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A large majority see prosecution of insurrection rioters as “very important”: poll

A new survey out Thursday reveals that a strong majority of Americans think it’s important for federal law enforcement to prosecute the right-wing extremists and Donald Trump supporters who attacked the Capitol on January 6.

While 18% of Americans said it is somewhat important to do so, a wide majority—69%—said it is very important, Pew Research Center found.

Both Democrats and Republicans were clear that prosecution of the rioters is at least somewhat important. Half of Republicans said it is very important, and 29% said it is somewhat important.

Democrats, in contrast, were more likely to say it’s very important. Eight-six percent of Democrats expressed that view, compared to 9% who said it is just somewhat important.

The Pew survey also revealed a strong partisan divide on the threat of right-wing extremism.

Overall, 52% of respondents said the far-right is a problem. That view was expressed by 73% of Democrats compared to just 29% of Republicans.

The survey also found that 51% view left-wing extremism as a problem. Republicans were far more likely to express that view (76%) compared to Democrats (31%).

Violent extremism in the name of Islam or Christianity was seen as a major problem by a much smaller percentage of overall respondents, 37% and 34% respectively.

The survey of 12,055 U.S. adults took place March 1-7, 2021.

The poll was released as House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s (D-Calif.) proposed 9/11-style commission into the Capitol assault stalls in Congress, and as the FBI releasedadditional footage of the attack seeking the public’s help in identifying perpetrators.

Over 300 people have been arrested so far in connection to the January violence.

Former President Donald Trump, who incited the extremist mob with repeated lies the presidential election was “stolen,” was acquitted by the Senate last month on the impeachment charge of inciting insurrection for his role in the Capitol assault.

The former president, however, is facing 29 lawsuits, including some seeking damages from his actions on January 6, as the Washington Post reported this week.

A Vox and Data for Progress survey from January found that 63% of likely voters, including 81% of Democrats and 32% of Republicans, think Trump is either “very much” or “somewhat” to blame for the attack.

Tucker Carlson is using the Atlanta spa shootings to downplay anti-Asian racism and white supremacy

On Thursday, Fox News’ Tucker Carlson attempted to attribute black Americans to the rise in anti-Asian violence despite the surge of white supremacist terror in the U.S.

“Asian Americans do suffer quite a few violent attacks in this country, unfortunately,” he said, “but there is zero evidence that a rise in white supremacy is driving those attacks.”

“We don’t have to guess about this because the Justice Department keeps the numbers,” he continued, “According to federal statistics, African American perpetrators are more likely than any other group to attack Asian Americans. It happens quite a bit.”

Carlson’s remarks come in response to suspicions that Tuesday’s shooting in Atlanta –– in which a white conservative male targeted three Asian spas, killing six Asian workers –– was a racially-motivated hate crime. 

Despite evidence that the perpetrator, Robert Aaron Long, 21, specifically targeted Asian salons, Carlson adduced the testimony of Long’s former roommate from rehab, who advanced the claim that Long’s killing spree stemmed from his struggles with sex addiction.

“Robert Long seemed deranged,” Carlson argued, “But his obsessive and violent behavior seems all too familiar if you follow the news closely.”

Carlson also took issue with why “there is so much prostitution in Atlanta, openly,” citing how there are more spas in Atlanta than Starbucks outlets. However, Carlson provided no direct evidence –– despite his seeming love for it the term –– that a substantial prostitution in Atlanta occurs in spas. Instead, he cited the issue of human trafficking in Georgia at large. 

“Violence in this country,” he continued, “occurs within racial groups […] The only exception we found in the federal numbers were from Asian Americans. Asians are more likely to be attacked by African Americans than by members of their own ethnicity.”

Carlson also accused Democrats and the mainstream media of scapegoating white supremacism as a way to curry votes amongst minorities in advance of the 2020 election.

According to a Stop AAPI Hate report, 3,800 anti-Asian hate incidents –– most of them directed at women –– were reported over the course of this year during the pandemic, a marked jump from last year’s count of 2,600. According to the Anti-Defamation League, incidents of white supremacism have also skyrocketed by 120 percent over 2019.

“It is always wrong to blame an entire group for anything, ever,” continued Carlson. Carlson’s viewpoint is largely characteristic of much of the right-wing discourse surrounding the shooting, which has tried to frame Long as a troubled individual plagued by his own mental illness. However, as Brookings fellow Rashawan Ray put on Thursday:  “America over-individualizes and normalizes domestic terror incidents, particularly when committed by white men.”

Ray cited, for instance, the excuse-making of Sheriff Captain Jay Baker of Cherokee County Police Department, which arrested Long. “Yesterday was a really bad day for him,” Baker said, “and this is what he did.”

Former Republican lawmaker charged in fraud scheme that flipped Florida state senate seat to the GOP

Former Florida state Sen. Frank Artiles, a Republican, was arrested on Thursday for masterminding a scheme to push a sham candidate in last year’s state Senate race to sway the results in the GOP’s favor. The Democratic incumbent lost that 2020 election by less than 35 votes. 

The race –– which took place in Florida’s Senate District 37 –– pitted former TV personality Ileana Garcia, a Republican, against incumbent José Javier Rodríguez, a Democrat. An unknown auto-parts dealer by the name of Alex Rodriguez, who had the same surname as the incumbent, was also on the ticket as an independent. In the end, José Javier Rodríguez lost the election to Garcia by a mere 32 votes. Alex Rodriguez received just under 6,000 votes. Investigators allege, however, that Artiles planted Alex Rodriguez, a friend of his, onto the ticket as a shadow candidate in an effort to “confuse voters and influence the outcome” by “siphon[ing] votes from the incumbent.”

According to the arrest warrant, Artiles made numerous payments to Alex Rodriguez before and after the election, all totaling to $44,708.03. Fernandez Rundle confirmed that investors have not identified who this money was paid by. However, court filings show that Artiles would routinely take wads of cash from his safe to give to Rodriguez.

Investigators said the scheme started when Artiles reached out via Facebook to Rodriguez, who was at the time struggling financially. Artiles asked Rodriguez for help with a “political matter” and offered him $50,000 in exchange for running as an independent. According to the arrest warrant, “Artiles explained that Rodriguez would not be involved in any part of the campaign, nor would he have to participate in any decision making.” 

Rodriguez played virtually no managerial role in his own campaign. Artiles’ hand in the scheme, however, was extensive. Before declaring his bid, Artiles allegedly instructed Rodriguez to register himself as an independent, a process which required a notary, since Rodriguez was already affiliated with the Republican Party.

Rodriguez, in fact, did not even live in District 37, so Artiles had Rodriguez forge an old address as his present one.

Fernandez Rundle is also probing a deceptive ad campaign that backed Rodriguez as well as two other independent candidates in different Florida Senate races. 

“Frank Artiles and his co-conspirators knew they couldn’t beat José Javier Rodríguez in a fair election so they rigged it,” said William Barzee, an attorney representing one of the no-party candidates. “Artiles cynically targeted and used a vulnerable ‘friend’ with a great name to run in the race in order to confuse voters and steal the election.”

According to CNN, both Artiles and Rodriguez face the same charges: “making or receiving two or more campaign contributions over or in excess of the limits; conspiracy to make or receive two or more campaign contributions over or in excess of the limits and false swearing in connection with voting or elections.”

Fernandez Rundle said there is no indication that Sen. Ileana Garcia, a staunch backer of former President Trump, knew anything about the scheme, and a spokeswoman for Garcia claimed that she had never met Artiles. 

Florida Senate Republicans have also denied any knowledge of Rodriguez’s sham candidacy. Senate President Wilton Simpson, who leads the political committee that facilitates GOP Senate races in Florida told the Miami Herald: “What we have learned, we have learned from your reporting.”

Artiles, currently a lobbyist, resigned from his state Senate seat in 2017 following his use of the n-word amongst black colleagues. His resignation came amid reports that he had also hired a former Hooters calendar girl and a Playboy model –– both of whom had no political experience –– as outside “consultants.”

Republicans are in disarray without Donald Trump – but that doesn’t mean they aren’t still a threat

In the aftermath of the passage of the American Relief Plan, Republicans are caught in a swirl of regret and recriminations.

President Joe Biden’s $1.9 trillion package, which tackles the twin problems of ending the pandemic and relieving the economic pain it’s caused, is incredibly popular with the public. It enjoys approval from not just a large majority of Americans but a plurality of Republican voters as well. A huge part of the reason why has been the lack of effort from well-heeled conservative groups to seed “grassroots” opposition through their usual Astroturfing methods.

 This “wait-and-see approach has baffled some GOP luminaries and Trump World figures who expected Republicans to seize their first opportunity to cast newly-in-charge Democrats as out of control,” reports Politico, adding that “the party did little to dent Biden’s major victory.”Steve Bannon, Donald Trump’s former advisor who was recently arrested on charges of defrauding gullible conservatives with a fake border wall group, has complained about the “lack of response to this bill in an organized messaging and aggressive media push back.”

It is a little puzzling, especially in light of what happened in 2009, when then-President Barack Obama saw an uprising of rage, dubbed the “Tea Party,” first against his economic relief bill and then against the Affordable Care Act. This time around, there’s a curious dearth of angry white people clad in cargo shorts and tricorner hats hitting the streets to wave incoherent cardboard signs. Considering how much enthusiasm there was on the right for the outright overthrowing of the government through violence just a couple of months ago, this “meh” reaction to Biden’s bill is a bit surprising. 


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Blame the Republican addiction to Donald Trump.

In the past five years, the GOP morphed from a real political party that had a platform to a personality cult built around a failed businessman, a party whose only platform was “do whatever Dear Leader says is his whim today.” Now Trump has retreated to Mar-A-Lago, having failed at his efforts to steal the 2020 election or incite a coup to overthrow the government. And he is way more interested in trying to reroute donor money from Republicans to his own pockets than he is getting involved in an organized effort to oppose Biden’s economic and pandemic rescue plan. 

In 2009, there was a multitude of conservative groups, many of them funded by the Koch brothers, on hand to coordinate a response to Obama’s economic rescue plan. They understood that the GOP base wasn’t actually interested in “small government,” but they were able to tap into the racism that actually animates the base, telling supporters a fake story about how Obama’s American Recovery and Reinvestment Act was just a cover for the federal government to give free houses away to Black and Latino people. Quite literally, Tea Party groups were selling “Honk If I’m Paying Your Mortgage” bumper stickers, premised on this deeply racist and false narrative. That racism was then channeled into the opposition to the Affordable Care Act, as these same Astroturf groups seeded lies about things like “death panels,” meant to scare aging white people into believing their health care would be taken away and given to younger, more racially diverse Americans. It’s the same crap Republicans have been pulling for decades, channeling the energies of racists towards the goals of the economic elite to keep their own taxes and regulations low.

Now, however, Trump has captured the loyalties of that group of racist white Americans who make up the GOP base. More importantly, he cut out the middleman by embracing an overt form of racism that’s more appealing than the coded dog whistles of the past. The more traditional form of GOP politics, where racism has to be sublimated into movements that pretend to be about “small government,” like the Tea Party, just can’t compete. 


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So while Trump is gone, for now, the party is still organized around Trump and his particular obsessions, especially his anger over losing the 2020 election, and his rather unsubtle narrative characterizing voters in cities like Philadelphia, Atlanta, and Detroit as “illegal” and “fraudulent.” Republican donors and conservative activists don’t have the energy to fight against Biden’s agenda, because they’re focused on relitigating the 2020 election and embracing Trump’s desire to punish and marginalize those who voted against him, especially those Democratic voters who are Black.

The New York Times reports, “Americans for Prosperity, the political organization funded by the Koch fortune, is not supporting the efforts to pass more ballot access laws, nor are other groups in the multimillion-dollar Koch political network.” Americans for Prosperity was the main organization behind the “grassroots” Tea Party, and they are focused on using their might, as they did in the Obama years, to resist the legislative agenda of a Democratic president. But the base isn’t along for the ride, as they were back then, because backing Trump’s war on Black voters is more interesting to them than resisting Biden’s legislative agenda. 

To be clear, the threats to voting rights are extremely serious. As Heather “Digby” Parton explains at Salon, it’s crucial that Democrats pass a voting rights bill, or they very well may find themselves left never winning national elections again. But it is also no surprise that it’s hard for Republicans to muster much enthusiasm to fight Biden’s legislative agenda, when they are so focused on pursuing the Trump-set priority of waging war on voting rights. 

As Igor Derysh reported earlier this week, the two Republicans in Congress who have done the best job of associating themselves with Trump’s attempted coup — Sen. Josh Hawley of Missouri and Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene of Georgia — have also been raking in the dough from donors. As Derysh explained in Friday’s Standing Room Only newsletter, this shows how “a growingly extremist Republican base” is spliting from “corporate PACs and big donors” that are less interested in Trump-centric politics. 

The Trump addiction of the GOP is a double-edged sword, to be sure. On one hand, as Biden and the Democrats are discovering, it has drained the Republican base of interest in pursuing goals, such as resisting the American Rescue Plan, that aren’t set by Trump. It’s created a real opportunity for Democrats to push through a bunch of legislation, if they could just get rid of the filibuster, without facing much opposition from the right. Still, Trump’s anger at losing the election has focused Republicans on a war on voting that could very well destroy democracy itself, if Democrats don’t do more to save it.

If Republicans are successful at gutting democracy and turning the federal government into a one-party GOP state, it ultimately won’t matter how many economic relief bills Biden was able to pass.  

Twitter responds after Lindsey Graham says he’d filibuster until he “fell over”: “Make him do it”

Republican Sen. Lindsey Graham of South Carolina said this week that if Senate Democrats revive the talking filibuster in an effort to weaken the rule’s power as a tool of endless obstruction, he would speak until he “fell over” to try to block passage of a major expansion of voting rights as well as legislation aiming to protect LGBTQ people from discrimination.

“I would talk ’til I fell over to make sure that we don’t go to ballot harvesting and voting by mail without voter ID,” Graham said in an appearance on Fox News, referring to the For the People Act. “I would talk ’til I fell over to make sure that the Equality Act doesn’t become law.”

Progressives argued that Senate Democrats—a growing number of whom have voiced support for filibuster reform in recent days—should not hesitate to force Graham to follow through on his threat.

“Make him do it,” tweeted Jonathan Cohn, a Massachusetts-based editor and activist.

Brian Beutler, editor-in-chief of Crooked Mediaadded, “Change the filibuster rules so we can watch Lindsey Graham fall over.”

Watch Graham’s comments:

The fact that Graham holds the Senate seat formerly occupied by arch-segregationist Strom Thurmond—whose 24-hour filibuster against the Civil Rights Act of 1957 still stands as the longest in U.S. history—was not lost on observers as the South Carolina Republican promised to stand in the way of a Democratic effort to expand the franchise amid GOP-led suppression efforts nationwide.

“Graham[‘s] telling us he intends to honor the legacy of U.S. senators from South Carolina,” quipped New York Times columnist Jamelle Bouie.

Graham’s comments came amid growing support at the top of the Democratic Party for weakening the filibuster, which in its current form requires virtually no effort to deploy and forces senators to obtain at least 60 votes to advance most bills—giving the minority party in a narrowly divided Senate significant power to tank legislation.

Earlier this week, as Common Dreams reported, President Joe Biden for the first time endorsed reforming the 60-vote rule by reviving the talking filibuster, which would require senators who wish to block legislation to hold the floor and speak continuously. Sen. Joe Manchin (D-W.Va.), the most conservative Democrat in the Senate, has also indicated that he supports the idea.

Altering or outright abolishing the filibuster rule would require the support of the entire Senate Democratic caucus plus a tie-breaking vote from Vice President Kamala Harris.

With momentum clearly on the side of diminishing the power of the filibuster—which is standing in the way of not just a major voting rights expansion, but also climate action, immigration reform, and more—Adam Jentleson of the Battle Born Collective said in an appearance on MSNBC Thursday that “it would be wise for senators to start thinking very seriously about whether or not we should just go ahead and do the reform now.”

“What are we waiting for?” asked Jentleson, who served as an aide to former Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.). “We don’t need any further proof that Republicans are going to obstruct.”

Scientists may have figured out how SARS-CoV-2 jumped from animals to humans

The origin story for the novel coronavirus was always a bit nebulous. We know the outbreak began in Wuhan, China; and the discovery of SARS-CoV-2 antibodies in bats and pangolins in Thailand suggested that the virus may have crossed over from those animals. But the data points in-between animals, and a human in Wuhan, were never entirely clear. 

Now, there’s been a break in the case. A member of a World Health Organization (WHO) investigative team told NPR earlier this week that they believe southern Chinese wildlife farms were most likely the source of the outbreak; they noted that the Chinese government shut down these farms in February 2020. Although the team’s findings are expected to be released within the next two weeks, members are sharing their main takeaways now. They suspect these wildlife farms were the spot in which the SARS-CoV-2 virus spilled over from a bat into another animal before entering human beings.

“They take exotic animals, like civets, porcupines, pangolins, raccoon dogs and bamboo rats, and they breed them in captivity,” Peter Daszak, who works for EcoHealth Alliance as a disease ecologist and is a member of the WHO team that visited China this year, told NPR. WHO investigators uncovered new evidence that those wildlife farms were working with the Huanan Seafood Wholesale Market in Wuhan, which could explain how an outbreak at the farms would have moved to that market.

As Daszak pointed out, the Chinese government had promoted farming wildlife as a method of helping rural communities lift themselves out of poverty. Economically, the strategy had worked well, and resulted in billions of dollars of new investment and millions of jobs for rural Chinese. This made it all the more striking that on Feb. 24, 2020 state officials announced it would stop wildlife farming for food, even though the Wuhan outbreak was winding down. 

“They sent out instructions to the farmers about how to safely dispose of the animals — to bury, kill or burn them — in a way that didn’t spread disease,” Daszak explained. His team speculates that this is because they believed those farms were the spot of spillover for the virus. “I do think that SARS-CoV-2 first got into people in South China. It’s looking that way.”

Another member of the WHO investigative team, virologist Linfa Wang of the Duke-NUS Medical School in Singapore, echoed those thoughts.


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“There was massive transmission going on at that market for sure,” Wang told NPR. He later added, “In the live animal section, they had many positive samples. They even have two samples from which they could isolate live virus.”

The COVID-19 pandemic caused a spike in anti-Chinese sentiment, with President Donald Trump and many of his Republican supporters describing the virus in racist language and blaming the Chinese government for the outbreak. Despite the scapegoating of China, the available information suggests that the government did a lot to help other countries as the pandemic began to break out.

“I worked very closely with a group of Chinese scientists and doctors who were on the frontline at the outbreak in Wuhan last year, and I can honestly say that the world owes them a debt of gratitude for the way they fought this outbreak when it first took place,” Dr. Richard Horton, editor-in-chief of the medical journal “The Lancet,” told Salon last month. He noted how Chinese scientists sequenced the SARS-CoV-2 genome and posted what they learned, wrote up the initial case descriptions and warned that the virus posed a significant danger in terms of person-to-person transmission.

“They raised the alarm about the risk of a global pandemic,” Horton added.

WHO officials believe that the definitive details about how the virus first broke out will become clear in the next few years.

“I’m convinced we’re going to find out fairly soon,” Daszak told The Wall Street Journal. “Within the next few years we’ll have real significant data on where this came from and how it emerged.”

The Biden administration increases the social cost of carbon

To turn the tide against climate change, on the day of his inauguration President Joe Biden signed an executive order instituting a raft of policy changes and initiatives. One directed his team to reassess the social cost of carbon. This seemingly obscure concept puts a number on how much damage a metric ton of carbon dioxide emitted today will do in the future, in order to show how much a given climate policy would benefit the economy in the long run. More than in previous assessments, Biden’s team explicitly called for considerations of environmental justice and intergenerational equity, referring to the perils of climate change to future generations.

On Feb. 26, the Biden administration announced an initial estimate of $51 per ton of carbon. But the cost is not a settled matter, and Biden’s advisers are still studying the latest research to make a more comprehensive update. Scientists and economists continue to debate the value of the social cost of carbon — experts have come up with a broad range of numbers, some more than $200 per ton of carbon — as well as its scope and effectiveness at shaping policy at a key climate moment. Their analysis involves making decisions about exactly which climate costs to include and whether government policies should aim to pay now or pay later on the way to the administration’s stated goal of having a carbon-neutral economy by 2050.

The concept isn’t new. The federal government began incorporating the social cost of carbon in climate-related regulations in 2010, factoring it into requirements for the fuel economy of cars and trucks, the levels of air pollution from power plants, and the energy efficiency of consumer appliances. But the Trump administration backtracked on these and many other regulations. Now, the United States has less than a decade left to slash carbon emissions by about half to avoid the most disastrous climate impacts, according to the United Nations Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change.

“The social cost of carbon is incredibly important because it enables policymakers or other decision-makers to put the costs and benefits of any climate policy on a level playing field,” said Tamma Carleton, an environmental economist at the University of California Santa Barbara. “It’s not the environment versus the economy — climate change has measurable effects on the economy — so it’s really about measuring what’s best for society” while choosing smart policies, she said.

President Biden appointed a working group that will eventually establish the new figures the government will use. The group — some members of which have yet to be confirmed — includes science, economic, and climate advisers along with the heads of major federal agencies, reflecting the high priority placed on the task. Now that the group has announced its initial assessment, its members continue their work toward a final one. They have one year to hash out the science while considering environmental justice and intergenerational equity issues.

* * *

Stringent climate-related policies can impose direct and indirect costs to manufacturers and consumers, potentially resulting in higher price tags for the next generation of goods like cars and appliances as they’re made to conform to new climate rules — but that’s only part of the story. Federal policymakers have incorporated the social cost of carbon in the development of scores of regulations already. The highest-profile regulations involve vehicles and power plants, but other rules outline energy efficiency requirements for things like air conditioners, vending machines, and ceiling fans. (Carbon dioxide is the most abundant greenhouse gas, but newer regulations account for methane and nitrous oxide as well. These emissions also contribute to global warming and come with social costs, so much so that the Biden administration now refers to them collectively as “social cost of greenhouse gases.”)

Here’s how the costs and benefits work out on paper: Suppose the Department of Energy proposed new regulations for air conditioners at a projected cost of $40 million, and economists estimated that the regulation would cut carbon emissions by one million tons at a rate of $51 per ton. That would mean about $51 million of benefits, $11 million greater than the cost, implying that it would result in savings in the long run because of its role in preventing costly climate damages in the future. On the other hand, a lower social cost of carbon, such as that put in place during the Trump era, would result in less estimated savings, suggesting that the costs of the proposed regulation would outweigh the benefits.

Over the past few years, it has become clearer that ignoring climate change ultimately will have far larger economic impacts in the future. Now, for instance, scientists can more easily account for the damages to California’s agriculture resulting from a drought, or the public health effects of a heat wave in Chicago, Carleton said. That means environmental economists have learned to better assess how an increase in energy efficiency would reduce these damages and add up to a clear benefit.

Research on climate economics has advanced in other ways since Biden was last in the White House. Because of that, the Biden administration should go beyond the Obama-era assessments, said Myles Allen, a climate scientist at the University of Oxford, and consider the full range of possible climate scenarios. These include factoring in the chances of crossing certain environmental tipping points — such as widespread melting of polar ice sheets that would cause sea levels to rise much more rapidly — and estimating the potential damages that would result.

Allen collaborated with other experts in 2017 on a report by the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine, which Biden’s executive order cites. The report estimated the social cost at $42 per ton of carbon, in line with a gradual increase to the cost under Obama. Adjusted for inflation, this translates to $51 in 2020 dollars — the same value currently adopted by the Biden administration’s group. But other researchers have come up with higher numbers: Last month, economists Nicholas Stern and Joseph Stiglitz suggested a value around $100 per ton by 2030; Carleton and a colleague set it at about $125 per ton of carbon in a paper published in January; and Frances Moore, an environmental economist at the University of California at Davis, put it at $220 per ton in the estimate she and a colleague produced in 2015.

There are many reasons for the wide range of estimates. To figure it out, researchers use at least three different models, each of which requires assumptions like how trends in economic growth respond to climate change, how trends in oil prices change while it is still widely consumed, and the costs of adapting to climate change, including rebuilding or moving people from fire- and flood-prone areas. If, say, economists project widespread recessions, steep climate adaptation costs, and high emissions, they’ll calculate a high carbon cost.

“You have to track the carbon dioxide through the climate system and its effect around the world — what are these climate damages on everyone in all sectors throughout centuries into the future?” Moore said. “That’s fundamentally a very difficult problem.”

* * *

Another ongoing debate centers on how society values future costs and benefits, which is determined by what economists call the discount rate. “In all economic analysis, there are tradeoffs between money you have now, or damages you feel now, and those you might feel later,” said Kevin Rennert, director of the Social Cost of Carbon Initiative at Resources for the Future, a nonpartisan, nonprofit research institution in Washington, D.C. “And that applies to climate change as well.” A lower rate means valuing the harms to future generations more highly today, while a higher rate means allowing them to bear more of the burden. Most scientists assume a rate of 2 or 3 percent, while Trump administration policies used a rate as high as 7 percent.

The discount rate issue raises questions of what Biden’s executive order calls “intergenerational equity,” which the order states has not yet been adequately taken into account. While people who are alive now bear the costs in the near term, some benefits of climate policies might not come for decades, Rennert said.

Beyond this debate, some scientists question whether the social cost of carbon is an effective tool for shifting to cleaner energy fast enough to stop climate change. Anthony Patt, a climate policy researcher at ETH Zürich, and others have argued that policymakers in the U.S. and elsewhere don’t have the will to set a price high enough to matter. Putting a price on carbon may be too little, too late, these experts stressed, when the pace of climate change is accelerating and the time to mitigate it is dwindling.

A social cost of carbon works well as a tool for spurring people to gradually improve their energy and fuel efficiency, Patt said. But if the goal is to encourage society to completely stop carbon emissions and invest heavily in alternatives to fossil energy, he said, the social cost of carbon is inadequate to accomplish that unless it is increased by an order of magnitude or more. “It would have to be ridiculously high,” he added, “in the thousands of dollars a ton.”

Even 30 years ago, improving the efficiency of cars, appliances, and power plants might have been sufficient to change the world’s climate trajectory, Patt said. Now society faces a more daunting challenge: transitioning to a fossil fuel-free economy in just a couple of decades. Patt believes other tools should be used, such as larger subsidies for solar and wind power and electric car infrastructure, as well as quota systems for airlines to require them to increase the percentage of carbon-neutral fuels they use.

An additional consideration in the new carbon cost assessment could center on inequities between the rich and the poor and other environmental justice concerns involving historically marginalized communities of color and Tribal communities, based on the stated goals of Biden’s other executive orders and statements. Current federal assessments don’t account for the fact that $1,000 of climate damages from a wildfire or hurricane, for instance, hurts a poor person more than a wealthy one, Allen said.

That is, questions of ethics can matter as much as questions of science, as Biden’s group’s announcement acknowledges. “The decisions you make about how you weight economic impacts” on different people and communities, Allen said, “have a far bigger impact on the social cost of carbon than, say, how much uncertainty there is in how much warming you get per ton of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere.”

This article was originally published on Undark. Read the original article.

Retiring GOP senator blocks bill to ban debt collectors from seizing stimulus checks

Sen. Pat Toomey, R-Pa., on Thursday blocked a bill that would bar private debt collectors from seizing the $1,400 stimulus checks included in the latest round of coronavirus relief.

In last December’s relief bill, the Senate included a measure preventing debt collectors from seizing the payments from people with court rulings against them for unpaid bills after some people had payments seized following passage of the CARES Act last spring. Democrats were forced to remove that provision from the $1.9 trillion American Rescue Plan passed earlier this month because it did not comply with the rules of budget reconciliation, the process used to pass the bill with a simple majority vote.

Sens. Ron Wyden, D-Ore., and Sherrod Brown, D-Ohio, tried to pass legislation on Thursday to block debt collectors from seizing the payments with unanimous consent. The bill would instruct the IRS to tell banks not to honor court orders to seize the deposits.

“We wanted to include them just like was done in the December relief bill. But the problem was Senate rules don’t allow Sen. Brown and I to include these protections in the American Rescue Plan,” Wyden explained on the Senate floor, adding that the chamber “will either stand today for the working families who desperately need this help … or the Senate is with private debt collectors, reaching their hands into those families’ pockets.”

Brown added that the stimulus payments were approved to “support families, to support local economies, not to line the pockets of predatory debt collectors.”

Toomey objected to the bill. Under Senate rules, any senator can block a bill from being passed with unanimous consent. Democrats can still bring the bill up for a regular vote, but it could face a Republican filibuster.

Toomey, a retiring Republican moderate who voted to convict former President Trump in his second impeachment trial, criticized Democrats for using the budget reconciliation process in order to justify his opposition.

“It was going to be strictly Democrats using the reconciliation process, and that is the only reason that this provision couldn’t be addressed because it can’t be dealt with under the reconciliation rules,” he said on the Senate floor.

Toomey said that debt collectors were pursuing “valid legal claims,” arguing that the legislation would protect “deadbeat dads,” and disputed Democratic arguments that workers face an economic crisis, arguing that “lower-income workers’ wages are increasing at a greater pace than high-income workers.”

“Should we really consider this a crisis?” he asked.

Critics in his state were quick to argue that “comparing 3% wage growth on $7.25 per hour to 2% growth on $90 per hour was not a strong argument,” as the Erie Times-News reported.

Toomey also noted that it may be too late to prevent the seizures after the Treasury Department said it has already sent out 90 million payments.

“These payments have already gone out the door,” he said. “The garnishment happens automatically. It’s already happened.”

It’s unclear if Democrats will pursue a full vote on the bill, which could take several days. “We will keep trying,” Brown told HuffPost.

Pennsylvania Democrats slammed Toomey’s objection, citing the hardships his constituents have faced during the pandemic.

“This explains why Pat Toomey is not running for re-election. He’s so grossly out of touch,” Lt. Gov. John Fetterman, who is running for Toomey’s seat, told the Erie Times-News. “The fact that he’s on the side of debt collectors after a yearlong pandemic is all you need to know about Pat Toomey,” he added. “To give those badly needed checks to debt collectors when people have struggled through the first pandemic in over 100 years is bizarre and warped.”

State Rep. Malcolm Kenyatta, a Philadelphia Democrat who is also running for the seat, told the outlet the objection marked a new “low.”

“It should be a shock to no one. Pat Toomey never worked for us. He only worked for the people who own him,” Kenyatta said, referring to the senator’s donors from the financial industry. “He’s working for his next job.”

Ultimately, the lack of protections before the payments were sent out falls on the majority party.

“We really wish this could have passed before the money started going out,” Lauren Saunders, the associate director of the National Consumer Law Center, told CNN. “The protection would have been far more effective if the payment was coded in a way so that banks would automatically know to protect the money.”

The Senate unanimously passed similar protections several months after debt collectors moved to seize CARES Act payments last year, but the Democratic-controlled House of Representatives never took up the bill.

Centrist Democrats also pushed to shrink the pool of eligible recipients from the Trump-era relief bills, lowering the income cutoff for payments from $100,000 to $80,000, meaning that about 12 million adults who received payments under Trump did not receive any under the terms of President Biden’s first major piece of legislation.

Saunders said it was imperative for the Senate to act quickly to prevent debt collectors from seizing the expanded child tax credit payments included the latest bill.

“There is still time to protect the child tax payments that won’t start until July,” she told WLS-TV, “so we really hope that at least those child tax credits can be protected.”

How dark is outer space? The New Horizons spacecraft is helping astronomers find out

If you go outside at night and look up, you may marvel at how dark the night sky is. If you’re in a city, its inky color might be obscured by streetlights — but, if you’re camping out in the desert, it’ll look like a deep black void, sprinkled with bright stars and maybe even a smear of the Milky Way

It’s remarkable that space appears so deep and dark, since we have city lights, Earth’s messy atmosphere, and the Sun’s glare impeding our view of it. So, how dark is it actually out there? Astronomers are using the New Horizons spacecraft to answer that question.

New Horizons was launched in 2006, and it traveled for almost 10 years (and over 3 billion miles!) to reach its target, the dwarf planet Pluto, in 2015. Since its historic flyby of Pluto, it’s been traveling even farther away from Earth, flying through the Kuiper Belt, the region of our outer solar system filled with chunks of ice and rock.

The trajectory and current location of the New Horizons spacecraft. New Horizons / JHU APL

Although it was intended to study Pluto and the Kuiper Belt, New Horizons can provide scientists with lots of other interesting information about what it’s like at the outer reaches of our solar system. For example, New Horizons measured the thickness of the interstellar medium (the particles in the seemingly empty space between stars), and it made the first measurement of interstellar parallax(how the positions of stars appear different from beyond Earth). Recently, a team of astronomers used images from the spacecraft to measure the cosmic optical background (COB), or the average amount of light we see over the observable universe.

Given where it is in our solar system, New Horizons is uniquely suited to this task: in order to see the faint light of the COB, you need to escape the bright glare from dust that scatters sunlight in the inner solar system (the “zodiacal light”). We don’t have many fully functional spacecraft that have made it this far from Earth, so this is a rare opportunity to measure the COB.

Measuring how dark space truly is tells us about the evolution of the universe, since the COB is the sum of all star formation in the history of our universe. Like a “fossil record” of the universe, this measurement helps scientists discriminate between different theories of how galaxies form and evolve. But there are many sources of light contributing to what New Horizons sees in its cameras, including light reflecting off the spacecraft, the glare of the Sun, and starlight. So, the hardest part about measuring the COB is figuring out how much light is coming from each source.

In order to measure the COB, the researchers had to first account for all of the light sources they knew were coming from inside our galaxy. Starting with the New Horizons spacecraft itself, they corrected for known flaws in the spacecraft’s cameras. They then removed scattered sunlight from our solar system, light that scattered off the cloudy dust of our galaxy, and all the light from stars within our galaxy. 

The amount of light remaining was the COB — all the light from beyond the Milky Way. Some of this light can be attributed to galaxies we can see in images from other telescopes, and some of it must be from galaxies we can’t resolve. A previous study counted the number of galaxies seen in the Hubble Ultra Deep Field (HUDF), one of the deepest, most comprehensive pictures of the night sky we have even though it covers just a narrow patch of outer space. Using mathematical models, the astronomers estimated that there could be two trillion galaxies in the universe, 90 percent of which wouldn’t be visible in a HUDF-caliber image covering the entire sky. 

Based on these new measurements from New Horizons, the researchers estimate that there could be twice the number of galaxies in the universe than we can currently observe, but far fewer than the earlier study from Hubble predicted. This still leaves us with hundreds of billions of galaxies, reminding us that the universe really is mind-bogglingly huge!

The big remaining question is how much light really is coming from those unseen galaxies. The researchers created a model that describes how many galaxies there are at different brightnesses. This model might not predict enough faint (and therefore unseen) galaxies to account for all the light that New Horizons measured. And if there is extra light left over, it could be an exciting sign of the “diffuse cosmic optical background” (dCOB). The dCOB is light from sources that we can’t recognize in images, like far off stars from the early universe or maybe even the decay of dark matter.

Hopefully future telescopes — like the James Webb, launching in October 2021 — will be able to peer deeper into the sky than ever before, finding some of these previously unresolved galaxies and solving this mystery.

“Zoom In” on Ringo Starr’s star-studded, peace-loving new EP

At the height of his efforts with Yoko Ono to deploy their celebrity for progressive ends, John Lennon proudly proclaimed that “we’re willing to be the world’s clowns, if that’s what it takes to promote peace.” To his great credit, Ringo Starr has devoted much of his post-Beatles career to sharing a steadfast message of peace and love to the world.

While he has received criticism, at times, for the saccharine nature of his recent music, Starr unfailingly stays true to this enduringly vital theme. With his new EP “Zoom In,” he serves up a quintet of impressive songs. As has become a fixture of his recordings, Starr is backed by a formidable crew of world-class musicians. His assortment of guest vocalists offers a who’s who of rock history, past and present, featuring the likes of fellow Beatle Paul McCartney, Joe Walsh, Corinne Bailey Rae, Sheryl Crow, Dave Grohl and Lenny Kravitz, among others.

Starr’s lineup of musicians includes fellow All Starr Band member and studio virtuoso Steve Lukather and the Doors’ Robby Krieger on guitar, Nathan East and Jeff Silbar on bass, and keyboards from Benmont Tench and Toto’s Joseph Williams, who also turns in solid arrangement duties for “Not Enough Love in the World.” As for the drums, Starr has those more than covered all by his lonesome.


Love the Beatles? Subscribe to Ken’s podcast “Everything Fab Four.”


With such an array of talent on hand, Starr’s new songs couldn’t possibly fail. In many ways, the weakest song is “Here’s to the Nights,” which has been tapped as the EP’s leadoff single. Driven by a credible pop hook and a powerful message of perseverance, the song nevertheless lacks the peace-oriented oomph of the other tracks.

With “Zoom In, Zoom Out,” for example, Starr makes hay with the Zoom technology that has become commonplace household technology across the globe over the past year. Despite the “Zoom fatigue” that has befallen so many of us during these pandemic times, Starr manages to transform the concept into a means for positive connection.

In another vein, “Teach Me to Tango” finds Starr in strong voice — an especially remarkable feat as he enters his 81st year. The same can be said for the reggae-inflected “Waiting for the Tide to Turn,” with standout performances by Bruce Sugar on keyboards and Tony Chen on guitar.

The EP concludes in fine style with “Not Enough Love in the World,” which is powered by fellow Toto bandmates Lukather and Williams, who co-wrote the song with Starr. With Lukather’s guitar stabs and Williams’s rollicking keyboards, “Not Enough Love in the World” is the perfect vehicle for Starr’s abiding message of goodwill and hope. Is it saccharine music? Quite possibly. But when Ringo sings, “There’s not enough love in the world,” you know he’s damned right.

“Jim Crow in new clothes”: Why Raphael Warnock’s inaugural Senate speech just got a standing ovation

There is a long tradition of freshmen U.S. Senators delivering their maiden speech about a signature issue — but it is rare that they get a standing ovation at the end of it. That’s what happened on Wednesday when the newly elected Democratic Senator from Georgia, Reverend Raphael Warnock spoke on the floor for the first time, giving an impassioned plea to guarantee voting rights around the country. 

We shouldn’t be surprised that Warnock would give such a memorable speech. After all, he was the pastor at the Ebenezer Baptist Church in Atlanta, Martin Luther King’s church. One of his most important mentors was the late civil rights hero John Lewis, also from Atlanta. So he is a product of a very important American tradition and he lives up to that legacy. The Senate is immeasurably richer having someone with his passion and eloquence making the case for this important issue.

“Just a few months after Congressman Lewis’ death,” Warnock said Wednesday as he implored his colleagues to pass S. 1, the For the People Act, “there are those in the Georgia legislature, some who even dare to praise his name, that are now trying to get rid of Souls to the Polls, making it a crime for people who pray together to get on a bus together in order to vote together.”

He didn’t mince words. He reminded that so-called august body of its history of racist vote suppression even as he spoke with pride about being the first Black man to hold his Georgia Senate seat, formerly held by a rank racist who said that the way to keep Black people from voting was “pistols.” Warnock instead declared “ours is a land where possibility is born of democracy”:

Some politicians did not approve of the choice made by the majority of voters in a hard-fought election in which each side got the chance to make its case to the voters. And, rather than adjusting their agenda and changing their message, they are busy trying to change the rules. We are witnessing right now a massive and unabashed assault on voting rights and voter access unlike anything we have seen since the Jim Crow era.

This is Jim Crow in new clothes.

Warnock then went right at the filibuster, which former president Barack Obama also recently, correctly, called “a relic of Jim Crow.”

I stand before you saying that this issue — access to voting and preempting politicians’ efforts to restrict voting — is so fundamental to our democracy that it is too important to be held hostage by a Senate rule, especially one historically used to restrict the expansion of basic rights.

It is a contradiction to say we must protect minority rights in the Senate while refusing to protect minority rights in the society.

 

I urge you to watch the speech if you haven’t seen it. It makes the superficial arguments from men and women who want to turn back the clock to the pre-civil rights era sound as cramped and ignorant as the ideas that animate them:

I’m sure the Republicans will have no problem shrugging off this argument. They are shamelessly self-interested and they know that allowing everyone to vote will not accrue to their favor. But Democrats like Joe Manchin and Kyrsten Sinema are going to have to answer to their constituents and their reputations will be forever associated with those ancient racists Warnock talked about who used the filibuster to deny civil rights back in the day if they fail to meet this moment.

Warnock wasn’t being dogmatic about how this is to be done. He even said he hoped it would be bipartisan. But we know that isn’t how it’s going to go. Republicans are unanimously opposed and there’s no chance they will change their minds. But there are many ideas floating around out there about what might work to get this over the finish line.

I wrote about the dynamics of reforming the filibuster the other day. We will have to see how that goes. But coming to any agreement about that will probably require some negotiations within the Democratic caucus. Election law expert Richard L. Hasen, is pessimistic, writing in the Washington Post that “The For the People Act” likely can’t pass the Senate as written and suggests that it should be streamlined. He believes that certain provisions such as the requirement to re-enfranchise felons will be found unconstitutional and “the creation of a public financing program for congressional candidates, new ethics rules for the Supreme Court, and a requirement that most candidates for president and vice president publicly disclose their tax returns” will be non-starters. He suggests focusing more narrowly on specific voting rights provisions like restoring certain aspects of the Voting Rights Act, requiring states to offer online registration and offer at least two weeks of early voting and no-excuse absentee balloting.

It’s possible that that’s where the bill may end up when all the horse-trading is done. Those are all fundamental issues that would set back the Republican onslaught in the states. But I can’t imagine why Democrats would negotiate with themselves in advance like this. Certainly, any thoughts that some Republicans might sign on to these provisions is as much a fantasy as the idea they would vote for Medicare for All or tax increases for millionaires.

Former Obama White House Counsel, and authority on election law, Bob Bauer, suggested in the New York Times that Democrats need to try to immediately pass a narrow bill that would preclude states from enacting any rules to restrict voting access in federal elections unless it is done on a bipartisan basis. The reasoning is obvious: to ensure the right to vote is not subject to partisan manipulation. Bauer believes the current wave of laws is so dangerous that they need to push something through to put a stop to it and clarify the issues at stake for the public, even as the Senate continues to work on passing S.1.

I don’t know if it would be any easier to pass a narrower bill of that kind, but this is a clever way to frame the issue and might just succeed. After all, there are Republicans out there who are getting nervous about all these restrictions as well because it’s likely they’re going to cause trouble for their own voters. No excuses absentee voting was pushed by the GOP for years and many of their voters, particularly the seniors, prefer it. Eliminating it is purely an impulsive result of Donald Trump’s Big Lie. There are plenty of Republican officials who would welcome a reason not to make some of these changes in their states so Democrats would be wise to give it to them. Their constituents aren’t eager for these changes either. Recent GOP polling done in Texas found that 86% of Texans thought the 2020 elections went well, 97% had a good experience voting, and 73% (58% of Republicans) support extending early voting by a week.

For Democrats the end goal is clear and it is imperative: They must stop this assault on voting rights. — Jim Crow in new clothes, as Warnock so starkly put it. It’s going to be a messy process as these various approaches illustrate. But if they don’t follow through minority rule could become a permanent condition — and there will be nothing left to argue about. 

My roommate is having half-vaccinated people over, unmasked — and I’m upset

Dear Pandemic Problems,

I’ve weathered the pandemic this past year with my roommate in San Francisco. We met on Craigslist in 2018, as roommates often do, and are a rare success story. We actually get along! In pre-pandemic days, we’d bike the city together and get drinks together. We went from being internet strangers to close friends pretty quickly. So when the city underwent its first shelter-in-place order in March 2020, I didn’t feel complete dread being hunkered in an 800 square-foot apartment with my Craigslist roommate. And when many of my friends and coworkers took part in the massive exodus from San Francisco, part of the reason I didn’t go home and live with my parents was because I had her.

Now of course, one year later, not everything is rainbows and butterflies in this apartment. As mostly everyone has found out, living and working within the same four walls with anyone certainly has its challenges. There have been times where I’ve felt annoyed at her consistent lack of cleaning up after herself in the kitchen (she always leaves slices of lemon on the cutting board in the morning!), but the pandemic has definitely made me more tolerant of such nitpicky behavior. I’m just happy I live with someone who I actually want to spend time with — and that we’re both healthy.

But lately I’ve been at my wits’ end with an issue that I believe is putting my health and safety in jeopardy. Her best friend — let’s call him Giggy (he is in fact a gig worker) recently received the first dose of one of the two-dose Moderna vaccines, because of his occupation. I hadn’t seen him in her presence without a mask for months. But now it appears that five days after dose 1 he feels entitled to come over, unmasked, and eat, drink, and breathe as he pleases. WT actual F? She invited me to chill with them and watch TV (she’s also been unmasked with him); but I declined, and instead stayed in my room and cranked my music like an angsty teen.

Am I in the wrong for thinking that it is a bit premature to have a maskless friend over who isn’t fully vaccinated? I meekly tried to voice my concern to my housemate about this, and she shrugged it off and said, “he’s already building immunity.” I know her bestie still has another two weeks at least until he receives his second dose, and from what I’ve read, that means 2 weeks after that until he’s fully immune. Frankly, I’m pissed that this guy keeps coming around and breathing in my space, and I’m afraid I’ll get sick — or me or my housemate will get him sick. What do you think I should do? I’m debating moving back with my parents for a while, knowing that I can’t trust my space and my housemate. 

Sincerely,

Vexed by the Half-Vaccinated

Dear Vexed by the Half-Vaccinated,

Your vexation with the half-vaccinated gig worker is certainly understandable, given the moral, social, and epidemiological nuance of your situation. Admittedly, I would be vexed too. It strikes me as a bit insensitive and inconsiderate of your roommate to invite a friend over without asking you if you’re comfortable with it or not. Though you did not say it directly, you implied that you must have had a conversation about guests with your roommate at some point and decided not to have un-masked guests over during the pandemic, and this is now the first. And I’m also guessing that you and your roommate have discussed being in a shared “bubble” together, and it sounds like Giggy is violating that unwritten bubble agreement.

Indeed, in the Before Time, I’m guessing it would be normal to come home from work and find your roommate hosting a guest. If your roommate had to ask your permission then, that would be a bit strange. But pre-pandemic social rules no longer apply, especially when it comes to sharing a home together. The apartment you live in isn’t just a place where you sleep at night — it’s a literal physical barrier that keeps you both safe from a deadly virus that has killed 2.68 million people around the world (as of this week). And it takes two to keep that barrier airtight. So yes, there is a lot at stake.

But let’s talk about your friendship with your roommate first. It sounds like up until now, things have been good. And if there’s anything the pandemic has taught us, it’s that the people in our lives, our friends and family, matter. We need them to survive.

Vexed by the Half-Vaccinated, I sense a certain fondness you feel toward your roommate. A kinship that was strong enough in the beginning of the pandemic to make you want to hunker down with her. Surely, this time has been a bonding experience and has only made your relationship stronger. Yes, like you say it hasn’t been all “rainbows and butterflies” — but what relationship is consistently “rainbows and butterflies?” Hint: None. Nada. Life is full of rough patches and uncertain moments, and this is just one of those with you and your roommate.

I don’t want to excuse her behavior, because it’s definitely not OK. But I do think there’s a better solution than moving back in with your parents and avoiding the matter at hand.

First, let’s look at the data about the risk you’re dealing with here. You say that Giggy received the first dose of his Moderna shot five days ago. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) states a person is considered to be “fully vaccinated” two weeks after the second dose of the Moderna vaccine. The CDC’s guidance is clear about anything before that two-week mark: “If it has been less than 2 weeks since your shot, or if you still need to get your second dose, you are NOT fully protected,” the CDC states on its website.

Both the Moderna and the Pfizer vaccines are two-doses for a reason. The first dose of the vaccine trains a person’s immune system to recognize and attack the spike protein on the surface of SARS-CoV-2. The second dose, which is given four weeks later for the Moderna vaccine, boosts antibody levels to provide a person with better immunity. The fourteen day period after the second dose isn’t a random number. That is when — according to clinical trials — a person has reached their protection threshold. And the second dose helps train one’s B and T cells to give the coronavirus their very best fight.

But does immunity start after one dose?

Technically, yes. According to a document Moderna submitted to the FDA, the vaccine likely provides 80.2% protection after one dose. But there are a few caveats: this was measured 28 days after the first dose (not five days after); how long that immunity lasts is unknown; and whether a first dose blocks transmission of the virus is unknown.

However, Moderna tested its clinical trial volunteers before they received their second doses on their 28th day. Their findings found that there were fewer asymptomatic infections among people receiving the vaccine compared to those who got a placebo, suggesting that transmission could be decreased. But again, that happened 28 days after receiving the first dose — not five.

I think you need to sit down with your roommate, and let her know that you don’t feel comfortable having Giggy over until he’s fully vaccinated — which is two weeks after he receives his second dose. It sounds like you two have made it this far without getting COVID-19, and I’d hate to see you risk it now. If your roommate doesn’t hear you or respect your boundaries, then I certainly support you leaving. You need to do what’s best for yourself. And I think this would certainly warrant rethinking your friendship.

Have the conservation, be honest about your totally valid fears, and take care of yourself. Vexed by the Half-Vaccinated, I’m rooting for you.

“Pandemic Problems” is an advice column answering readers’ pandemic problems — often with help from public health data, philosophy professors and therapists — who weigh in on how to “do the right thing.”  Do you have a pandemic problem? Email Nicole Karlis at nkarlis@salon.com. Peace of mind and collective commiseration awaits.


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The case for cooking with vinegar

By an unfortunate set of circumstances, characterizing a person or thing as “sour as vinegar” implies negative traits. It may stem from the French origins of the word vinegar, vin aigre, meaning “sour wine” — an unfair assumption that all vinegar is made of bad juice. I can tell you for a fact, the best vinegars in the world are made of superlative ingredients, and fermented with intention. The outcome: a bright pantry staple that accentuates any food it touches.

Having worked in many restaurant kitchens, I couldn’t count if I tried the number of times I’ve heard a chef say, “If a dish is missing something, it probably needs acid.” With this in mind, I wrote a book called “Acid Trip,” in which I traversed the globe learning how to make myriad vinegars, as well as cook with them. I’d be lying if I said I found one steadfast rule for how to use vinegar, aside from the belittling option to use it to clean.

From rice vinegars to wine vinegars, not to mention the ubiquitous balsamic (a grape-juice-based vinegar), my eyes were opened to the truth that vinegar shouldn’t be limited to zingy salad dressings, or even the ever-hip shot of apple cider vinegar when feeling under the weather. It may sound like a generalization, but I believe that the majority of people shy away from vinegar because they think it’s “too strong.” It is strong, but that’s not a negative. With the proper know-how, and a small (or large!) assortment of bottles, cooking with vinegar can be as easy to incorporate into your cooking routine as adding salt to taste.

* * *

How is vinegar made?

Vinegar is made by converting a starch into sugar, which is then converted into alcohol and fermented. It’s really as easy as that — well, it’s not that easy, there’s also the matter of time, temperature, and tradition (but that’s another story).

There are more or less four standard categories that serve as vinegar bases: Sugar (including honey, cane, and maple); fruit (including apple cider, and sometimes vegetables); grain (which can be split into further subsets: rice and beer, or malt); and wine (white, red, rosé, sherry). For a list of some of my favorites in each category, see the end of this piece.

* * *

How to cook with vinegar

An abundance of new artisans in the U.S. are doing the hard work for us, creating vinegars out of everything from sweet apple cider to hoppy IPAs. This is good news for folks who like to cook, as vinegar is the secret to many well-known sauces. It’s most commonly used to balance fat or sugar: In the French canon, béarnaise sauce, born from hollandaise, cuts through the fat of a juicy steak. Gastriques, made by caramelizing sugar and deglazing it with vinegar, can be used on their own as a glaze for root vegetables or game meat (like duck à l’orange). The Italian sweet-and-sour agrodolce reduces vinegar with sugar to make the likes of a caponata. And don’t forget about uncooked sauces like Argentinean chimichurriThai prik nam som, and even some salsas (check out Brazilian molho a campanha for grilled whole fish!). Even in American pantries, many go-to condiments (ketchup, mustard, mayonnaise, BBQ sauce, hot sauce) utilize vinegar as a key ingredient.

Vinegar brightens otherwise bland soups, gives stews more depth, and lifts off flavorful fond in a pan (more flavor than water and easier to part with than wine) after roasting a thick piece of meat. But vinegar can also be used to lighten up cake batters to make for an airier crumb, stabilize egg whites in meringues, or produce fluffy cloudlike curds in homemade ricotta. And with the recent boom of nonalcoholic drinks, vinegar-based shrubs and switchels are everywhere these days.

Although a vinaigrette is probably the most widely used application for vinegar, there is a real art to making a well-balanced version. I recommend tasting a vinegar solo and augmenting from there. A good place to start is with a ratio of three parts oil to one part vinegar. My favorite cold-weather dressing is brown butter and balsamic (Acetaia San GiacomoLa Cà dal Nôn, and La Vecchia Dispensa are my holy trinity); and for warmer months I prefer a citronette, made with equal parts citrus juice and white wine vinegar.

One of the simplest, most eye-opening uses I found while researching my book was simply a small spoonful of red wine vinegar poured over fried eggs, which I came to know as oeufs à l’assassin, or “murderer eggs.” Vinegar adds the acid an egg doesn’t inherently have, bringing out the true creaminess of the yolk.

* * *

Vinegar-plus

Recently, I’ve noticed an influx of exemplary infused vinegars on the market, similar to those that have sat on the rails of restaurant kitchens for decades — a “secret” finishing touch to many dishes on the pass — and that use more than spent herb stems as their infusion ingredients. It’s easy enough to infuse your own vinegar at home: Just find a straightforward vinegar, either rice or white wine, and steep herbs, spices, or other seasonings in it for a few days to weeks, or even months.

Still, I’m more than impressed by companies like Manhattan-based Ramp Up, which are going a step further to develop more flavor. Vinegar, after all, is a flavor extractor and amplifier. Ramp Up pre-ferments their infusion ingredients before adding vinegar in order to intensify the flavors’ impact. Their turmeric-infused white wine vinegar brings a nice pungent bite — a few drops on top of fish highlights its delicate flavor and fat. Red-miso-infused vinegar amps up the savoriness of red meat and adds a hit of umami to pan sauces. And hey, why not put it in cocktails? Grace a Gibson — usually garnished with a cocktail onion — with a splash of their ramp-infused vinegar. YesFolk in Troy, New York, ferments kombucha into vinegar, which still shows pure expressions of the teas they start with (jasmine, yaupon, sencha): Use them as you would a more floral herb-infused vinegar. Brightland is infusing California citrus into Champagne vinegar, which tastes like sunshine in a bottle; with a little residual sugar left in the ferment, it can easily be applied directly to a salad — no need for oil.

All that said, I feel we do our collective palate a disservice by using “vinegar” as an umbrella term. Sushi rice calls out for rice vinegar, not only for the synergy of rice on rice, but also because it creates a more profound depth of flavor. It also stops the cooking process by effectively shellacking the grains to halt the steaming, so you don’t get soft, broken, overcooked rice — all the while, not staining the grain, as a deeper-hued vinegar would. What is an oyster without a mighty mignonette (wine vinegar)? Or an ACV shot without, well, the fruit vinegar for which it’s named? Find your vinegar’s true calling, and it will be there to brighten your world.

Start your vinegar journey with these bottles

Though there are four main types of vinegar, the nuance is only just beginning. Here are a number of vinegars I’d recommend adding to your pantry.

Sugar-based vinegar

Honey

  • Lindera Farms: Floral, caramel, a little oaky. Great with gastriques and for glazing game meat.
  • Acetum Mellis: From nomadic bees in a protected Italian nature preserve, these vinegars are made of a miele millefiori, or mixed flower honey. With hints of acacia and chestnut, it’s wonderful for salad dressings that need a little nuttiness.

Sugarcane

  • Datu Puti: The Filipino gold standard, a must for adobo and making sinamak, or spicy garlic-infused vinegar. (They also make a wonderful coconut vinegar!)
  • Steen’s: Made in Louisiana, with a flavor reminiscent of molasses, it’s perfect for spicy Cajun and Creole cuisine (and fried seafood in general).

Fruit- and vegetable-based vinegar

Fruit

  • Keepwell Vinegar: Their aronia berry vinegar is dry and tannic and can be used in place of a red wine vinegar. Try it for marinating and braising red meats, from steaks to stews.
  • Supreme Vinegar: Their pineapple and date vinegars are nearly necessities for some Mexican and Middle Eastern recipes. Try them in fresh, crisp tomato and cucumber dishes from both cultures.
  • Tart Vinegar: I can’t think of a better vinegar than Tart’s Celery to add to an oyster in lieu of making a mignonette.
  • Pojer e Sandri: Amp up your fruit salad with juicy black currant and quince vinegars. They’re also a nice addition to relishes and chutneys that already have some fruit in the mix.

Apple Cider

  • Pineapple Collaborative: A San Francisco delight, Little Apple Treats orchards created an exclusive apple cider vinegar known as “the ACV” for Pineapple Collaborative—with some barrel age and a bit of body from balsamic. It’s the most drinkable ACV I’ve tasted, but also beautiful for braising pork shoulder.
  • Carr’s Ciderhouse: Tastes like tart, ripe apples straight from the orchard. Use it to deglaze a pan after roasting some chicken, or reduce into a tangy syrup for roasted root vegetables.

Grain-based vinegar

Rice

  • Iio Jozo: For the purest of rice vinegars, they grow their own rice to brew sake to ferment into vinegar, giving it body and depth unlike store-bought brands. Use in sushi rice, of course, or for quick-pickling.

Beer/Malt

  • Orkney: Of course fish and chips comes to mind, but malt vinegar pairs with everything a beer might.
  • Madhouse Vinegar Co.: If you’re a beer drinker, they have a vinegar for you. Both the light and dark malts are great options for BBQ sauces—my go-to is North Carolina–style.
  • American Vinegar Works: A bright IPA vinegar for foods that need some bitterness (fish and chips?), and a porter for those darker times, like braised and smoked meats in particular.

Wine-based vinegar

  • Acid League Strawberry Rosé: An epic addition to a pitcher of sangria, or to brighten a plain fruit salad.
  • Katz: The king of Napa Valley wine vinegars; you can’t go wrong using these agrodolce (sweet-and-sour) vinegars on garden-fresh vegetables, like the Italians do with crudités or pinzimonio.
  • O-Med: Can’t deny these Spanish vinegars their destiny: seafood! Whether in raw crudo-like preparations or on a grilled whole fish.
  • Volpaia: A bottle of red becomes a bottle of vinegar; pair with any classic Italian fare under the Tuscan sun.
  • Martin-Pouret: The original Orléans method from France, barrel-aged for ages, makes most sense paired with mother sauces.

This post contains products independently chosen (and loved) by Food52 editors and writers. As an Amazon Associate and Skimlinks affiliate, Food52 earns a commission on qualifying purchases of the products we link to.

Can more farmers be convinced to conserve and restore wetlands?

Across the U.S., waters have become increasingly infiltrated by plastics, sediment, drugs like antibiotics, and agricultural chemicals. Fertilizer and manure are common sources of two ubiquitous contaminants — phosphorous and nitrates — which are implicated in a variety of serious health– and ecosystem challenges. They’re applied (and sometimes overapplied) on farms, from where they can leach into groundwater or runoff into streams and other waterways when it rains. This has created what Larry Weber, co-founder of the Iowa Flood Center (IFC) at the University of Iowa in Iowa City, calls a “water quality disaster.”

Figuring out how to mitigate this crisis has been the work of myriad researchers over decades. Recently, environmental scientists at the University of Vermont identified 20 hotspots in farming counties where nitrates are overapplied, which has optimistic implications for figuring out where and how less of them can be used. Meanwhile, a joint University of Illinois Chicago/University of Waterloo study published last December modeled the nitrate-removing potential of wetlands — spots where water covers soil — in the Mississippi River Basin, the third largest drainage basin in the world. Researchers found that wetlands situated on farms, which are, ironically, places that generate so much nitrate pollution in the first place, have the greatest filtering potential. While “They can’t solve the whole nitrogen problem,” says Kimberly van Meter, the study’s co-lead, “they can make a good contribution.”

Wetlands have been regulated under the Clean Water Act, and protected by executive orders issued by President Jimmy Carter, since 1977. But in the past 200 years in the US, they have also been disappearing, at a rate of 60 acres per hour. Which begs the question: How can we conserve what wetlands we’ve still got, and build others back — especially in the places where they can affect the greatest benefit?

Defining wetlands

Just as their name avers without nuance, wetlands are low-lying parcels of land that are, indeed, wet — sometimes permanently, sometimes seasonally — and found both inland and in coastal regions. “Wetland” is actually an umbrella term for marshes, bogs, swamps. And while those descriptors may invoke thoughts of mosquito clouds and lurking alligators, wetland ecosystems support myriad unique and diverse species beyond biting insects and murderous reptiles: shrimp, migratory cranes, saltmarsh cordgrass.

Wetlands also act as our planet’s kidneys, sponging up excess rainwater to prevent flooding, and filtering out some sediment and contaminants before they can reach springs, creeks, groundwater, ocean. Agriculture is the biggest polluter of our rivers and streams and the second biggest polluter of the wetlands themselves. According to the USDA, 41% of nitrates in the Gulf of Mexico, for example, come from agriculture.

The Prairie Pothole Region spanning the Dakotas, Minnesota, Montana, and Iowa is what conservation organization Delta Waterfowl senior vice president John Devney calls “One of the most incredible conservation assets on the continent.” But 90% of critical, historic wetlands in that region have been lost, most converted to agriculture. Millions of acres of corn and soybeans, and rising numbers of hogs, are intensively raised in its states, creating “an existential problem between agriculture and water quality,” says IFC’s Weber. Nitrates flow into waterways in the Mississippi River system, travel down to its Basin, then on into the Gulf of Mexico.

Ninety-four percent of remaining (and still decreasing) wetlands in the region are on or adjacent to farmland, and keeping those intact, plus restoring even a small percentage of those that have been “ditched” or “tiled” (two methods of draining wetlands), could have a positive effect on water quality. Van Meter and her team found that by targeting wetland restoration to areas with the highest nitrate pollution — including on farms — and increasing wetlands in those places by 10%, nitrate pollution could be decreased by 54%.

There’s a catch, though. Such an initiative would require removing 2% of U.S. cropland from production. And “It’s hard to make a case about wetlands helping farmers unless they’re conservationists themselves and want to make the environment a better place,” says Cheryl Wachenheim, an economist at North Dakota State University in Fargo who studies agribusiness. In addition to not wanting to give up what they consider valuable cropland, she says commodity farmers don’t want the “inconvenience” of navigating equipment around small wetland parcels.

Wachenheim’s studies on ways to get farmer buy-in for conservation show they favor compensation for “working wetlands” over restoration. “Working” or “farming” wetlands when they’re seasonally dry, and letting them lie when they go back to wet, allows farmers to counteract what Devney calls wetlands’ “net liability, and the consequence of reduced agricultural production to the farmer doing everything in his power to monetize for his family.”

Nevertheless, Craig Cox, senior vice president for agriculture and natural resources at the Environmental Working Group (EWG), says farmed wetlands are “incredibly controversial.” They were a “weakness,” he says, in the 1985 Farm Bill’s “Swampbuster” provision, which otherwise prevents farmers from draining wetlands if they want to remain eligible for farm subsidies. According to Cox, routinely plowing and planting on top of a seasonally dry wetland “causes damage that is severe. Over time, the basin fills in with sediment and those wetlands’ values and functions are degraded.”

Ashley Steinke, a grassfed beef farmer in Chippewa Falls, WI, who’s restored, at his own expense, 50 acres of wetlands on his property, is skeptical of the claim that farmed wetlands are always a profitable proposition for row crops like corn and soy. “Even ditched and tiled they’re marginal because the hydric soils are still there,” says Steinke, a wildlife biologist who once owned a wetland mitigation business. He thinks some farmers are compelled to plant them on what they’d otherwise consider “dead land,” but doesn’t think they necessarily “produce anything that’s worth anything,” he says.

Iowa alone contributes 29% of the Gulf of Mexico’s nitrate pollution. Despite the fact that the EPA’s Hypoxia Task Forcehas been actively attempting to reduce that load, between 2007 and 2015, “The [nitrate] load out of Iowa doubled and shows no signs of decreasing,” says Weber. Manure production from expanding livestock operations, over-applying fertilizer, GMO corn that’s “hungry for nitrogen, higher seed density that needs more nitrogen, and a leaky system” are all implicated, Weber says. “We’re losing the race against the intensification of ag.”

Carrot vs. stick

“If you wanna see a change in behavior, from my vantage you have to compensate the folks who have this unique asset,” says Delta’s Devney. “The best way is a voluntary incentive-based program. The Wetlands Reserve Program (now called the Wetlands Reserve Easement) has since 1990 been purchasing easements from farmers who agree to restore wetlands. Another federal program, the Conservation Reserve Program, provides 10 years’ worth of rental payments to farmers that stop planting on farmed wetlands. However, says Weber, “Where you have interest and willing landowners, you don’t have enough money to get them back into the natural system.” As a result, wetland restoration and conservation “is not happening at scale, with the intensity we need,” he says.

On the flip side is Ohio’s H2Ohio program, which currently has 44 clean-water projects in the works and has earmarked $5 million to fund farmers willing to restore wetlands on their property. As of this writing only $1.7 million worth of acreage had been enrolled. Program managers attribute the deficit to the project’s newness.

“Incentives are great to the extent that they provide a carrot for someone already considering the practice, but not so great for someone of the mindset that they’re doing everything right and don’t need to change,” says Bill Hogseth, organizing director for the Wisconsin Farmers Union. He works with the Farmer-Led Watershed Council, a privately- and state-funded project in which farmers promote various conservation practices directly to other farmers in their local watershed. Farmer-to-farmer education, on the local level, Hogseth believes, is an effective way to bring even the reticent aboard. “The way I see progress being made is by having someone who can actually sit down and help you think differently about your specific piece of ground rather than, ‘Research says this.’ That bounces off farmers’ brains,” he says.

EWG’s Cox doesn’t thinks any voluntary incentive program will make the critical difference in increasing wetlands or decreasing nitrate runoff. “A voluntary approach alone is not sufficient and we’re going to need to look at hybrid policy approaches” that include regulation and setting water quality standards, he says. “You shouldn’t be able to do whatever you want on your land if what you’re doing is polluting water or affecting people downstream.”

Sarah Mock, an agriculture journalist and author of the upcoming book “Farm (and Other F Words)”, goes a step further, favoring penalizing farmers for worst practices. “Incentives don’t work, which we know for a fact because they’ve been a strategy for 30 years and it hasn’t changed anything,” she says. “Want to tile your wetlands? Pay a tile tax. If every farmer had to pay a tile tax, they would tile fewer wetlands.”

Researcher van Meter thinks that wetland restoration has to be linked to other strategies to be effective. Better fertilizer management, decreased dependence on the ethanol that keeps nitrogen-needy corn in high production, prohibiting crop production along waterways, enrolling wetlands in easement programs, are all strategies various experts propose and that some communities are beginning to adopt — but perhaps not quickly enough. “We’re crossing thresholds that are hard to ignore anymore, especially around drinking water,” says Cox. “We need to recognize that we can’t buy our way out of this.”

Republican senator: Americans aren’t getting vaccinated because Joe Biden told them to wear masks

During a hearing on the nation’s response to the COVID-19 pandemic this Thursday, Sen. Roger Marshall, R-Kans., questioned Dr. Anthony Fauci over the nation’s mask mandates, saying that “President Biden recently said that we should all wear masks until everyone is vaccinated — that’s probably the worst thing that could have been said for compliance.”

“So many people have said, ‘Why would I go get a vaccine when the president says we have to keep wearing masks until everyone’s vaccinated?'” Marshall said as Fauci listened patiently.

“We Americans feel like the goal line keeps moving,” Marshall continued, addressing Fauci. “And I understand your fear of different variants and all those different things going on here, but where is the science that clearly shows wearing masks is helpful after you’ve had the vaccine?”

Marshall did not allow Fauci and the other experts to answer the question. “For the sake of time, I need to move on,” he said, asking the witnesses to send him studies.

You can watch the video below via YouTube:

“The Falcon and the Winter Soldier” explodes with action and hints at probing America’s identity

Were you one of the many folks who left “WandaVision” early because there weren’t enough fight scenes and explosions? Did you stick around until the end only to be nonplussed by the finale’s witch-on-witch violence, which mostly boiled down to two excellent actors flinging colorful energy balls at each other?

Straightaway “The Falcon and the Winter Soldier” remedies that by meeting up with Sam Wilson, aka The Falcon (Anthony Mackie), mid-secret mission. A full 10-minute action sequence opens the episode, and considering that it’s only slightly longer than 40 minutes if you don’t count the marathon end credits that come standard with any Marvel Cinematic Universe joint, that’s a full 25% of the premiere dedicated to a hero shooting his way to a solution.

All of it happens before we check in on Bucky Barnes, formerly known as international assassin The Winter Soldier (Sebastian Stan), so if you’re guessing the action doesn’t stop with the man in the metal wings, you are right!

Marvel introduced the television extension of its Cinematic Universe with a creative love letter to TV with a tribute to grieving written on the backside of the paper, and while a lot of people loved “WandaVision,” many folks didn’t. The idea of an MCU title focusing on a love story as opposed to setting up a weekly punch-a-thon with an enemy too mighty for mere mortal fighting forces was a bit off brand.

But the comic book movie company knows which side its bread is buttered on. Hence this slamming action series that, you know, really feels like a six-hour movie. You may read that as a TV critic’s sarcasm – there are few descriptors that folks like me detest more than a producer describing their artsy drag of a show as “really, it’s more of a 10-hour movie.”

In this case, the boot actually fits, and better yet, there are thrusters in its heels.

“The Falcon and the Winter Soldier” picks up after the Blip, which returned both Sam and Bucky to our existence in time to help out Captain America (Chris Evans) defeat Thanos in the events of “Avengers: Endgame” but robbed the trio of much togetherness after that. A time travel errand returned Steve Rogers to them as a very old man ready to be done with his duty. His final act (on camera, at least) is to bequeath his shield to Sam with Bucky looking on, nodding his approval.

“Try it on,” Steve says. “How does it feel?”

Sam responds, “Like it’s someone else’s.”

“It isn’t,” Steve insists, after which Sam thanks him and tells him he’ll do his best. “That’s why it’s yours,” Steve replies with satisfaction.

Transferring that title isn’t so simple; as it turns out, Sam isn’t ready to take on the Captain America mantle. Bucky, meanwhile, is having problems reconciling with his past and re-entering life as a civilian. In the way of all soldiers who have seen combat, to say nothing of one who was brainwashed and forced to kill people in cold blood for the better part of a century, he’s contending with severe PTSD and isolating himself from the world.

Duty isn’t done with either of them. Sam encounters a new terrorist force rising in Europe and the Middle East, but there may be a larger domestic problem looming. Captain America’s shield is one of the most powerful items in any world power’s arsenal, and this is America. What Sam won’t claim, someone else will – and that’s really where this story kicks into gear.

“The Falcon and the Winter Soldier” sets us up to expect a weekly action movie, and it’s certainly possible that every episode will feature some sort of mind-boggling sequence. (It worked for “The Mandalorian” in its sophomore run.) But series creator Malcolm Spellman, who also wrote the fine premiere, hints at clawing into spaces that this franchise doesn’t tend to go in its movies, such as how we define American greatness and what we believe our heroes should look like.

The MCU operates far outside the range of reality, of course, but some truths transcend timelines and multiverses, one being that at least half of Americans might take issue with a non-white person claiming the title Rogers originated. When a government official declares that the nation has a “need for symbols, and better, people worthy to stand behind them,” he doesn’t have Sam in mind for that job regardless of the fact that he’s proven himself many times over.

Granted, it is Sam’s decision to surrender the shield, for which he receives the thanks of a grateful nation and little else. Critics were only given one episode of “The Falcon and the Winter Soldier” to preview, but plainly this kernel is what thickens the plot.

If nothing else this series makes the audience realize that being an Avenger doesn’t come with its own paycheck; Sam accepts government contracts to make ends meet. Bucky’s living situation is comparably bleak and spartan, although he does seem to do a bit of work with local law enforcement as part of an obligation to make amends.

The action sequences are theatre-screen incredible and rely on superhuman feats as always, but the most formidable struggles these men face are entirely mundane and specific to each of them: Sam returns home to Delacroix, Louisiana to helps his financially struggling sister, Sarah, only to discover that saving the known universe holds absolutely no weight with financial institutions. Bucky is barely hanging on and doesn’t believe he’s entitled to anything better in life but misery.

They’re in separate places when the story starts, and separately Mackie and Stan are natural stars, commanding each scene they’re in. And while the movies established that the actors have chemistry it’ll be interesting to watch that expand and mature over the course of the series.

The dialogue doesn’t expressly state this, but there is an unspoken common theme of deserving. Sam is supposed to become Captain America but he can’t see it yet, and there’s a special sting in watching someone earn a title that was theirs to begin with.

It’s odd to think that at some point soon these two haunted men will team up on a vaguely humorous journey, which was how Spellman originally envisioned this concept. Except, that is, when you come back to the essential spirit of the Captain America story.

Captain America is a fan favorite because he equates excellence not with status or intelligence but simple goodness. Before he became Captain America Steve Rogers was short, scrawny and asthmatic and accustomed to being beaten down by men who were bigger and meaner. He earns the right to have powers bestowed upon him by replying to the question of whether he wants to kill Nazis with, “I don’t want to kill anyone. I don’t like bullies. I don’t care where they’re from.”

In one of most fondly remembered scenes from “Captain America: The First Avenger” the scientist who enhances him makes him swear to be a good man – not a great American, but a good human being. “The strong man who has known power all his life may lose respect for that power,” he says, “but a weak man knows the value of strength and knows compassion.”

That film came out in 2011. In the comics Marvel passed the Captain America mantle to Sam Wilson in 2014, debuting his first comic in 2015. This changing of the guard was always in the offing. But the artists and writer steering the character through that change had not yet spent time in an America led by a racist authoritarian demagogue.

It is not the job of “The Falcon and the Winter Soldier” to speak to that; indeed, the MCU never does directly, although obviously Hydra is a general stand-in for fascism of all stripes. But I am curious to discover what this series ultimately posits about who and what represents the American ideal in a world without Steve Rogers.

“The Falcon and the Winter Soldier” is currently streaming on Disney+. New episodes debut on Fridays.

The world moved online during the pandemic, and that’s just a start for better disability access

When she was in her mid-30s, Angela Talent was diagnosed with Complex Regional Pain Syndrome, a rare neurological disorder that eventually deformed her hands and limited her ability to walk for long distances. She went from living independently to requiring a caregiver many of her daily activities. 

This past year living through the pandemic was unbelievably difficult, but Talent hopes that it helped individuals without disabilities empathize with what she goes through when it comes to accessing cultural opportunities and entertainment. 

“I’m grateful for it because other people that found it easy to go to a movie, participate in what I used to call ‘regular life,’ weren’t able to do that anymore and suddenly they found themselves in a very similar situation to what I have been experiencing for more than 10 years now,” Talent said. “Suddenly, they understood what it was like to be limited to their home and had to get creative in finding new ways to exist in this world.” 

A lot has changed with how many Americans engage in cultural activities since the World Health Organization declared the novel coronavirus a global pandemic in March 2020. Almost overnight, concert halls, museums and movie theaters closed to the public. Producers, staff and artists had to adapt to what would soon be called “the new normal.”

Soon, it seemed that everything migrated online in some capacity. 

Google teamed up with 2,500 museums worldwide, including the Guggenheim and the Louvre, to offer virtual tours and online collections. The Metropolitan Opera in New York City began streaming concerts for free, while many local musicians started performing concerts from their living rooms. Drag shows, cabarets, book readings and lectures could all be held via Zoom. 

Eventually, Warner Brothers announced that all of its movies set for release in 2021 would simultaneously premiere in theaters and on its streaming service HBO Max — including anticipated hits like “The Suicide Squad,” “Godzilla vs. Kong” and “Matrix 4.”

Before the pandemic, Talent said, negotiating a movie theater was difficult. It’s painful for her to stand in lines for prolonged periods of time and incurred the additional cost of her caregiver’s ticket. 

“I absolutely love that I get to go to the movies at home and I don’t have to negotiate waiting in lines or attempting to walk up the ramp or one or two stairs to get to a seat that I like and want to sit in,” she said. “Now I can comfortably do it from home without paying a price. By price, I mean increased pain and emotional pain from the pain or the stress of having a disability in this world of ours.” 

She continued: “My disability is extremely painful and I have to decide how much time and energy I can put into an outing and if I’m even capable of going when the time comes.” 

Meenakshi Das, an accessibility advocate who founded the organization Working with Disabilities, has also noted the increased accessibility across the board.

“I definitely believe it has been positive,” she said. “Not just streaming movies from home and virtual museum tours, et cetera — even other cultural experiences are becoming accessible. For example, Airbnb’s new online experiences service has activities ranging from meditation to cooking classes which are taught from people all around the world.” 

As more and more Americans are getting vaccinated and many are eager for life to normalize again, Das hopes the strides made towards greater accessibility will not just endure, but continue to improve and become more inclusive. 

“We need to consider the accessibility of these online platforms,” she said. “It is important to remember that just because COVID-19 has given us a multitude of ways to experience things, not all of those ways are accessible.”

She said she wanted to do a virtual game hour for a group of which she is a part, but they couldn’t find any screen-reader accessible games so her blind colleague could participate. And, Das said, while streaming services like Hulu and Netflix are doing great in terms of captioning, much of the content lacks audio descriptions. 

“Since virtual cultural experiences are so dependent on technology, we need to work towards building stronger infrastructure towards accessible technology,” she said. “This is essential so that it is able to support a variety of interactive accessible experiences, and not just limited to streaming movies. Companies must develop their services with inclusive design in mind so they are accessible and are able to reach a wide range of audience.” 

The situation is nuanced. On one hand, Talent misses being out in public and craves social interaction, just like everyone else; but, she said, accessibility is about having a variety of options for participation, and that’s something she hopes doesn’t dissipate as more cultural centers and venues reopen. 

“Some of the biggest improvements that can be made with entertainment is continuing to make it more accessible,” she said. “I personally love getting to see the world from home where I don’t have to pay a price be it physical, emotional, financial — paying for two people versus one — or otherwise.” 

Marjorie Taylor Greene: “It really hurts to be called anti-Semite or racist”

Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, R-G., claimed ignorance as her defense for spreading an anti-Semitic conspiracy theory.

The Georgia Republican suggested in a November 2018 post on Facebook that the wildfire that ravaged California was started with a laser beam as part of an effort to clear land for building a high-speed rail project involving corporate and banking interests, such as the Rothschild family — but Greene insisted she wasn’t aware of the anti-Semitic implications of her claims, reported Forward.

“I didn’t even know and didn’t find out until recently that the Rothschilds were Jewish,” Greene told the print-only Ami Magazine.

The lawmaker visited Orthodox neighborhoods in Brooklyn and Long Island earlier this week organized by the conservative Chovevei Zion congregation, and said she was unfamiliar with the banking dynasty that has long been the target of anti-Semitic conspiracy theories.

“I can tell you I have no idea what ‘Jewish space laser’ means because I never said it,” she said. “The community I have got to spend time with today is very similar to the people I have in my life.”

Greene blamed the criticism on the media, saying her views had never been called into question like that until she entered politics.

“It really hurts to be called anti-Semite or racist,” Greene said. “No one has ever called me that before in my life until the left-wing media decided to attack me.”

Ron Johnson labeled a racist by his colleagues in Congress

Republican Sen. Ron Johnson is now complaining that the left is trying to “silence” him after he claimed that while he has not afraid of the violent mob of Trump supporters who stormed the U.S. Capitol while all of Congress was inside, he would have been frightened by a Black Lives Matter protest. 

In a Wall Street Journal op-ed this week, Johnson, R-Wis., doubled down on his comments about the pro-Trump rioters who stormed the Capitol on Jan. 6, insisting that the left is attempting to “silence” him. Last week, during an interview with conservative radio host Joe Pags, Johnson admitted that he didn’t feel threatened by the pro-Trump rioters who staged an armed insurrection at the Capitol but might have if the rioters had been Black Lives Matter protestors or Antifa. 

“Now, had the tables been turned — Joe, this could get me in trouble — had the tables been turned,” Johnson said, “and President Trump won the election and those were tens of thousands of Black Lives Matter and Antifa protesters, I might have been a little concerned.”

Amid heated accusations of racism from both the media and members of Congress, Johnson denied that his statements had any racial animus.

“It has nothing to do with race,” he told WISN-AM on Monday, “It has everything to do with riots. I completely did not anticipate that anybody could interpret what I said as racist. It’s not.”  

That same day, Johnson penned an op-ed in the Journal to further his case. “I told Joe Pags the truth,” he wrote, “I honestly never felt threatened on Jan. 6. But, I added, I might have been worried if Donald Trump had won and the violent leftists who burned Kenosha, Wis., and Minneapolis last summer had come to Washington.”

He continued, “Leftists who want to memory hole last summer’s political violence immediately started lecturing me that the 2020 protests were mostly peaceful. Apparently they’ve forgotten that, according to the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project, 570 leftist protests became riots last year. Twenty-five people lost their lives and 700 law enforcement officers were injured.”

Johnson’s citation, however, does not entirely reflect the findings of the report, which detail that “570 [protests]…involved demonstrators engaging in violence.” And video documentation shows that much of the violence which erupted during the protests was both initiated and escalated by law enforcement. “The vast majority of demonstration events associated with the BLM movement are non-violent,” the report concluded, “In more than 93% of all demonstrations connected to the movement, demonstrators have not engaged in violence or destructive activity.”

Johnson went on to demur the supposed leftist narrative of portraying all Trump supporters as violent. Those “braying about ‘peaceful protests,” he said, are “the same people” that “fail to see the damage they do by pushing a narrative designed to portray the 74 million Americans who voted for Mr. Trump as potential domestic terrorists or armed insurrectionists.” He included the media in his critique. “Most reporters today put advocacy above journalism,” he wrote in The Wall Street Journal. “Instead of conducting interviews with conservatives, they conduct arguments. They push their political viewpoints and are willing to lie, twist, distort, omit, censor and cancel anything or anyone with an opposing view.”

Asked to respond to Johnson’s comments, House Majority Whip Rep. James Clyburn, D-S.C., said in a CNN interview late Tuesday, “The guy is racist, this is not the first time he has indicated such,” Clyburn said. “I would hope that the people of Wisconsin would take note of this and do what they can to help make this country a better place.”

House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer, D-Md., said that Johnson issued “a racist statement — a statement that ought to be deeply troubling to the Republican Party to have a member of the United States Senate, a Republican, reflect such prejudice, such simplification, which mirrored Donald Trump’s dealing with immigrants.” 

Don’t laugh at Mr. Potato Head: The right’s culture-war obsessions are a threat to democracy

Sometimes it’s not the wine inside the glass that is poisoned, but the glass itself.

The Republican Party and the right wing have a new obsession: “cancel culture.” They hope to turn this into a winning political theme for 2022 and beyond.

In reality, so-called cancel culture is not new, it is part of a long history of a right-wing campaign to use culture war issues to distract the public so they can keep power and influence over American society.

The right’s theory of cancel culture is organized around a claim that “liberals” or “progressives” or some other “un-American” and dangerous group is trying to overturn the country’s “traditions” and “values.” The defenders of these supposed traditional values are of course conservatives, who are depicted as being victimized, preyed upon and somehow oppressed and imperiled by these forces of cultural change.

In the most extreme examples, these outrages can grow into a society-wide moral panic.

The foundational premise of the right-wing culture war is that some kind of Other — sometimes named and delineated, sometimes unspecified — is trying to overturn “mainstream” (white) American culture and values.

The culture war(s) have a long history in American society. There were culture war battles in the 20th century about “black music” such as rock ‘n’ roll and its supposedly damaging influence on white young people. Comic books were targeted in the 1950s, because they were deemed to obscene and harmful to young people and society more broadly. In the 1980s, the roleplaying game Dungeons & Dragons was deemed to be some type of gateway to Satanism and cults. Feminists were supposedly going to brainwash young women and girls and turn them against the “traditional family.” Socialists have been a long-running bugaboo, throughout the 19th, 20th and now the 21st centuries.

And of course, efforts by conservatives to control women’s reproductive choices and control over their own bodies is a recurring cultural war battle across American history.

More recent right-wing wing culture war obsessions and delusions include denying LGBTQ people their full human and civil rights. America is supposedly a Christian nation, under siege by “secularists,” “atheists,” liberals and progressives who intend to ban the celebration of Christmas. Transgendered people are dangerous — predators who hang around in public bathrooms to molest children, or somehow “seduce” heterosexual men. Transgender boys and girls — but especially girls —should not be allowed to play sports because their presence will somehow contaminate other children.

As with other fascist imaginaries, the core narrative of Trumpism involves the leader and his followers defending and reclaiming the nation and its “traditional values” from dangerous, alien forces. This is a dangerous performance that often flirts with absurdism. 

Recently, some on the right-wing became outraged that the venerable toy Mr. Potato Head is being “reimagined” as gender-neutral (although that is not nearly as true as they suggested). Some of Dr. Seuss’ more obscure children’s books, featuring offensive or stereotypical images have become another battlefield after the publisher — a private company, obeying the dictates of the market — decided to remove them from circulation. Mating racism, sexism and male insecurity (as well as a poorly-concealed desire for black women’s bodies), right-wing bloviators — who somehow still have large media platforms, despite being “canceled” — have bemoaned and condemned Cardi B and Megan Thee Stallion’s rap song “WAP.”

Black Lives Matter and “woke culture” are also supposedly trying to destroy the lives of white conservatives, and other white people who do not surrender to “left-wing” political correctness. The New York Times’ 1619 Project and critical race theory are indoctrinating young people and white people in general into “anti-white” beliefs. Antifa and other socialists or anarchists are supposedly everywhere, undermining America’s true values.

At its core, the right-wing cancel-culture victimology narrative is an effort to deny human freedom and dignity to groups they deem to be undesirable and beneath them in the social hierarchy.

When racists and white supremacists shriek about being “canceled,” their real anger is about being held accountable for their behavior, and at the revolutionary idea that nonwhite people are to be respected as equals to white people. Their rage at “cancel culture” is really a neat and convenient to laundering a desire for consequence-free speech and behavior.

Change that empowers groups and individual who were previously marginalized terrifies conservatives because it upsets their sense of natural hierarchy, group authority, and power. Moreover, the right to “cancel” in American society has historically been exercised almost exclusively by white people against nonwhites and other marginalized communities. Even a partial inversion of that power dynamic has created a world that many white conservatives (and others sympathetic to them) do not want to live in.

For those outside of the right-wing echo chamber, today’s “culture war” and “cancel culture” anxieties are absurd. Those who complain about Mr. Potato Head, or Dr. Seuss books no actual children have read in 50 years, are to be derided. The adults in the room, “the serious people”, are worried about COVID, the economy and other public policy crises. In this “mainstream” narrative, the rubes in red-state Fox News America are being tricked again. The fact that the right wing is resorting to culture-war appeals once again shows how badly they are losing. Joe Biden is winning by ignoring the right-wing troll-bait.

But there’s a problem with this analysis. Members of the mainstream news media and other political observers (and the general public) who make such claims are underestimating the power of storytelling, emotions and systems of personal meaning.

In many ways, the culture war and “cancel culture” controversies are likely to be winning politics for the Republican Party and its allies.

At CNN, Herry Enten explains that Republican “critiques of ‘cancel culture'” is one of the right’s “best political plays”:

While Democrats may mock them, the fear of cancel culture and political correctness isn’t something that just animates the GOP’s base. It’s the rare issue that does so without alienating voters in the middle.

We can see this well in the 2020 American National Elections Studies’ pre-election survey. This academic survey asks questions on a bunch of topics. This includes a question about political correctness, which, if anything, is a less extreme version of cancel culture.

Respondents were asked whether they thought people needed to change the way they talked to be with the times or whether this movement had gone too far and people were too easily offended.

People being too easily offended won by a 53% to 46% margin over people needing to change the way they talked.

Keep in mind, the voters in this sample claimed they had either voted or would vote for Biden over Donald Trump by a 53% to 42% margin. This just gives you an idea of how much more popular the opposition to cancel culture and political correctness is than the baseline Republican presidential performance.

A recent poll by Morning Consult and Politico shows that more Republicans had heard about the Dr. Seuss “controversy” than any other major issue, including President Biden’s COVID relief bill. Cameron Easley provides these details:

Conservatives on Capitol Hill and in the media have devoted ample time in the past week to criticizing the overseer of Dr. Seuss’ estate for pulling six books from publication because of their racist imagery. A new Morning Consult/Politico poll shows that messaging effort is resonating with the Republican base. 

Nearly half (48 percent) of GOP voters said they’d heard “a lot” about the decision, according to the March 6-8 survey of 1,990 Americans, more than the share of Republicans who heard about any other news event tested in the poll, including the House’s successful passage of President Joe Biden’s $1.9 trillion COVID-19 relief bill (44 percent) on Feb. 27 and confirmation that former President Donald Trump and former first lady Melania Trump had been vaccinated for the disease (15 percent). …

Nonetheless, the attention paid to the decision reflects conservatives’ confidence that a focus on cultural issues will help the party at the ballot box. Republican commentator Erick Erickson on Tuesday predicted that come next year, “more voters will remember Seuss when they vote than the COVID plan.” 

While that assertion remains in question, the latest poll’s findings suggest that the most recent front in the culture war is registering with the conservative base.

The Republican Party and its right-wing culture war are also contributing to a public safety emergency in the United States. Law enforcement and other experts on domestic terrorism are warning that the Age of Trump has spawned a right-wing violent insurgency that will plague the country for years if not decades to come. To that end, a narrative about how “real Americans” and “conservatives” are being “canceled” is an integral part of a right-wing radicalization process where terrorism is the ultimate outcome. That radicalization process is occurring in plain sight.

There are several available examples. Consider that the theme of the 2021 CPAC conference was “America uncanceled.”

On an almost daily basis Fox News and other right-wing propaganda media repeat the lie that white people are somehow being “replaced” in America by nonwhites, especially brown and Black immigrants.

The threat of “replacing” a person or a group is perceived as an existential one. Violence is then a legitimate form of self-defense, an example of natural law in action. When conservatives and Trump supporters are told by the right-wing news media, by their churches, by the QAnon cult and elsewhere that they are being “canceled,” what is really being communicated is the need for (preemptive) violence against “liberals,” “progressives,” Democrats or the Other more generally.

Ultimately, if we laugh at the right’s obsession with “cancel culture” we do so at our own risk, and at great risk to American democracy.

How sex addiction is (wrongly) used as a cover for violence

More details are surfacing about Robert Aaron Long, the 21-year-old white man who has been charged with killing eight people, and what motivated the alleged gunman to take so many lives at three separate spa shootings outside of Atlanta, Georgia, on March 16. Seven of the gunman’s eight victims were women; six were identified as Asian and at least four of those killed were of Korean descent. The victims of the shootings who have been identified by time of publication, according to CNN, are Delaina Yaun, Paul Andre Michels, Xiaojie Tan, and Daoyou Feng. One man, Elcias Hernandez-Ortiz, survived. 

These details, coupled with the influx in hate incidents against Asian Americans over the last year, have prompted speculation that the murders were racially motivated. Yet hours after the police arrested Long, who took responsibility for the shootings, he was reportedly pushing a new narrative about motive — specifically, that he suffered from “sex addiction.”

At a press conference on March 17, Cherokee County sheriff’s deputy Captain Jay Baker reported that Long said he “wanted to eliminate” his “temptation” by killing eight people who worked at establishments that he reportedly saw as “an outlet” for his alleged addiction to sex.

“He said it was not racially motivated,” law enforcement officials said in a statement.

But the narrative unfolding about Long is raising ire among mental health professionals, who say that sex addiction doesn’t drive its sufferers to violence. Likewise, many psychologists and therapists have been privy to a long debate to recognize sex addiction as an actual psychological disorder in the first place, and are wary of trivializing it or misapplying the label to those who are using it as a scapegoat for violence.

Indeed, this isn’t the first time that sex addiction has been weaponized into an excuse for a horrific crime. Disgraced Hollywood mogul Harvey Weinstein, now in prison for one count of third-degree rape and committing a criminal sex act, tried to excuse his behavior as the work of a “sex addict” — a diagnosis psychologists disagreed with as an explanation for his behavior. Serial killer Ted Bundy claimed his so-called sex addiction to pornography was what led him to rape and murder women. Ariel Castro, who help three teenagers captive in his Cleveland basement, also cast blame on his alleged porn and sex addiction. 

In 2018, the World Health Organization’s International Classification of Diseases (ICD) categorized “compulsive sexual behavior disorder” — commonly referred to as sex addiction — as an impulse-control disorder. The ICD-11, a manual for doctors around the world, specifically defined compulsive sexual behavior disorder (CSBD) as a “persistent pattern of failure to control intense, repetitive sexual impulses or urges resulting in repetitive sexual behaviour.”

Notably, the American Psychiatric Association did not include it in a 2012 updated version of “The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders” (DSM), which is considered the “bible” of diagnostic categories for mental health in the United States. The manual is updated every few years, and is what mental health professionals rely on when giving a diagnosis. Technically, “sex addiction” is not an official diagnosis, per the DSM.


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That’s not to say that compulsive sexual behavior disorder isn’t real — rather, that killing people is not part of the disorder as far as any experts are concerned.

“Homicidal behavior has not been found by any study I am aware of occurring at a higher frequency among men who feel sexually out of control and label their experience as having an identity of a sex addict, or who have been a patient at a sex addiction treatment center for their consensual sexual behavior,” Doug Braun-Harvey, a sexual health author, trainer and psychotherapist, told Salon via email.

Dr. Stefanie Carnes, president of the International Institute for Trauma and Addiction Professionals, agreed. She added that she fears that sex addiction is being mislabeled once again to give an excuse to a violent individual.

“Sex addiction or compulsive sexual behavior disorder does not typically cause violent tendencies,” Carnes said. “When somebody actually kills somebody we’re dealing with sociopathy or psychoticism, a psychotic behavior — something along those lines, typically.”

Carnes emphasized sex addiction “doesn’t equal sex offending or cause homicidal behavior.”

“It’s not the same thing,” she said, noting one of the main concerns about adding compulsive sexual behavior disorder to the DSM is that it could “be used in court cases to get sex offenders and violent individuals a reduced sentence.”

“It’s an issue because we really do need a diagnosis for it, so that it does legitimize the disorder and we can work on de-stigmatizing and getting people treatment,” Carnes said. She said that falsely equating sex addiction with violence could be harmful to people who actually have compulsive sexual behavior disorder.

Notably, the WHO explicitly notes that compulsive sexual behavior disorder cannot be used to diagnose people who are grappling with religion-induced shame. For example, someone with conservative religious views, who frequents pornography sites a few times a month and believes that they are thus a “sex addict” would not fall under the WHO’s rubric. Indeed, there has been a fear that recognizing compulsive sexual behavior disorder could pathologize normal sexual behavior — which brings us back to Long.

There appears to be a correlation between Long’s faith and views on sex. The New York Times reported that Long’s former roommate, Tyler Bayless, corroborated Long’s alleged addiction. Bayless told The Times that it “tore him [Long] up inside,” in part because of his Christian faith. “I’ll never forget him looking at me and saying, ‘I’m falling out of God’s grace,'” Bayless said.

According to The Times, Long belonged to the Crabapple First Baptist Church. He also reportedly got treatment at HopeQuest, a Christian addiction center.

As Salon writer Ashlie Stevens has reported extensively, there is a massive focus on purity culture in Evangelical circles. And massage parlors have long been demonized by many conservative religious groups. For example, a religious anti-pornography group called Exodus Cry has publicly decried “Asian massage parlors” as “often fronts for brothels, prostitution, and trafficking.”

Over the next weeks and days more details will emerge about Long’s case, but one thing appears to be clear: psychologists agree that murder has nothing to do with sex addiction, and say that it is time to stop using “sex addiction” as an excuse for abuse, violence and hate.

One House race remains undecided — and Republicans are howling about hypocrisy

One of the closest races in congressional history remains undecided, more than four months after the November election. Now the Democratic candidate, who appears to have lost the election by a total of six votes, is appealing to the House Democratic majority to seat her instead of the apparent Republican winner — and the GOP is howling about Democratic hypocrisy, in the wake of Donald Trump’s attempts to overturn the presidential election.

Iowa State Sen. Mariannette Miller-Meeks, a Republican, wound up with an infinitesimal lead over Democrat Rita Hart in the state’s 2nd congressional district, after officials in the Hawkeye State worked through the vote-counting process. But Hart is officially contesting her defeat to the House itself — which has final authority over whom to seat — arguing that a handful of uncounted votes would reverse the result. 

Here’s how this unfolded: Unofficial election results on Nov. 3 showed Miller-Meeks was initially ahead of Hart by a margin of 282 votes, or about 0.07% of the total votes cast. That’s tiny, but would have been a clear result.

Under Iowa law, however, absentee ballots were still being delivered and counted until the following Monday as long as they were postmarked by Election Day. As those votes were counted and Iowa counties corrected some minor tallying errors, Miller-Meeks’ lead plummeted down to a 47-vote margin. At that point, Hart officially called for a district-wide recount, covering 24 Iowa counties.

According to the Des Moines Register, that recount, “added concerning inconsistency.” Each count was assigned three board members, one appointed by each party and an outside member to manage the recount. Some boards counted ballots by hand, while others used machines. As the Register observed, “equity would call for all votes to be handled the same way.”

At the close of the recount process, amid mounting confusion, Miller-Meeks’ lead had diminished to just six votes, 196,964 to 196,958. But that was that, according to Iowa: She was confirmed the winner by an executive bipartisan council, as well as the secretary of state. 

Now Hart has asked the House of Representatives to step in and render a final verdict, a power granted to Congress under Article I, Section 5 of the U.S. Constitution. Hart has argued that Iowa law did not provide ample time for a thorough recount process and, according to CNN, has claimed that some ballots were thrown out for improper reasons, such as a misplaced signature or a poorly sealed envelope. If just 22 of those discarded ballots were counted correctly, her campaign argues, Hart would win the election by nine votes. 

Miller-Meeks, however, has maintained that she won the election fairly and the result must stand. “Every vote has been counted under Iowa law, and recounted under Iowa law,” she said in a statement on Tuesday. “The canvas of votes was approved unanimously by a bipartisan board, and certified by the state of Iowa. I’m proud that a narrow majority of you elected me.” 

“Unfortunately,” she added, “Rita Hart now wants Washington politicians to override the will of Iowa voters and disenfranchise hundreds of thousands of Iowa voters.”

Some congressional Republicans have called Hart’s petition a hypocritical power-grab by Democrats, especially given their outrage over Trump’s attempt to reverse his defeat in the presidential election.

“Rita Hart and Speaker Pelosi are trying to subvert democracy,” said Mike Berg, a spokesman for the National Republican Congressional Committee. “Every Democrat member should condemn this partisan power-grab.”

In an interview with iHeartRadio, Iowa Gov. Kim Reynolds, a Republican, called Hart’s petition “unconscionable.”

Democrats do not appear certain how to proceed. Rep. Jamie Raskin, D-Md., a constitutional law professor who led Trump’s second impeachment trial, cautioned that Hart, has the “statutory burden of proof to sustain.” 

“The critical thing is when you go to a judicial forum, bring some proof, bring some evidence with you,” Raskin told CNN.

Another Democrat, Rep. Lou Correa of California, who sits on the House Judiciary Committee, expressed reluctance about moving forward with a congressional review. Correa said he wanted to know “what motivates Congress to look at something that should be a state issue.”

“I want to see what compelling reasons there are for the feds to get involved in this,” he added. “I think these are issues that right now are probably best left at the state level.”

It is also exceptionally rare for Congress to take up a challenge from a losing candidate. According to the Congressional Research Service, the House has considered 107 contested election cases between 1933 to 2009, and on only three occasions has seated a candidate who contested an apparent defeat.

“Poverty is killing us”: Progressive Caucus uses White House meeting to push Biden on $15 wage

Members of the Congressional Progressive Caucus — led by Rep. Pramila Jayapal, D-Wash. — used a private meeting with White House chief of staff Ron Klain on Wednesday to pressure the Biden administration to support whatever procedural maneuvers are necessary to pass a $15 federal minimum wage, a proposal Senate Democratic leaders stripped from the recently approved COVID-19 relief package.

The path forward for the popular $15 minimum wage measure has been uncertain since the unelected Senate parliamentarian advised lawmakers late last month that the pay increase would run afoul of the arcane rules of budget reconciliation, the filibuster-proof process congressional Democrats used to pass the American Rescue Plan without any Republican support.

Rejecting vocal demands from progressive lawmakers and grassroots activists, Vice President Kamala Harris and Senate Democrats refused to overrule the parliamentarian on the $15 minimum wage, despite the official’s complete lack of constitutional authority.

During Wednesday’s meeting, according to Politico, progressive attendees offered two potential alternative ways to push through the long-overdue pay raise for 32 million workers: Eliminating the Senate’s archaic legislative filibuster, or attaching the minimum wage proposal to must-pass government funding legislation later this year.

Jayapal, the chair of the CPC, told Politico that while “there was no consensus around” the best strategy, the progressive lawmakers “got a very clear sense that this is a real commitment for the White House, and they’re very willing to work with us on what that looks like.”

The Washington Democrat offered a similar assessment on Twitter, calling the meeting “productive” and welcoming “the opportunity to share ideas on how we pass the boldest legislation through Congress so every American has the opportunity to thrive — not just survive.”

“We look forward to regular collaboration,” Jayapal added, “and to continuing these conversations at a second meeting this week.”

The meeting itself — also attended by Reps. Barbara Lee, D-Calif., Ilhan Omar, D-Minn., Mark Pocan, D-Wis., and Cori Bush, D-Mo. — was viewed as a reflection of the growing influence of the nearly 100-member CPC as well as the more moderate Biden administration’s approach to dealing with the Democratic Party’s left flank, which the Obama administration frequently derided, alienated and dismissed.

“A few years ago, the group was viewed as a bunch of radicals with no clout,” Politico noted, referring to the CPC. “Now they’re flexing and commanding the attention of the White House. Biden called Jayapal after the American Rescue Plan passed, and she told him she wants these kinds of meetings to happen regularly.”

Following Wednesday’s meeting, Bush — a freshman member of Congress and progressive firebrand — wrote on Twitter that she asked Klain “to share what’s in my heart with the president: the fight for at least $15 is a matter of life and death in St. Louis.”

“Poverty is killing us,” Bush added. “We agreed to work together on this. Thank you, Mr. Klain.”

In an analysis earlier this month, the Economic Policy Institute estimated that raising the federal minimum wage to $15 an hour by 2025 would lift around 3.7 million people in the U.S. out of poverty.

In addition to pressing Klain on the minimum wage, progressive lawmakers also stressed the importance of making permanent key elements of the American Rescue Plan, such as the law’s year-long expansion of the child tax credit. Analysts have predicted that the temporary policy would cut child poverty in half, meaning that child poverty could double in 2022 without further action from lawmakers.

“The American Rescue Act is a big step forward in the fight to end childhood poverty — but the fight does not stop there,” Lee tweeted Wednesday. “We must protect all children by making the expanded Child Tax Credit permanent.”

Politico reported that progressives also pushed for a commitment that Biden’s coming jobs and infrastructure plan “will address not only transportation but climate change, healthcare, and so-called family infrastructure, things like child care and paid leave.”

Echoing the concerns of progressive climate groups, Jayapal warned the Biden administration not to ditch bold climate proposals in a likely futile attempt to win bipartisan support for the new package, which the White House is reportedly considering breaking up into as many as three separate bills.

“We can either go green, or we can go bipartisan, because I just don’t think that Republicans are ready to have a transformative package,” Jayapal told Politico. “And so I said that at the White House.”

New details about the infamous Trump Tower meeting with Russian attorney revealed

A German company newly sanctioned by the Biden administration for its ties to the poisoning of a Russian political activist has been linked to the infamous 2016 meeting at Trump Tower.

The Biden administration sanctioned Riol-Chemie for its “activities in support of Russia’s weapons of mass destruction programs,” but financial records reviewed by The Daily Beast show the poisoning of Alexei Navalny is tied to the money laundering network that Russian attorney Natalia Veselnitskya was trying to cover up when she met with Donald Trump Jr. and other campaign officials before the 2016 election.

The dark money network, which was exposed by Russian lawyer Sergei Magnitsky can be linked by those documents to the chemical weapons program run by Russia’s intelligence services, the website reported.

Documents compiled by Lithuanian investigators show Riol-Chemie received hundreds of thousands of dollars from a company registered in the British Virgin Islands that’s accused of laundering some of the $230 million fraud exposed by Magnitsky, who was murdered in jail after revealing the theft, and French investigators found records that show two companies registered in New Zealand sent $1 million of that stolen money to the German chemical maker.

The U.S. and other countries have enacted anti-corruption laws in Magnitsky’s name, which Veselnitskaya asked the Trump campaign to overturn if the Republican won the election, and Bill Browder — Magnitsky’s former employer — said those laws preventing Vladimir Putin from spending the stolen money as he pleases have driven the Russian president crazy.

“This clearly shows why Putin has become unhinged because of the Magnitsky investigation,” Browder said. “Every layer of this onion that is peeled, ever more dirty and dangerous information emerges.”

Veselnitskaya was charged in early 2019 by federal prosecutors in Manhattan with seeking to obstruct an investigation into money laundering that involved Prevezon Holdings and its Russian owner Denis Katsyv, and shows her deep ties to Kremlin officials.

She met June 9, 2016 with Trump Jr., Jared Kushner and then Trump campaign chairman Paul Manafort after promising to deliver campaign dirt against Hillary Clinton.