it can have on students. 

“Cooking is an essential life skill that children need to learn to be self-sufficient adults,” Loftlin said. “It's called culinary arts for a reason — it fosters creativity and allows children to experiment with flavors, textures, and ingredients, encouraging a sense of adventure at any age. Teaching children to cook also promotes financial literacy by budgeting for food and time management, while understanding how to prioritize tasks and manage time effectively to get dinner on the table by 6 p.m.” 

She continued: “When young children learn how to cook, it boosts their confidence as they master a new skill. This newfound confidence extends beyond the kitchen, empowering them to tackle other challenges they may encounter in life. By successfully preparing meals for themselves and their family, children gain a sense of accomplishment and independence, laying a foundation for future success and resilience in the face of adversity.”

According to Loftlin, regardless of whether or not the impacts of home economics training show up on exams, they certainly have real-world impact (something Turgeson also told NPR, saying, “Wait five minutes in FCS, and you'll use this information later this week and later in life”).

“By integrating cooking into preschool education, educators and parents can provide a hands-on approach to learning that not only stimulates the senses but also reinforces academic concepts in a fun and engaging way,” Loftlin said. “This holistic approach to education sets a strong foundation for children's cognitive, social, and emotional development, preparing them for success both inside and outside the kitchen.” 

Reactions to that Nikki Haley jump scare on “Saturday Night Live”

Republican presidential candidate Nikki Haley joins the "Saturday Night Live" cast in ribbing Donald Trump this weekend, appearing in a cameo for the show's cold open.

Popping up from the audience during the "CNN Town Hall South Carolina" sketch, the real Haley asks SNL's Trump (James Austin Johnson) why he won't debate her.

"Oh my God, it's her," Johnson as Trump exclaims. And the reaction to this sketch on social media was along those same lines.

"Not a Nikki Haley jump scare on SNL," writes @yosoymichael on X (formerly Twitter).

"Saturday Night Live sure does have a long track record of comedy-washing hateful conservatives," writes @cmclymer

"Nikki is pandering to identity politics and clearly has been embraced by the Democrats since they let her on SNL, which is very Left wing. Cringe," writes @LauraLoomer

Towards the end of the sketch, the show does manage to get a dig in at Haley herself when a person from the audience — played by host Ayo Edebiri — asks, “I was just curious, what would you say was the main cause of the Civil War? And do you think it starts with an S and ends with a lavery?”

“I probably should have said that the first time,” Haley says.

Watch here:

A history of Nicki Minaj’s rap beefs with other Black female artists

Rap beef is inevitable. The viciousness, the pettiness and the diss tracks are all a part of the brutal game.

We all know about the bitter rivalry between East Coast versus West Coast rap in the '90s gangster rap led by Tupac Shakur and Biggie Smalls. Then there have been battles between Drake and Meek Mill or Jay-Z and Nas. But men aren't always the ones involved in these feuds.

Nicki Minaj and Megan Thee Stallion's long-simmering tension has the potential to cement itself among some of the most bitter battles between female rappers. The relationship between the once friends and collaborators has deteriorated beyond belief, transforming into a radioactive catastrophe that pulls others into its wake. While Megan publicly took the first shot with her venomous diss track "Hiss," with a bar calling out Minaj's marriage to a registered sex offender, the beef started way before the hit diss track gagged the rap world.

In 2019, the up and coming Houston rapper collaborated with the self-proclaimed Queen of Rap for their hit Billboard Top 10 song "Hot Girl Summer." It's widely unknown why the pair fell out but people believe after Megan collaborated with Cardi B for pandemic-hit "WAP," the Megan and Minaj relationship began to sour. Minaj unfollowed Megan on Instagram in 2021, and thus a beef was born. Since then the rappers have barely interacted in person. But now Minaj has dropped her diss track "Big Foot" in response to "Hiss," in which she claims that Megan was never shot by convicted rapper Tory Lanez who now is serving 10 years for shooting crime.

But outside of Megan, Minaj is known for shading other female rappers online through her Apple Music Radio show "Queen Radio" and her continuous and potentially toxic use of X.

From Cardi B to Mariah Carey, here is Minaj's laundry list of petty beef with other artists, showing a pattern of Minaj's mistrust and constant competition with other successful Black women rappers and artists:

2007: Remy Ma 

When you're a young rapper in the game ready to make a splash on the scene, you're going to go for the heavy hitters and that's exactly what happened between Remy Ma and Minaj. The young, green rapper was up against one of the greatest female rappers of all time who called herself the "Queen of Rap" in her song “I’m.” But Minaj took a stab at the rapper with the freestyle “Dirty Money."

Publicly, when the pair was asked about their relationship they seemed quite friendly until they started shading each other in their music. But their beef really came to a head in 2017 with the song “Shether,” where Ma called out Minaj directly sharing the song on Twitter and adding the rapper's handle in the tweet. In response, Minaj released two diss tracks called "No Frauds” and "Realize."

2009: Lil Kim

After a brief miscommunication, the relationship between the veteran Lil Kim and the younger rapper turned to ice. However, without knowing beforehand, both were featured on the same song with the rapper Birdman. In it, Lil Kim rapped, "They’ll never be another me/What, you out your mind?" People read that line as taking aim at Minaj. Other rappers like Ray J and Drake got involved, stirring up the drama between the women. In 2010, Kim said publicly that Minaj had been taking unwarranted shots at her and other female rappers. But it's not like Kim had nice words for Minaj either, rapping, "I’d kill that b***h with my old s**t/This s**t come and go."

While she was promoting her new album "Pink Friday," Minaj responded, saying, "Put your music out and when I see your name on Billboard that’s when I’ll respond to you." She continued, "You’re going to go down in history now as a sore loser, as opposed to going down in history as the Queen . . . Don’t play with me."

In response to "Pink Friday," Kim dropped "Black Friday," a direct diss to Minaj's new album. More recently, in 2017, Kim collaborated with another rival of Minaj's Remy Ma for the song "Wake Me Up." In the song, she said "You b***hes ain’t humble enough," about Minaj.

2012: Mariah Carey

We all watched the feud between Mariah Carey and Minaj play out comically as it was broadcast on "American Idol" in 2012 when the divas were both judges. But the beef allegedly escalated behind the scenes with an apparent gun threat. 

In an infamous argument disagreeing over one contestant’s performance, Carey and Minaj yelled expletives at each other. Minaj said, “I told them I’m not f**king putting up with her f**king highness over there. Off with her head.”

Carey responded, "Oh why, why do I have a three-year-old sitting around me? I can’t see my kids, because you decided to act like a little crazy b***h and go all around the stage.”

The screaming match was caught on tape with judge Keith Urban seated in the middle of the musicians.

Ryan Seacrest said at the time, “There was a very heated, intense argument towards the end of the day after a contestant did a little bit of a performance in the room . . . It did go too far, to the point where the producers said with just a few more contestants left, ‘Let’s call it a day.’”

2017: Cardi B

The most important beef by far though is Minaj's rivalry with rapper Cardi B. It informs the current beef with Megan. Cardi's accession as a rapper threatened the comfort of Minaj's Queen of Rap moniker. In 2017, Cardi's "Bodak Yellow" successfully rose to No. 1 on the Billboard charts, a position that Minaj had tried to secure for years at that time. Nevertheless, she was supportive of the newcomer until their song "Motorsport" with rap trio Migos dropped.

The song featured both Nicki and Cardi, and their respective parts fueled rumors that the rappers feuding, even though both denied the claims. These are men in our culture who simply refuse to let it go,” Minaj tweeted. “They don’t do this to male M.C.s.”

Once the music video for the song dropped, however, everything went to hell. Cardi revealed that they had shot their scenes separately and that Minaj's original verses for the song were different. This prompted Minaj to tweet, "The corniest thing you can be is ungrateful. Give thanks." 

A year later in an interview with DJ Zane Lowe, when asked about her relationship with Cardi, Minaj said, "The only thing that Cardi did that really hurt my feelings was the first interview after 'Motorsport' came out. . . . It just really hurt me because the only thing she kept saying was, 'I didn't hear that verse. She changed her verse.'"

She went on to say that she really supported her but she had "never seen her show me genuine love" and that she can "imagine how many girls wish they could of been on a song with Nicki Minaj. I’m not saying it in a cocky way.”

Cardi addressed the misunderstanding on Howard Stern's radio show and said the two had hashed it out at the 2018 Met Gala. “I never was feuding with anybody," she said. "There was a misunderstanding. She felt a certain type of way about something and I definitely felt a certain type of way about something."

But that certainly wasn't the end of their ongoing miscommunication. The tension, tweets and the diss tracks off of Minaj's album "Queen," all came to a head during a New York Fashion Week Harper's Bazaar party. It was reported that Minaj and Cardi had gotten into a physical altercation that resulted in Cardi coming out of the fight with a large bump on her forehead.

In some videos, Cardi is seen taking off one of her high heels to throw it seemingly at Minaj's direction while yelling, "Play with me b***h . . . Keep f**king playing with me, play with my f**king kid b***h . . . I'll f**k your a** up,” while Nicki is protected by security. The fight allegedly started because Cardi approached Minaj "to address the lies Nicki was spreading.”

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Ultimately, the back and forth between the singers continues as now Megan has been involved since she collaborated with Cardi for "WAP" in 2020. It seems like Minaj believes there's only room for one female rapper in the industry and she continues to cut all ties with her peers to get there.

Watching “The Book of Clarence” shows we’ve been losing our organized religion

I never heard of a biblical comedy-drama until seeing the trailer for the Jeymes Samuel film "The Book of Clarence." Samuel’s 2019 Netflix cowboy flick "The Harder They Fall" was extremely impressive, so I knew I would be somewhere, at some movie house checking his new work. 

While sitting in a jet-black theater well after 10 p.m. on a weeknight, enjoying "The Book of Clarence" –– laughing embarrassingly at the age-old biblical references like "the amount of money sandals cost and how Jesus probably gets them for free because he's the Messiah” – I constantly found myself distracted. 

The distraction had nothing to do with the writing, acting or the plot, as the film is full of humor and easy to follow – but my grandma Thelma “Fam-ma” Gill. Fam-ma was my biggest distraction. Fam-ma is not alive; we lost her in 1997, and no, I didn’t get a visit from her ghost. I was distracted because I kept wondering what she would say, if she saw me enjoying this movie, which may have been considered blasphemous back in the '90s. 

The film follows Clarence, (LaKeith Stanfield) and his best friend Elijah, (RJ Cyler), two poor Hebrew men in A.D. 33. The duo lose a chariot race due to various unforeseen circumstances. This puts Clarence in debt to a loan shark named Jedediah, who could potentially kill him if he doesn't settle up. In an act of desperation, also after experimenting with opium, Clarence comes up with a plan to fix all of his problems by imitating the most popular guy in Jerusalem who happens to be the savior, Jesus Christ. 

“Wake up.” Fam-ma would say on early Sunday mornings, around 7 a.m. “Let’s go.” 

My grandma was as smooth as steam-pressed silk. She did not have to yell or force us grandkids to come to church, because if we were not ready, then she was leaving on her own, and that rarely happened. We loved Fam-ma so much that we just wanted to be around her, so even though most of my cousins who stayed with her frequently thought church was boring, we would still go on occasion. And we felt like royalty when we entered the building because my grandma was a very respected woman in the house of the Lord. 

She was one of the lead singers on the choir, a founding member, and made fried crabs that were so good, it wasn't strange to see the greedy reverend at our small dinner table on weekends. This may not sound like a big deal now, but having the reverend at your crib back in the '90s is equivalent to hosting the Obamas or Beyoncé today. Or maybe how a white person would feel about hosting Taylor Swift. Preachers, with their cash-stuffed pockets, processed hair, custom suits and long shiny Cadillacs were the hoods' biggest celebrities. It's funny now, because even though the pastor had to know that we didn't have a lot, it never stopped him from filling up his plate as if he was never going eat again. He probably could’ve financed our dinner with his pocket money but never chipped in, and this never seemed to bother my grandma. 

Churches were the epicenters of the Black community and to be taken seriously at all times, which is the main reason I enjoy the idea behind "The Book of Clarence" so much.

Fam-ma was of a different time, from an era where you can have a beautiful life without being surrounded by fancy material possessions or even the bare necessities at times, as respect in the church was the currency she valued. This basically means that even though by definition she was financially poor, grandma was rich. For context, you have to understand that having respect in the church was a big deal. 

Churches were the epicenters of the Black community and to be taken seriously at all times, which is the main reason I enjoy the idea behind "The Book of Clarence" so much. The fact that we can freely make jokes about church, even though we were raised to believe that church was not a joke. If you needed marriage counseling, you went to the church, if you are struggling with a class in school, you get tutored by someone at the church. As a matter of fact, if you needed a small business loan, letter of recommendation, or a lawyer who could represent you for free, you went to the church. The churches had a history of filling in the many places where society failed Black people. So, in many ways, it was not a joke.

For African Americans, the foundation of our religious experience originated during slavery. The word of God was the only thing that allowed captured, enslaved African people to survive the horrors of chattel slavery as it gave them something lovely and positive to look forward to after being, beat, humiliated, overworked, raped, degraded, separated from their families and sometimes murdered. The idea that they will only be slaves on earth, but if they are obedient and convert to Christianity then they will get to live glorious lives in heaven after they die. Ironically those same religious teachings came from the very people who were capturing and enslaving the Africans. Delusional scholars like Cotton Mather who wrote "The Negro Christianized: An Essay to Excite and Assist That Good Work, the Instruction of Negro Servants in Christianity," and Richard Baxter who wrote "Baxter's Directions to Slave-holders," published text encouraging white slave owners to own as many slaves as possible – telling them that they even though they were stealing, punishing and beating Black people, it was God's work and spiritually justifiable as long as they introduced the subjects of their torture to Christianity.

Captured African people listened to their slave masters, became accustomed to believing the God that was forced on them and through the years it became tradition.

Captured African people listened to their slave masters, became accustomed to believing the God that was forced on them and through the years it became tradition. The same tradition that would never allow my grandma to question the pastor who proudly ate at her dinner table for free, without any intent to ever contribute anything – not chips, not a bag of ice, no plastic cups or anything other than praise like, “Girl you sure can fry some crabs!” My grandma saw that pastor, a man whose job it was to spread the word of God, as an extension of God. I just saw him as a bum. 

Some of us grandkids, mainly me would question this. “Why is this bum eating for free? I'm hungry! I want a plate! Why do I have to wait?” I would get yelled at or sent outside for these kinds of comments. In a way, I felt like Clarence – taking on this idea of the place of God in the midst of oppression. Does God truly love me if God allows me to starve around people with full bellies? People with enough money to eat better get decide to take food away from me. 

I tweeted  a funny meme that was sent to me the other day relaying this message. It's a picture of a Jesus-like man holding up a small child, that reads, “Sorry kid, I gotta go. I know you must be hungry, but someone at the mall is praying for a parking spot.” Because how does God choose? How does God choose who gets to be rich, and who gets to be poor? And why did a poor a kid like me have to grow up in a neighborhood full of drugs and gun violence and death? Do I deserve this? 

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As I got older I began to question religious leaders and how they can represent God, while collecting money from people who live in poverty and then parking shiny Cadillacs in front of them every Sunday. These guys clearly had money and never shared enough with their congregation members, who were often struggling in my opinion. I had no problem tearing down the men at the top of this profession; however, I never questioned God. And I don't know if I didn't question God because I grew to be such a strong believer or because my grandma instilled those religious values in me early on, that fear of questioning a higher power, or if it was a combination of it all. The end result kind of looks like me almost never stepping foot in a church, and I am not alone. 

According to a recent poll conducted by Barna, “Teenagers today are the most non-Christian generation in American history as only four out of 100 teens hold a true biblical worldview.” 

Hip-hop, which is known to be an edgy genre but always rooted in religion has even gone off of the deep end. Mega stars Meek Mill and Drake released a song called "Amen" with lyrics that praised for "Real N****s and Bad B****ches"

Now there's a lot of bad b****hs in the building (Amen)
A couple real n****s in the building (Amen)
I'm finna kill n****s in the building (Amen)
I tell the waiter fifty bottles and she tell me say when
And I say church (Preach)
We make it light up like a church (Preach)
She wanna f**k and I say church (Preach)
Do Liv on Sunday like a church (Preach)

I don't think one factor can pinpoint this historic transition; however, I do believe generations of young people were sick of seeing their moms and grandmoms starve while religious leaders went back for extra plates. The combination of capitalism and its effects on how churches are ran in addition to our need to always want more pit us potential members and followers against pastors. Also everyone has followers now, not just pastors.

Back in the day you had to be called to preach, meaning that God had to come to you in a dream or vision and instruct you to be a religious leader. That meant preachers used to be the only guys who got paid to dish out knowledge cocktailed with biblical literature. Open your phone today and you’ll see how many of your friends who aren't preachers spend their time staring into the camera dishing out knowledge that can often be spiritual as well. You don't have to be called by God anymore; everybody's a motivational speaker, everybody is some kind of religious expert with a strong testimony, everybody's a master critic, everybody is an expert whose opinions deserve to be sold –– or at least in the opinion of the person dishing opinions.

This reality makes church less serious and gives us the luxury to poke fun at it, which is how I imagine "The Book of Clarence" got made – a biblical tale full of beautiful women, smoking weed, scamming and a whole lot of laughs that us kids, who was taught to never take church as a joke, can laugh at now. I wonder if the changes in society would have moved my grandma, and if she was alive, allow her to sit in the theater and watch the film with me. 

The sum of all of this leaves me with one question, being that if religious culture can change this much in my 40 years of living, will there even be any churches left in the next 100 years? 

The crime of living: What the kidnapping of Patty Hearst teaches us about assumption and perspective

Depending on whose story you believe the most, Patty Hearst is either a victim, a bank robber, a kidnapper or a privileged white woman who found herself uniquely positioned to rebel against her family in a fashion so monumental that the recounting of it will outlive everyone involved.

Abducted from her apartment in Berkeley, California on February 4, 1974 by members of a small group of revolutionaries calling themselves the Symbionese Liberation Army (SLA), Hearst went from being known as the apolitical 19-year old granddaughter of newspaper tycoon William Randolph Hearst to, in just a few short months, a suspected willing participant in a string of crimes led by her captors; one of whom — Willie Wolfe — she was reportedly in a consensual romantic relationship with. 

Fifty years have gone by since Hearst made the switch from Patty to "Tania" — the name she took on while enacting bank heists with the SLA — to Patricia, as she prefers to be called. And there remains a great deal of speculation as to whether or not Stockholm syndrome played a part in her sticking with the group for well past the point when she could have freely walked to the nearest police station to ask to be taken back home. In her own book, "Every Secret Thing," which she wrote after former President Jimmy Carter commuted her federal sentence in 1979, but before former President Bill Clinton granted her a full pardon in 2001, she opens up about the abuse she suffered at the hands of the SLA, her treatment during her trial, and the life she went on to live after. In the time between then and now, Hearst has carved out an existence of her own as a wife, a mother and an occasional movie star, having befriended director John Waters in 1988 and taken on roles in five of his films.

But her story is only one of many.

"This is a great window into what journalists do every day, which is not taking one person’s word for anything."

After reporting on the case since 1974, journalist Roger D. Rapoport's new book, "Searching for Patty Hearst: A Novel," tells all the other sides. Compiling firsthand knowledge gained from Patty's ex-fiancé Steven Weed — whom he lived with for a period of time after the kidnapping — as well as interviews with Coroner Tom Noguchi — tasked with inspecting the charred remains of the six SLA members who died in the LAPD firefight on May 17, 1974 — and Bill Harris — one of Patty's kidnappers and a founding member of the SLA — Rapoport puts it all in readers' hands and leaves them to draw their own conclusion on what the "true" story of Patty's Hearst kidnapping is. But, of course, assumption and perspective plays a hand in this regardless, resulting in what is still one of the biggest crime mysteries of our time. In an interview with Rapoport conducted over Zoom, he breaks it all down, including how piecing together these theories in the form of fiction allowed him to present them all in a way that's freshly entertaining for readers. 

The following transcript has been edited for length and clarity.

The craft of your book and the fact that it’s a fictionalized way of recounting all of these theories, what did that allow you to present that you wouldn’t have necessarily been able to do were it purely a work of non-fiction?

Well, the limitation of non-fiction is that you basically are forced to stick to the facts. But as you’ve seen in this “true crime story,” who’s telling the truth? Who’s making stuff up? For example, if you wanna be an omniscient narrator, that’s great, but if you’re working for months and months with a guy who lived with her for three years (Steven Weed) and knew her from the time she was a 16-year-old high school student until she was a UC Berkeley art student and then later his fiancée, and he’s saying to you "I can’t publish this because it’s gonna get me in trouble," that really ties your hands. In other words, the publisher and the reader wanna know everything.

The other thing is that stress contaminates memory, so you can have two people in the same room telling completely opposite stories. So imagine this, you have eight people in a 1,200-square foot apartment living there for 53 days after the kidnapping, and Patty Hearst has a completely different version of the story than does Bill Harris, her kidnapper. It’s very very difficult to pinpoint who’s telling the truth and who’s got the goods. So the advantage of fiction is, you can give equal time to all the protagonists and let them tell their own stories. It gets a little harder when they’re not around, but through their history, through their writings, you can at least reasonably put together a fair picture. But I think it’s the conflict of disagreement between all the characters that helps the reader decide who’s telling the truth. 


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How would you describe your book to someone looking to learn more about Patty Hearst and the details of her kidnapping? This anniversary will have her name in headlines again. And, I would imagine, put her in front of some young readers who may just be learning about her for the first time.

I’ve been doing some events, and the diversity in the group is quite amazing. There are a lot of young people — I’m talking people in college, even younger — who knew nothing of this case. Kind of a blank slate. I think what’s great for younger people is that they get to make up their own mind. They can read all of these conflicting accounts. And even if you’re not someone who watches a lot of true crime or reads a lot of true crime, I think this is a great window into what journalists do every day, which is not taking one person’s word for anything, and I think that’s all part of the creative process, but it’s also incredibly important right now because so much of what is coming out and is being read is filtered through a single voice. And the scientific method is never saying for sure that this is the final answer to the problem. And same in journalism, you have to look at all sides, and that’s what the book does. 

Joan Didion and Stephen King both attempted to write novels about this case. And in Stephen King’s case, part of it morphed into a section of his book "The Stand," and in Joan Didion’s case, she wrote a book that never got published, so she published her notebooks called “South and West” about the case. So trying to see this through the lens of one protagonist or one kidnapper, it doesn’t work. You have to realize that, first of all, there were originally about a dozen members of the SLA, and then of course there’s Patty, her family, and in very short order she went from being a Hearst daughter, fiancée, a kidnapping victim, a kidnapper, then, in the middle of the kidnapping, the guy she fell in love with (Willie Wolfe) died in a firefight with the LAPD, then she fell in love with her bodyguard. So that’s a lot of transitions, a lot of families, and every one of those families has a story. 

"She’d always been kind of a rebel."

When she went to jail, she was really in the custody of her lawyers so to speak, because they were the ones that were calling the shots. And her family hired the most famous criminal attorney in the country, F. Lee Bailey, and one of the psychiatrists he brought in had worked with another one of his clients, The Boston Strangler. So you can imagine, she’s now being psychoanalyzed by the psychiatrist who worked on the Boston Strangler case. So all this is going on, and they’re kind of coaching her on what she’s going to say and what she’s not going to say. Meanwhile, her lawyer, when he signed the fee agreement with the family had a clause inserted that Patty had to sign that said when she writes her book she’ll agree not to publish it until 18 months after he publishes his book, in exchange for a discount on his fee. He loses the case, and his book contract is canceled. So there’s all these different motivations, and whether or not she was a terrorist, a bank robber, a kidnapper or whether she was a victim of brainwashing, I think that’s where readers get to decide and make up their own mind.

I was born in 1977, so I grew up knowing about the Patty Hearst case after the fact. But my initial impression of it, which is a hard one to shake, Is that she was a rich white woman living in the Bay Area who found herself in a situation where she could rebel from everything she’d previously known and go wild for a bit and she took it. So having reported on the events of her kidnapping, and now writing this book, what’s your opinion on that still being a very common take?

Well, here’s something that most people don’t know about Patty Hearst. She wasn’t just a rich white girl about to get married in a society wedding. In fact, that’s the how the SLA discovered her was they saw her wedding announcement in the paper and they were broke and wanted to get attention in the media and get people thinking about the war in Vietnam. Patty wasn’t just apolitical; her father, who was considered to be a fairly conservative publisher, was actually to the left of her. She walked through a United Farm Workers picket line, she was at a junior college where there was a student strike and she went to class. She made fun of her father who was doing some work in the Latino community to get computers in schools that couldn’t afford them and Patty thought all that was ridiculous. And to the right of her was her mother, who was a conservative University of California regent, who actually took her on a roots trip back to Atlanta and was using the N word. I mean, so there was this big disparity. So when her father failed to ransom her on the advice of the FBI, the attorney general and the governor, she took it very badly and announced that she decided to stay [with the SLA] and fight. Her mother was furious about the father not paying the ransom, and it ultimately led to their divorce. 

Patty had been fed a lot of propaganda by the SLA, but she’d always been kind of a rebel. In the Catholic private schools as a young girl mouthing off to the nuns. She was always a bit impudent. So when she made her announcement, a lot of people said "Oh no, this is just the SLA crafting dialogue for her. She’s obviously been brainwashed." So [Patty and the SLA] went out and robbed a bank. And not just any bank, but a bank owned by the father of a childhood friend. So that really took her from being a charity case into being a very very shady character. That really affected the reputation of the Hearst family dramatically. 

John Waters; Patricia HearstJohn Waters, writer/director of original film, & Patricia Hearst attend of the opening of 'Hairspray' on Broadway, New York, 15/08/2002. (Jim Spellman/WireImage/Getty Images)Patty has a famous quote that I’ve always found fascinating where she says, "I finally figured out what my crime was: I lived, big mistake." This brings to mind other women who have walked away from their own crime cases such as Gypsy Rose Blanchard, Amanda Knox, Leslie Van Houten. And they went on to live lives forever associated with the crimes they’re tied to. So compared to them, would you consider Patty Hearst to be a survivor? And what’s your read on that quote of hers?

"There’s no question that privilege was part of this."

She is a survivor. However, there’s absolutely no question from day one in this case that she was treated differently from other women who have been in similar revolutionary situations. Sara Jane Olson, who was actually Kathy Soliah, one of the SLA members, they found her years later in Minneapolis, she was an actress and had been married to a doctor. She was one of the SLA members involved in one of the bank robberies. She didn’t actually pull the trigger on the woman who was bringing in a church collection who died, or anything like that, but she went to jail. Patty, who drove one of the getaway vehicles, not only did she not go to jail, not only was she not prosecuted, but there was a civil case brought about by the family of the woman who died, and Patty’s dad cut a check for a settlement. So the guy who didn’t wanna do the ransom was pleased to do this out of court settlement. In the jury selection, the Hearst family was allowed to sit in on the jury selection for the bank robbery case. So there’s no question that privilege was part of this. 

Similar to Gypsy Rose, who got early release and then dove right into the media aspect of things, Patty kind of did the same thing. She wrote her book, she starred in those wonderful John Waters movies. Didn’t it seem like it would occur to her that doing this would hurt her chances of every being seen as anyone other than that image of the woman in the beret with the gun?

Right. Well one of her daughters played Abigail Folger in a movie about the Manson murders, so it even goes farther than her. But here’s a question I’ve thought about a lot, because obviously the decision not to ransom her made her really vulnerable. And when she realized they weren’t going to ransom her, the SLA said, "Look, if you wanna just walk you can walk." They gave her a gun while she was in captivity. There was one point where after the shoot-out where Willie Wolfe died and so on, they were kind of on the run and they were on a beach in San Mateo County and a park ranger came and helped her with a sling to help lift her off the beach because this hill that they’d gone down was too steep and very rocky. And when they lifted her up to safe ground, she could have just said, "Hi, I’m Patty Hearst. Take me away." So there were all these opportunities, and that really really clouds her story. But the point of the media thing, the Hearst family had obviously been a victim. They had to run all of Patty’s communiques from the SLA on the front page of their papers and so on, and the whole damsel in distress narrative that her grandfather created to build circulation over the years — the kind of women you’re talking about, white women somehow kidnapped or taken in these captivity narratives by Native Americans or Black people, kind of the Ku Klux Klan recruiting narrative — well that was a huge circulation builder. And suddenly they, after merchandising it and marketing it for years, suddenly one of their own is at the heart of the story. So Patty decided to flip it back, and I think you’re absolutely right, that clearly, to this day, raises a question about how at one point she’s spouting all this revolutionary rhetoric and the next day she’s saying it was all made up.

How do you explain this? And this is part of what happened in the trial. F. Lee Bailey had watched "The Manchurian Candidate" and he was fascinated by the whole idea of brainwashing, but, during the trial, New Times, the magazine I was writing for, ran another article pointing out that in her purse when she was captured was an Olmec monkey carving that had been given to her by Willie Wolfe, who had been wearing an identical carving as a necklace. So why, a year and a half after this guy died, was this carving from her lover in her purse? A lover who she claimed in the trial that he’d abused her. And during the trial, they took that out of her purse from a police locker and showed it to the jury, and that really undercut her credibility. 

The Hearst family, to the best of Rapoport’s knowledge, has decided as a family and as a company that they’re not going to be talking during the 50th anniversary.

How Donald Trump reduced the GOP to groveling sycophants

Bully-worship, under various disguises, has become a universal religion.
— George Orwell, 1939, reviewing Bertrand Russell’s "Power: A New Social Analysis"

It was said that Prussia, the nucleus of the German state, was not a country with an army but an army with a country. The army achieved an exalted status as the engine of German unification during the 19th century; officers became an elite to which civilians were expected to defer. 

When World War I went bad — a war the German army had largely provoked through its hair-trigger invasion plans — the Prussian officer corps called for an armistice, forced the abdication of the Kaiser (to whom they had sworn obedience) and blamed civilian politicians for the defeat. They intrigued throughout the Weimar Republic period, unseating governments, conspiring with enemies of the republic and, in 1933, helping to give the final shove that toppled democracy.

The army tacitly understood Adolf Hitler, the new chancellor, as a pliable figurehead whom they and the monied classes could control. Yet within a year, they were lined up and forced to swear an oath of “unconditional loyalty,” not to Germany, but to Hitler personally. The rest, as they say, is history: The fabled general staff were reduced to the level of office boys as Hitler unleashed a war that destroyed them as a warrior caste and destroyed Germany as a state. Most of the generals knew he was leading them to destruction, but they could not break the habit of obedience — in the aftermath, some of them pathetically claimed that they could not betray their oath to Hitler.

The fate of the German army is a serviceable analogy for the Republican Party. Since the 1980s, the GOP has been able to “wire” the Boston-Washington axis and other American power centers like the Texas oil patch, while taming the media and creating an immersive right-wing counterculture of think tanks, alternative media, educational institutions (such as Hillsdale College and Liberty University) and “experts” for hire. The massive financialization and deindustrialization of the economy that has transformed the country followed the Republican blueprint to the letter. They control much of the national agenda, whether they are formally in power or not.

The lazy view of the history of the last four decades (that is, how it is commonly perceived) is largely delivered through Republican optics: Reagan won the Cold War and conquered inflation, Clinton’s two terms are barely remembered save for his philandering, 9/11 remains a symbol of righteous victimhood, Obamacare is a bureaucratic tangle — and then we have Hillary’s emails. 

The Republican Party, remarkably, has been the default governing party, at least in psychological terms, during this whole period, despite losing the popular vote in seven of the last eight presidential elections. (We might observe that the vaunted German general staff went 0-for-2 when the guns started firing.)

Like the German army in the 1930s, Republicans bet on what they thought was a malleable figurehead who would shower money on the plutocracy, shovel resources to the military and bust the unions.

The GOP’s grandees, capable of implementing their agenda in season and out, determined that when an interloper named Donald Trump captured the party’s nomination in 2016, they would know how to control him. Then-Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell claimed to know the score: “He’s not going to change the platform of the Republican Party, the views of the Republican Party. I think we’re much more likely to change him because if he is president, he’s going to have to deal with sort of the right-of-center world, which is where most of us are.”

Republican wise guy and coat-holder for billionaires Grover Norquist wasn’t fazed either. He had already pronounced on the kind of pliable ATM machine he envisioned as chief executive: “Pick a Republican with enough working digits to handle a pen to become president of the United States,” presumably to sign bills that further cut taxes for Norquist’s masters.

Just as the German army did, Republicans bet on what they thought was a malleable figurehead who would shower money on the plutocracy, shovel resources to the military and bust the unions. In both cases, they mostly got what they wanted. But in both cases, they also failed to foresee that their intended stooge would not only break free of their control but exert such total domination as to reduce them to cringing toadies forever protesting their loyalty.

It is a rule of human behavior that those who kick down will always kiss up, that bullies are the most fawning bully-worshippers. Sociologist and historian Richard Hofstadter described this behavior as “a disorder in relation to authority, characterized by an inability to find other modes for human relationship than those of more or less complete domination or submission.”

What of the powerless nobodies several rungs below the McConnells and Norquists, people without status or the privilege to kick down, who are a necessary part of the machinery that raises a bully to power and keeps him there? They are essentially mob-men (and women) who likewise have a disturbed relationship to authority. Forever demanding freedom, they really seek servility. Varying somewhat by era, country and circumstance, the mob invents its chosen oppressor in its own image. 

In post-World War I Germany, mob-man elevated a nobody, a corporal wounded on the Western Front, an enlisted soldier like millions of others — someone with no qualities or achievements other than the trick of inflaming dormant resentment and promising vengeance for humiliation. 

In present-day America, there is nothing like the mass trauma and poverty of defeated Germany, and in any case, those now at the bottom of the social heap are too busy looking for their next meal or a place to stay to give much thought to politics, never mind the fact that they usually constitute the bogeymen, rather than the followers, of demagogic populist cults. 

Given the inordinate status-seeking and social-climbing that permeate American life, it was inevitable that the foot soldiers of America’s authoritarian populism would be the middling sort: well enough off by traditional standards, but aggrieved at their perceived lack of influence and alienated from the very country they claim to be theirs. They never cease to be jealous of those people, the demon-figures of conservative propaganda who haunt their dreams.

Naturally they would form a cult around a self-described successful businessman whose own elitism is camouflaged by his vulgar tastes in food, décor and lifestyle, replicating the mob’s kitsch fantasies about the lifestyles of the rich and famous. Compared to the tacky glitz of Mar-a-Lago, the Parthenon would no doubt offend them. So weak is their sense of self that any perceived criticism of their chosen billionaire-deity sets off a flood of hysterical denunciation, harassment and death threats. Our experience with the last decade suggests we must invert Hannah Arendt’s dictum and acknowledge the evil of banality.


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Having such manipulable human material at its disposal explains why populist authoritarian regimes display a peculiar mix of drive, menace and spectacular incompetence. The showy displays of sycophancy seen at rallies and staged pseudo-events (like Sen. Tim Scott’s cringeworthy public declaration of love for Trump) create the illusion of unchallengeable power and authority.

Unquestioned leaders and servile followers tell us why the German army marched into Russia without overcoats — the leader had decreed that the campaign would be victorious by autumn, and that was that. It explains why the Obama administration’s comprehensive plan for countering a viral pandemic was thrown in the trash can by Trump’s lackeys when the worst pandemic in a century struck. As he explained to Bob Woodward, Trump valued pumping the stock market with false optimism over saving human life. 

Inevitably, the foot soldiers of America’s authoritarian populism were the middling sort: well enough off by traditional standards, but aggrieved at their perceived lack of influence and alienated from the country they claim to be theirs.

Writing in the wake of the most destructive war in history, Arendt explained this symbiotic relationship between despotism and incompetence: “Totalitarianism in power invariably replaces all first-rate talents, regardless of their sympathies, with those crackpots and fools whose lack of intelligence and creativity is still the best guarantee of their loyalty.”

So much for the myth of American individualism; those who bray about it the loudest are the most ardent conformists, always adjusting their opinions to the party line and forever on the lookout for heresy among their peers. Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, a petty mob mentality par excellence, exemplifies this behavior: "Not only do we support President Trump, we support his policies, and any Republican that isn't willing to adapt [sic] these policies we are completely eradicating from the party."

At the height of Joseph Stalin's personality cult, his speeches became a time-consuming chore. Choice lines were followed by the obligatory prolonged applause. The clapping wasn’t just enthusiastic; it was frantic — no one wanted to be the first to cease applauding, not with the secret police monitoring the crowd. Even the Soviet dictator became annoyed by ovations that could last more than 10 minutes, so he hit on a solution. He had a buzzer installed in his lectern, so that when the adulation lasted long enough for his ego, he would ring it so the attending cult would know when to cease clapping.

History may not repeat itself, at least not exactly, but Tim Scott and Marjorie Taylor Greene, like good Soviet apparatchiks, are doing their best to make it rhyme. 

Pope Francis isn’t completely wrong about surrogacy

"Despicable," Pope Francis called it recently during his annual address to the world’s ambassadors to the Vatican, urging for a global ban "to prohibit this practice universally." What is this atrocious act, this thing that a year before he'd also called "inhuman and increasingly widespread?" It's surrogacy, or the practice in which someone with a uterus agrees to gestate and deliver a baby on the behalf of other parents.

For those familiar with Catholic dogma, it's not exactly a bombshell that the head of the church should affirm opposition to this particular reproductive advancement. (The Vatican also nixes in vitro fertilization.) But the harsh words, in which the pontiff warned against turning a fetus into "an object of trafficking," struck like a fresh slap.

“There are people all over the world who have lovingly built families through surrogacy," Barbara Collura, president and CEO of RESOLVE: The National Infertility Association, told USA Today in January, "and may feel the pope has discounted their family and the way they’ve chosen to build it."

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Once a more shadowy process, surrogacy has gained greater visibility in the past several years, thanks to high profile families who've opted for surrogacy, like Kanye West and Kim Kardashian, Neil Patrick Harris and David Burtka and Chrissy Teigen and John Legend, who in 2020 lost their son Jack in the 20th week of gestation. "Our hearts, and our home, are officially full," Teigen wrote last year after welcoming baby Wren, thanks to their "incredible, loving, compassionate" surrogate.

"We don't consider it unethical to pay firefighters or soldiers. Surrogates are also using their bodies to help others."

There are two types of surrogacy — gestational, in which both the egg and sperm come from donors (who may or may not be the intended parents) or traditional, in which the surrogate's eggs are used. The Journal Fertility and Sterility estimates that "Between 1999 and 2013, there were 30,927 surrogate pregnancies in the United States," a number that has risen significantly in the decade since. A surrogate may carry a child altruistically — say, for a family member or other loved one — or may receive compensation. And it's the notion of money changing hands that makes some people uncomfortable. 

That unease can be a positive, if it assures appropriate checks and balances so that everyone is protected in a complex dynamic involving payment, bodies and bringing a new human (or more) into the world. Compensated surrogacy is banned in several countries including Canada, Spain, France and Taiwan. In Cambodia in 2020, 32 surrogates were found guilty of human trafficking, a case that drew the ire of human rights advocates. As Al Jazeera reported when they were first arrested in 2018, "Many surrogates come from poor families, where work in the garment and light manufacturing industries brings in a minimum wage of $170 a month."

In the U.S., regulations vary from state to state. New York, for example, passed in 2021 the Child-Parent Security Act to require licensure for surrogacy organizations, protect surrogates and establish legal rights for parents-to-be. 

Without appropriate and thoughtful systems in place, things can go wrong in a variety of ways. In a 2022 feature in Fortune, one former surrogate who endured a life-threatening ectopic pregnancy said, "Surrogacy is a for-profit business. No one’s going to tell you that there’s a possibility you could die." In 2023, U.S. News and World Report estimated the total cost of surrogacy as between $100,000 to $225,000, with surrogate base compensation ranging between $30,000 to $70,000.


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Writing in Newsday in January, NYU professor of bioethics Arthur Caplan and NYU professor of obstetrics and gynecology Gwendolyn Quinn acknowledged that "Monitoring commercial surrogacy or pregnancy for hire in poor nations needs improvement. Regulations in wealthy nations need to be upgraded as well," but went on to note that "Surrogates are participating in an efficacious, medically safe process, and thus give one of the most priceless gifts one person can give another. This is true whether they are fairly compensated or, as the Pope’s condemnation unfortunately ignores, are doing so altruistically, as sisters, mothers or friends."

And that's what, in his well-meaning but ignorant of both law and biology way, Pope Francis fails to consider — the intention behind any given act of surrogacy, and the competence of its execution. Can surrogacy be exploitive or transactional or at least bureaucratic? Sure, and so can marriage. So can work. So can adoption, which the 87 year-old pontiff, who says that "A child is always a gift and never the basis of a commercial contract," doesn't have any issue with.

What surrogacy (and marriage and work and adoption) have going for them in a great many cases are a sincere, human desire for love and connection. "The thing that we can do that serves surrogate intended parents and the children born through surrogacy the most is by continually centering that this is really a kinship," says Adrienne Black, founder and CEO of Heart to Hands Surrogacy in Eugene, OR, and a retired surrogate herself, "and that this child is here by love and choice. All these people came together to make that happen. Yes, these other pieces are important. Compensation is important. Making sure the intended parents' parenting rights are respected are important. But if we really come back to the place that we are all humans choosing to create this life, with love and intention, those things also tend to fall into play." 

For Black, assuring that outcome means a thorough vetting on all sides, including reviewing medical records and conducting interviews, as well as making sure the surrogate "has access to the resources so that she can become informed about decision making on medical care, and the social impact and her own ethics and morals. We have to make sure that she's very well prepared," she says, "with a full understanding before she commits to any of this process."

"The thing that we can do that serves surrogate intended parents and the children born through surrogacy the most is by continually centering that this is really a kinship."

Intended parents are similarly screened to assess whether they are "prepared to bring this child into their life through surrogacy." Black says, "We do really have to look at how have we created that foundation of safety in each party before we even look at introducing them and talking about legal contracts between them. It starts with a foundation of stability."

Amira Hasenbush, a surrogacy lawyer in Los Angeles and the chair of the Legal Advisory Committee for a nonprofit called Men Having Babies, adds an additional perspective. "Compensation in and of itself does not make a surrogacy unethical, in my opinion. Surrogates spend significant amounts of time and energy undergoing screening, going to medical appointments and going through insurance and legal paperwork in order to help the intended parents. They defer travel, ask other family members to pitch in when they are under more physical stress, and take on real medical risk in order to help another family."

"We don't consider it unethical to pay firefighters or soldiers," she continues. "Surrogates are also using their bodies to help others, and in my opinion, an expectation that they should do so for free carries very strong overtones of sexism and paternalism. While women are perfectly capable of determining whether they want to put the stress and risk on their bodies, there is nothing unreasonable about requesting reasonable recompense for doing so."

The need for clear and ethical standards across all lines of surrogacy, especially in places of great financial inequity, is obvious. That's a systemic issue — not a moral failing in the families who want to welcome a child, or the women who freely and thoughtfully opt to become surrogates.

And it's definitely not any commentary at all on the children whose path into this world was made possible by surrogacy. "I think the first thing we need to remind all of ourselves is, this is this child's creation story. It's not just an embryo that gets put in a uterus, and then we have a baby. And when surrogates and intended parents come into this, they have to be able to balance and support that relationship so that we can do this really magical, beautiful thing together." 

Why it’s so hard to talk about Gaza

Not long after the Black Lives Matter movement started in 2013, there was hope that the tragedies that sparked it might lead to real reflection and dialogue about how to address systemic racism in the United States. That hope didn’t last long for those of us who found ourselves almost immediately drawn into another conversation, one that was maddeningly irritating: All Lives Matter. All Lives Matter advocates suggested that Black Lives Matter was akin to racism. The position was pull-your-hair-out frustrating because it was so profoundly inaccurate. Rather than productively discussing critical race theory, we were now drawn into a debate over a misrepresentation of what we were advocating.  

As I put it in a piece for Salon on why it is so hard to argue with the right, these conflicts are not real discussions or debates. Instead, more and more often, on issues of major social and political significance, we are confronted with an inaccurate manipulation of our views created by our critics, that is followed by their outrage over their own misrepresentation of us.

The same thing is happening with conversations about Gaza. Only, now, it’s worse.

Anyone even suggesting that there is a human rights crisis in Gaza faces potential repercussions, from calls of antisemitism to doxing to arrests to threats to their safety.

It feels like any effort to discuss the crisis in Gaza is like arguing with a dumpster fire: either you say something, like bombing a hospital seems like a human rights violation, and are barraged by flames, or you just have to shut up and walk away.

The pattern, by now, is both familiar and profoundly frustrating. But there’s a cost to not having reasonable conversations. There’s an even higher cost that comes with either self-censorship or being forced to defend yourself for advocating for the people of Gaza. In order for us to begin to address why these conversations aren’t happening productively, we need to understand the deliberate ways dialogue is being shut down.

1.          They misrepresent you.

Let’s start with the elephant in the room. There is a real fear that speaking up about the crisis in Gaza will lead one to be immediately branded as antisemitic. For those of us who aren’t antisemitic, this fear often leads us to self-censor our concerns over the crisis in Gaza. We want to speak up in defense of the Palestinian people and the extraordinary suffering we are witnessing in Gaza, but we don’t want to get drawn into a long and twisted argument about why that does not mean we hate the Jewish people.

Those worries are real because they happen each and every time. Even more, this is not just a fringe reaction, it is happening in U.S. government, on college campuses, in the mainstream media and online.

Abraham Gutman explains that the argument that supporting Palestinian rights is antisemitic exists because that’s the way Israel wants it to be: “This tautology allows accusations of antisemitism to be weaponized, particularly against people who speak up about Palestinian rights — sometimes in ridiculous ways.”

2.          They control the framing narratives.

Once pro-Netanyahu supporters have framed the story that any criticism of his policies is antisemitic, you are now no longer having the conversation you wanted to have. Instead, you are operating inside a set of framing narratives that confine and contain the conversation and shut down the possibility of a reasonable discussion. Just as with All Lives Matter, you are stuck in an argument that not only misrepresents you, it makes no sense.

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These highly constricting and nonsensical framing narratives go beyond the argument that any criticism of Israel’s policies toward the Palestinian people is tantamount to antisemitism.  They also include such exasperatingly limited arguments as the notion that in order to defend itself Israel has no other choice than to bomb civilians, hospitals, refugee camps and schools. Or the idea that in order to defend itself, Israel cannot be held to any of the ethical limits for conflict codified by international humanitarian law. Or, even more frustrating, that deliberately blocking medicine, food and water from a civilian population has nothing to do with genocide.  

3.      They fail to use nuance. 

It isn’t just the fact that Israeli apologists control the framing narratives and that these create deliberate diversions from the conversations we’d like to have, it is also that these framing narratives have no nuance. They offer stark black-and-white options where one side is right and the other is evil.

Setting aside the details of the very real and complex history of the region, we have to notice that we are not even having a reasonable debate about that history and how to interpret it. What are the roles of colonialism, Islamophobia, antisemitism, far-right autocracy, militarization, extremism, geopolitical dynamics and terrorism in creating the current conflict? Does the start of the conflict date back to the late 19th century, 1917, 1936, 1948, the mid 1990s or is there another date we should discuss? And why does choosing the start date of the conflict matter so much? These would be valuable conversations to have, but they aren’t happening.

Norman Solomon points out that part of the reason they aren’t happening is due to the atrocious media coverage we have of the conflict, which focuses almost entirely on superficial images of destruction and makes the real causes and extent of the suffering in Gaza invisible to the general public.  

4.      They bully, threaten and attack.

You have to hand it to the pro-Netanyahu camp, they make the attacks on Black Lives Matter supporters look like pillow fights. If you thought it was a bit stressful speaking out in support of critical race theory, that anxiety pales in comparison with the real threats that supporters of Palestine suffer. Any of you reading this who has dared to speak out about the human rights violations in Gaza knows what I am talking about. People are being fired, threatened, harassed and attacked. They are being accused of views they don’t actually hold.


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It’s interesting to note that despite those very real fears, we are still seeing an uptick in support for Palestinians, which only serves to underscore the reality that not even wanting to discuss the human suffering in Gaza is increasingly untenable for those of us paying attention. Human rights scholars know that when the public builds support for a threatened population despite the personal risks that entails, it has become impossible to turn away from the extent of the atrocities.

5.      They cause you to question yourself.

Probably the most sinister habit that the pro-Netanyahu camp has in common with All Lives Matter is the way that they take a core position you hold and twist it so artfully that you even start to question yourself. In this case they accuse you of being biased, bigoted and discriminatory — the very problem you suggest is afflicting the communities under siege. If you do actually care about all human beings, this is an extremely unsettling argument to have. As you claim that caring about all lives means looking out for those most vulnerable, you are attacked for being racist or antisemitic or, possibly, even a terrorist. Before you know it, you aren’t sure what you are arguing for. You definitely have a headache. 

It’s an extremely clever form of gaslighting and one that is hard to recover from, especially when combined with all of the other tactics I outlined above.

One place to look for guidance on how to handle this problem is therapists who coach people in relationships with narcissists, since, as Egyptian satirist Bassem Youssef has pointed out, “dealing with Israel is so difficult, it’s like being in a relationship with a narcissistic psychopath. He f*cks you up and then he makes you think it’s your fault.” This means refusing to allow their narratives to frame the conversation and not letting their accusations define you.

The first step to pushing back on the silencing of reasonable discussion of the crisis in Gaza is understanding how and why that silencing is happening. Gaslighting works as a form of mirage, where a veil is pulled around the reality you are witnessing. We need to start by refusing to be sucked into that framework, then move to call out the manipulative tactics that are being used to hide the truth, and then, finally, we need to start having the conversation we really want to have with those willing to listen.  Because if we don’t start speaking out about the people of Gaza soon, there won’t be anyone left there to talk about.

Experts: Voter disdain for Trump-Biden rematch gives third parties opening to “spoil the election”

Souring voter attitudes toward the seemingly inevitable re-match between President Joe Biden and former President Donald Trump could give third-party candidates a rare opening to shake up the election cycle — but experts say none seem to be taking it.

Polling has indicated that American voters are displeased with both major-party frontrunners. Sixty-seven percent of 1,250 respondents to a recent Reuters/Ipsos poll said they were "tired of seeing the same candidates in the presidential elections and want someone new." A slim 18 percent said they wouldn't vote for either candidate if they were the only choices on the ballot, the survey found.

A majority of respondents also believed neither major-party candidate should be in the 2024 race, with 70 percent of respondents agreeing that Biden should not seek re-election and 56 percent of respondents feeling Trump should not be running. 

Voters' disappointment with the almost-certain prospect of a Trump-Biden rematch in 2024, coupled with an apparent appetite for a ballot that offers new possibilities and "promises change," also coincides with an apparent interest in third-party and independent candidates, according to Dr. Julia Azari, a professor of political science at Marquette University.

"You see third parties at a time when people are not only dissatisfied with a candidate, but when there's some sort of ideological differences," Azari told Salon. "That's clearly evident in both parties. There's a progressive wing of the Democratic Party that has perpetually been unhappy with Biden and then there's also a lot of divides in the Republican Party around Donald Trump."

In a hypothetical, five-candidate matchup for 2024, which includes independent and Green Party candidates, Robert F. Kennedy Jr., the anti-vaxx activist and descendant of lauded Kennedy heritage, received the support of 14 percent of respondents, according to a new poll from Quinnipiac University. Progressive philosopher Cornel West acquired 3 percent of hypothetical votes, while physician Jill Stein brought home 2 percent.

Kennedy, the most popular of the independent candidates, in part due to name recognition, is most likely to pick up votes during the election, Azari posits. Earlier this week, Kennedy announced he was considering abandoning his independent status to run on the Libertarian ticket, a move that would ensure he gets on every state's ballot but stokes Democrats' fears that he will siphon votes from Biden and spoil the election in favor of Trump, The Hill reported.

Running for the Green Party's nomination is Stein, who was blamed by some Democrats for costing then-candidate Hillary Clinton votes in key battleground states Pennsylvania, Michigan and Wisconsin.

Ex-Harvard Professor Cornel West has been in the running as an independent candidate since dropping out of the Green Party primary in October. But Thursday he announced via X/Twitter, his plans to establish the Justice for All party, marking his third switch in party affiliation since he announced his run last year. 

Centrist political organization No Labels also appears to be making strides toward entering the race, marking what some Democrats argue would be the greatest hurdle to securing Biden's reelection in November. The party positions itself as a bipartisan middle ground amid the stark political polarization of the moment — and a salve for voter's disdain for the mainstream candidates.

Though No Labels has not determined whether it will run a ballot line this election cycle (it plans to announce its decision by mid-March), one likely contender to lead its presidential "unity ticket" has come to the fore.

Sen. Joe Manchin, the West Virginia Democrat who has spent the last three years threatening to undermine the president's agenda, has teased the possibility of entering the presidential race since last year. According to CNN, if he were to run for president, Manchin would want to join the contest with No Labels and has told others privately that a Trump conviction or a health scare from Biden would provide him with the opening he needs to vault a candidacy. 

The current tensions — and the close numbers in recent elections — offer this slate of third-party and independent candidates the rare opportunity to really influence the outcome of the election, argues Valdosta State University political science professor Dr. Bernard Tamas. 

"The Democrats always seem to be winning more votes, but it's only about two, three percent of the vote, and then the electoral college is biasing the situation in favor of the Republicans, and that often is enough for them to win, which means that if any of these candidates pull off one percent, two percent of the vote more on one side than the other then, yeah, there's a very good chance that they will spoil the election," Tamas told Salon.

But in order to really have an impact on the vote, the current crop would have to reconfigure their campaign strategies to align with historic third-party spoiling tactics instead of attempting to run campaigns that follow the methods of the major parties, Tamas argued.

The strongest third parties in American history typically only nabbed a handful of seats before disappearing shortly after an election, said Tamas, author of "The Demise and Rebirth of America's Third Parties." The most successful of those groups, however, devised a strategy where they latched onto a pertinent issue or roused a group who felt unrepresented by the major parties.

By galvanizing voters around a specific cause — such as the deficit or immigration — they forced the major parties to address the issue and disrupted the political process in order to receive the policy change they wanted to see, while ultimately delivering the major parties the victory.

"To argue that their job is actually more to throw a monkey wrench in but with a purpose — not just spoiling elections, but actually forcing the major parties to respond — it's not necessarily something they always want to hear," Tamas said, referring to third-party candidates.

"This can be a pretty idealistic group, and they're really hoping to produce a multiparty democracy in the U.S, which would be great, but it probably doesn't fit the reality of the current circumstances," he added.

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Not much evidence of a third-party spoiler effect exists throughout U.S. history either, according to Dr. Jacob Neiheisel, an associate professor of political science at the University at Buffalo. Often named is Reform Party candidate Ross Perot, whose 1992 campaign garnered 19 percent of the popular vote, compared to Democrat Bill Clinton's 43 percent and Republican incumbent George H. W. Bush's 37.

Most analyses from that election show, however, that Perot took "somewhat equally from both major party candidates" and suggests most of his supporters likely would not have voted at all had he not been on the ballot, Neiheisel told Salon.  

"It's not like [Perot] was stealing necessarily," Neiheisel said. "It's just that there were folks who had a preference for a third party, and that if he wasn't there, they were going to just not show up. So it really didn't seem to have any kind of consistent effect across the board."

Green Party candidates Ralph Nader and Stein's respective 2000 and 2016 presidential bids have also been characterized as spoilers in favor of the elections' Republican candidates. Nader's run could receive that classification for "technical reasons," Neiheisel said, but the vote in Florida that year was so close that any third-party candidate on the state's ballot, "even if they garnered a couple of 100 votes, would have technically been a spoiler."

The margin of votes Stein pulled in battleground states was much larger and could certainly have tipped the scales in favor of Trump. But the argument she spoiled the election also hinges on an assumption of who the voters would have chosen otherwise — specifically, that they would have voted for Hillary Clinton instead — or whether they would have stayed home, Azari added.

In the 2024 election cycle, Azari sees two circumstances under which third-party candidates could be influential. The first would be a repeat of the Ross Perot phenomenon, which she doesn't believe would happen. The other would follow a "more classic 20th-century third-party strategy" of targeting regions, running in key states and associating with their specific concerns, Azari said, explaining that that method formed a common Southern approach around civil rights issues.

West could focus his strategy on Michigan and appeal to divides in the Democratic Party over the Israel-Hamas war, Azari offered. "That might actually have an impact on how the Biden campaign operated. But if it's just a little bit here and there, then that seems less likely."


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Though the playbook appears clear, none of the current candidates seem to be preparing to take advantage of the opening and adopt a favorable strategy, Tamas added.

The presidential nominee of the Libertarians is likely to rack up the most votes of the minor party nominees and independents, based on the organization having won more than any of the other third party groups in the last few elections, Tamas predicted, adding that Stein and West will likely grab votes from Democrats. No Labels hasn't yet presented a clear strategy or policy platform that could mobilize voters, he argues, as it seems to be relying on the distaste with the major parties to galvanize the electorate. 

"No Labels is working to give the American voters a better choice should they want it," the organization states on its website, adding that if one of the major parties nominates a candidate with a platform that caters to the "commonsense majority," it will drop its effort to offer a unity ticket, "stand down and double down on the great work we’re doing in Congress." 

If Manchin were to take the helm of a No Labels ticket, it seems more likely the party would pull votes from disaffected moderate Republicans uninterested in voting for Trump than dissatisfied Democrats seeking a Biden alternative, Azari told Salon. It's too early to tell exactly what role third-party candidates will have in the race, but they're not likely to have any impact on the electoral college, she predicted. 

"The most likely outcome will be that these third-party candidates pull off a very small percentage of the vote, and this may or may not be enough to switch the election from one candidate over to another," Tamas agreed. 

Polls of voters' hypothetical electoral choices and interest in third-party candidates this early in an election year rarely hold up in surveys taken closer to the November contest, Neiheisel notes. He explained that third-party candidates provide voters a fleeting hope that the U.S. can escape its two-party system.

"But then where the rubber meets the road, people tend to then vote for the two major parties, or one of the two major parties," he added. "That has a lot to do with not wanting to perceive that they're throwing away their vote."

Unlike in the previous Reuters/Ipsos poll from early January that saw Trump and Biden tied among respondents, those surveyed most recently chose Trump in the hypothetical election, with 40 percent saying they'd choose him in the 2024 contest compared to just 30 percent who said they'd vote for Biden. The former president maintained that lead even when third-party candidates were introduced into respondents' options, with Trump pulling a vote from 36 percent of those polled, Biden 30 percent and Kennedy receiving 8 percent. 

That shift could signal that American voters are already feeling the pressure to conform to the annals of the two-party system. But nine months out, there's still a chance a third-party or independent candidate could have an impact on the election. 

"When third parties make a splash, it comes very quickly, and it's almost unexpected," Tamas said. "You don't see it coming. You might see the underlying process, but the actual way it sets off can be very, very fast." 

Selena’s killer, Yolanda Saldívar, eligible for parole in 2025

Yolanda Saldívar, the woman who was sentenced to life in prison in 1995 for fatally shooting Tejano superstar Selena Quintanilla, is eligible for her first parole hearing on March 30, 2025. A former nurse, president of Selena's fan club and manager of the singer's clothing boutiques, Saldívar has been detained at the Mountain View Unit in Gatesville, Texas for the past 30 years.

Now 63-years old, Saldívar speaks about her crime, and the time she spent with Selena, in a three-part docuseries on Oxygen True Crime called "Selena & Yolanda: The Secrets Between Them," which airs on February 17. 

“I knew her secrets,” Saldivar says in the trailer, which can be seen below. “And I think the people deserved to know the truth.”

According to Tejano Nation, sourcing information from an article written by newly shuttered website The Messenger in 2023, a spokesperson at the Texas Department of Criminal Justice (TDCJ), says Saldívar has no blemishes on her record that will keep the board from holding a hearing to determine whether to release her. The outlet furthers that Saldívar's family is aware that she has "a target on her back," and that Selena’s fans have expressed their outrage and disbelief at the possibility of her release.

 

Joe Biden opting out of Super Bowl interview for second year in a row

Over past years, it has become a tradition for the festivities leading up to the Super Bowl to include some manner of involvement on the part of the current standing president — usually in the form of a brief interview. But that tradition isn't holding up very well. Last year, failed negotiations with Fox — the network that hosted the game — resulted in President Joe Biden sitting it out and, this year, he'll be doing so once again.

According to Variety, Biden will not take part in an exchange during the pre-game festivities leading up to CBS’ broadcast of Super Bowl LVIII on February 11, noting that the network had been in discussions with the White House in recent weeks and an invitation had been extended.

White House spokesman Ben LaBolt commented on the president declining the offer, saying, “We hope viewers enjoy watching what they tuned in for — the game,” but Variety highlights the awkwardness of the timing here as voters may have been especially interested in hearing Biden speak as this is an election year. 

 

 

Patty Hearst’s kidnapping, the SLA and January 6: Why I study “ordinary” women drawn to extremism

Fifty years ago, a small group of left-wing radicals calling themselves the Symbionese Liberation Army broke into a Berkeley apartment and kidnapped 19-year-old Patricia Hearst, shocking the nation and even the world. Hearst, an heiress to a media empire, dominated headlines in ways rarely seen even in this internet era.

The media’s incessant focus on the telegenic, famous young woman makes it easy to forget those who willingly joined the SLA and why they did. The SLA’s saga is a reminder of how politics and social disorder can prompt otherwise ordinary people into embracing violent actions. As we enter what is sure to be another contentious election year, it’s impossible to know who will be the next to feel pushed over the edge.

Take Camilla Hall, for example. Hall was one of six SLA members killed by Los Angeles police in a shootout on May 17, 1974. She had never owned a gun until earlier that year, after committing herself to the revolution.

Camilla was an unlikely candidate to support extremism. She grew up in Minnesota, the daughter of a Lutheran pastor. Her father’s church emphasized social justice and uplifting the poor. Camilla embodied this directive. Immediately upon graduation from college, she found work at a county welfare office assisting young, unwed mothers. But after a couple of years, she grew frustrated by what she saw as corruption and red tape. She felt the bureaucracy was too big to make any lasting changes to improve people’s lives.

Add to this other frustrations of the time. Millions had marched in the 1960s to protest the Vietnam War and discrimination. By the 1970s, not much had changed. The fight for civil rights did not eradicate racial inequalities. The era of mass incarceration was just beginning, disproportionally affecting minorities. The war in Vietnam dragged on. The gap between rich and poor widened.

By the time Camilla moved to Berkeley in 1971, she easily found a community of like-minded progressives. But Camilla became connected to a small group of people who embraced a radical ideology that emphasized violence as the only path to revolution. Her own frustrations only mounted. She was let go from her job in the Oakland parks because she was a woman. And as a gay woman, Camilla deeply felt the sting of discrimination.

It’s hard to know definitively why Camilla decided to go to extremes; her reasons died with her in the shootout. But at some point in late 1973, Camilla crossed a line. In her mind, violence became the only option for change.

In early 2021, I was putting the finishing touches on my biography of Camilla Hall, preparing the manuscript to send to publishers. The days that had birthed the SLA seemed so long ago, a bizarre chapter in history that had now ended. But then, I watched the January 6 Capitol insurrection on television. I closely followed the aftermath and was particularly struck by Rachel Powell, one of the women involved that day. She was known as “pink hat lady,” shouting directives to others through a bullhorn and breaking a window with a battering ram to breach the building.

Powell, like Camilla, had not always been a radical. Her life had reportedly centered around her children, yoga and selling cheese at a farmer’s market. Someone who knew her described her as “granola.” She was sentenced to 57 months in prison and 36 months of supervised release after being found guilty on nine felony and misdemeanor charges related to January 6. At some point she, too, decided violence was a viable option.

I’m interested in who these women were before they turned radical, because to focus just on their crimes allows us to dismiss them. After Camilla’s death, she and the others who died in the shootout were labeled by the media as crazy. Article after article described Camilla as a militant lesbian. These characterizations ignored everything she had been before: a social worker, an artist, a loyal, funny friend. And with that, we lose an opportunity to understand what may have motivated her. Instead, she becomes “the other,” not like us.

But as Camilla and Powell show, radicalization can happen anywhere, to anyone, even the seemingly ordinary among us. A recent survey conducted by the Council on Foreign Relations found that U.S. foreign policy experts see this year’s biggest threat coming from within our borders, not outside.

The SLA took law enforcement by surprise in part because members like Camilla had no previous ties to violent organizations. After the L.A. shootout, only two SLA members remained: Bill and Emily Harris. They went underground with their famous hostage in tow. They recruited a few others to help them — again, choosing people living ordinary lives — and together, they eluded authorities for 17 months.

Who will surprise us next?

Carroll attorneys can’t stop talking about the “unbelievable” things Alina Habba said at trial

E. Jean Carroll attorneys Roberta Kaplan and Matthew Craig are still processing the levels of stress they endured while working across from Trump lawyer Alina Habba during the now concluded defamation trial.

On Friday, Salon's Senior News Editor, Igor Derysh, reported on Kaplan's revelation in a podcast interview with George Conway that Trump called her a euphemism for the c-word in a hissy fit at deposition over a lunch order, but further into the podcast, the focus turns to Habba, whom Kaplan feared would elicit heart attacks with her behavior.

Recounting an instance where Habba raised her voice at the judge, Kaplan says, "The idea that any lawyer sitting in front of Judge Kaplan would say the kinds of things she said . . . I think my blood pressure [rose] . . . The very first day she said to him, 'I really don’t appreciate the way you’re talking to me.' To the judge! And not even that nice. The tone of voice, she was kind of yelling at him, and I literally thought I was going to have a heart attack. Not that I’ve said it, but the stress of never knowing what she was going to say and how Judge Kaplan was going to react. He’s not known as being like the sweetest judge out there. It was unbelievable . . ."

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