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Another really good reason we need Medicare for All: Ron DeSantis will hate it

It has to be a scurrilous lie. Seriously: nobody is that evil.

Although it is the sort of thing that we’ve come to expect, because our unique-in-the-world, for-profit health insurance system leaves Americans financially vulnerable to sickness but offers huge profits to companies and CEOs in the system.

Some cynical people are suggesting that the reason Florida’s Republican governor, Ron DeSantis, is forcing teachers and children to sit for hours every day in classrooms with unmasked children is because he wants them all to get infected with COVID … to make money for a friend of his.

Seriously. There’s that theory out there, and it’s almost too evil to believe it could be true. 

That DeSantis is intentionally trying to expose children, families and public school teachers to a deadly disease simply because it’ll make a few million extra dollars for his largest donor, billionaire Ken Griffin, whose fund is one of the biggest stockholders in the company that makes the only available monoclonal antibody drug approved to treat COVID.

And, of course, it might also take out a few hundred unionized teachers, a bonus in any Republican’s book.

But it can’t be true that DeSantis is spreading disease just to goose health care profits, can it?

After all, when the federal government offered to give Florida billions of dollars to expand its Medicaid program to provide free health care for the state’s working poor, then-Gov Rick Scott and later Gov. DeSantis said a firm “no.”

Even though all that money coming into the state to pay for health care could have goosed up the profits of any number of hospitals and health operations Griffin could invest in, DeSantis still refused to expand Medicaid statewide. (He did eventually sign an expansion of Medicaid for new moms, but it’s a pittance and arguably a shout-out to the forced-birth crowd.)

Far more likely is that DeSantis just wants to win the Republican primary for president in 2024 and thinks having the Trump “base” and Fox “News” on his side will get him there. 

After all, having hundreds of thousands of Floridians suffer disability or die — bankrupting family after family — just to score points with Donald Trump and Tucker Carlson demonstrates all the manly cred he’ll need. Right?

It’s another danger of having a for-profit health insurance system that doesn’t cover everybody, so when a corrupt governor like DeSantis uses death and disease for political manipulation families end up ill, broke and desperate — as are millions of American families right now.

Whatever’s going on with DeSantis, we’re not Brazil and we really do need to get past behaving like a third-world country where the boss-man plays games with deadly diseases for political gain. 

The best way to do that is to finally join pretty much every other developed country in the world and put into place a single-payer health care system like Medicare for All. 

When this pandemic started, America had 87 million uninsured or underinsured citizens. As a result, a FamiliesUSA study found:

  • Nationally, roughly one out of every three COVID-19 deaths are linked to health insurance gaps.
  • More than 40% of all COVID-19 infections are associated with health insurance gaps.
  • By Feb. 1, 2021, 10.9 million infections and 143,000 COVID-19 deaths may have been associated with health insurance gaps.

A national health care program that extended to all Americans would keep state governors from grandstanding on health care issues.  Even better, as in every other developed country in the world, it would provide a nexus for health data and a single point of advocacy for health consumers, something sorely lacking today.

And it would keep America healthy. As Public Citizen noted, “For every 10% increase in a county’s uninsured rate, the researchers found a 70% increase in COVID-19 infections and nearly a 50% increase in deaths from COVID-19.” 

Uninsured people often live paycheck to paycheck and have no paid sick days, so they have little choice but to show up sick if they want to pay the rent and provide food for their families. It’s well known that’s how and why flu and other communicable diseases are transmitted by desperate low-wage workers and it’s one of the strongest arguments for a national health care system.

Individual health is public health, and vice versa.

Our failure to put into place a Medicare For All type of health insurance system causes uninsured or poorly insured people to postpone medical care early in the course of a disease, hoping to make it through without incurring medical expenses. 

This is particularly dangerous with COVID: monoclonal antibody treatment works to cut the severity of the coronavirus infection, but only if given when first symptoms appear and before people are so sick they need hospitalization; after that point it’s useless.

In a pandemic, a national health insurance and health care system becomes critical to keeping the public safe.

I open my new book, “The Hidden History of American Healthcare: Why Sickness Bankrupts You and Makes Others Insanely Rich,” with the story of how Taiwan used the national database from its single-payer system to quickly put together a testing and contact-tracing system that kept the coronavirus at bay through the first year of the pandemic until vaccines became available.

Here, by contrast, our for-profit health insurance system is so corrupt that the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) recently had to go after multiple insurance companies with the threat of huge fines for refusing to pay for all or part of COVID testing, even though paying for it was mandated by federal law.

When a single health insurance CEO — like “Dollar Bill” McGuire of UnitedHealth — can walk away with over a billion dollars, you know something is seriously screwed up. 

Administering a health insurance system is one of the easiest, most banal and straightforward processes in the world, which is why most developed countries (and even small countries like Costa Rica) have the government perform that function with single-payer instead of letting for-profit leeches skim billions off the top.

The COVID pandemic has shown how well single-payer and other national systems work in countries like Canada and across Europe, where medical bankruptcies are largely unknown. It’s similarly exposed how corrupt and dysfunctional the American patchwork-quilt for-profit system has become.

Medicare for All, similar to what Canada has, would save most American families thousands of dollars every year and do away with the 500,000-plus annual bankruptcies in this country that happen only because somebody in the family got sick.

But it would kill the billions every week in profits for the half-dozen corporate giants that dominate the health insurance industry and throw millions every year at politicians and PACs. So expect DeSantis and the Republican Party to continue to fight it tooth and nail.

GOP Rep. Devin Nunes’ lawsuit against fake internet cow dealt major blow by Virginia judge

On Monday, The Fresno Bee reported that Rep. Devin Nunes, R-Calif., suffered yet another loss in his series of defamation suits against an anonymous set of Twitter accounts trying to satirize him — this time, his case against a “Never Trump” Republican strategist on Twitter who has criticized him.

“A Virginia judge has dismissed the second of two lawsuits California Rep. Devin Nunes filed against a Republican political strategist who he claimed spread defamatory information about him leading up to his 2018 reelection campaign,” said the report. “Judge John Marshall’s ruling from earlier this month in Virginia’s Henrico County Circuit Court dismisses Liz Mair from a case Nunes filed against her, Twitter and anonymous writers who heckled him on Twitter under the fictional personas of a cow and his mother.”

This comes after the judge also ruled that Nunes cannot name Twitter as a defendant in the lawsuit.

According to the report, “Nunes continues to attempt to sue the Twitter personalities known as ‘Devin Nunes’ cow,’ @DevinCow, and ‘Devin Nunes’ Alt-Mom,’ @NunesAlt, although he has not been able to serve them with a complaint.”

Mair, who previously worked as online communications director for the Republican National Committee and several GOP politicians including Sens. Roy Blunt, R-Mo., and Rand Paul, R-Ky., and former Gov. Scott Walker, R-Wis., has been an outspoken critic of former President Donald Trump and many of his allies in Congress, once calling the former president a “loudmouthed d*ck.”

She was named in 2019 as part of Nunes’ suit against the fictional Twitter accounts for her own criticisms of his behavior on the platform.

Pfizer’s COVID-19 vaccine is now formally “FDA approved.” Here’s what that means

On Monday morning, the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) granted full approval to the Pfizer/BioNTech COVID-19 vaccine. Previously, the highly efficacious two-shot mRNA vaccine was being distributed under what is called “emergency use authorization,” a regulatory standard that is different from “full” approval. Full approval of the vaccine, which is now officially named Comirnaty (koe-mir’-na-tee), is a huge milestone, as it is the first COVID-19 vaccine to be fully approved by the FDA in the United States.

“While this and other vaccines have met the FDA’s rigorous, scientific standards for emergency use authorization, as the first FDA-approved COVID-19 vaccine, the public can be very confident that this vaccine meets the high standards for safety, effectiveness, and manufacturing quality the FDA requires of an approved product,” said Acting FDA Commissioner Janet Woodcock, M.D. “While millions of people have already safely received COVID-19 vaccines, we recognize that for some, the FDA approval of a vaccine may now instill additional confidence to get vaccinated.”

As Woodcock said, the FDA previously approved the Pfizer vaccine for emergency use authorization (EUA) for people over the age of 12. The first EUA approval happened on Dec. 11, 2020, for individuals 16 years of age and older. Today, Comirnaty is officially FDA-approved for use in the United States for those 16 and over; adolescents between 12 and 16 can still get the vaccine under the EUA approval, though it has not yet been FDA-approved for those under 16.

The approval arrives at a historical moment in which the rate of COVID-19 vaccination has slowed precipitously in the United States, while the highly transmissible delta variant has become a dominant strain. Following the announcement, President Joe Biden said in a speech that he hopes this news will motivate unvaccinated Americans to get inoculated. He also advised corporate, state and local governments to “require your employees to get vaccinated or face strict requirements.”

Official “approval” and “emergency use authorization” — what’s the difference?

In short, FDA approval means that at least six months of sufficient data has been rigorously examined by the public health agency to determine a vaccine’s safety and efficacy. From a bureaucratic standpoint, “full” approval of any vaccine was impossible to meet earlier because of time requirements and available data.

Importantly, that doesn’t mean there wasn’t a rigor to attaining an emergency use authorization which also requires specific conditions to be considered. Indeed, EAUs are often granted in situations when “there are no adequate, approved, and available alternatives.” That was certainly that case with COVID-19. In other situations, the FDA can grant early access to a vaccine through a process known as expanded access.

On a call with reporters on Monday, Dr. Peter Marks, the FDA’s top vaccine regulator, explained in depth the process the FDA followed to approve Comirnaty.

“We are highly rigorous in what we do, and we don’t just look at what the summaries of data are, we go down to the level of the individual patients,” Marks said. “What took time, is that we actually go and we monitor a percentage of the sites where the clinical trials were conducted in order to make sure that the data that was collected with accuracy, and matches what was submitted to the agency.”

Marks said that the agency inspected specific facilities that are manufacturing the Pfizer vaccine.

“We went through [thousands] of patients’ data to make sure we looked at adverse events, efficacy data, and we did our own analyses, in addition to the company’s analyses, and then we also did benefit risk assessments based on our real world data that has emerged since the vaccine has now been used in hundreds of millions of people globally,” Marks added.

Pfizer and BioNTech submitted their request for the full approval on May 7, 2021. Marks said FDA personnel worked day and night to sift through the data and grant approval 97 days later.

What did the data show?

When the FDA first issued an emergency use authorization for the Pfizer-BioNTech COVID-19 vaccine, the agency made the decision based on safety and effectiveness data from a randomized, controlled, blinded ongoing clinical trial of 37,586 individuals.

In order to grant full approval, the FDA reviewed updated data from this same clinical trial which included a longer duration of follow-up and more participants. These varying factors determine that the vaccine is actually 91% effective in preventing COVID-19 — a slight decrease from the 95% effectiveness found during the EUA process.

In the updated data used for full approval, half of the participants were followed for safety outcomes and concerns for four months; 12,000 vaccine recipients were followed for six months. According to this data, the most commonly reported side effects were pain, redness and swelling at the injection site, fatigue, headache, muscle or joint pain, chills, and fever. The FDA conducted an additional analysis in data regarding myocarditis and pericarditis following the vaccine. Investigators observed the risk was higher among males under 40 compared to females and older males; it is highest in males 12 through 17 years of age. Most of the participants were able to resolve their symptoms, but some did require intensive care support.

The research teams still highly advocate for COVID-19 vaccines for this population as the health risks from the virus are far greater than those linked to the vaccine.

The FDA and Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) will continue to monitor any safety concerns.

“These studies will include an evaluation of long-term outcomes among individuals who develop myocarditis following vaccination with Comirnaty,” the FDA stated. “In addition, although not FDA requirements, the company has committed to additional post-marketing safety studies, including conducting a pregnancy registry study to evaluate pregnancy and infant outcomes after receipt of Comirnaty during pregnancy.”

What changes now that the Pfizer vaccine is FDA approved?

Official FDA approval does grant some changes that the public will notice. First, the name is different. Second, Pfizer and BioNTech can directly market the shot to consumers now — prepare to possibly see some ads and commercials. The full approval could also push individuals, companies and schools to mandate vaccinations.

A Kaiser Family Foundation survey released in July found that 16 percent of adults surveyed who remained unvaccinated said the vaccine was “too unknown.” Officials hope FDA approval will sway a number of vaccine hesitant people to get inoculated. A few individuals explicitly said they wanted full FDA approval before getting vaccinated.

What about the delta variant?

Notably, the data collected and examined by the FDA to authorize full approval happened before the delta variant took hold in the United States.  On Monday, Marks said there is “real world evidence” that suggests that the vaccine is still effective against the delta variant. However, data coming out of Israel suggests “with time, immunity from the vaccine does tend to wane.”

“So that’s something we’ll be following closely, and obviously we’ll be leaning into consideration of the thoughts regarding boosters etcetera as we move into the fall,” Marks said.

What about children under 12?

Marks said the FDA is still waiting for Pfzier and BioNTech to submit data from their clinical trials of people under the age of 12.

“Currently there are still trials ongoing here, and so the agency has to wait for the company to submit the data from those trials, so that we have a good safety data set because we certainly want to make sure that we get it right in the children ages five through 11 and then, even in younger children after that,” Marks said. “And so we will obviously move swiftly once those data are submitted.”

As Salon previously reported, late September is the earliest parents of 5 to 11 year olds could expect their children to be eligible for vaccination.


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Mayim Bialik fills in as “Jeopardy!” host for now, while celebs weigh in on the kerfuffle

Sitcom star Mayim Bialik will temporarily take over weeknight “Jeopardy!” hosting duties, following the abrupt departure of the game show’s executive producer and short-lived host, Mike Richards, the New York Times reports

Starting Monday, Sony announced Bialik will host this week’s tapings of “Jeopardy!,” 15 episodes in all. Sony has officially resumed its search for a permanent replacement for Richards, but the show will be returning to the guest host rotation it had adapted over the past year as it carries out the search. Sony has yet to offer a formal list of candidates for the host position left open by Richards, although fans are as devoted as ever to the prospect of LeVar Burton as host, or at least “Jeopardy!” legend Ken Jennings.

While Bialik may not have been fans’ first or even second or third choice to host (the giggling took up some airtime), at least she doesn’t have the dubious honor of being the host that inspired investigative reporting and petitions drawn up to block their appointment. That honor goes to Richards, who had been selected as a co-host with Bialik earlier this month. He stepped down last week following a bombshell report about a 2013-2014 podcast he hosted, on which he regularly made sexist, racist and offensive comments. Even prior to the report on his old podcast, Richards was embroiled in scandal over his role in the “Jeopardy!” host selection process and hiring himself, as well as resurfaced lawsuits against Richards, alleging pregnancy discrimination and other mistreatment while he was at “The Price is Right.” 

Despite these controversies, Richards remains executive producer of the show, and involved in the hiring process for his replacement — a move that’s already rubbed many the wrong way. On Sunday evening, “Last Week Tonight” host John Oliver excoriated Richards (again), calling him a “smirking golf bag demoted from hosting ‘Jeopardy!’ to merely running it,” and he’s not exactly wrong. 

The impact of removing Richards as host over his offensive comments and beliefs about marginalized people is heavily watered down when he’ll continue to play a role in choosing the next host. On Richards’ old podcast, “The Randumb Show,” he made comments slut-shaming his co-host for being a model, pressing her about whether she’d taken nude photos, calling women who wore one-piece bathing suits “fat,” and anti-Semitic comments about Jewish people’s noses, spoken in pig Latin. 

Prior to the much-publicized guest host “auditions” to replace the late, great Alex Trebek, and more recently, the almost daily scandals attached to Richards, “Jeopardy!” was just your humble, family dinner table trivia show. Thanks to Richards, it’s become such a convoluted public spectacle, we can expect a docuseries about everything that went down in the next year. 

At this point, it remains anyone’s guess who Sony will select to replace Trebek and, more recently, Richards. But there’s one person in particular whom ordinary “Jeopardy!” fans and celebrity fans, alike, are still pulling for. 

“Pretty consistently from 2013 to 2015, Deadpool would explode on Twitter with fans wanting me to play him. It was awkward, because I agreed with them. But the studio didn’t see it,” Ryan Reynolds wrote in a tweet last week. “Ultimately, the fans won, and the rest is glorious history. I’m forever grateful. Hi @levarburton.”

“He must be disqualified”: Progressives fume after Biden picks Rahm Emanuel as Japan ambassador

Progressive members of Congress called on the Senate to reject President Joe Biden’s nomination of former Chicago Mayor Rahm Emanuel over his role in the cover-up of the police killing of Laquan McDonald.

Biden on Friday announced his intent to nominate Emanuel, who also served in Congress and worked in the White House under Barack Obama and Bill Clinton, to serve as the administration’s envoy to Japan after prior backlash sunk the former mayor’s hopes of landing a coveted Cabinet position.

Emanuel dropped plans to run for a third term and left office under a cloud of criticism following his handling of the shooting of McDonald, a 17-year-old Black teen who was fatally shot by police 16 times in 2014. The Emanuel administration, which agreed to a $5 million settlement with the teen’s family, fought to withhold dashcam video of the shooting for over a year before a judge ordered its release in November 2015. The video showed McDonald, who was holding a knife, walking away from police before he was shot. Prosecutors ultimately charged former Officer Jason Van Dyke with first-degree murder but Emanuel continued to face allegations that he covered up the video to preserve his 2015 election hopes.

Emanuel lobbied hard for a job in Biden’s Cabinet, pushing to be named as secretary of Transportation before the president tapped former South Bend Mayor Pete Buttigieg instead following pushback from progressive lawmakers. Those lawmakers renewed their criticism after Friday night’s announcement.

“Rahm Emanuel covered up the murder of Laquan McDonald,” tweeted Rep. Cori Bush, D-Mo. “He must be disqualified from ever holding an appointed position in any administration.”

Rep. Mondaire Jones, D-N.Y., called the nomination a “travesty.”

“In any other line of work, he’d never have a job again,” he said, adding that “Senators of good conscience must not vote to confirm him.”

Rep. Jamaal Bowman, D-N.Y., argued that Emanuel did not deserve an ambassadorship after his tenure in Chicago.

“When elected officials use their power against Black lives, they should not receive this honor,” he tweeted. “We still remember Laquan McDonald.”

Rep. Rashida Tlaib, D-Mich., said that Emanuel “should not be made an Ambassador to anything.”

“If you believe Black lives indeed matter, then the Senate must reject his appointment immediately,” she wrote.

Talib noted that Emanuel has long been a foe to progressives, calling him “Wall Street’s mayor.” Emanuel during his tenure earned the nickname “Mayor 1%” after facing criticism for favoring wealthy developers at the expense of struggling communities. Emanuel’s administration shuttered dozens of public schools and half of the city’s public mental health clinics while pushing projects to expand charter schools and development plans that drew allegations that he was carrying out a “strategic gentrification plan” to “push people of color out of the city.” Emanuel also pressed Obama to abandon his efforts to pass Obamacare while serving as White House chief of staff and played a major role in the Clinton administration’s efforts to reform welfare, sign NAFTA, and implement tough-on-crime policies that resulted in an explosion of mass incarceration.

Democratic leaders defended Biden’s pick amid the backlash. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., said her former House colleague “is known and respected by all for his relentlessness and track record of success,” praising Biden for choosing a “leader of immense experience and effectiveness to represent our nation in Tokyo.” House Majority Whip Jim Clyburn, D-S.C., said he supports Emanuel’s nomination because he “has the experience necessary to advance our country’s strategic objectives.”

One voice missing from the progressive backlash following Friday’s announcement was Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, D-N.Y., who had been one of the most vocal critics of Emanuel’s contention for a Cabinet job.

“What is so hard to understand about this? Rahm Emanuel helped cover up the murder of Laquan McDonald. Covering up a murder is disqualifying for public leadership,” she tweeted during Biden’s transition last fall. “This is not about the ‘visibility’ of a post. It is shameful and concerning that he is even being considered.”

Families impacted by police violence in Chicago have also previously pleaded with Biden not to appoint Emanuel, writing that his mishandling of police shootings was not limited to McDonald’s.

Emanuel showed “contempt for communities of color” and “became a symbol of lethal disrespect for Black lives,” the families of more than two dozen victims of Chicago police violence said in a joint statement in June, warning that naming him as an ambassador “would make the U.S. government a similar symbol.”

One of the signers was Dorothy Holmes, who filed a wrongful death suit against the city after dashcam video that the city tried to withhold showed police shooting her son, Ronald Johnson, in the back.

“Rahm Emanuel covered up the murder of my son,” Holmes told The Daily Beast earlier this summer. “Rahm Emanuel does not deserve to be the ambassador of anything. Rahm Emanuel belongs behind bars.”

Arizona “audit” report delayed by Cyber Ninjas COVID outbreak

The GOP-led Arizona state Senate will receive just a partial report on Arizona’s 2020 election audit due to a recent COVID-10 outbreak that has left several employees of Cyber Ninjas, Arizona’s auditor, “quite sick.”

The development came in a Monday statement by Republican Senate President Karen Fann, who said that her team is “expected to have the full draft ready for the Senate today, but unfortunately Cyber Ninjas CEO Doug Logan and two other members of the five-person audit team have tested positive for COVID-19 and are quite sick.”

The delay is just the latest in a never-ending string of operational holdups, which have rendered the audit almost wholly dysfunctional throughout the last several months. The recount was launched back in April of this year and was originally expected to last 60 days, but has been routinely sidetracked by procedural changes, conspiracy theories, and political pushback.

The forthcoming report was commissioned by Senate Republicans and has been by and large bankrolled by numerous allies of Donald Trump who baselessly allege that President Biden won the 2020 election by virtue of systemic voter fraud coordinated throughout all fifty states, including Arizona. Two Republican senators are expected to review the report before it is made available to the public. “We want to see their proof, their documentation, everything to make sure that the report that goes out is fully accurate,” Fann said. According to The Arizona Republic, a separate review of voter signatures is being conducted for mail-in-ballots. Fann said the state Senate received the necessary voter records from Maricopa County last Thursday.

Election experts, Arizona Democrats, and even some state Republicans have been largely critical of the state’s recount, not only citing its empirical baselessness but Cyber Ninjas’ lack of expertise and professionalism. Last week, Maricopa County Board of Supervisors filed a claim against the Arizona Senate, alleging that the 2020 election equipment in custody of Cyber Ninjas – worth a total of $3 million – had been rendered unusable due to improper conduct. 

Cyber Ninjas is currently headed by QAnon proponent and “Stop the Steal” advocate Doug Logan, an ardent Trump supporter. Prior to the Arizona audit, Cyber Ninjas, a Florida-based tech company, had no apparent experience in election auditing. Cyber Ninjas has meanwhile repeatedly rebuffed state attempts for transparency into the company’s recount procedures. 

The Senate’s legal team is expected to convene on Wednesday to review the report.

The bonkers twist in “Sweet Girl” subverts your typical masculine revenge thriller — with a catch

By now, big, muscular and enraged fathers and husbands seeking to exact revenge on the men who harm their daughters or wives comprise a film genre of their own, a la Liam Neeson in “Taken,” or Bruce Willis in the right-wing propaganda-imbued “Death Wish.” The latest Jason Momoa revenge flick, Netflix’s recent release “Sweet Girl,” appears to be on par with the aforementioned breed of hypermasculine thrillers — until its shocking, third act twist that changes the entire narrative of what came before.

In “Sweet Girl,” Momoa plays Cooper, a devoted husband and father whose life begins to spiral after his wife, Amanda (Adria Arjona), dies of cancer, shortly after an affordable, life-saving medication is pulled off the market by your typical, greedy pharmaceutical company, BioPrime. While the company’s sleazy CEO Simon Keeley (Justin Bartha) is on a CNN segment fiercely debating with the adversarial Congresswoman Diana Morgan (Amy Brenneman), Cooper vows to kill Keeley with his bare hands. 

“Sweet Girl” subsequently follows Cooper as he works to make good on this threat, carrying out his violent revenge plot while also protecting his 18-year-old daughter Rachel (Isabela Merced), the titular “sweet girl.” Throughout much of the movie, Cooper and Rachel trek through Pennsylvania forests, hide out at motels, and are routinely ambushed by hit men who are supposedly involved with BioPrime. 

Eventually, a close encounter with an assassin named Santos (Manuel Garcia-Rulfo) leads the father-daughter duo to unlock the truth — that Congresswoman Morgan is actually the big bad behind BioPrime’s evils, and the one who’s put a hit out on Cooper. Armed with this information, Cooper and Rachel return to Pittsburgh, only to be pursued by FBI agents led by Agent Sarah Meeker (Lex Scott Davis) to the rooftop of a baseball stadium. 

But wait! The Congresswoman reveal is just a small twist. Now comes the controversial revelation that changes the entire movie, and — to put things lightly — sheds new light on everything we’ve witnessed beforehand.

As Agent Meeker tries to talk Cooper down from jumping off the roof of the stadium, it’s revealed that this whole time Cooper actually has been dead. He was killed two years earlier, after an assassin followed him and a journalist with dirt on BioPrime to a secret location where they were meeting. Instead, who we’ve been seeing every time Cooper is onscreen is . . . his daughter.

Rachel was so traumatized by witnessing her father’s killing that she’s suffered from PTSD ever since, and in her mind, has assumed the form of her father to take out the bad guys responsible for both her parents’ deaths. In other words, all those scenes you just watched, of Jason Momoa throwing big, heavily armed men through walls? So, that was actually Rachel, mentally existing in her father’s form to repress the trauma of his death.

Predictably, the twist that smacks of the “it was all just a dream” or “none of it was real” sort of nonsense, has been widely criticized for being bizarre and nonsensical. Not only that, but it also embodies the tired type of Hollywood reveal that’s done for shock value and nothing more. To the extent that the twist made a trite action flick somehat a topic of conversation works partially in its favor, reminiscent of the buzz afforded from the bizarre bee-related revelation in 2020’s demented “Wild Mountain Thyme.” That twist did not necessarily negate what came before; rather, it deepened its weirdness.

Yet, there’s something to be said about how “Sweet Girl” takes the grating, hypermasculine paternalism of the likes of the “Taken” franchise and flips it on its head, by anointing a petite teenage girl as the bruising avenger, not the big muscular dad. There’s clearly an element of fun and surprising feminism here. After all, Rachel is the one who killed the slimy CEO indirectly responsible for her mother’s death. She’s the one who avenges her father’s murder two years earlier. She’s the one who took down two big men who came for her life at a motel.

But that feminist element is significantly watered down if not tossed out altogether by the fact that that’s not what we got to see. For most of the two-hour duration of “Sweet Girl,” what played out onscreen was just another work of violent, masculine rage theater, just another tough guy standing up for his otherwise hapless wife and daughter. Even if the truth is compelling and feminist, the movie is ultimately catered to the male gaze, to male audiences who crave the chance to project themselves onto big strong men beating up other big strong men, male audiences who would likely be entirely disinterested or even threatened by a movie about a small, teenage girl assuming this role, instead. 

The execution of “Sweet Girl” is disappointing because there was so much potential for the movie to be bigger than it was. There’s almost no conversation more relevant right now than the power of Big Pharma, inaccessible life-saving health care, or corrupt, two-faced politicians. And there’s also almost nothing more subversive, thrilling and unique than the idea of a badass teenage girl being the new face of the revenge murder thriller. 

Unfortunately, by loading “Sweet Girl” to the brim with lofty and predictable Jason Momoa fight scenes, and consequently scaling back meaningful exploration of hot-button issues, the movie cedes its potential to be more than another “Taken” revenge flick. And by saving its shocking Rachel twist for its final minutes, “Sweet Girl” essentially renders the twist meaningless. So what if Jason Momoa was the mental avatar of a teenage girl the whole time? At the end of the day, does it even matter what’s beneath the surface, if the surface was all we got to see?

More workers are dying from heat. Texas may make it harder to protect them

In the summer of 2010, the Workers Defense Project, a Texas-based group that supports immigrant workers in the construction industry, organized a “thirst strike” in front of Austin’s city hall. More than a dozen workers and advocates sat in the June heat and went without water for six hours on a day that reached 90 degrees Fahrenheit. 

The strikers wanted the city council to require employers to provide drinking water and regular breaks to workers after a survey found that many construction workers were not receiving either, even though temperatures in Austin have reached as high as 112 degrees F. The campaign was a success — that year, the city council passed an ordinance mandating that construction workers get a 10-minute water break every four hours. In 2015, Dallas adopted a similar requirement. 

But now, Republican lawmakers in Texas are pushing a bill that would eliminate these minimal protections that help workers survive on very hot days, which are increasing in number and severity with climate change. The bill, which was passed by the Texas Senate in May, strips municipalities of the ability to regulate employment benefits and policies, and was proposed in order to stop cities from issuing protections related to the COVID-19 pandemic, like mandatory sick leave. 

More than 30 million Americans earn their living doing physical labor outdoors, according to a Union of Concerned Scientists analysis of census data, and increasingly, they are working in extreme heat. From farmworkers and foresters to construction and maintenance workers, outdoor workers are up to 35 times more likely to die from exposure to extreme heat than the general population, according to past research. But while the risks of working in heat have been documented and studied by government agencies since at least the 1970s, the United States has yet to enact national labor standards to protect workers on very hot days. In the absence of national standards, only a few cities and two states — California and Washington — have issued their own protections.

Two new reports released on Tuesday illustrate the consequences of the government’s inaction and forecast how much worse the impacts of heat on outdoor workers could become if climate change is not curbed quickly.

An investigation by NPR and Columbia Journalism Investigationsfound that the three-year average of worker heat deaths has doubled since the early 1990s, and that workers of color have been hit hardest. Their analysis of data from the Occupational Safety and Health Administration, or OSHA, and the Bureau of Labor Statistics shows that there have been 384 documented heat-related on-the-job deaths since 2010, one-third of which were Hispanic workers. But that number is a “vast undercount,” the investigation says, because not all companies report worker fatalities.

OSHA has considered but declined to issue national heat standards that would protect workers specifically from heat, like setting mandatory water breaks, since 1972. Instead, the agency enforces a hazier regulation that requires employers to protect workers from “recognized serious hazards in the workplace,” including heat-related hazards. 

NPR and Columbia’s reporting, as well as internal OSHA assessments, have found that the agency’s enforcement of this regulation with regard to heat has been haphazard and mostly ineffective at preventing fatalities. The investigation uncovered at least 12 companies that have had multiple workers die from heat. In five of those cases, OSHA investigated the first death and issued a citation, but those actions did not prevent a second death. In at least one case with Hellas Construction in Fort Worth, Texas, OSHA negotiated a settlement under which the company would have to implement new safety measures. But records show Hellas did not carry them out, and OSHA did not follow up to enforce the settlement. At least 53 workers have died from heat-related causes in Texas since 2010.

Former OSHA officials said that the agency has delayed setting enforceable heat standards because of industry opposition. “Every time OSHA proposes a standard, [the] industry accuses OSHA of killing jobs and destroying whatever industry is going to be regulated,” Jordan Barab, a former deputy assistant labor secretary, told NPR and Columbia.

But a new study from the Union of Concerned Scientists warns that failing to protect workers could have severe economic impacts as extreme heat gets worse in the future. The researchers found that under a scenario where greenhouse gas emissions don’t peak until 2040, there would be a threefold increase in the exposure of outdoor workers to days that feel like 100 degrees F or hotter by midcentury. Without paycheck and workplace protection measures in place, these hot days would result in lost work time, and therefore lost earnings, resulting in about a 10 percent reduction in annual earnings for 4 million people, or about $39 billion total. That would have ripple effects throughout communities, reducing local income tax revenue and increasing demand for public services, the study notes. But the authors write that adaptation measures, like adjusting work schedules to cooler times of day, and lightening workloads, have the potential to prevent these impacts.

The preemption bill in Texas is currently in limbo until House Democrats return to the chamber after having fled the state earlier this summer to prevent a quorum that would allow new voting restrictions to pass. Texas Democrats don’t have the votes to block the new law that will kill Dallas and Austin’s worker protections, but there is finally momentum at the federal level to create new heat safety standards. In March, Democratic Senator Sherrod Brown of Ohio reintroduced the Asunción Valdivia Heat Illness and Fatality Prevention Act, named after a farmworker who died in 2004 after 10 hours of work in 105 degree F heat. The bill would direct OSHA to develop new safety standards as well as training and education requirements that would help workers respond to heat-related illness. 

But the Biden administration may develop new safety standards without the nudge from Congress. This spring, the Department of Labor put a request for information regarding a new heat standard on its regulatory agenda. Acting director of OSHA Jim Frederick, told NPR and Columbia that it was a “priority.”

As temperatures rise, so do the health risks for California’s farmworkers

COACHELLA, Calif. — Leoncio Antonio Trejo Galdamez, 58, died in his son’s arms on June 29 after spending the day laying irrigation pipes in California’s Coachella Valley. News of his death reverberated through the largely Latino community near the Mexican and Arizona borders — another casualty in a dangerous business.

“Farmworkers are at the front lines of climate change. And, in some instances, we’re seeing a perfect storm battering our workers: covid-19, wildfire smoke and heat,” said Leydy Rangel, a spokesperson for the United Farm Workers Foundation.

For workers like Trejo Galdamez, whose jobs depend on outdoor work, a few degrees can mean the difference between life and death. Farmworkers here wear long shirts, thick jeans, heavy boots and wide-brimmed hats to guard against the heat. Even so, ambulances are frequently called to the fields, and heat-related illness appears to be increasing in the area.

“The heat feels awful,” said Jaime Isidoro, 36. “You start to work, you start to sweat, and the shirt underneath gets drenched.”

Born in Puebla, Mexico, Isidoro has been picking crops for two decades in the Coachella Valley. The region has one of the country’s longest growing seasons, providing most of America’s winter vegetables. It’s also home to hundreds of date farms, which thrive in the hot, dry climate.

Heat is a given here.

“A few years ago, my head started hurting. I started to get chills. I went to the clinic and they gave me a couple of shots,” said Isidoro. “They told me it was a heatstroke. You don’t know the symptoms. I didn’t know it was that until I had it.”

And the temperatures are getting more extreme.

On Aug. 4, three of the desert communities in the region surpassed their daily recorded highs, hitting 122 degrees Fahrenheit in Palm Springs and Thermal, and 120 in Indio. Thermal set a record for its hottest temperature ever for August at 121 degrees. California registered its hottest June and July.

Heat is the leading weather-related cause of death in the United States. Heat stress killed 815 U.S. workers and seriously injured more than 70,000 workers from 1992 through 2017, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics. In California, heat-related emergency room visits increased by 35% from 2005 to 2015, the latest year for which data was readily available, with disproportionate increases among Black, Latino and Asian American communities.

Medical staffers in the Coachella Valley say they’ve treated a rising number of patients suffering from heat exhaustion or heatstroke in recent years. California in 2018 saw 6,152 emergency room visits due to heat-related illness. Riverside County, which includes Coachella, Indio and Palm Springs, has among the highest rates of heat-related ER visits in the state.

“If we start seeing above 120 degrees in any regular capacity, we’re really in uncharted territory. The human body is not designed to exist in that kind of heat,” said Dr. Andrew Kassinove, emergency department physician and chief of staff at JFK Memorial Hospital in Indio.

The hospital regularly treats people who work outside for heat exhaustion, characterized by nausea, lightheadedness, fatigue, muscle cramping and dizziness. Less frequently they see heatstroke, a more dangerous condition whose symptoms include headache, confusion, vomiting, rapid heart rate, fainting and a failure to sweat.

JFK Memorial has treated 129 heat-related cases already this year, compared with 85 in all of 2020 and 75 in 2019, said hospital spokesperson Todd Burke.

“Core body temperatures that are really elevated require lifesaving measures to treat them,” Kassinove said. As temperatures rise above the typical human temperature of 98.6 degrees Fahrenheit, the body struggles to dissipate the heat.

California has some of the strictest worker protections for heat exhaustion. A standard adopted by occupational safety officials in 2006 was the first in the country to apply to all outdoor jobs, mandating companies to provide workers with adequate shade, downtime and water. After a historic heat wave hit the Pacific Northwest this June, Oregon and Washington adopted similar protections. Some members of Congress have introduced a similar bill and want the Labor Department to establish federal standards.

But workers’ rights groups say the rules are not always enforced. And farmworkers, who are desperate for the money and often get paid per piece during harvests, often overlook their own safety, they say.

“Farmworkers are less likely to file complaints,” said the UFW’s Rangel. With no federal assistance during the pandemic, “they had no option; they had to keep showing up to work if they wanted to feed their family.”

Latinos, who represent the majority of California farmworkers, are as a group more likely to have conditions that can be exacerbated by the heat, like high blood pressure and kidney disease.

Health workers stress the importance of hydration and urge the workers to consume less dehydrating soda, coffee and alcohol, said nurse practitioner Jose Banuelos at Coachella’s Central Neighborhood Health Foundation. “You can’t change your job if your job is outside. But I tell people to wear sunscreen and a protective coating.”

The heat may also affect a patient’s use of medicines. Antipsychotics and antidepressants, for example, can reduce thirst and thus cause dehydration, as do diuretics, sometimes taken for swelling.

Isidoro, who said he’s looking for other jobs, often sees fellow workers struggling in the fields. If they feel faint, they can sit in the shade, or jump in a nearby truck for air conditioning — or call 911 if symptoms persist. But it’s a point of pride not to show the heat is getting to you, he said — and calls to slow down are often met with snickers.

Around Bakersfield, while picking table grapes during the summer and fall harvest, ambulances are a regular sight, Isidoro said. “Daily you would hear: ‘Here comes the ambulance’ or ‘So-and-so left early because he felt ill.'”

But many workers ignore the warning signs, said Aguileo Rangel Rojas, another farmworker. “They are OK risking their health, not thinking about it, to make sure they can make a wage.”

Rangel Rojas knows the risks all too well. In 2005, his 15-year-old son, Cruz, suffered heatstroke while picking grapes. He spent 15 days in the hospital and the family wasn’t sure he would survive. His father teared up at the memory.

“We didn’t have money. We didn’t speak English. Without cars. Without anything,” he said. “We didn’t know our rights. It can rip your heart out.”

Cruz stopped picking after that and went back to high school; he’s now a UFW employee. His father, now 53, still works in the fields with his wife.

In August, Rangel Rojas began working nights, when temperatures go down to the low 80s. But even without extreme heat, there are risks. Evaporation from the crops hangs thick in the air, creating humidity that can bring on thunderstorms and flash floods. Lightning flashed around him while he was out cutting celery on a tractor on a recent predawn morning.

“We can get hit by lightning at any moment and we could all die,” he said. “There should be an instance when it’s raining and the bosses have us stop working, but they don’t. We don’t have the luxury of sitting behind a desk.”

This story was produced by KHN, which publishes California Healthline, an editorially independent service of the California Health Care Foundation.

A local’s guide to the best food in Rhode Island

When it comes to summer in New England, there’s really no place better than my home state of Rhode Island. I may be an extremely biased travel guide, but it’s true:

With over 400 miles of shoreline, the smallest state in the nation has no shortage of beaches. You can swing by the Tennis Hall of Fame for a match or plan an idyllic tailgate picnic at Newport Polo. Stroll down winding paths, wander under footbridges, or catch a gondola down three rivers to immerse yourself in Barnaby Evans’ sculpture of 80 bonfires that light downtown Providence at Waterfire. None of that sounds appealing? You can always take a ferry to Block Island for a cocktail by the sea or venture to Watch Hill to scope out Taylor Swift’s mansion.

If you’re anything like me though, choosing a vacation destination has just as much to do with the food you can try while you’re there as it does the attractions. Rhode Island has no shortage of tasty treats to try, like clam cakes and Del’s Lemonade. Here are some of the food destinations you can’t leave Rhode Island without visiting.

* * *

1. The Beehive Café

The Beehive Cafe is nestled comfortably in the downtown of my hometown, Bristol. I’d be lying if I said everything on the menu wasn’t worth a try. But if it were up to my parents — who make a point of stopping by every morning for a grab ‘n’ go treat — they’d recommend a classic hot cup of coffee (my dad’s favorite) or a non-caffeinated option like the lemon ginger summer elixir (my mom’s go-to). Regardless of your beverage choice, don’t leave without grabbing a flaky, buttery ginger scone.

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2. 22 Bowen’s

This is one of my favorite seafood restaurants because no matter how many times I eat their clam chowder and lobster roll, I am blown away. I wouldn’t dare say it’s the best, because Rhode Island is full of so many wonderful seafood spots: When I asked 10 friends and family members to share their favorite Rhode Island seafood restaurant, all of them gave me a different place. But 22 Bowen’s is up there.

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3. The Nitro Bar

The Nitro Bar started out as a little cart that served nitro cold brew coffee around Providence. Now, just five years later, they have three stores, one in Providence and two in Newport. After being roasted and brewed the coffee is pressurized in a keg, making an incredibly creamy brew that flows from the tap like a Guinness — no need for milk or sugar. I don’t make a trip home without stopping for at least one cup of coffee from here.

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4. Rebelle Artisan Bagels

We can argue all day about which city in which state has the best bagels (I do live in New York now, after all), but Rebelle has some really solid contenders. It’s simple, really: They are chewy on the outside and super soft on the inside. The shop is full of all of the classics like plain, sesame seed, and everything bagels. But they also have fun flavors like pretzel and beet, depending on the season. Their bagels are great with cream cheese, but I recommend ordering the vegan dream: homemade cashew cream cheese, avocado, pickled daikon and carrot, onion, cucumber, and jalapeños sandwiched between the bagel of your choice.

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5. Allie’s Donuts

Rhode Island might be known as the Ocean State, but we’ve really got a talent for making round dough with holes through the middle. Allie’s is a Rhode Island staple located in North Kingstown. It’s a no-frills mom-and-pop place, but you’re almost always likely to find a line out the door. The prices are great, and the doughnuts will ruin you for any others. If you’re lucky, you’ll get one fresh out of the fryer. They are light and fluffy and covered in sweet glazes and brightly colored frosting with sprinkles on top.

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6. Plant City

Plant city is a food hall with four restaurants, a coffee shop, a bakery, and a mini grocery store. On the first floor there’s Make Out, a casual spot for smoothies, toast, sandwiches, and grain bowls. Double Zero is on the second floor, and it’s all about vegan and plant-based pizza and organic wines. If you’re in the mood for Mexican food, the other half of the second floor is home to Besina, which serves a delicious taco made with jackfruit, chile, pineapple, and pickled onion. There’s also New Burger, an American bistro that serves an array of vegan and plant-based burgers, french fries, and desserts.

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7. Fluke

The best way to describe Fluke is by sharing my go-to order: lobster, saffron, and squid-ink angel-hair pasta served in a sauce with baby spinach, pecans, and lobster cream. The sweetness of the lobster works with the saltiness in the pasta and creamy sauce for an ideal balance of flavors. It’s also located in the heart of downtown Newport, perfect for a delicious dinner before a night out exploring the city.

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8. Del’s Lemonade

Slushy ice and a sugary lemonade mix together to create the most refreshing beverage in the state. When I was growing up, the kids in my neighborhood chased after Del’s lemonade trucks instead of ice cream trucks. It’s also only sold in Rhode Island, which means you have to drink as many cups of it as possible while you’re visiting. If you happen to see a bin of pretzel rods in the truck, buy one! Stick the pretzel in the lemonade and take a bite. You can thank me later.

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9. Bayberry Beer Hall

Bayberry Beer Hall is all about New England craft beers, food, and good company. Its communal seating at giant picnic-like tables make the experience of drinking a beer with a few friends and a bunch of strangers seem surprisingly intimate. It’s a self-serve place, meaning you can sit wherever you’d like and go place your order when you’re ready. Even if you’re just in the mood for a drink, I recommend ordering a sourdough pretzel with beer cheese.

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10. Flo’s Clam Shack

After a day at the beach nothing tastes quite as good as clam strips, fish-and-chips, a “lobsta roll,” or all three, for that matter. Flo’s is one of many clam shacks you’ll find around the state serving fresh seafood prepared in tons of traditional ways — meaning mostly fried. Besides Flo’s, I recommend Quito’s and Evelyn’s Drive-In if you’re looking for a spot to enjoy clam cakes.

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It seems impossible to keep this list to just 10, so here are a few honorable mentions: For stuffies or stuffed quahogs — clamshells stuffed with a blend of clams, spices, bread crumbs, celery, onion, peppers, and sometimes chorizo — go to Iggy’s Doughboy and Chowderhouse or Top of the Bay. If fish-and-chips with a side of coleslaw and tartar sauce is more your vibe, Dune Brothers Seafood and Amaral’s Fish and Chips are the places to go. But whatever you’re choosing, have an extra one for me—that’ll hold me until I get to go back to my home state.

Captaingate: Did Andrew Cuomo ditch his dog while moving out of the governor’s mansion?

Disgraced New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo’s dog, Captain, was reportedly left behind at the Executive Mansion in Albany after Cuomo moved out last week.

Cuomo, a Democrat, will officially step down on Monday after New York Attorney General Letitia James, also a Democrat, released a report detailing sexual harassment and misconduct allegations from 11 women. He has been staying at one of his sisters’ homes in Westchester and reportedly asked staff members at the mansion if “anyone would like to keep his dog,” according to the Albany Times-Union.

One employee at the mansion recently took Captain home for a few days but the pup, who has nipped several people since Cuomo adopted him in 2018, proved to be “too much,” state police sources told the outlet. The New York Post labeled Captain, a three-year-old Siberian-shepherd-Malamute mix, Cuomo’s “only friend left in Albany” after he was pictured at the governor’s side as he tried to weather the storm of his mounting scandals. The governor has regularly shown the dog off since adopting him, even featuring the pup in his Instagram profile photo.

Rich Azzopardi, a spokesman for Cuomo, told the Times-Union that leaving the dog behind was only “temporary” because Cuomo is planning to go on vacation.

“He wants to go on vacation. They love that dog,” he told the outlet. “That’s not what he asked: He didn’t ask to give away the dog. … This nameless source is crazy. … I can’t believe this is what I’m dealing with right now, when I’m dealing with a major storm.”

The spokesman then issued another statement on Saturday focusing on Tropical Storm Henri, which hit the Northeast over the weekend, rather than Cuomo’s planned vacation.

“Captain is part of the governor’s family and for your nameless ill-informed source to imply they’ve been trying to give him away is untrue,” the statement said. “Someone offered to watch him for a few days while the transition was ongoing but for that to be weaponized and morph from a game of telephone into the pages of your paper is absurd — now excuse us we’re preparing for a major storm.”

A State Police source told the outlet that Cuomo “tried giving the dog” to a mansion employee who ultimately brought it back.

“The problem for the Cuomo team… is that the fervent denials from his office follow other past denials of things that were true,” wrote New York Times reporter Shane Goldmacher.

Cuomo, who gave a farewell address on Monday criticizing the attorney general’s investigation and taking swipes at his perceived enemies, sparked new outrage after the story was published.

The New York State Animal Protective Federation greeted the report with “disbelief.”

“Captain deserves better,” the organization said in a statement. “He will be welcomed with open arms (and paws) into one of our shelters.”

Rep. Claudia Tenney, R-N.Y., also offered to adopt Captain.

“In case you needed any more proof that Andrew Cuomo was a narcissistic sociopath, he just abandoned his dog at the Governor’s Mansion,” she tweeted.

“I hope Captain finds a good home,” wrote Rob Astorino, a Republican running for governor. “Getting a pet for PR reasons and for social media photos is selfish and wrong and people shouldn’t do it.”

Cuomo on Monday sought to relitigate his legacy before his resignation takes effect at midnight, touting his widely-criticized Covid response, green energy plan, infrastructure projects, and laws passed by the legislature to restrict guns and raise the minimum wage. But he couldn’t help but get another shot in at New York City Mayor Bill de Blasio, a longtime critic, predicting that Democratic mayoral nominee Eric Adams would bring “competence” to the position. And, just as he did when he announced his resignation, Cuomo said he was stepping down to avoid a “governmental paralysis” while criticizing James’ investigation.

“The truth is, ultimately, always revealed,” he said. “The attorney general’s report was designed to be a political firecracker on an explosive topic and it worked. There was a political and media stampede.”

Cuomo announced his resignation as he faced looming impeachment proceedings by the New York Assembly, which investigated the harassment allegations as well as whether Cuomo abused his power during the pandemic to use state resources to write his memoir and provide VIP testing to relatives and allies when supplies were low. The Assembly is expected to continue its investigation and issue a final report.

Federal investigators are still looking at Cuomo’s cover-up of nursing home deaths in the state after he issued an order for nursing homes to accept Covid patients as the virus ran rampant across the facilities.

At least five district attorneys have since opened investigations into allegations detailed in James’ report.

Lt. Gov. Kathy Hochul is set to become the state’s first female governor at midnight and has already picked two women as her top aides. Hochul vowed last week that no one would ever call her workplace “toxic” like they did with Cuomo after years of bullying and coercion.

“I have a different approach to governing,” she said last week, “I get the job done because I don’t have time for distractions, particularly coming into this position.”

Amy Irving on her new film “Confetti,” stage fright and the big role she almost turned down

In the modest, uplifting drama “Confetti,” Amy Irving provides compassion and support as Helen, a writer in New York City who helps Chinese immigrant Lan (Zhu Zhu) and her gifted but dyslexic daughter Meimei (Harmonie He) find a proper education. Helen is initially reluctant about this arrangement, but she soon comes to appreciate the sacrifices Lan is making for her daughter.

Irving is radiant on screen, playing an elegant woman who has suffered a terrible loss herself. Helen is confined to a wheelchair. She reflects on her own setbacks as she assists Lan and Meimei with their struggles, caring for them in as much as they care for her.

As she does in her best performances — think Izzy Grossman, in “Crossing Delancey” — Irving projects an intelligence that engenders trust. The actress can express all her emotions in just a simple sigh or piercing glance (as when Meimei slurps at the table in “Confetti.”) The film develops themes of shame and trust, but also selflessness. Helen becomes as a fierce an advocate for Lan and Meimei as they combat dyslexia. 

The actress spoke with Salon about “Confetti,” singing, reading, dyslexia, and stage fright.

“Everyone has a story,” Helen says in a recording she makes advocating for Lan and Meimei. So, can I ask, what is Helen’s story? 

She was in a terrible car accident with her son; that’s why she’s in a wheelchair. She kind of shuts down and has a very limited life because of that. Her world fell apart. She lives in darkness and negativity and what happens through having this family from China enter her world, helps her get out of her writing world, and back into life. The writing was therapeutic for her, and it was a good excuse for her not get back into the world.

“Confetti” has you playing a writer, which makes me think of your role in “Crossing Delancey,” which also had a literary bent. I am very curious about what books you read.

I’m reading this amazing book that James Lapine wrote, “Putting It Together.” It’s so wonderful. I have to say, “Sunday in the Park with George” is the most brilliant musical ever written. It’s my husband’s and my favorite. We even have a gigantic poster of it that James gave us in our house. We are such big fans. I almost didn’t get on this phone call because I was just turning pages reading this book. It’s so delicious. Very delicious. That’s what I’m reading at the moment. I am more of a novel reader. I finished all of the Patrick Melrose novels. I read sometime in French. Or try to. I’ve been taking French lessons. I don’t understand it when people speak to me, though. Something shuts off.

I heard if you can play music, you can speak a foreign language.

I am very musical. I’ve been doing more music than acting lately because my son Gabriel has been managing a group called Goolis, and they asked if I’d sing some songs with them, and we ended up doing an album together. Ten songs from my life that he did new arrangements on. I sang with the band. It was a very cool experience — it was a little terrifying, but also just wonderful. Just before COVID hit, we played a few bars downtown, and we were getting ready to launch, but then had to shut down. We set up a studio in the house and my husband and I play every day and I sing every day. I sang in “Honeysuckle Rose” with Willie Nelson. I am trying to get past my incredible stage fright, which I’ve always had, but to sing is even more frightening. I am trying to [perform] so when it’s time to launch this album, I’ll be able to get up and actually do a show.

Try karaoke! 

Karaoke scared me too!

“Confetti” is also about disability. Helen is in a wheelchair; Meimei struggles with dyslexia. What are your thoughts on how the film presents its issues of disability?

Ann Hu wrote and directed this based on her own story. I don’t think she wants to make a Public Service Announcement. She wanted to make an entertaining film, and I think she accomplished that. It’s an important subject to be illuminated and she was the person to do it. My husband has dyslexia. I am very aware of how it affects your life. What is interesting for him was that he didn’t know he had it; he never got diagnosed. He was just challenged in ways like reading that he learned to muscle through and got to the other side of it. It was only 10 years ago he was diagnosed. And he thought, “Now I get why I’ve had to work that much harder, and why I go left when I should go right.” It helps to recognize it and not take it on as a deep insecurity and shame as many people do. 

“Confetti” addresses issues of shame. I was particularly struck by a revealing scene where Lan talks about feeling like an imposter. Helen projects a certain confidence, and steeliness, which is invigorating, 

I think Lan had plenty of steeliness! I love the device of glasses — the fact that she looked like she could read and wasn’t illiterate. It is so important that we accept all of our flaws and accept ourselves. Meimei turned her dyslexia into something beautiful in what she was able to create.

Why do you think Helen advocates for Lan and Meimei? The film wisely lets the audience connect the dots. What are your thoughts on her life and backstory? 

Ann and I decided you don’t get to know everything. [Helen] has retreated from life before Lan and Meimei turn up in her life. Her taking them on helps bring her out of her darkness. 

Did you ever see “Shadow Magic”? The reason I did this film was because of “Shadow Magic,” a period piece about bringing film to China, starring Jared Harris. The way Ann was able to depict what film is, and Jared’s character is trying to explain it in China, was so beautiful. She did something extraordinary in that film. If anyone is going to able to help understand what dyslexia is, and go into the mind and the visuals, she would be able to do it.

“Confetti” is very much about selflessness. What are your thoughts about Lan’s sacrifices for her daughter? She is a champion for her daughter.

I don’t think of a mother helping her kid as a sacrifice. It’s just part of the job. Isn’t it? I worked a lot less because I was raising kids and wanted to be a mother more than anything else. But I don’t think of that as a sacrifice. I had children, and made that choice, so that’s what I’m going to do. Lan has a purpose. I think it enriches your life more. The challenges she took on and the fight she took on, and the people she met because of it. The world gets richer. She’s out there doing it. I like your word “champion” better than sacrifice. She never sways from her goal. I love the way Zhu Zhu played Lan. She is a very thoughtful actor. I loved watching her process, and what she took in, and how she thought things through. I have no idea what the director was saying to her. It was always in Chinese. I was totally left out whenever they were talking. 

Your career has been defined by some iconic roles, from Sue Snell in “Carrie,” Hadass in “Yentl,” to the aforementioned “Crossing Delancey,” and even “Bossa Nova.” I always want to see more of you because you so often project sophistication, intelligence, and no-nonsense in your roles. What decisions have you made and the roles you’ve taken?

You never know going into something how it is going to hit, or how it’s going to be. I take it one day at a time. Something comes across your desk and you think, “I never thought I wanted to play that.” But I’ve never done it, so that’s much more fun. When I was offered “Yentl,” I turned it down. I thought: another sweet young thing, I was doing “Amadeus” on Broadway, and I loved being back on the stage. Then Barbra wooed me, and I am very glad she did. It would have been really stupid to turn that role down, and it turned out to be a much more interesting role than I thought it was. I did have an amazing experience on that film. 

Martha Clarke asked me to do a production of “Chéri” in New York on the stage, and it was a piece with two world-class dancers, one world-class pianist, and one actor. It was the story of Chéri done through dance, and the actor was telling the story in character while Alessandra Ferri — one of the most beautiful dancers on earth — and Herman Cornejo, the lead actor of the American Ballet Theatre, were doing this amazing work. I just got to stand on the side of the stage and watch this beauty happening. That’s why I wanted to do that. It wasn’t about needing to be seen, or to do this role. I wanted to be a part of this world. It was a new world for me, the dance world.

The same things when I went and did “A Little Night Music.” Isaac Mizrahi directed me and Ron Raines at the St. Louis Opera House. I was singing with opera singers and there was a 60-piece orchestra, the St. Louis symphony orchestra. It was mind-blowing, the experience. It wasn’t what I thought I’d be doing when Isaac offered it to me. Again, I have terrible stage fright, so it was the most terrifying thing I’ve ever done. I had to see a behavioral therapist who had to put me in trance and say, “And now the orchestra is tuning up . . .” My heart starts to beat, and he tries to help me calm my heart. To act with opera singers — you don’t go out saying, “Oh, this is what I want to do next.” It was whatever came up for me. That it sounded like I was going to learn something or have a new experience.

Yes, I always want to see more of you. 

I just did a film called “A Mouthful of Air.” Amy Koppelman wrote the book. She had done a film of one of her books called “I Smile Back” with Sarah Silverman. And she decided she wanted to direct this one herself. It is her first time directing. I had the opportunity to help someone like her, a novelist, bring her work to life. It wasn’t a role I needed to play. Amanda Seyfried stars in it. I loved Amy’s energy, and who she was, and we became friends. The experience on the set — it was fun being there for her and holding her hand through it. She did a wonderful job but had to cut a bunch of me out. [Laughs] But I loved doing it. That’s the kind of thing that makes me happy. Being in a good playground.

“Confetti” is in theaters as of Aug. 20.

 

8 edible weeds to start foraging

FoodPrint team member Kristen Link recently moved upstate, to a house with a 2,700 square-foot backyard, complete with fruit trees, raised garden beds and lots of weeds. An expert gardener, Link was excited to navigate this new world of wild foods, and tame some of the weeds that threatened to overtake her garden, so she enlisted help from a friend, Sarah Carlisle, who consults on landscaping, foraging and wildlife through her project A Rascal Relish, to help explore her backyard.

“I’ve had garden space for years, but it’s been city garden space and it’s been a long time since I’ve had open space to kind of work with,” says Link. “Not knowing the area or knowing the backyard — I don’t know what our landlords have put in — it was just growing and basically becoming overwhelming very quickly.”

Interest in foraging often centers around popular foods like ramps or morels — foods that grow wild, are native to the area and key to the ecosystem, supporting other plant or animal life. Native plants are naturally found and specially adapted to their particular ecosystem, vital to the continuation of the health and diversity of that ecosystem. This means foragers of those foods need to be mindful of over-harvesting.

Invasive species, aka true weeds, are non-native species that alter and threaten the environment of native species, competing and often taking over space, thus reducing biodiversity. By focusing on edible weeds, foragers can actually benefit the environment. As we’ve previously reported, there are many edible weeds that can be eaten and are great to harvest with abandon. “There are many wonderful edible or medicinal plants that are considered invasive weeds,” Leda Meredith, who leads foraging tours in New York City, told us. “Things like dandelion, burdock and Japanese knotweed tend to be bullies that crowd out other plants, so you can harvest them freely without doing any damage to the native ecosystem; in fact, you are helping native plants.”

During my coworker’s backyard educational journey, which took place in early May, Link wanted to learn what she could pick to eat, what she should leave on its own and how she could manage weeds that were overtaking her backyard. “I knew the dandelion leaves and I was using some of those, but I knew that there had to be more,” she says. “I didn’t want to be driving myself crazy all summer trying to keep these weeds or plants from taking over everything, because they will, but also if I could get use out of them, I wanted to make sure I was doing that as well.”

A big fear for newbie foragers, and one Link had as well, is not knowing what is edible and what is not, since poisoning yourself is a legitimate concern. Alexis Nikole Nelson, also known as Black Girl Forager, has become a foraging superstar thanks to her popular TikTok account, where she shares her food-finding wisdom. Making use of resources like Nelson’s videos, Meredith’s tours or Carlisle’s backyard consulting can really help, and they all provide additional ideas for checking plants in the wild. On CBS science correspondent Allie Ward’s Ologies podcast, Nelson says “That little layer of anxiety is something that keeps you safe. But I can’t even fully communicate how you are truly using all of your senses for IDing.” She suggests using the iNaturalist app, which crowdsources plant and animal observations and data, as well as a regional field guidebook. Meredith has written several books on foraging, and we have more suggestions here. And for Link, having a (virtual) tour of her garden with Carlisle, along with a follow-up report, gave her all the information she needed.

“I felt after the call like ‘I can go out there and go grab all these things and use them without fearing that I’m going to kill myself,'” Link says. “And to find out the variety of what we had was really great.”

Ready to go searching for your own edible weeds? Here are some of the more common, and safe, edible weeds to look for. And as with any foraging, be mindful of pesticides by avoiding areas that you know are sprayed.

Dandelion

You may be more familiar with dandelion‘s bright yellow flowers, but don’t forget about the plant’s deeply toothed leaves. Speaking on the Ologies podcast, Nelson suggests dandelions as an excellent entry-level edible weed. “Not just because they are almost universally recognizable, but because every single part of the plant is useful,” she explains. “You can eat the flowers; you can pickle the flower stems. You can eat the greens. You can ferment the greens, making a sauerkraut with dandelion . . . The taproot, you can go ahead and eat it like a root veggie, though it’s a little bit bitter . . . The whole plant is useful. I feel like that’s a great gateway plant because if you have fun with that, odds are you will have fun with more of them.”

The bright green dandelion leaves pop up in early spring and are great for eating in saladssoupswith eggs or braised as a side dish. The flowers are used raw in salads, can be pickled, used in baking, and are often lightly battered and fried. The dandelion buds are often pickled similarly to capers. And those bitter roots that Nelson mentioned can be roasted into a coffee substitute, or macerated in alcohol for bitters that you can use in cocktails.

While Link was already familiar with dandelions, she’s happy to have them so easily accessible now. She sautés the leaves in oil and garlic for a simple side dish and adds handfuls to soup. “I’ve always loved using dandelion greens, something about the bitterness really appeals to me,” she says “but it’s much more rewarding when I can just grab some from my backyard.”

Learn more about dandelions on FoodPrint.

Chickweed

Another spring favorite, chickweed is a quick-growing weed with small oval leaves and white star-shaped flowers. “The most delicious spring herb, in my opinion,” Carlise told my coworker Link after their backyard exploration. “So minerally and juicy and verdant in flavor and scent!” She suggests eating it out of hand, adding it to salads and smoothies or infusing it into vinegar for a tonic.

As “Eat Wildly” author Ava Chin writes in The New York Times, chickweed is a tenacious plant that will choke out other plants trying to pop up during spring, which makes it fair game for plucking up. She had luck finding it in “large open spaces that get plenty of sun” such as public planters or raised garden beds, where it can quickly take over space. Link found this out first hand, and used the chickweed — which Chin says tastes like corn — fresh in salads throughout the spring. She also dried some (“there was so much!” she says), planning to add it to soups throughout the fall and winter.

Read Dead-Nettle

While the early spring weed called stinging nettles are popular, harvesting and cooking with them includes facing their stinging hairs, which can cause irritation and a rash on the skin if not handled properly. Most of the nettles in North America are of the stinging variety, but there are a few, including the red dead nettles (also called the purple dead nettle) which Link found in her backyard, that are stingless. Although nettles are in the mint family, with similar shaped leaf and flower shape, they are not fragrant or minty.

Once cleaned and blanched (to remove the stings), nettles are often cooked like spinach, and used in a myriad of ways; nettle soupsauce and pesto are popular, and you can also throw it into a frittata, use it to top off a pizza or stuff it in ravioli. Indigenous peoples have used nettles for both food and medicinal purposes for centuries, and historically also made use of the plant as a textile. Closely related to woven flax and stronger than cotton, nettle has been used to make twine, fishing nets and rope.

Read more about nettles on FoodPrint.

Garlic Mustard

“This is the plant all the ramp foragers need to get hip to,” Carlisle told my coworker Link. “Bitter and garlicky for sure, this is a super pernicious non-native with a negatively allelopathic trait that interferes with other more sensitive plants in its habitat, so feel free to harvest with abandon.”

Basically, that means the invasive plant is a very prolific spreader, so you’re better off foraging this than the often overpicked native ramp. Carlisle suggests harvesting the entire plant, as the taproot is also edible and tastes similar to horseradish. Her favorite way to use the green tops is in making kimchi, but they can also be added to pesto, salads, sautes or as a replacement for spring onion, scallion or garlic. The stems can be pickled and the flowers can also be eaten. Link used the garlic mustard she found for pesto, adding in some kale to help temper the weed’s bite. “I’d say it was more earthy in flavor compared to traditional sweet basil pesto, ” she says, “but it tasted very fresh!”

Japanese Knotweed

Another very invasive weed that is prevalent throughout the US is Japanese Knotweed. (According to Ologies’ podcast host Ward, it runs rampant in every state except North Dakota, Nevada, Arizona, New Mexico, Texas, Florida and Hawai’i.) Often called American bamboo, the plant has large green leaves; bunched, small white flowers; and bamboo-like stems. During spring, the sprouts look similar to red asparagus and have a sour, rhubarb-like flavor. Japanese knotweed is so invasive, it’s heavily sprayed with herbicides, but if you find an area that definitely hasn’t been sprayed, dig in; Nelson says it’s delicious.

“It’s very rhubarb-esque, but slightly more vegetal than rhubarb. It does lend itself [to] both sweet and savory so well,” she told Ward, sharing that she has used the weed in sweet sorbets and savory sautés and has friends who enjoy them in omelets. “When the shoots are young and you cook them just right, they get kind of melt-in-your-mouth when you cook them. They’re delicious, and what a joy it would be if we just suddenly had cities with armfuls, truckfulls, of free, lemony, Japanese knotweed shoots instead of just dousing them in herbicides.”

Narrow Leaf Plantain

One of Link’s most interesting and useful finds in her backyard exploration was the plantain weed. Sometimes called the “white man’s footprint” because of how quickly and wide it spread its growth, this common herb can be found on lawns, parks, sidewalks and more; you’ve more than likely seen it in parks or sidewalks dozens of times. There is a native variety (broadleaf), but the native and invasive varieties are relatively indistinguishable. The narrow-leaf plantain has narrow, long leaves with deep grooves and a tall seeded-stalk spiking from the center of the leaves, surrounded by a halo of petals. The leaves can be eaten in salads, dried for tea or used medicinally, topically, either directly or after being infused in oil. The seeds from the stalks can be dried, ground and used as an egg substitute.

Lamb’s Quarters

Although lamb’s quarters is occasionally cultivated on farms and in gardens, thanks to a rising interest in the nutritious plant, it grows most commonly as a weed in fields, along roadsides and in vacant lots. The plant has toothed leaves, which can be white, pink or red underneath as well as on the stems. Look for younger, smaller leaves if you want to eat them raw. The flowers, seeds, shoots and leaves are all edible. The plant is commonly cooked like spinach and used frequently in Indian cuisine (especially North Indian dishes) in raitas and daals. It is also a popular “wild green” in China and Korea.

“Lambsquarters out-spinaches spinach, in terms of pure greeny flavor,” writes Chin in “Eating Wildly.” “It’s a much-desired vegetable in Bangladeshi and Persian cuisine, but here [in the US] it’s considered a weed — even otherwise open-minded urban farmers I’ve met tend to treat it with disdain.”

Read more about lamb’s quarters on FoodPrint.

Wild Violets

While beautiful, the iconic purple, blue and white flowers and heart-shaped leaves of wild violets are also an aggressive and invasive weed. Link found out she has these flowers growing under the fruit trees in her backyard, and while they look nice, she doesn’t want the weeds to take over the ground beneath them. Luckily, both the leaves and blossoms are edible, both raw and cooked.

“The flowers of Viola odorata and some other species are fragrant and sweet, making them popular in desserts or syrups, but they’re also a great edible flower to put in salads or dry for tea!” Carlisle told Link. She suggests making a violet leaf infusion or poultice for soothing an eye irritation or injury. The leaves and flowers can be eaten raw in salads, and the flowers can be used for baking and in infusions like syrups, jellies and vinegars.

Read more about edible flowers on FoodPrint.

Cottage cheese isn’t tasteless — you just need to buy the good stuff

I’m all for granting people their personal likes and dislikes when it comes to food, but if you can see a bowl of mayonnaise-based potato salad and think, “Wow, that looks delicious!” and then turn around and accuse my cup of cottage cheese of looking like milk three weeks beyond its expiration date, we’re going to have words. 

Cottage cheese, when enjoyed in its full-fat glory, is a culinary treasure. The plump, chewy curds are a canvas for both savory and sweet — a “draw me like one of your French girls” invitation from a snack that is ready to accommodate your every craving. I love mine with flaky salt and freshly cracked black pepper; maybe a drizzle of chili oil when I’m throwing in diced avocado or tomatoes. It’s a treat with honey and berries, or a simple spoonful of preserves before spreading it on toast for a creamy, lightly sweetened, lavishly textured bite. I’m also absolutely down for eating cottage cheese straight from its little container with nothing added, just give me a spoon and I’m good.

My love for cottage cheese goes back as far as I can remember. I adored the stuff even as a child in the fat-free-crazed ’90s, with a mom who kept our kitchen stocked with nonfat yogurt, skim milk and those awesomely chewy Snackwell’s devil’s food cookies. I remember feeling excited whenever I’d spot cottage cheese on a salad bar — in hindsight, this is probably because buffet offerings were likely to be the full-fat version instead of the nonfat option we kept at home — but honestly, even 36-year-old me still feels psyched when I see cottage cheese among the offerings of a hotel breakfast. 

There’s always been something luxurious about those bouncy, tangy little curds.  

I’m certainly not alone in my affection for cottage cheese, but since any good argument includes backup, I crossed my fingers and reached out to Christine Clark. She’s an ACS Certified Cheese Professional®, so I knew she’d be honest about her feelings toward one of dairy’s most divisive offerings. Like me, Clark grew up with cottage cheese as a mainstay in the family fridge, and while she enjoyed it with salsa or black pepper for a quick snack, she admits that it wasn’t always her favorite.

“I hated the combination of fruit and cottage cheese then and still do today,” says Clark. “It reminds me of fruit when it’s just starting to rot.” 

While I disagree, I can understand. We all have our preferences when it comes to food pairings, and Clark happens to prefer her cottage cheese on the savory side, citing late summer tomatoes as a “heavenly” accompaniment. On that — and the need for fat content — we most certainly agree.

“I look for full-fat cottage cheese,” confirms Clark. “2% fat sounds very lean and healthy, but full-fat is only 4%. We can go up to 4%. It adds flavor, a silkier texture, and the fat helps keep you full.” 

That fat, though, may have been what started this whole debate. 

I’ve long suspected that cottage cheese’s unfortunate reputation today can largely be attributed to the aforementioned diet culture of the 1990s. The high protein content and lack of sugar — and, in many cases, lack of fat — made cottage cheese an easy choice for those in pursuit of a slim physique, and now we’re collectively scarred by the youthful memory of someone in our lives pretending to enjoy their bland, white blobs atop a limp lettuce leaf in the name of “health.” 

Nonetheless, we’re adults now. And because cottage cheese is so versatile, when I listen to others accuse it of being lumpy (which, fine, it is!), tasteless, weird, gross, insert-your-derisive-descriptor-of-choice-here, it’s hard to grasp the aversion. 

It may be true that we eat with our eyes first, but since the same individual who lambasts cottage cheese for “looking gross” is often the first to scoop from a bowl of mayo-soaked chunks of potato or egg, there’s no way the disdain stems from appearance alone.

April Blake, a mayo-munching food blogger, begs to differ. “I haven’t eaten cottage cheese in years,” she told me. “The lumpy, curdled look is probably 90% of why I think it’s gross, despite my not being able to remember what it tastes like.” 

What’s that they say about not judging a book by its cover? Ouch.

Though cottage cheese needs no one’s pity, I must ask: If you’re anti-cottage cheese, are you also opposed to other soft, fresh cheeses? For the sake of your own taste buds, I hope you don’t scoff at ricotta or turn your nose up at an oozy burrata. 

Alas, it’s your choice. If it’s been years since you last gave cottage cheese a try, however, I implore you to open your heart and give it another chance. The real beauty of cottage cheese — indeed the root of its versatility — lies in its simplicity. Of humble origins, the precursors to cottage cheese were, as its name suggests, very much homemade. They “constituted an important category in the group of simple so-called ‘bag cheeses’ (drained in a cloth bag), all of which were suitable for making in cottages,” writes Alan Davidson in “The Oxford Companion to Food.”

Given its commercial perfection prevalence today, most of us who eat cottage cheese are probably not making it in our own abodes, which means we aren’t able to control the outcome of the final product. Thus, we must find one we can enjoy off the shelf, and the two key elements that I believe should be considered when making your grocery store selections are fat content and curd size.

As discussed, go for the full-fat stuff! It’s more satisfying in your mouth and in your stomach. Next, look for a large curd. This may take some trial and error as the depiction on the container is unlikely to be an accurate representation of the real thing, so don’t be afraid to try different brands. Great cottage cheese is far less about the brand than it is about the contents. In fact, my favorite cottage cheese here in Germany is the store brand of a nationwide grocery chain — you really can’t judge this book by its cover. 

I’ve included photos of three varieties of cottage cheese, which I’ve eloquently referred to as either plump, wet, or mushy. (I shall also acknowledge that cottage cheese is not the most photogenic food.)

Trio of Cottage Cheeses
Trio of wet, mushy and plump Cottage Cheeses (Photo provided by Summer Rylander)
We want the plump curds, dear reader. Notice the cohesion, the lusciousness. These springy curds and creamy texture will prove that cottage cheese is actually a treat.
Plump Cottage Cheese
Plump Cottage Cheese (Photo provided by Summer Rylander)
A cottage cheese that is too wet may still taste good — and may even contain large curds — but this style tends to be less visually appealing, and things can get awfully soupy when mixing with tomatoes or other juicy toppings.
Wet Cottage Cheese
Wet Cottage Cheese (Photo provided by Summer Rylander)

Finally, a mushy cottage cheese is usually characterized by its small curds and sometimes a lower moisture content. It doesn’t look as appealing and the mouthfeel can be off-putting. “The really tiny curds can sometimes feel pre-chewed in a way that grosses me out,” says Clark. 

While the example shown here is actually pretty OK, if you buy a cottage cheese and peel back the lid to reveal a paste of small chunks rather than discernable curds, try again.

Mushy Cottage Cheese
Mushy Cottage Cheese (Photo provided by Summer Rylander)

Cottage cheese is a journey, and it may take a few tries to find your ideal combination of curd size and creaminess — but I promise it’ll be worth it to find your favorite. Now, if you’ll excuse me, I have three open containers of cottage cheese that need my full attention. 


 

Tucker Carlson plays dumb on TV — but his stupidity is strategically weaponized

One thing was inevitable: The Republican propaganda machine was always going to latch onto racist hysterics about Afghan refugees as their primary response to the end of the U.S. war in Afghanistan. Actually surprising, however, is how the propagandists haven’t even bothered to make plausible-sounding arguments, going straight for the stupidest claims possible instead. 

The master class in idiotic right-wing arguments comes, of course, from Fox News host Tucker Carlson, who on Wednesday tried to blame political refugees for the housing crisis in the United States. “America is becoming a lot more crowded than it ever was,” Carlson raved, “and one of the reasons for that is that we are now living through the biggest influx of refugees in American history.”

Intrepid Media Matters analyst Matt Gertz quickly debunked Carlson’s nonsense, pointing out that this is “the lowest ebb of refugees admitted to the United States since the establishment of the refugee resettlement program in 1980″ and that the reason for the housing crisis is “land use regulations make it effectively or actually illegal to increase housing supply.” 

As important as it is to counter Carlson’s lies, Gertz nonetheless expressed despair on Twitter.

“I have a masochist streak,” because “it’s fruitless to fact-check a wildly dishonest demagogue like Tucker Carlson.” 


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Gertz’s gloom is understandable. He’s debunking an argument so dumb that it’s unlikely that either Carlson or his audience really buys it. Carlson is aware — since he covered the story in his usual “echoing neo-Nazi talking points” way — the most recent census shows U.S. population growth is the lowest it’s been since the 1930s. Anyone who passed 8th-grade math understands that even tens of thousands — hell, hundreds of thousands — of refugees are merely a drop in the bucket for a nation that has over 332 million people. Even those bad at math can understand that it’s incoherent to argue that refugees cause overpopulation but all the extra babies from white women would not. 

The whole incident illustrates one of the most pernicious problems with modern right-wing discourse: stupidity is strategically weaponized. And the strategy is as simple as it is sinister: make arguments so transparently false and silly that it makes people feel stupid for even engaging with you.

Carlson, in particular, is the master at playing dumb. It is a tactic that requires none of the hard work of learning, only shamelessness and a lack of basic morality. Carlson regularly makes claims so preposterous that it’s unlikely even the most QAnon-addled conspiracy theorist can take him seriously. On Friday, for instance, Carlson defended Owen Shroyer, a host on the disinformation site Infowars, after Shroyer was charged for his role in the January 6 insurrection, by claiming Shroyer merely “stood on the Capitol steps.” (Absolutely no one is actually confused about the events of that day, or why someone like Shroyer was there.) The day before, Carlson compared being criticized for being unvaccinated to lynching and described racist terrorism as little more than “people that want to turn on the unpopular kid.” (Absolutely no one actually believes lynchings were about “unpopularity” instead of white supremacy.) In a segment on the census earlier this month, he said “the non-white people [are] cheering the extinction of white people” and that it’s “evil.” (Absolutely no one actually believes white people — who are still the majority in the U.S. are going “extinct.”) 

Even Carlson’s famous “gosh darn it, this is so confusing” expression he wears throughout most of his show — which, no doubt to his delight, is routinely screenshot and mocked by liberals on social media — is part of the act. There is no way that he doesn’t know how he looks. But looking dumb is part of the playing dumb act, and it’s all an elaborate troll aimed at one end: dismantling the very concept of rational discourse by flooding the zone with extremely stupid arguments. 

While deliberate stupidity is, well, stupid, it’s also maddeningly effective. Carlson’s playing dumb act works primarily as permission to his audience to let go of any lingering attachment to good faith or rationality. He allows them to instead glory in bullshit. After all, asinine arguments that don’t make any sense at all drive the liberals up the wall, and nothing matters more than “owning” the liberals. Why bother being correct when you can be glib instead? 


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As many, many people have pointed out, there is nothing new about this. No less than the famous French philosopher Jean-Paul Sartre wrote about it in an essay about the use of bad faith in fascism. He wrote that fascists “know that their remarks are frivolous,” but they “are amusing themselves, for it is their adversary who is obliged to use words responsibly, since he believes in words.”

Brooke Binkowski, a professional debunker at Truth or Fiction, has repeatedly hammered at this point: Disinformation is permission, not persuasion.

So while some people who claim that Donald Trump is the “real” winner of the election or that COVID-19 vaccines are dangerous may really believe that nonsense, most who say these things do not. What they believe is that truth does not matter. All that matters is power, and if crushing the truth under their boot is what is required to have power, that’s what they’ll do. That’s why the work of debunkers like Gertz is often so demoralizing. The people who are echoing Carlson’s lies aren’t actually confused and therefore aren’t going to say, “Oh gosh, my bad, I will revise my opinions to reflect the facts now that you have shared them with me.” They know Carlson is lying, and they are delighted by it because it’s social permission to be glib liars themselves. It’s why making fun of Carlson’s dumb face is missing the point. Liberals may think looking dumb is embarrassing, but for conservatives, it’s strategic. So they can’t be embarrassed by it because they think they’re the smart ones. They’ve turned being dumb into a weapon. 

It’s why Tucker Carlson’s arguments are often transparently stupid, to the point where they self-debunk. He is training an audience in the bad faith that Sartre so eloquently described when he wrote that fascists “delight in acting in bad faith, since they seek not to persuade by sound argument but to intimidate and disconcert.” It is what modern people call “gaslighting.” It’s different than lying because liars are often trying to legitimately deceive people about the truth. This isn’t about trying to deceive anyone, so much as it’s about taking a hammer to the very idea that words mean things, facts matter, and rationality is important.

The right knows they can’t win in a debate based on facts and reason. Instead, they’re turning political discourse into a whirlwind of meaningless noise. 

9 Martha Stewart recipes we can’t stop making — from one-pan pasta to slab pie

According to my mother, Martha Stewart is the queen of, well, everything. From her chic crafting supplies and flower-arranging tips to her party decor ideas and her cooking show with Snoop Dogg (yes, that Snoop Dogg), there doesn’t seem to be anything she can’t do. And at 80, the lifestyle guru continues to evolve. She has launched a line of CBD products for both humans and dogs; written close to 100 books; starred in a mini-series on HGTV called “Martha Knows Best” featuring a very handsome lineup of guests like Richard Gere, Antoni Porowski, and Zac Posen; and she even will soon be in the freezer section of your grocery store (in the form of high-quality prepared dinners).

But of all the things Martha has mastered, her recipes are her greatest contribution — at least to my life. Timeless and foolproof, Martha Stewart’s recipes have been a staple in my kitchen ever since I moved into my first apartment (we inaugurated those digs with her classic macaroni and cheese). And while I’ve never had a Martha recipe steer me in the wrong direction, there are a handful of favorites I turn to time and time again, most of which happen to live right here on Food52. One of her most popular recipes of all time is One-Pan Pasta, which calls for cooking spaghetti, cherry tomatoes, garlic, basil, and onions all in one large pasta pot in less than 10 minutes. It looks just as good cooking in the pan as it does when it’s twirled into a perfect mound on the plate, and it’s perfect for days when sweating over the stove for a long time is not an option. Martha also makes use of beloved appliances like the Instant Pot and slow-cooker for recipes like Vietnamese-Style Chicken Soup and Italian-Braised Pork

From her über-famous one-pan pasta (make it once and you’ll understand why it’s so popular) to a bright and spicy Thai soup you can make right in your slow cooker, here are our nine best Martha Stewart recipes:

* * *

Our best Martha Stewart recipes

1. Martha Stewart’s One-Pan Pasta

This Genius-approved one-pan pasta is famous for a reason: It cooks in just one pan (obviously) and makes its own sauce in under 10 minutes flat. And the ingredients list couldn’t be simpler — linguine, grape tomatoes, onion, garlic, basil, red pepper flakes, extra-virgin olive oil, and a generous sprinkle of grated Parmesan cheese on top.

2. Martha Stewart’s Macaroni and Cheese

I can’t count how many times I’ve made this bubbly, lusciously cheesy macaroni and cheese complete with buttered bread crumbs. It comes out perfect every single time. Martha likes a combination of Gruyère and sharp white cheddar cheese, so we like a combination of Gruyère and sharp white cheddar cheese, too.

3. Martha Stewart’s Slow-Cooker Tom Kha Gai

This bright, just-spicy-enough soup can easily be made on the stovetop in under an hour, but using the slow-cooker really allows the flavors to develop and the chicken thighs to get extra tender.

4. Martha Stewart’s Sweet Potato, Celery and Apple Salad

This Genius salad recipe is classic Martha: easy to make, yet totally refined (and very worthy of a dinner party), and it transforms simple ingredients (raw sweet potatoes, celery, apples, and other veggies) into an extraordinarily delicious dish.

5. Martha Stewart’s Instant Pot Vietnamese-Style Chicken Soup

This extra-brothy Vietnamese-style chicken soup is like a big bowl of comfort. The best part: It’s ready in under an hour, so whatever’s ailing you (from a cold to a crummy day at work) can be remedied in a hurry.

6. Martha Stewart’s Slow-Cooker Italian-Braised Pork

You can serve this succulent, fall-apart Italian braised pork any which way you like (over creamy polenta, pasta, or couscous, take your pick), but a glass of red wine on the side is an absolute must.

7. Martha Stewart’s Slab Pie

This any-berry slab pie feeds more people and makes way less mess thanks to a single sheet pan and small ingredients list. In place of the berries, feel free to use fresh sour cherries, peaches, or any fruit that suits your fancy.

8. Martha Stewart’s Instant Pot Beef Stew with Dijon and Tomato

Keep this Instant Pot beef stew recipe on file for winter — the tangy Dijon mustard unites all the other ingredients in a hearty, meaty broth that can take the chill off even the most frigid night.

9. Martha Stewart’s Slow-Cooker Persian Lamb Stew

This slow-cooker Persian lamb stew was born for the weekend—or a weekday morning when you have time to prep the ingredients (there’s not a whole lot you have to do), then just “set them and forget them” to finish while you’re at the office. Martha’s recipe calls for a 4-to-5-pound lamb shoulder, which becomes super tender as it cooks over the course of several hours. And it wouldn’t be a Martha Stewart recipe without a little something extra…a large pinch of saffron threads adds an earthy, floral note to the stew.

Slew of new mandates announced after FDA grants full approval to Pfizer vaccine

The Food and Drug Administration (FDA) on Monday officially granted full legal approval to Pfizer’s COVID-19 vaccine, opening the floodgates to a slew of new vaccination mandates.

Chevron, the second-largest U.S. oil company, the Pentagon and New York City were among the first organizations to follow’s Monday’s milestone with new staff requirements for vaccination. Americans have so far received over 200 million doses of Pfizer’s vaccine, according to AP News. Pfizer’s shot, developed in conjunction with German biotechnology company BioNTech, is the first to gain full FDA approval, with Moderna and Johnson & Johnson still under authorization for emergency use.

“The FDA’s approval of this vaccine is a milestone as we continue to battle the COVID-19 pandemic,” Acting FDA Commissioner Janet Woodcock said in a Monday statement. “While this and other vaccines have met the FDA’s rigorous, scientific standards for emergency use authorization, as the first FDA-approved COVID-19 vaccine, the public can be very confident that this vaccine meets the high standards for safety, effectiveness, and manufacturing quality the FDA requires of an approved product.”

Pfizer CEO Albert Bourla said in a statement he hoped the FDA’s rubber stamp “will help increase confidence in our vaccine, as vaccination remains the best tool we have to help protect lives.”

A June poll conducted by the Kaiser Family Foundation found that 31% of unvaccinated people in the U.S. reported they’d be more likely to get the vaccine if it sees a full imprimatur from the FDA.

According to the FDA, the agency’s approval only extends to Americans above the age of 16, with those 15 and under still ineligible to receive any vaccine. 

Given the country’s longstanding doubts about the vaccine’s efficacy, experts speculate that the announcement may make state officials more amenable to the idea of vaccine mandates in schools and businesses. 

“Mandating becomes much easier when you have full approval,” Dr. Carlos del Rio of Emory University told AP News. “I think a lot of businesses have been waiting for it.”

“For businesses and universities that have been thinking about putting vaccine requirements in place in order to create safer spaces for people to work and learn, I think that this move from the FDA, when it comes, will actually help them to move forward with those kinds of plans,” US. Surgeon General Dr. Vivek Murthy echoed in a CNN interview on Sunday.

The Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research found that roughly 60% of Americans support vaccine mandates on airplanes or crowded public events.

To get approval, Pfizer presented the FDA clinical data indicating that the vaccine is 91% effective in preventing COVID infection – a slight dip from when the drug was given emergency use authorization back in December. 

The announcement comes as the U.S. continues to grapple with a new wave of coronavirus infections, seen particularly in parts of the South, where Republicans leaders have railed against mask and vaccine mandates over fears that such policies curtail individual liberties. However, over the past month, five southern states – Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, Arkansas, and Oklahoma – have seen vaccine uptake triple, perhaps signaling that conservatives areas are more movable than originally anticipated.

GOP’s “Big Government” lie exposed: Republicans rush to squash local control in fight against COVID

Not too long ago, there was a time when Republicans insisted that they were against Big Government and wanted to push it down as much as possible to local control. They extolled the virtues of town councils, school boards and community commissions for being close to the people and, therefore, more responsive to the needs of their constituents. Government officials were neighbors and co-workers and friends so they had a better chance of truly understanding the issues people care about.

But it was always a bit of a con since there were plenty of things they wanted the much-hated “Big Government” to do, such as dictate others’ personal behaviors and impose their religious beliefs on them. And they have been positively giddy about supporting a gigantic military even as they have lately pretended to be isolationists only interested in fortress America, which certainly doesn’t require the bloated military budget they rubber stamp without question. Nonetheless, the anti-tax activist Grover Norquist’s old saying that conservatives wanted to make the federal government small enough to “drown in the bathtub” was generally understood to mean that the national government should devolve to allow as much local control as possible.

And then came the pandemic.


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From the beginning, governors of Republican states have done everything they could to undermine local leaders in their states, from public health officials to school boards to mayors, as they tried to battle this deadly virus by putting in place mitigation strategies to keep their constituents from dying. And it continues to this day. It started with former President Donald Trump, of course, when he turned the pandemic response into another ideological war back in the spring of 2020 to try to salvage his presidency. His only concern was that the economy would be roaring when it came time to vote in the fall so he sent a strong signal to his GOP allies that this would be the priority. They were happy to oblige.

GOP governors quickly took up Trump’s negative message about masks and public health warnings about super-spreader events were boldly disregarded. Some quickly filed lawsuits, later upheld by the Supreme Court, which said there could be no restrictions on religious gatherings. With some exceptions, the GOP leadership opportunistically reacted to the pandemic as if it were a liberal plot to deprive them of their freedoms as a political strategy.

Trump eventually left office presiding over the third surge of the virus and it was the worst by far. Obsessed as he was with The Big Lie and having survived COVID himself, he was no longer interested despite the fact that the vaccines were coming online and had the potential to end the pandemic in America in a matter of months. He made some flaccid attempts to claim credit for the development of the vaccines but didn’t even bother to make it public that he and his family had received their shots until months later. Trump’s legacy on the pandemic is solid: he was a massive failure.

President Biden, on the other hand, assumed office and focused immediately on the vaccine rollout, getting hundreds of millions of people vaccinated in record time, sending FEMA and the military around the country to help out, and pushing the states in every way possible to make the vaccines accessible. For a few months, it looked as if we might have gotten through the worst of it and could all go back to living our lives as before. Unfortunately, all that Republican caterwauling about the mitigation strategies had been extended to the vaccines and tens of millions of GOP voters have refused to save their own lives and the lives of those around them out of a determination to believe conspiracy theories, misinformation and the not so subtle signals from the GOP elite.

Now we are in what President Biden has called “the pandemic of the unvaccinated” with the Delta variant having swept the country and hospitalizing thousands of people just as we are confronting the prospect of sending kids back to school. Children under 12, who are unable to be vaccinated are at the mercy of these ideologically indoctrinated zealots who refuse to protect their own children and the children of others from this strain that is making many of them sick.

The “mask wars” are back, this time with angry parents demanding that their kids not be required to protect themselves and others in crowded classrooms and defiant customers refusing to adhere to local mandates for masks inside public places. And while vaccinations have picked up in the last couple of weeks, there remain at least 70-80 million eligible people who are still not protected. According to a recent poll by the Kaiser Family Foundation, Republicans make up the vast majority of people who refuse to get vaccinated, wear masks or otherwise accept the reality that we are dealing with a deadly virus. And they are acting out all over the country.

And once again, GOP governors are coddling them by banning mask requirements in schools, vaccine mandates for employers and any other means of getting enough people vaccinated to stop the progress of this virus. Right-wing media is pushing snake oil cures like an anti-parasite treatment for horses and cows, as Tucker Carlson did last week on his highly-rated Fox News broadcast. (The FDA had to send out a warning that humans should not take this drug after numerous reports from poison control centers around the country.) The results are shocking.

In Republican states, hospitals are filling up with unvaccinated COVID patients, many of them younger than 50. In Mississippi, they are putting patients in parking garages, and in Texas, they have to medevac aortic dissection victims to other states because they don’t have any ICU beds. Hundreds of patients are unable to find hospital beds. And local officials are having to battle their state governments in Texas, Florida and South Carolina to allow them to do something about it while in Arkansas and Tennessee, the Republican governors are fighting with their own GOP legislatures to allow local officials to enact life-saving regulations.

This is just one more example of the rot at the heart of what we once called the conservative movement. They never cared about small government and local control. They just pretended to. When push comes to shove they are always ready to squash anyone who disagrees with them using any means necessary, all the while calling it “freedom.” If people die because of it, well, that’s just politics. 

Why Americans hate and fear the poor: Joanne Samuel Goldblum on the price of inequality

It is expensive to be poor in America. These costs are both small and large. Together they accumulate into a sum that is almost insurmountable.

For example, people in poor and working-class communities often pay more for the same goods and services — which are subpar by comparison — than people who live in more affluent communities. There are fewer opportunities for wealth accrual, because homes in working class and poor communities appreciate in value much more slowly (if they do at all), even when adjusting for the ways that racial segregation exacerbates that dynamic.

There is also a largely unregulated financial services sector that targets poor and working-class people, including check-cashing services, "payday loans," rent-to-own furniture and electronics companies and high-interest auto lenders.

People in poor and working-class communities often lack access to reliable public transit, meaning that getting to work or school is inordinately expensive. Lack of affordable child care services is another "hidden" cost that limits the upward mobility of poor and working-class people.

Poverty and other forms of material deprivation also inflict a type of mental and emotional trauma on their victims. Navigating America's labyrinthine and threadbare social safety net programs is like a job in and of itself, one that is very time-consuming, frustrating, exhausting and all too often humiliating.

Growing up in a poor or working-class community also has a negative impact across one's adult life: Social scientists and other researchers have repeatedly shown that access to economic resources and other social capital early in life is directly correlated to a person's future health, job opportunities and overall life chances.

Poor and working-class communities also have substandard public services and experience violent, repressive and sometimes deadly policing tactics. In a striking example of inequality in action, poor and working-class people do not receive a fair return on their taxes in terms of public goods and services. As perverse as this seems, America's poor and working class actually subsidize wealthier people, including the ultra-rich and large corporations, who often benefit greatly from American society while paying dramatically less in federal and state taxes to help support it.

The Institute for Policy Studies recently reported on how the world's richest people have profited from the human misery of the coronavirus pandemic while returning little if anything to the common good:

The world's billionaires have seen their wealth surge by over $5.5 trillion since the beginning of the pandemic in March 2020, a gain of over 68 percent. The world's 2,690 global billionaires saw their combined wealth rise from $8 trillion on March 18, 2020 to $13.5 trillion as of July 31, 2021, drawing on data from Forbes.

Global billionaire total wealth has increased more over the past 17 months of the pandemic than it did in the 15 years prior to the pandemic. Between 2006 and 2020, global billionaire wealth increased from $2.65 trillion to $8 trillion, a gain of $5.35 trillion.

Billionaires have reaped an unseemly windfall at a time when millions have lost their lives and livelihoods. The pandemic has supercharged existing global inequalities, with the wealthy profiteering from the shuttering of the main street economies around the world….

At least nine people have become new billionaires since the beginning of the pandemic, thanks to the excessive profits pharmaceutical corporations with monopolies on COVID-19 vaccines are making.

The COVID-19 pandemic has pushed over 200 million people into poverty, according to estimates by World Bank researchers.

What of the "working poor"? They occupy a type of liminal space in America's social hierarchy, often holding down multiple jobs that do not pay a living wage.

During the coronavirus pandemic, the working poor were temporarily elevated by the mainstream news media, the plutocrats and the death-cult Republicans to the status of "essential workers." In practice, this fake honorific was used to disguise the reality that the working poor were being asked to die for capitalism while being underpaid and otherwise exploited. To make matters even more dystopian, many of the working poor are employed by some of the world's largest and most profitable companies — whose rank-and-file employees sometimes must seek out food stamps and other public aid in order to survive. 

In a new essay at the Conversation, social scientists Jeffrey Kucik and Don Leonard analyze the plight of the working poor in America, starting with the baseline income required to survive in America. They say that's about $30,000 a year for one person with no dependents, but much more for families and anyone who lives in a major city:  

But we estimate that at least 27 million U.S. workers don't earn enough to hit that very low threshold of $30,000, based on the latest occupation wage data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics, a government agency, from May 2020. We believe this is a conservative estimate and that the number of people with jobs who earn less than what's necessary to afford the necessities of life is likely much higher.

Low-income occupations encompass a wide range of jobs, from bus drivers to cleaners to administrative assistants. However, the majority of those 27 million workers are concentrated in two industries: retail trade and leisure and hospitality. These two industries are among America's largest employers and pay the lowest average wages.

For example, the median salary for cashiers was $28,850 in early 2020, with 2.5 million of the nation's 5 million cashiers earning less than that. Or take retail sales. There, 75% of workers — about 1.8 million — were earning less than $27,080 a year.

It's the same story for leisure and hospitality, the industry that took the hardest hit from the COVID-19 pandemic, hemorrhaging 6 million jobs in April 2020 as much of the U.S. economy shut down. At the time, close to a million waiters and waitresses were earning less than the median income of $23,740. …

To us, these figures should cause policymakers to redefine who counts among the "working poor." A 2021 Bureau of Labor Statistics report estimated that in 2019 about 6.3 million workers earned less than the poverty rate.

In a 2018 essay for the New York Time Magazine, Matthew Desmond offered further insights on the cultural myths and propaganda that distort the American people's understanding of the working poor:

Americans often assume that the poor do not work. According to a 2016 survey conducted by the American Enterprise Institute, nearly two-thirds of respondents did not think most poor people held a steady job; in reality, that year a majority of nondisabled working-age adults were part of the labor force. Slightly over one-third of respondents in the survey believed that most welfare recipients would prefer to stay on welfare rather than earn a living. These sorts of assumptions about the poor are an American phenomenon. A 2013 study by the sociologist Ofer Sharone found that unemployed workers in the United States blame themselves, while unemployed workers in Israel blame the hiring system. When Americans see a homeless man cocooned in blankets, we often wonder how he failed. When the French see the same man, they wonder how the state failed him.

If you believe that people are poor because they are not working, then the solution is not to make work pay but to make the poor work — to force them to clock in somewhere, anywhere, and log as many hours as they can. … In recent decades, America has witnessed the rise of bad jobs offering low pay, no benefits and little certainty. When it comes to poverty, a willingness to work is not the problem, and work itself is no longer the solution.

Intergenerational wealth reinforces social inequality: Over time the more affluent classes accrue even more extreme amounts of wealth and income, while the poor and working classes are anchored in place and losing ground. One reason this is happening is because the tax code and other laws are written by the moneyed classes and their agents, with the express intention of furthering their own interests. 

Where wealth, income and the color line intersect, these divergent outcomes are even more extreme. New research from the Brookings Institution shows that intergenerational poverty and a resulting lack of other economic opportunities and resources are much more likely to impact Black Americans than other groups:

In other words, experiencing poverty for three generations straight is almost uniquely a Black experience. Black adults in their 30s are over 16 times more likely than white adults to be in the third generation of poverty in a row. In fact, Black Americans are 41 percent more likely to be in third-generation poverty than white Americans are to be poor. …

Black Americans make up 44 percent of those experiencing one generation of poverty (even though poverty rates are higher among Black families, they make up a smaller share of the overall population). For two and three generations of poverty, the shares rise to 64 and 83 percent, respectively.

We find that half of Black adults in the bottom fifth today (51 percent) had both a parent and a grandparent in the bottom fifth, but only eight percent of white adults in the bottom fifth had poor parents and grandparents.

Ultimately, social inequality in America is the predictable (if not intentional) result of a political and economic system that is anything but meritocratic. America may not have kings and queens and titled nobility, but it has a plutocracy and a system of dynastic wealth that operates much the same way.

Discussions about income and wealth inequality are at their root a debate about the value of human life and the meanings of human dignity and freedom. I explored such questions of justice and economics in a recent conversation with Joanne Samuel Goldblum, CEO of the nonprofit organization the National Diaper Bank Network (NDBN). She is also director of the Alliance for Period Supplies, an organization focused on addressing "period poverty" in the United States. 

Goldblum is co-author (with Colleen Shaddox) of the recent book "Broke in America: Seeing, Understanding, and Ending U.S. Poverty."

In this conversation, Goldblum discusses what it means to be poor in America, and how members of the middle and upper classes — who often perceive themselves as "struggling" financially — are privileged and advantaged in day-to-day life, compared to the poor. We also talked about how hostility and indifference to the poor have become normalized in American society, and the ways that the coronavirus pandemic and its economic destruction has exposed foundational myths about American capitalism. 

Toward the end of this conversation, Goldblum reflects on what a truly humane American society might look like if the country's leaders and the public as a whole decided to ensure fair and equal opportunities for all.

Extremely wealthy white men are rocketing off into space while there is great poverty and suffering in the United States and around the world — poverty that predated the coronavirus pandemic but has certainly gotten worse. How do you make sense of such a juxtaposition?

I do not believe that wealth in a capitalist country is inherently a bad thing. However, what is wrong is how many Americans are not paying their fair share of taxes. Jeff Bezos likely could have paid much more in taxes and still launched himself up into outer space. He would still be incredibly wealthy. It is very hard for many people to even comprehend being that selfish.

I recently received an email from a reader who recycled almost every tedious myth about income and wealth inequality in the United States. The email had all the right-wing talking points about how we shouldn't "hate the rich" for "working hard," claiming that most rich people worked their way up from poverty and that "being poor in America is a choice." How do you respond to that kind of rhetoric?

People say things like that to me all the time. What I actually hear the most is some version of "They shouldn't have a baby if they can't afford it." I am never the only woman in a room who's been pregnant when they didn't expect to be. That's life! Such responses are also a function of an American mythology that anybody can make it if they just try hard enough. To accept the fact that is not true would be devastating to many Americans.

The American dream really is that a person can achieve anything, and even if it hasn't happened yet perhaps it will in the future. This translates into a desire for wealth even if you don't have it — and wanting the rules to benefit you when you get to that destination.

How are so many people able to ignore the poor, the homeless and other people in need — and in some cases literally willing to walk over them?

I believe that poverty is largely hidden because we as Americans consider it shameful. Many people who are poor do not want others to know it. We look down on people who are poor, which means that people who are poor don't want to tell other people.

I like helping people in need get diapers for their babies and children because when someone says something to me about how people should not have babies if they can't afford them, I know that we have nothing to discuss. If a person feels like it is OK for their neighbor's child to sit in filth all day, there is no middle ground between us.

The need for diapers is a window into poverty. When a person walks past someone on the street who is street-homeless, they can make up stories to explain it all. But folks who need diapers for their children and can't afford them are living paycheck to paycheck, or maybe they do not have stable housing. You don't often see them on the street. I try to remind people that if you want something good for your own child, you should want the same thing for any other child in the world.

Where did your humane vision for society come from?

I grew up in New Jersey. I'm Jewish. We went to a Reform synagogue and modern Reform Jewry tends to be very focused on social action and social justice. I'm a social worker. My mom is a social worker. My dad was an attorney who did pro bono work for the ACLU and similar causes. It was part of who we were.

As a social worker I assisted families whose kids were more or less the same age as my kids. And I could never stop thinking about how hard it was for me — and I had everything I needed. I was also always struck by how, as a privileged woman, I could complain bitterly about how stressful my life was. How do I do it? How do I get meals? How do I get my kids to school on time, and work, and all of that?

That was with never worrying about my bills. That was with a partner who was supportive. We had cars and phones. I'd work with families who had none of those things. Society expects so much more of poor people than they do of wealthy people. I was just really struck by that. I would drop my kids off at a great school. I would then go work with families who didn't have heat and hot water.

I just couldn't ever stop thinking about how horribly unfair it was. I hadn't done anything so special in my life, and we have everything we need. My parents might have made some good decisions. My husband and I might have made some good decisions, but we've also made bad ones. They just didn't happen to be bad financial decisions. When you don't have to worry financially, I think it gets easier to convince yourself that your life is how everybody else lives as well.

Privilege is the ability to insulate oneself from consequences. An upperclass or rich person can make bad decisions, but their financial and other resources protect them. Poor and working-class people struggle against a system that is designed to punish them.

I have thought a great deal about buying my way out of problems. I always talk about how every time you forget lunch for your kids and you go and buy sandwiches, or you don't have a charger for your phone and you buy a new one, or you pay your parking tickets online with a $2 fee — you are buying your way out of something in those moments. What would I do if I didn't have that money? America's social systems are created by people who have that extra money, and most of those people do not consider the alternative.

What does it mean to be poor in America?

You're poor when you can't afford your basic needs. Certainly, the U.S. poverty guidelines are horrifically outdated. There are people who are poor who live at well above the federal poverty level, because the federal poverty level is so low. That is a major way that America defines its way out of poverty. Because poverty looks so different in many other countries, looking from the outside it seems like Americans have so much money. To say that a family making $40,000 a year is poor is very hard for many people to understand.

We also know that if you're not getting any kinds of government subsidies and you are making $40,000 a year, and it's two adults and two children, and you're in an apartment that's livable, it's going to cost you much more than that. We are willfully blind to how much our systems hurt our fellow Americans.

The coronavirus pandemic damaged the economic lives of tens of millions of Americans. Many of the lost jobs will never return. There are many formerly middle- or even upper-class people who lost everything to the economic destruction and are now living in cars or moving between friends and relatives or living in extended-stay hotels. What are the different types of homelessness?

For me, "family homelessness" is so challenging to think about. When most Americans think about homelessness, they imagine someone on the street who has all their belongings with them. Our country really, really doesn't see family homelessness because for most people, when they think about homeless, they think of street homeless. They think of the people that you pass on the street who have all of their belongings next to them.

That's not what most homelessness in the United States looks like. In the case of family homelessness, you're dealing with people who are by and large either in cars or living with family or doubled up. Children are often given to relatives to raise and then the parent becomes street-homeless.

Again, it goes back to the whole idea of seeing. If you don't see it, it's not a problem. Because of the reality of what life as a person who is homeless on the street is, people have a narrative that those people are drug addicts, those people are mentally ill, they're making a choice to live like this. You read it all the time: No one chooses to be poor; nobody chooses to be homeless.

What has the coronavirus pandemic exposed about American society?

For the first time in many years, Americans found themselves going to the store and not being able to get what they wanted. It was incredibly stressful for people. I think that because Americans tend to need to experience something themselves to have empathy, they were like, "Oh my God, is that what it is like to be poor?" Such experiences were eye-opening for a certain segment of the population.

What has also happened is that during the pandemic the government is giving cash payments to people who need them. This feels unprecedented. This support is changing people's lives. The $300 child tax credit is going to make an enormous difference for people. If we as a country are ever going to get to a point where there are sustained cash transfer programs, it is now. COVID has laid bare how close to the edge so many Americans are living financially.

What about the people who weren't poor to begin with, and during COVID lost everything? The fact that in a year you could go from being wealthy or upper middle class to living in your car shows that we don't have a social safety net in this country. More and more Americans who never expected to need a social safety net are now, in some cases personally, very aware of that problem

We've created a society where it's embarrassing to ask for help. What we saw during COVID was that there are diaper banks which saw a 700% increase in the number of people who needed their services. In America, there was a shutdown of businesses and people were left to largely fend for themselves. In most other developed countries, people were paid. There really is an insane disconnect between our policies and the reality of our lives in this country.

What would our society look like if people weren't ashamed to ask for help? If people didn't feel that shame and stigma?

We would be a much kinder society. We would also have much more diversity in the leadership of our country. We would have a democracy that truly reflects our society.

Everybody should start at the same place. I believe that if there wasn't so much shame around poverty, and if there was a robust social safety net in the United States, that's what we would have. We would have good schools in every zip code. People in poverty lose out — and the rest of us lose out as well. Because who knows what that child might have been if he or she had great nutrition, didn't have lead in their water and had a really great education?

Buffalo Democrats are trying to stop socialist nominee India Walton by any means necessary

The Buffalo Common Council, the all-Democratic legislative body for that city in western New York State, has voted to “explore” the possibility of eliminating the city’s office of mayor. This comes less than two months after socialist candidate India Walton won a stunning primary upset over the incumbent Democratic mayor. Although members of the council have not specifically described the move as a way to prevent Walton from becoming mayor, the timing is noteworthy.

On June 23, Walton, a union organizer and activist, defeated four-term Mayor Byron Brown, the former chair of the New York Democratic Party and a longtime ally of outgoing Gov. Andrew Cuomo. In fact, Walton will be the only candidate on the ballot in November — Republicans have not won a mayoral race in Buffalo since the 1960s, and didn’t even field a candidate this year. Walton appeared set to become the first self-identified socialist mayor of a major city in 60 years, at least until Brown launched a write-in campaign that may receive millions of dollars in support from developers. Now the city’s lawmakers are considering abolishing the mayor’s position entirely.

Buffalo lawmakers voted last month to study replacing the city’s mayor with a city manager who would be selected by the nine-member council. Councilmember Rasheed Wyatt, who proposed the change, said the city manager would “carry out the will of the Council members.” The vote set a 90-day deadline — which would fall two weeks before the mayoral election — to lay out the benefits and drawbacks of changing the city’s governance structure. Wyatt argued at a council meeting in July that the city manager would not be “concerned about elections” and instead would focus on “outcomes for the people he reports to.”

While about a dozen cities in New York have a city manager, only two function without a mayor: Batavia and Long Beach City. Both are much smaller than Buffalo, the second-largest city in the state after New York City.

The council vote was not without its detractors. Councilmember Christopher Scanlon opposed the measure, arguing that it would allow a bare majority of the nine elected legislators to decide who runs a city of more than 270,000.

“I’d rather have someone be appointed by thousands and tens of thousands of people than … five people,” Scanlon said. “I think that, quite frankly, could lead to some nefarious behavior, where you only need five votes instead of tens of thousands.”

Wyatt, who has frequently clashed with Brown, told the Buffalo News the move was in response to Mayor Brown and his predecessors, noting that over the last four decades the city’s population had shrunk while poverty continued to rise. He also said the move was prompted by “backlash” he received from Brown’s administration over Wyatt’s opposition to the implementation of speed cameras in minority neighborhoods, which the council ultimately voted to remove over Brown’s objections.

“We cannot continue to govern in that type of way where if you don’t do what the mayor wants, he can attack you or not give you information,” he told the outlet. “That is just not a good model and it’s shown over the years, the decades, that model does not help the residents in the City of Buffalo, especially those who are poor.”

Brown pushed back on Wyatt’s characterization.

“Under the Brown Administration we have record economic development of well over $7 billion, the lowest tax rate in over 25 years, property values rising citywide, more than 2,100 units of affordable housing created, the largest spending on youth employment ever and the most diverse workforce in the history of Buffalo,” he said in a statement to Salon. “The Mayor of Buffalo is the manager of the City.”

But Wyatt’s move could also serve to kneecap Walton, a self-described democratic socialist endorsed by the Working Families Party who spoke about her experience as a working-class teenage mother during a campaign focused on addressing poverty and racial inequities. Walton has called for expanding food access and affordable housing, investing in vulnerable communities, cracking down on polluters, investing in street improvements and overhauling the city’s police department.

“The Common Council’s recent inquiries confirm what we already knew: those committed to preserving the status quo would fight hard against the interests of working class Buffalonians,” Walton said on Twitter. “But we will overcome & build a Buffalo with dignity for all. Together.”

Walton’s campaign did not respond to questions from Salon.

Some lawmakers expressed concerns that Wyatt’s proposal would do little to help the city’s residents. Councilmember Ulysees Wingo voted against the resolution over concerns that giving the council the power to select the city’s executive would eliminate the balance of power.

“I’m not necessarily seeing how this would be any more equitable than what is already in place,” he said.

It’s not the first time that Buffalo lawmakers have considered such a power grab. Councilmember Joe Golombek said at a July meeting that the council had examined the idea more than a decade earlier and found that the city manager system has historically been a way for entrenched white politicians to retain power in the face of changing racial demographics.

Golombek said the idea had emerged in the early 20th century, “when there was a fear of people that were living in cities, people like us that are sitting here, Black people, ethnic people, etc. And the old white Anglo-Saxon Protestant ruling elite saw themselves losing power, and so there was an attempt to sort of corral government so that it wouldn’t be power to the people any longer.”

Wyatt did not respond to questions from Salon.

While the council is free to study the issue, actually changing the city charter to replace the mayor’s position would require a citywide referendum, Shawn Donahue, a political science professor at the University of Buffalo, told Salon.

“If this were done, the office of mayor would be eliminated and a majority of the Common Council would be able to hire a city manager to oversee the day to day operations of the city,” he said in an email. “One issue with this is that with no person elected citywide (all Common Council members come from individual districts), the manager could see his/her role as catering to the needs of the council members that hired them (and their districts), rather than the city as a whole. This could lead to a more unequal distribution of resources if a majority of the Common Council wanted to shift funds to their districts at the expense of the other Common Council members.”

The more immediate threat to Walton’s mayoral hopes is Brown, who has been mayor since 2006 and is now mounting a write-in campaign after railing against Walton as a “radical socialist” after losing the primary, claiming that “thousands” of his supporters want him to run again.

“People are fearful for the future of the city, people are fearful for the future of their families, people are fearful for the future of their children,” Brown said in June, casting the choice between him and Walton as one of “socialism or democracy.

Walton called for Brown to step aside after his announcement. “We urge Brown to accept the will of the voters, end this futile campaign, and help us work towards a seamless transition,” she said. “It would be a shame for Brown to ruin his legacy by partnering with right-wing real estate developers in this pointless effort. The people of Buffalo deserve so much better than this.”

Brown’s write-in campaign has attracted a number of Republican supporters, including Buffalo developer Carl Paladino, a former Tea Party-backed gubernatorial candidate who has come under fire for allegedly racist statements in the past. Paladino has tried to rally the city’s business leaders behind Brown’s candidacy and has railed against Walton’s agenda.

“If I can help in an effort to take [Walton] down, I will,” Paladino told reporters earlier this summer. “I will do everything I can to destroy her candidacy.”

Brown said he was “grateful for and humbled by the widespread support” for his candidacy but insisted that “I did not seek – nor will I accept – support in any form, should I decide to pursue a write-in campaign, from Carl Paladino.”

But Paladino, who was removed as a member of the Buffalo School Board in 2017, remains steadfast. “Walton has to be defeated,” he said. “She’s a nightmare for our city, the growth of our city.”

Walton accused Paladino of “shamelessly smearing my name.”

“The attacks have already come and people like Carl Paladino who have been long time supporters of the mayor we know are behind this,” she told reporters after her primary win. “And I just hope that my supporters and my community will rally around me.”

Walton also pushed back on the claims made by ropponents have made about her politics.

“I am a Democrat socialist. The first word in that is Democrat,” she explained. “My policies are socialist policies. Many things that we enjoyed during the pandemic like our economic stimulus, like SNAP benefits for families with children, like free health care.”

The attacks on Walton, however, may be working. A recent poll showed Brown leading Walton, 50% to 40%, and analysts have predicted that as much as $10 million could flow into the heated race. Brown has focused on outreach to the “business and development community who are wary of Walton’s socialist philosophies” and may create a super PAC to help with his efforts, according to the Buffalo News.

“Money is flowing, and it will be a full court press,” a business supporter who backs Brown told the outlet.

“I think that the conditions are such that [Brown] has a better chance than most of winning in a write-in campaign,” Jacob Neiheisel, an election expert at the University of Buffalo, told Salon. “Whether he and his campaign are able to capitalize on those conditions, however, is an open question.”

Walton has also had to fend off negative news reports after Brown “sounded a dog whistle for political operatives to pry into her past,” according to Jim Heaney, editor of the nonprofit Buffalo news outlet the Investigative Post.

The Buffalo News reported last month that police in 2018 investigated a complaint that a man was selling drugs out of Walton’s home. Police did not find any evidence that was the case. Walton told the outlet that she left the home after her landlord made the complaint but said she was unaware he had called the police.

“Absolutely not. I would never risk my children’s lives, my freedom or my license as a registered nurse,” Walton told the outlet, adding that “I’m an honest person and I want to do what’s right.”

Another report found that in 2003 Walton was ordered to pay back $295 worth of food stamps that she improperly received due to a delay in reporting her income and that a $749 state tax lien was filed against her and her ex-husband in 2008 due to unpaid income taxes.

Walton said the incidents were an example of a “poor tax” or fees and fines that “occur because of things that you are really unable to do because of your financial situation.”

But those reports caused the Erie County Democratic Party to pull back its support for Walton’s candidacy. Party chairman Jeremy Zellner had said after Walton’s primary victory that she was “our candidate,” but after the news reports emerged insisted that the committee had not “officially” endorsed her.

“We are not opposed, but if our party leadership has significant concerns, I will listen to them,” Zellner told the Buffalo News. “Could this change? The answer is yes. Anything could change. We’ve asked her to be upfront with us … but I don’t know what else is out there.”

The party disputed that it has waffled on its support.

“Our committee, under Chairman Zellner, fully supports Ms. Walton, and in fact will convene this Thursday to formally endorse her,” Derek Murphy, a spokesperson for the Erie County Democrats, said in a statement to Salon.

Zellner, a longtime Brown ally, has drawn the scorn of leftist candidates before.

Former congressional candidate Nate McMurray called for Zellner to resign this summer, arguing that he has “used party resources and his role as chairman” to “attack progressive candidates who won unprecedented victories despite his opposition.”

Zellner, who also serves as the county’s Democratic elections commissioner, is now set to review a petition filed by Brown to have his name added to the ballot as an independent, which the Buffalo News editorial board described as a conflict of interest that is “impossible to ignore.”

Walton has accused Zellner of using his dual role to undermine progressive candidates who run against the party’s preferred picks and said he “obstructed” her candidacy throughout the primary by blocking her attempt to be placed on the ballot as a candidate of the Working Families Party. Zellner has denied that.

“He really doesn’t want a fair, democratic election in Buffalo,” Walton told New York Focus, adding, “I just wanted a fair shake.”

Many progressive observers have linked Zellner and the Buffalo political machine to a nationwide effort by establishment Democrats to torpedo left-leaning candidates who have seen increased success in primary elections. Establishment Democrats such as Hillary Clinton and Rep. Jim Clyburn recently teamed up with local Republicans to defeat Nina Turner, the former national co-chair of Sen. Bernie Sanders’ presidential campaign, in an Ohio congressional primary. The Buffalo Republican Party is publicly considering backing Brown’s effort to defeat Walton, which has also drawn the support of multiple Common Council members. Nearly a third of the signatures that Brown collected for his petition to make the ballot as a “Buffalo Party” candidate came from members of right-leaning parties, most of whom were out-of-town Republicans, according to WGRZ.

“His ‘Buffalo Party’ is just another attempt by an establishment politician to move right to fight the left,” Walton said on Twitter, where she has repeatedly criticized Brown’s attempt to overcome his primary loss, comparing him to Donald Trump.

“Brown has spent more time fighting to essentially overturn the results of an election he lost than he ever spent fighting big developers and real estate interests gentrifying our communities and displacing working class Buffalonians,” she tweeted. “Our city deserves better than that.”

Why conservatives embrace anti-mask talking points as COVID surges again

In a column for The Atlantic, political analyst David Graham attempted to penetrate the reasons why Republicans — and conservatives in general — are fighting so hard against masks to stop the spread of the resurgent COVID virus in the face of polls showing a massive majority of Americans support masking up.

With Republican Governors Ron DeSantis (FL) and Gregg Abbott (TX) pushing legislation and executive orders banning mask mandates, the Republican Party is getting bogged down with a reputation as the anti-science party.

As Graham notes, there is a deeper reason for bucking public opinion.

“The reasons for this are not obvious. Before the current pandemic, vaccine skepticism was not disproportionately common among Republicans. Republicans are not less likely to get sick and die from the coronavirus. And, as conservative vaccine champions like to note, the current vaccines were largely developed during the Trump presidency,” he wrote before adding that it would be wrong to call the GOP “anti-science.”

Instead, the columnist suggests the GOP has adopted a defensive posture in the belief that their power is waning in a country undergoing major demographic changes and is heeding the complaints of what Graham calls “the noisy minority” whose also believe they are losing influence.

Writing, “the best way to think about the Republican opposition to COVID-19 precautions might be as another manifestation of the surging feeling in the American conservative movement that it represents an embattled minority that needs to use the power of government to defend its independence,” Graham explained using, “Videos of angry parents berating school officials who are considering mask mandates have gone viral,” as one of the reasons for Republican Party to buck majority opinion.

That, he explains, can be attributed to Donald Trump who lit the fuse leading to an explosion of anti-vaxx and anti-mask anger.

“Donald Trump thrust minority rule into the center of the Republican Party. He was elected president in 2016 with a minority of the popular vote, but has always purported to represent the true consensus of authentic Americans. (“Silent majorities” are, it turns out, just minorities.) When he was defeated in 2020 by an even larger popular-vote margin as well as in the Electoral College, his reaction—supported by many members of his party—was to attempt to have votes thrown out, and to allow the minority to override popular will.”

“They are angry at someone (elites, liberals, the government, the establishment) for telling them how they ought to live,” he elaborated. “Trump might not materially improve their position, but he’s willing to stick it to those groups—and if that requires antidemocratic means, so be it. The current countermajoritarian resistance to masks and vaccine mandates emanates from the same feeling. Many conservatives are tired of being told how to live by the majority, and they want to live exactly as they please, even if that means they may die—and even if that means making other people sick along the way.”

You can read more here.

The media bias no one is talking about

The mainstream media has historically tried to balance left and right in its political coverage, and present what it views as a reasonable center. 

That may sound good in theory. But the old politics no longer exists and the former labels “left” versus “right” are outdated. 

Today it’s democracy versus authoritarianism, voting rights versus white supremacy. There’s no reasonable center between these positions, no justifiable compromise. Equating them is misleading and dangerous.

You hear the mainstream media say, for example, that certain “Republican and Democratic lawmakers are emerging as troublemakers within their parties.” These reports equate Republican lawmakers who are actively promoting Trump’s big lie that the 2020 election was stolen, with Democratic lawmakers who are fighting to extend health care and other programs to help people. 

These are not equivalent. Trump’s big lie is a direct challenge to American democracy. Even if you disagree with providing Americans better access to health care, it won’t destroy our system of government. 

You also hear that both sides are gripped by equally dangerous extremism. Labeling them “radical left” and “radical right” suggests that the responsible position is somehow between these so-called extremes. 

Can we get real? One side is trying to protect and preserve voting rights. The other side is trying to suppress votes under the guise of “election integrity.”  

But there isn’t and never was a problem of “election integrity.” The whole issue of “election integrity” in the 2020 election was manufactured by Donald Trump and his big lie about voter fraud, and was bought and propagated by the Republican Party. 

Today’s Republican Party is behind what historians regard as the biggest attack on voting rights since Jim Crow, but the media frames this as a right-versus-left battle that’s just politics as usual. Equating the two sides is false and dangerous.

Or compare the coverage of Marjorie Taylor Greene and Lauren Boebert, on one hand, with the coverage of Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Ilhan Omar on the other. You’d think they were all equally out of the mainstream, some on the extreme right, some on the extreme left. That’s bunk. 

Marjorie Taylor Greene and Lauren Boebert, in addition to spreading dangerous conspiracy theories, harassing colleagues, and promoting bigotry, don’t actually legislate or do anything for their constituents. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Ilhan Omar both organize to help everyday people, deliver for their constituents, and have pushed legislation to provide universal school meals, expand affordable housing, and combat the climate crisis.

Equating all these lawmakers suggests that the responsible position is halfway between hateful, delusional conspiracy theories on the one hand, and efforts to fight white supremacy, save the planet, and empower working people on the other. 

It’s similar to what the media did following Donald Trump’s infamous condemnation of “both sides” after the deadly violence sparked by neo-Nazis and white supremacists in Charlottesville, Virginia in 2017. In the ensuing weeks, America’s six top mainstream newspapers used just as much space condemning anti-Nazi counter-protesters as they did actual neo-Nazis.

But research shows white supremacists pose a significantly graver threat than those trying to stop them. White supremacists are animated by racism, sexism, anti-Semitism, and other forms of bigotry, violence and hate. 

Battling white supremacy is not the same as advocating it. Passing laws to prevent voter suppression is not the same as passing laws to suppress votes. Fighting for our democracy is not the same as seeking to destroy it. 

The media equating both sides, one “left” and one “right,” suggests there’s a moderate middle between hate and inclusion, between democracy and proto-fascism. 

This is misleading, dangerous, and morally wrong. Don’t fall for it. 

Here’s how Trump is trying to raise cash as he faces a mountain of debt

According to a report from Intelligencer’s Eve Peyser, former president Donald Trump is juggling a multitude of schemes to raise much-needed cash since leaving office with a mountain of debt looming in his very near future.

A report from Bloomberg (subscription required) in July stated that “The Trump Organization has more than $590 million of debt coming due within the next four years with more than half personally guaranteed by Trump. This includes $100 million on Trump Tower in Manhattan maturing next year and $125 million due in 2023 for the Trump Doral golf resort near Miami,” and that the former president is unlikely to find a financial partner willing to help him refinance his debt load.

As Peyser notes, Trump has been keeping busy creating cash streams that could help him lighten his load — many involving raising funds from his rabid supporters.

“Trump is still soliciting political donations, although it’s unclear what he needs the money for,” she wrote, pointing to his “Save America Joint Fundraising Committee” website that allows donations and automatically enrolls the contributor into a recurring donation loop, despite reports that the campaign has been forced to refund over $122 million to those “who unwittingly checked the box.”

“Whatever Trump is up to, it seems to be working; as of last month, he had a war chest of more than $100 million,” Peyser wrote. “Financial Times reported that this money was raised via multiple fundraising vehicles, ‘some left over from his 2020 presidential campaign, others newly launched, making it difficult to keep track of the money Trump has raised and what he is able to use it for.'”

The former president is also accused of “some of that donor money back into his businesses, and he’s encouraged his Republican pals to do the same.”

“The Make America Great Again PAC has been paying $40,000 per month to rent office space at Trump Tower, and another $8,000 for accommodations at Trump-owned hotels. PACs run by the Republican National Committee are also dropping big bucks at Trump properties; they spent $176,000 at Mar-a-Lago for a GOP donor retreat this spring,” the report states, while adding that he is also raking in cash from the U.S. government by charging excessive rates for housing his government-provided security detail to the tune of $396.15 a night when they stay at Mar-a-Lago.

Add to that, the former president is also in the process of dumping assets, with Peyser listing off: “His Washington, D.C. hotel, which became a hotspot for conservatives during his presidency, for $500 million. A ‘fixer-upper mansion’ near Mar-a-Lago for $49 million. One of his personal helicopters, a 1990 Sikorsky S76-B, for an estimated $1 million and A lavish estate on St. Martin for $16.9 million, which is $11 million less than his initial asking price.”

The columnist adds, “Despite the discounted asking price for the St. Martins estate, Trump has been struggling to find a buyer.”

You can read more here (subscription required).

12 weird lost-and-found items from shipwrecks

By the time divers recovered 168 bottles of champagne from a trade schooner shipwreck near Finland, the bubbly beverage had had plenty of time to mature — about 170 years, to be precise. But while the Baltic Sea had kept it in technically drinkable condition, the champagne didn’t age all that gracefully. Tasters compared its flavor to “animal odor” and “wet hair” (though it did mellow out once it had a chance to air out).

On this episode of The List Show, Mental Floss editor-in-chief Erin McCarthy is diving deep to unearth all the most fascinating stories behind objects that went down with their ships. The champagne isn’t the most questionable shipwreck item that adventurous tasters have sampled —that distinction probably goes to cheese salvaged from a 17th-century vessel.

Other surprising treasures have included a 500-year-old Atlantic sturgeon and a 1,200-year-old wax tablet that has (very generously) been compared to an iPad. Press play below to hear about those stories and more.

For future fascinating videos, subscribe to the Mental Floss YouTube channel here.