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The slippery slope of using AI and deepfakes to bring history to life

To mark Israel’s Memorial Day in 2021, the Israel Defense Forces musical ensembles collaborated with a company that specializes in synthetic videos, also known as “deepfake” technology, to bring photos from the 1948 Israeli-Arab war to life.

They produced a video in which young singers clad in period uniforms and carrying period weapons sang “Hareut,” an iconic song commemorating soldiers killed in combat. As they sing, the musicians stare at faded black-and-white photographs they hold. The young soldiers in the old pictures blink and smile back at them, thanks to artificial intelligence.

The result is uncanny. The past comes to life, Harry Potter style.

For the past few years, my colleagues and I at UMass Boston’s Applied Ethics Center have been studying how everyday engagement with AI challenges the way people think about themselves and politics. We’ve found that AI has the potential to weaken people’s capacity to make ordinary judgments. We’ve also found that it undermines the role of serendipity in their lives and can lead them to question what they know or believe about human rights.

Now AI is making it easier than ever to reanimate the past. Will that change how we understand history and, as a result, ourselves?

Low financial risk, high moral cost

The desire to bring the past back to life in vivid fashion is not new. Civil War or Revolutionary War reenactments are commonplace. In 2018, Peter Jackson painstakingly restored and colorized World War I footage to create “They Shall Not Grow Old,” a film that allowed 21st-century viewers to experience the Great War more immediately than ever before.

Live reenactments and carefully processed historical footage are expensive and time-consuming undertakings. Deepfake technology democratizes such efforts, offering a cheap and widely available tool for animating old photos or creating convincing fake videos from scratch.

But as with all new technologies, alongside the exciting possibilities are serious moral questions. And the questions get even trickier when these new tools are used to enhance understanding of the past and reanimate historical episodes.

The 18th-century writer and statesman Edmund Burke famously argued that society is a “partnership not only between those who are living, but between those who are living, those who are dead, and those who are to be born.” Political identity, in his view, is not simply what people make of it. It is not merely a product of our own fabrication. Rather, to be part of a community is to be part of a compact between generations – part of a joint enterprise connecting the living, the dead and those who will live in the future.

If Burke is right to understand political belonging this way, deepfake technology offers a powerful way to connect people to the past, to forge this intergenerational contract. By bringing the past to life in a vivid, convincing way, the technology enlivens the “dead” past and makes it more vivid and vibrant. If these images spur empathy and concern for ancestors, deepfakes can make the past matter a lot more.

But this capability comes with risk. One obvious danger is the creation of fake historical episodes. Imagined, mythologized and fake events can precipitate wars: a storied 14th-century defeat in the Battle of Kosovo still inflames Serbian anti-Muslim sentiments, even though nobody knows if the Serbian coalition actually lost that battle to the Ottomans.

Similarly, the second Gulf of Tonkin attack on American warships on Aug. 4, 1964, was used to escalate American involvement in Vietnam. It later turned out the attack never happened.

An atrophying of the imagination

It used to be difficult and expensive to stage fake events. Not anymore.

Imagine, for example, what strategically doctored deepfake footage from the Jan. 6 events in the United States could do to inflame political tensions or what fake video from a Centers for Disease Control and Prevention meeting appearing to disparage COVID-19 vaccines would do to public health efforts.

The upshot, of course, is that deepfakes may gradually destabilize the very idea of a historical “event.” Perhaps over time, as this technology advances and becomes ubiquitous, people will automatically question whether what they are seeing is real.

Whether this will lead to more political instability or – paradoxically, to more stability as a result of hesitancy to act on the basis of what are possibly fabricated occurrences – is open to question.

But beyond anxieties about the wholesale fabrication of history, there are subtler consequences that worry me.

Yes, deepfakes let us experience the past as more alive and, as a result, may increase our sense of commitment to history. But does this use of the technology carry the risk of atrophying our imagination – providing us with ready-made, limited images of the past that will serve as the standard associations for historical events? An exertion of the imagination can render the horrors of World War II, the 1906 San Francisco earthquake or the 1919 Paris Peace Conference in endless variations.

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But will people keep exerting their imagination in that way? Or will deepfakes, with their lifelike, moving depictions, become the practical stand-ins for history? I worry that animated versions of the past might give viewers the impression that they know exactly what happened – that the past is fully present to them – which will then obviate the need to learn more about the historical event.

People tend to think that technology makes life easier. But they don’t realize that their technological tools always remake the toolmakers – causing existing skills to deteriorate even as they open up unimaginable and exciting possibilities.

The advent of smartphones meant photos could be posted online with ease. But it’s also meant that some people don’t experience breathtaking views as they used to, since they’re so fixated on capturing an “instagrammable” moment. Nor is getting lost experienced the same way since the ubiquity of GPS. Similarly, AI-generated deepfakes are not just tools that will automatically enhance our understanding of the past.

Nevertheless, this technology will soon revolutionize society’s connection to history, for better and worse.

People have always been better at inventing things than at thinking about what the things they invent do to them – “always adroiter with objects than lives,” as the poet W.H. Auden put it. This incapacity to imagine the underside of technical achievements is not destiny. It is still possible to slow down and think about the best way to experience the past.

Nir Eisikovits, Associate Professor of Philosophy and Director, Applied Ethics Center, University of Massachusetts Boston

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Beto O’Rourke raises $2 million in first 24 hours after announcing run against Greg Abbott

Former 2020 presidential candidate Beto O’Rourke says he has already amassed $2 million in the first 24 hours of fundraising for his Texas gubernatorial bid to oust Gov. Greg Abbott.

“We entered this race because we believe in a bigger vision for Texas,” O’Rourke said in a statement. “I’m honored to have the support of tens of thousands of Texans to help us build the largest people-powered campaign that Texas has ever seen.”

O’Rourke officially unveiled his campaign on Monday, starting off with Tuesday rallies in Laredo and San Antonio. According to The Austin American-Statesman, he is set to hold more campaign events in the coming days. 

RELATED: Everything you need to know about top-tier presidential candidate Rep. Beto O’Rourke

According to campaign spokesperson Abhi Rahman, O’Rourke’s new slush fund was collected by dint of roughly 31,000 donors.


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While the initial burst of momentum appears promising for O’Rourke’s campaign, the Democratic challenger faces a steep road ahead against Abbott, who has reportedly built up a war chest of $55 million as of this June, according to the Statesman. The governor has a reputation for being a fundraising powerhouse, according to NBCDFW, routinely raking in six-figure campaign contributions from the Texas business community. 

Abbot’s re-election campaign is already set to roll out a blitz of billboard attack ads drawing associations between O’Rourke and President Biden, whose approval rating continues to hover at a record low. 

“As Beto O’Rourke begins his campaign to reinvent himself, he won’t be able to run from his extreme liberal policies that are wrong for Texas,” said Mark Miner, spokesman for Abbott’s campaign. “The Beto-Biden agenda of open borders, defunding the police, and killing oil and gas jobs is divisive and will move Texas in the wrong direction.”

O’Rourke has built up a national profile over the past several years, during his Senate bid against Sen. Ted Cruz, R-Tex., in 2018 and his candidacy for the 2020 presidency.

RELATED: Beto O’Rourke plans 2022 run against Greg Abbott in Texas governor’s race: report 

According to the Texas Politics Project, about 78% percent of Democrats view O’Rourke  favorably, with 47% of the party saying that they view him very favorably. 

James Henson, director of the Texas Politics Project, told Vox that he might benefit from framing himself as a party standard-bearer.

However, O’Rourke will undoubtedly face electoral hurdles in the wake of the state’s GOP-backed restrictive voting bill passed earlier this year, which institutes a slew of heightened requirements for 24-hour voting, voting by mail, and more. Critics of the law have accused it of targeting voters of color, who helped bolster his 2020 presidential campaign, Vox noted. 

RELATED: Texas Republicans win their war on voting

“They are going to need something to shake this race up from the fundamentals and from the national structural environment, which is obviously, as of now, heavily favoring Republicans,” Henson said. “It’s gonna be hard for him to overcome that, despite what talents and relative advantages he does bring to the table.”

The Thanksgiving menu of our wildest dreams

What do you want to eat for Thanksgiving? That’s the question we asked our resident experts this summer (because, yep, that’s when food publications dream about November). Like a pile of raked leaves that you want to jump into, the answers grew and grew and grew. It’s the potluck to end all potlucks. It’s the Residentsgiving.

Everyone is bringing a dish — from Carolina Gelen’s on-the-fly yogurt dip to Mandy Lee’s creamy kimchi gratin, Rick Martinez’s roast turkey al pastor, and Samantha Seneviratne’s chocolatey pecan pie. There’s something for everyone. Which leads us to the most important question of all: What do you want to eat for Thanksgiving? We’ve got even more inspiration (and butter, of course) at our holiday hub. And like every year, our editors are always here to help on the Hotline.

Snacks and sips


Photo by Julia Garland. Food stylist: Anna Billingskog. Prop stylist: Molly Fitzsimons.

In this photo, left to right: Farmhouse Pottery Handturned Wood Candlestick. The Floral Society Lovely Taper Candles (Clay). Hawkins New York Essential Stackable Colored Glassware (Medium/Mustard). Revol Porcelain France Ash Wood Cake Stand.

Shrimp Toasts

BY CHETNA MAKAN, FOOD52 RESIDENT

Chetna’s cheesy, herby shrimp toasts are super-simple to assemble (a dream for busy holiday dinner parties). Prep all the elements up to a day in advance to save yourself even more time on the big day.

Smoked Gouda Cheese Ball with Crisp Prosciutto

BY MARISSA MULLEN, FOOD52’S RESIDENT CHEESE PLATER

Channel retro energy with this smoky-salty gouda and prosciutto cheese ball from Marissa. Whether you prefer to scoop it up with sliced vegetables, potato chips, or crackers, a cheese ball is always such a hit, you may want to make two.

Sourdough Grissini

BY MAURIZIO LEO, FOOD52’S RESIDENT BREAD BAKER

Could you buy breadsticks? Sure, but you won’t want to ever again after making Maurizio’s sourdough grissini. Whether you prefer to dust them with za’atar, sesame seeds, everything bagel seasoning, or flaky salt, we bet they’ll be the first snacks to disappear.

Last-Minute Yogurt Dip

BY CAROLINA GELEN, FOOD52 RESIDENT

This dip from Carolina uses just a few ingredients and takes just a few minutes, and still delivers “oh wow!” flavor. Feel very free to swap and substitute (say, ricotta instead of yogurt, or dill instead of parsley) depending on what you have around.

Sesame Boulevardier

BY JOHN DEBARY, DRINKS52 RESIDENT

Make life a little easier and mix this drink a day or two in advance, then let it hang out in the fridge until the time is right. John developed this drink to serve as a digestif-style palate cleanser between the savory and sweet courses of a Thanksgiving (or any) meal.

Bird and sauces

In this photo, left to right: Creekside Farms Feather & Wheat Harvest Wreath. MADRE Linen Napkins (Tamarindo). Casafina Just-Add-the-Turkey Thanksgiving Set (Platter).

Pavo Al Pastor

BY RICK MARTINEZ, FOOD52’S RESIDENT SUGAR MAN

Typically made with pork — thinly sliced, then stacked onto a vertical skewer — al pastor was the muse for Rick’s turkey. Seasoned with achiote paste and garlic, and roasted over pineapple and onion, this bird is happiest served with warm tortillas.

Cranberry Salsa Macha

BY RICK MARTINEZ, FOOD52’S RESIDENT SUGAR MAN

To go with your Pavo al Pastor. Rick’s Thanksgiving salsa is sweet-and-sour from dried cranberries, extra nutty from pecans and sesame seeds, and cozy-as-a-hug from chiles guajillo.

Caramelized Onion Gravy

BY CAROLINA GELEN, FOOD52 RESIDENT

A savory, sweet, suspiciously simple gravy that will ruin you for all others. Pro tip: You can make this recipe from Carolina a few days ahead of time. Store in the fridge and gently reheat on the stove before serving.

So many sides


Photo by Julia Garland. Food stylist: Anna Billingskog. Prop stylist: Molly Fitzsimons.

In this photo, left to right: Luigi Bormioli Roma Italian Glassware. Farmhouse Pottery Handcrafted Wood Salad Bowls. Food52 by Jono Pandolfi Serving Platter.

Buttermilk Biscuits with Pumpkin Chile Butter

BY MELINA HAMMER, FOOD52 RESIDENT

Not pumpkin butter as in pumpkin butter — but pumpkin purée mashed into soft butter. Add your choice of chile paste, from funky gochujang to warming harissa, and you’ve got a compound butter you’ll want to slather on everything (psst, it’s especially great on pasta).

Cornbread Stuffing But Make It Taco

BY SOHLA EL-WAYLLY, FOOD52’S RESIDENT SOHLA

Lovingly inspired by Taco Bell, this stuffing from Sohla — with ground turkey, shredded iceberg, diced tomatoes, grated cheese, and sour cream — could be a meal in itself. Take it off-script with whatever ground meat you love (or even tofu for vegetarians).

Grandma Potatoes

BY EMMA LAPERRUQUE, FOOD52’S RESIDENT MINIMALIST

Not Grandma’s Potatoes — Emma’s family dropped the apostrophe-s decades ago. As she writes, “My grandma, Jolly, has been making this recipe since she got married the first time — which was 72 years ago.”

Kabocha Fried Rice

BY WOONHENG CHIA, FOOD52 RESIDENT

You only need a handful of ingredients for this super-savory fried rice from WoonHeng. Kabocha adds squashy sweetness, while rehydrated shiitakes bring loads of umami. Serve with a side of chile oil if you’d like a little kick.

Garlicky Fan Rolls

BY ERIN MCDOWELL, FOOD52’S RESIDENT BAKING BFF

Calling all garlic bread fans. That’s everyone, right? These almost-too-adorable-to-eat rolls from Erin bake up in a muffin pan and would love to be slathered in gravy. Save any leftovers for next-day turkey sandwiches.

Spiced Sweet Potato Gnocchi with Sage and Hazelnuts

BY MERYL FEINSTEIN, FOOD52’S RESIDENT PASTA MAKER

Whether you’re searching for a hefty vegetarian dish for the Thanksgiving spread or want to use up a few leftover roasted potatoes, look no further than Meryl’s sweet potato gnocchi. Bonus points: They can be prepared and frozen in advance, then boiled (and sautéed in butter) right before serving.

Habichuelas Guisadas al Estilo de la Costa from Maricel Presilla

BY KRISTEN MIGLORE, FOOD52’S RESIDENT GENIUS

Unlike their more casserole-y cousins, these bright green beans from Maricel Presilla’s opus Gran Cocina Latina will take under 10 minutes in one skillet on the stovetop. Despite their speed, they develop loads of flavor fast, thanks to a quick three-allium sofrito and surprisingly simple splash of milk to hug the beans at the end. (Bonus: Nondairy milks are very welcome, too.)

Creamy Kimchi Gratin

BY MANDY LEE, FOOD52’S RESIDENT INNOVATOR

Potato gratins are great; kimchi gratins are better. Spicy, tangy, and creamy all at once, this cheesy casserole from Mandy offers the richness we all crave during a holiday meal, with enough sharpness to leave you ready for another bite.

Raw and Caramelized Brussels Sprouts with Salty-Sweet Pepitas

BY MURIELLE BANACKISSA, FOOD52’S RESIDENT VEGAN ADVENTURER

With charred and raw Brussels sprouts, caramelized shallots, and sweet-and-salty pepitas, this is no ordinary vegetable side dish. Contrary to years past, with Murielle’s version on the table, everyone will be shouting, “Pass the Brussels!”

Radicchio and Pickled Radish Salad

BY AMY CHAPLIN, FOOD52’S RESIDENT VEGETARIAN-AT-LARGE

Amy’s colorful salad instantly brightens any beige-leaning meal. With plenty of crunch and zing from the raw and pickled vegetables, plus pomegranate seeds for pops of sweetness, you just may add this to your weekly rotation.

Save-room-for desserts


Photo by Julia Garland. Food stylist: Anna Billingskog. Prop stylist: Molly Fitzsimons.

In this photo, left to right: Serax x Yotam Ottolenghi Feast Dinnerware by Yotam Ottolenghi (Navy Dessert Plates). Cambridge Silversmiths Classic Everyday Satin Flatware (Champagne).

Sheet-Pan Cranberry Crisp

BY EMMA LAPERRUQUE, FOOD52’S RESIDENT MINIMALIST

The same little ingredient list as a classic fruit crisp. But, by simply changing up the pan, Emma gets her ideal streusel-to-fruit ratio (that is, equal parts of each). Now pass the ice cream, would you?

Apple Pecan Pie

BY ERIN MCDOWELL, FOOD52’S RESIDENT BAKING BFF

If you want (nay, need!) both the homey comfort of apple pie and the syrup-cloaked nuttiness of pecan pie, Erin has your new favorite dessert. Think of it as the best of both worlds. And yes, the leftovers make a great breakfast.

Pumpkin Cotton Cheesecake

BY HANA ASBRINK, FOOD52’S RESIDENT DINNER WRANGLER

Hana marries the classic pumpkin pie (or even pumpkin cheesecake) found on many Thanksgiving tables with the light-as-air Japanese cheesecake. While it can be enjoyed warm, it will taste even better after spending a minimum of a few hours firming up in the fridge.

Chocolate Chunk and Pecan Pie with No-Churn Bourbon Ice Cream

SAMANTHA SENEVIRATNE, FOOD52’S RESIDENT PARENT

Samantha calls this pie “dead simple.” You can make the pastry by hand and the filling in one bowl. Plus, since it’s best served warm, you can throw it in the oven when everyone is sitting down to dinner (and the oven is finally empty again, phew).

What to do with leftovers

Hanetsuki Gyoza with Thanksgiving Leftovers

BY HANA ASBRINK, FOOD52’S RESIDENT DINNER WRANGLER

Hana’s pan-fried dumplings make use of some of the most common Thanksgiving leftovers — but feel free to use what you have. You can easily swap in things like sweet potato mash, green beans, and mushroom stuffing. Just follow the rough ratio of components.

For the table (and yours, too)


Photo by Rocky Luten.

In this photo, left to right: Siren Song Floral Print Melamine Plates (Antwerp B). Farmhouse PotteryHandturned Wood Candlestick. The Floral Society Lovely Taper Candles (Miel). Creekside Farms Feather & Wheat Harvest Wreath.

BY NICOLE CROWDER, HOME52’S RESIDENT DESIGN WIZ

Every holiday feast needs a beautiful backdrop. So we asked Home52’s Resident Design Wiz Nicole Crowder to pick a few of her faves from the Food52 Shop to complement the menu. The best part? It’s yours to re-create. Here’s a pro styling tip: Invert a wreath in the center of the table — it becomes the base of a centerpiece that can then be filled with berries, fruits, and dried flowers. Thanks, Nicole!

In this photo, left to right: Bombabird Ceramics Handmade Textured Bud Vases. Hawkins New York Essential Serving Bowl (Mustard). MADRE Linen Napkins (Avocado). Creekside Farms Feather & Wheat Harvest Wreath. Casafina Just-Add-the-Turkey Thanksgiving Set (Platter).

Chris Christie’s comeback tour is a flop

Arguably the most famous comeback in American political history was that of Richard Nixon, who lost a close presidential race in 1960, followed up by a loss in the California Governor’s race two years later. After that defeat, he famously whined to the press: “You won’t have Nixon to kick around anymore.” Everyone thought he was done for. Nixon was, after all, an extremely unlikable politician whose nickname, “Tricky Dick,” said everything about his uniquely slimy character. But then he ran again for president six years later — and won.

Nixon’s appeal to his voters was the fact that he was an asshole, there’s just no other way to put it. He had no charisma or charm. But he was a ruthless operator who his supporters believed would do whatever was necessary to keep their political opponents and foreign enemies in line. We all know how that worked out.

It’s tempting to see Donald Trump as a true heir to Nixon. After all, his appeal was similar in many ways. He too lied as easily as he breathed, stripped the bark off of anyone who crossed him and was seen as someone who would keep the hippies and the minorities in line. And Trump actually outdid Nixon in personal corruption. But that’s where the similarities end. Nixon had a deep understanding of government and policy and a fully formed, sophisticated ideological agenda. Trump was a rank amateur with no interest or capacity for learning anything new. And say what you will about him, there is no denying that Trump managed to create a full-blown cult of personality, something poor old Dick Nixon couldn’t even come close to achieving.

No, the true heir to Nixon in modern Republican politics is former New Jersey governor Chris Christie. Like Nixon, Christie’s main appeal lies in the fact that he’s an asshole which seems to thrill about half of America’s voters at any given time. He’s also got a record of political dirty tricks, deep unpopularity with his (former) constituents, a failed presidential campaign and what appears to be an attempt at a comeback.

As hard as it is to believe after his sad performance as a Trump toady, Christie has a new book out in which he is endeavoring to present himself as the one guy willing to stand up to Donald Trump. It’s his bid to compete for the presidential nomination in 2024 — and the media is eating it up with a spoon. In fact, there has never been so much excitement over a book by a has-been politician who left office years ago with a 14% approval rating and whose main claim to fame since then was doing debate prep for the man who beat him. But the press can’t get enough of this guy. As Aaron Rupar documented in his newsletter Public Notice, in the last week:

Following an interview published in the New York Times on Saturday, Christie has been doing a ridiculous number of TV hits. He’s appeared on two ABC shows (This Week and The View), Fox & FriendsFox NewsFox Business, the Daily Show, and CNBC. He appeared on MSNBC three separate times during a 24-hour period stretching from Monday evening into Tuesday.

On Monday evening, CNN ran an hour-long, soft-focus special about Christie. (The scandal that tanked Christie’s standing in New Jersey, Bridgegate, wasn’t even mentioned.)

That’s not all. If you read Christie’s Twitter feed, you’ll see that he’s doing late-night shows, radio, streaming interviews and podcasts as well. He is in great demand. And it’s mind-boggling. As Late Night host Seth Myers quipped:

“Cable is so desperate to fill time that CNN even aired a ludicrous special focused entirely on Christie called Being Chris Christie…You guys are acting like he’s some weird lifestyle-having guy that everyone wants to know about. He’s not Harry Styles or Banksy, he’s a loudmouth from New Jersey. If you want to know what he’s thinking you don’t need CNN. You just need to be within earshot, which is for him I think like a mile?

I suspect that’s exactly what most people think of Christie, especially Trumpers who will only see him as disloyal — and no one else ever liked him in the first place. But apparently, the media is so hungry for some Trump-lite that they are lapping up everything he says as if he’s some exciting, new political superstar.

To his credit Christie admits that the election was not stolen and mildly criticizes Trump for refusing to let it go, always suggesting that it’s bad for “the party” rather than admitting that it’s a grotesque perversion of American democracy. In his book, he even dishes a bit on the former president, revealing that Trump personally leaked to the press that he’d offered Christie the White House Chief of Staff job and revealing that Trump had offered him “just about every other position this side of White House chef.” Unfortunately, he never offered him Attorney General, which Christie says was the job he really wanted.

But mostly Christie is trying to walk the line between Trump critic and Trump supporter, a position which Politico reported he sees as the road to victory in 2024. He distanced himself after January 6th and has not promised not to run against him, as others have done:

There is a strategic logic to that approach. Christie, according to those familiar with his thinking, would occupy a middle lane in a potential primary, positioned between those who embrace Trump without reservation and would never criticize him, and any candidate who sought to capture the Never Trump vote.

 

Christie says he wants to “rescue” the party. What he doesn’t say is that he wants to rescue the party from Trumpism. In fact, it’s quite clear that he sees himself as its rightful leader.

“He’s very ambitious, always has been. And he’s very, very smart and knows how to calculate the odds,” said former New Jersey Gov. Tom Kean, who has known Christie since high school and whom Christie once called a mentor. “He felt the last election that Trump took his place. He thought he had carved out a space for himself, the rough-talking, tell-things-as-they-are position. But that was Trump. Now he thinks Trump is probably in the rearview mirror and what position can he get into now.”

Trump stole his lane last time and now the voters are over him and will want to vote for the real thing? That’s just sad. But this is even sadder:

No matter what, he’s not going up against Fox News. Here he is belatedly responding to MSNBC’s Nicolle Wallace after she cornered him about the real problems underlying Trumpism and the Big Lie:

 Chris Christie’s book is called “Republican Rescue: Saving the Party from Truth Deniers, Conspiracy Theorists, and the Dangerous Policies of Joe Biden.” Wallace was 100 percent correct. It’s pretty clear that the only thing Chris Christie is trying to save is his reputation and it’s not going well.

As the (parody) Nixon twitter account put it:

10 decor DIYs for a one-of-a-kind Thanksgiving

Is fall the best time to DIY? I tend to think so. Coming off the go-go-go heels of summer and into a slower-paced season, we’ll likely all have a little more time to plan for Thanksgiving and holiday hosting, neither of which is complete without a little decor. Below, find our favorite Thanksgiving decor DIYs, from foraged leaves and acorns as interior accents to fresh gourds acting as a number of vessels.

1. Gourd candleholders

How stinking cute are these little gourds turned candleholders? These are as simple as carving a pumpkin (no fancy equipment needed), but they make for a decidedly bespoke (and thoughtful!) accent.

2. Wooden bead garland

If you’re the type who doesn’t do a ton of seasonal decorating, but you still want to add a bit of fall into your home, this is a great DIY that will last throughout the year. You can string wooden beads together for everything from small coffee-table accents to longer garlands for a mantel or doorway — the choice is yours!

3. Pressed leaves

Pressed leaves are just as gorgeous whether they’re bright green or varying autumnal shades. All it takes is an afternoon of collecting and a couple days to press between books, and they’re ready to frame.

4. Painted acorns

Just like a pressed leaf, the time required by this DIY is mostly spent collecting acorns around the yard. Once you have a pile of them, you can paint them any assortment of colors you want, though these are lovely with different shades of metallic.

5. Cinnamon stick candles

Don’t you feel like you can almost smell these cinnamon-wrapped candles through the screen? I’m imagining how lovely it would be with a vanilla-scented candle, too.

6. Wrapped wheat stalks

Maybe you’re like me and have a pack of multicolored embroidery floss hanging around just waiting for this project, or maybe you need to order a pack online. Either way, this is an easy-peasy project you can do in an afternoon.

7. Yarn pumpkins

OK, sure, you can get real pumpkins at the patch and display them on your porch and in your house, but these little yarn guys will last for years to come in a decorative bowl or even strung into a garland.

8. Pine cone garland

This is the last time I’ll suggest foraging outside for fall decor…maybe. But look how perfectly autumnal these pine cone garlands are! They’ll do double duty for Christmas time, too.

9. Pumpkin vase

Did you know that pumpkins (and squash, and all manner of gourds) are the perfect natural vessel for a bunch of flowers? Prepare one in the usual way by cutting off the top and scooping out the inside, but instead of carving the pumpkin into a jack-o’-lantern, plop a jar with water and flowers inside. And if you need tips for how to make it last longer, we’ve got you.

10. Dried orange slices

While we might have fallen in love with the dried orange slices for Christmas decor, they certainly don’t need to stop there. Instead of hanging them off of green garlands, cluster them together as a warm tablescape on a Thanksgiving table.

House Democrats overcome last-minute right-wing campaign, pass Build Back Better bill

After a late-night marathon stunt from the Republican leader in the House of Representatives, Rep. Kevin McCarthy of California, and a flood of last-minute money from multiple conservative groups targeted at moderates, House Democrats passed President Joe Biden’s signature legislation. 

The hard-fought legislation was finally passed on Friday in a near-unanimous party-line vote. Not one Republican voted for the package. Maine’s Jared Golden, who cited tax breaks for the wealthy as the source for his opposition, was the only Democrat to vote against the package. Vulnerable Democrats like Golden faced ad campaigns in their districts in recent weeks funded by right-wing opponents to President Biden’s landmark domestic spending bill. 

“Take a stand against the out-of-control spending and new taxes,” one ad from American Action Network (AAN), a conservative issue advocacy group, demanded. The group rolled out a $400,000 ad campaign this week targeting two potentially vulnerable House Democrats in Virginia, according to Fox News. In the ad, Reps. Elaine Luria, D-Va., and Abigail Spanberger, D-Va., were encouraged to formally oppose Biden’s “human infrastructure package” – a sweeping social spending measure designed to expand the child tax credit, tackle climate change, increase paid time off, and more.

“Virginia rejects the radical Biden-Pelosi agenda. But liberals like Elaine Luria still aren’t listening,” the ad says. “Luria is voting with Nancy Pelosi. Trillions on a wish list for the radical left. Tell Elaine Luria to get the message and reject the Pelosi spending plan.” 

The spot uses similar language to address Spanberger and was broadcasted in both lawmakers’ districts. 

The campaign comes weeks after the gubernatorial win of pro-Trump candidate Glenn Youngkin in Virginia – a state that Biden carried by ten points a year ago during the presidential election. According to Axios, every county in Virginia swung right in the state’s most recent gubernatorial election. 

Last week, a similar ad blitz was launched by the Coalition to Protect American Workers, a far-right anti-tax organization founded by former Vice President Mike Pence’s chief of staff. 


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The campaign also takes aim at Biden’s landmark spending package, targeting five House moderates, which include Reps. Ed Case, D-Hawaii, Stephanie Murphy, D-Fla., Kurt Schrader, D-Ore., Jared Golden, D-Maine, and Josh Gottheimer, D-N.J. 

“If congressional Democrats don’t stop Biden and Pelosi’s plan, a lot of Americans won’t be able to pay their heating bills this winter,” the ad warns, specifically citing concerns around inflation. The spot, The Hill noted, was unveiled just one day after a Department of Labor revealed that annual inflation had hit a thirty-year record high in October. 

Polls have widely indicated that Biden’s approval rating has fallen as a result of rising consumer prices. However, the White House has argued that his human infrastructure bill will combat inflation, largely because the measure will be paid for by closing the “tax gap.”

RELATED: MTG’s threats worked: House Republicans who voted for infrastructure bill flooded with angry calls

The spot came just a week after a similar advertising effort was helmed by the Club for Growth, a conservative 501(c)(4) that advocates for cutting taxes, free trade, deregulation, and entitlement reform.

“Prices of gas, groceries, cars, housing, going through the roof after Biden blew through trillions,” the group’s ad states. “Now he wants to add more taxes, drive prices even higher and spend even more.”

The blitz, first reported by Politico, targets Murphy, Case, Gottheimer, and Spanberg, along with Reps. Carolyn Bourdeaux, D-Ga., Cindy Axne, D-Iowa, Jared Golden, D-Maine, Chris Pappas, D-N.H., and Kurt Schrader, D-Ore.

On Monday, President Biden signed his $1 trillion infrastructure bill, seen by many Democrats as just one of two components of the White House’s infrastructure agenda. The bill – significantly watered down by Republicans and moderate Democrats – sets out to put billions in repairing the nation’s roads, bridges, railways, and expanding broadband. 

RELATED: House passes $1 trillion bipartisan infrastructure bill — a major victory for Biden’s agend

One surprising winner in Biden’s infrastructure bill: Biodiversity

The $1.2 trillion infrastructure package signed by President Joe Biden on Monday will not go down in history as a milestone in America’s effort to control the climate crisis. A Princeton University analysis of the bill, which President Joe Biden initially hoped would deliver on many of his climate-related promises from the campaign trail, showed the policies in the package will only shave a hair off of the U.S.’s annual carbon emissions by the end of this decade, if they make any difference at all. But the bipartisan infrastructure bill could mark a turning point in the way the U.S. regards an equally important environmental issue that many scientists say comprises the flip side of the climate change coin: biodiversity. 

There’s an extinction event underway in the U.S. and most other parts of the globe. The planet’s flora and fauna are getting squeezed by development, agriculture, deforestation, overfishing, and rising temperatures. One million species could sputter out, many of them in a matter of decades, because of humans. “The health of ecosystems on which we and all other species depend is deteriorating more rapidly than ever,” Robert Watson, chair of the United Nations’ Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services, said in 2019. “We are eroding the very foundations of our economies, livelihoods, food security, health and quality of life worldwide.” Ensuring a liveable planet doesn’t just mean keeping global warming below a certain threshold; it also means stemming the loss of species and shoring up the planet’s biodiversity.

For more than a century, infrastructure projects in the U.S. have largely sought to stymie nature, not encourage it or coexist alongside it. The Army Corps of Engineers walled off the Mississippi River with levees to prevent flooding along its banks, inadvertently severing Louisiana’s intricate web of wetlands from its lifeblood and accelerating the rate of land loss in the state. The Federal Highway Administration’s highways help Americans get from point A to point B, but they bisect millions of square miles of habitat, and cars on those roads kill hundreds of millions of animals every year. The Bureau of Reclamation’s dams churn out hydropower, but they prevent fish from getting upstream to spawn, and entire salmon species are on the brink of collapse

“If you look at the Army Corps and even the way we build highways and other stuff, it’s almost all fighting against nature,” Collin O’Mara, CEO of the National Wildlife Federation, told Grist. “This bill is using nature as an ally instead of an impediment.” 

Biodiversity experts told Grist that, by passing the bipartisan infrastructure bill, U.S. policymakers took an important step toward stemming the loss of the nation’s species and, perhaps, initiated a shift in the way the country considers the natural world. The bill doesn’t use the word “biodiversity” explicitly, but it will put $40 billion into pots of funding that will go toward projects related to natural infrastructure and conservation. Not all of the money allocated toward these projects will benefit biodiversity, but a lot of it is aimed at more carefully managing the natural world and protecting habitats. 

“Maybe they’re not talking specifically about biodiversity, but they’re talking about a lot of programs that will benefit biodiversity by improving vegetation and habitat and hydrology and sediment movement,” Rusty Feagin, professor of ecology, conservation biology, and engineering at Texas A&M University, told Grist. “There’s a ton in there.” 

The package’s biodiversity-friendly funding includes:

  • $350 million for a new grant program to help wildlife navigate existing road infrastructure via overpasses, underpasses, and fencing. 
  • $8 billion for flood resilience and wildfire prevention and management. 
  • $130 million per year for growing back some of the trees lost to wildfires. 
  • More than $15 billion to reclaim abandoned mines and cap orphaned oil and gas wells, sources of pollution that affect wildlife, people, and the climate, on federal lands.
  • $800 million for a grant program focused on removing, replacing, and restoring old culverts — tunnels or drains that channel water — which are often impediments to fish and other aquatic life. 
  • Roughly $1.5 billion for the Environmental Protection Agency’s geographic programs aimed at conserving ecosystems in the Great Lakes, the Chesapeake Bay, the Puget Sound, the Delaware River Basin, and the Klamath River Basin. 

The bill is the single largest investment in conservation in U.S. history — on par with the Civilian Conservation Corps in Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s New Deal, which was responsible for the planting of 3 billion new trees, and bigger than the 2012 RESTORE Act, which directed billions of dollars in funding to ecosystems out of a federal settlement with BP after the Deepwater Horizon oil spill in 2010. 

The bill’s scope of ambition is no accident — wildlife groups, conservation nonprofits, and even hunting associations put pressure on Biden back when he was still a candidate for president to take a strong position on protecting biodiversity. And when it came time for negotiations between Republicans and Democrats on the infrastructure deal back in July, the 10 centrist senators who worked to reach a deal represented states with strong conservation legacies. According to O’Mara, Republican Senator Lisa Murkowski from Alaska, a state that’s warming three times faster than the rest of the planet, pushed for resilience funding. Senator Joe Manchin, a Democrat from West Virginia, advocated for mine reclamation and capping orphan wells. Republican Susan Collins from Maine, the most forested state in the U.S., was a big proponent of funding for forests.  

“There was more commonality on resilience investments than there was on standards and regulations,” O’Mara said. “That’s where the common ground was among the original 10 negotiators.” The resulting bill married infrastructure and conservation in a way that had never been done before in the U.S.  

“It’s a significant improvement from the status quo in the sense that traditional highway bills, traditional water resources development bills, they barely acknowledge that wildlife matter,” Brett Hartl, government affairs director for the Center for Biological Diversity, told Grist. “We’re finally seeing an acknowledgement of the need to make these investments.” 

The bill’s most important contribution to protecting biodiversity may be how it reframes the conversation around infrastructure in the U.S. in general. “If this was 20 or 30 years ago, and you had this bill happen, you wouldn’t have any of this in there, it would just be like concrete. Here’s money for roads, build a bunch of roads,” Feagin said. “At least now we’re getting to a point where we’re like, ‘OK, how can we do these things to fix damages we’ve already done or how we can stop doing damages?'” 

The extinction crisis is not going to be solved by one infrastructure bill. All the experts Grist talked to agreed that more still needs to be done. There’s more money earmarked for threatened species in the Build Back Better Act, the second half of Biden’s agenda that is currently tied up in congressional negotiations.

Regardless of what happens to the Build Back Better Act, Feagin thinks the infrastructure package will go down in history as a fork in the road for the U.S. “When you really look at the impact of this, conceptually, over the next couple of decades, it’ll be a turning point in the way we’re driving our economy,” he said. “I think it’ll change it from an economy that’s built to benefit human needs without regard for the natural world to one in which we’re building a better world for humans while also trying to sustain the base on which it relies, which is nature.” 

In Colorado, locals question a survey for critical minerals

In September 2020, geologist Jay Temple began living part-time at an RV park just outside Westcliffe, Colorado, a small high-altitude town. Located between two sets of mountains — the craggy Sangre de Cristos and the Wet Mountains — it is a geologist’s heaven.

In Custer County’s Wet Mountain Valley, Temple investigates old reports of mineral deposits and uses modern techniques to see how they hold up. It’s part of a United States Geological Survey program called Earth MRI — or Earth Mapping Resources Initiative — which aims to identify geological formations across the United States that could contain “critical minerals,” as defined by the Department of the Interior. Such minerals are useful to industry and defense for everything from cell phones to weapons. Because the minerals are often extracted overseas, they are also subject to supply-chain disruptions — from trade disputes, for example, or a pandemic.

Finding these minerals in domestic deposits could reduce U.S. dependence on foreign supplies. But these deposits aren’t always simple to find, in part because they aren’t limited to public lands. In Colorado, for instance, Temple has to access private property, asking landowners if he can use a device called a scintillometer to measure the radioactivity of mineral deposits and collect a small sample. “So far, I haven’t been shot,” he jokes, sitting at a picnic table at the local bowling alley.

Until June 2021, Temple says his sometimes delicate interactions were going well enough. So were those of other Colorado Geological Survey employees and contractors working on behalf of the USGS. But then the Earth MRI helicopter showed up, buzzing residents at 300 to 1,000 feet above the ground. The helicopter has what’s called a stinger mounted to its underside, which, along with other instruments, pings the ground below to map the geological characteristics.

The stinger resembles a small missile or a giant Q-tip, and to the uninitated, it can look intimidating. “When the helicopter survey came along,” says Temple, “that kind of shut a lot of doors.”

Residents began to talk and to post concerns online. The helicopter scared their horses, they said, and hurt their dogs’ ears. They speculated, Temple says, that it might be spying on cell phones, or siphoning up hard drives’ contents. Maybe it was seeking militia bunkers, they wondered, or beaming out a magnetic field. And what if the scientists really were looking for minerals — and found them? Would mining companies pollute the area, like other mines had before? Would the government take their land? Custer County is rural and relatively undeveloped, with a population of just over 5,000 people across 738 square miles.

“I just don’t want them to come in and rip up everyone’s property,” says Ann Barthrop, a Westcliffe resident and Earth MRI skeptic, whose family has owned land in the area since the 1960s.

Temple, wary of losing, or failing to gain, the trust of the residents whose property he needed to howdy his way onto, reached out to the local papers — the conservative Sangre de Cristo Sentinel and its more staid rival, the Wet Mountain Tribune — giving interviews and investigating ways to make a public presentation. Eventually he met Barthrop, a bookkeeper at the Sentinel who also runs the community forum Liberty Rocks, which hosts lectures and conversations about a range of topics, from the school board to communism to the Civil War.

And so on June 17, Temple stood before a Liberty Rocks audience at Tony’s Mountain Pizza in Silver Cliff, a town that abuts Westcliffe, ready to talk rocks and politics. “Hopefully we can distribute some information here tonight to alleviate some of the fears that you have,” he told residents.

“Not fears,” he corrected. “Concerns, and I get that.” And so he began to explain to Custer County residents why this part of Earth, in federal opinion, needs an MRI.

***

Earth MRI began with a late 2017 executive order from the Trump administration to create a federal strategy for critical mineral supplies. Soon after, the Department of the Interior identified 35 such minerals or mineral groups. The U.S. relies entirely on other countries for 14 of these minerals, and is at least 50 percent dependent for an additional 16. The compounds ranged from lithium to aluminum, useful in things like batteries and airplane parts, and from tellurium to titanium, which go in objects like semiconductors and metal alloys. Most controversially, the list included uranium, the extraction of which the U.S. had previously drastically cut. (The Biden administration may remove uranium from the list.)

The substances of most interest, though, are rare earth elements: 17 metals crucial to computers, cell phones, cameras, batteries, satellites, radar, lasers, jet engines, weapons, and more. China provides around two-thirds of the global supply. In the past, the country cut off Japan’s flow; in 2019, a state-backed Chinese newspaper warned it could do the same to the U.S. “The threat comes from those countries that will control the supply chain for geopolitical purposes,” says Warren Day, Earth MRI’s scientific coordinator. China’s past restrictions were, Day continues, “a wake-up call to many nations.”

Congress initiated Earth MRI in 2019 with $9.6 million, tasking it with making modern maps of areas that are most likely to have critical minerals across the U.S. In the 2020 fiscal year, projects across 21 states were allocated around $8 million.

Earth MRI uses two streams of data to make the maps: Old and new. For older data, the USGS will catalog and digitalize existing state geological survey data. As for new data, on the ground, field geologists like Temple take scintillometers to promising areas, and send samples off to the USGS for analysis. From above, helicopters and airplanes gather higher-level data. Stingers and other tools, for instance, seek local, naturally occurring magnetic field variations. Those shifts show whether the rocks contain minerals like magnetite, and radiometric data measures substances like uranium, thorium, and potassium. And in some states, the USGS uses equipment called LIDAR — light detection and ranging. LIDAR creates a topographical map by sending a pulsed laser toward the ground and measuring how long it takes for the signal to bounce back and how intense it is, revealing the distance.

The aim of all this data isn’t to find the minerals themselves. “We’re trying to define where the geology would allow for the development of mineral deposits,” Day says. It’s a bit like looking for people with coughs to figure out who to test for a virus, but knowing that the cough itself does not prove a virus is present. Pinpointing the deposits, and deciding what to do about them, is for state and federal land management agencies, as well as private companies. “We’re an unbiased science agency,” he adds. “We just provide the facts.”

But one of Earth MRI’s goals is to facilitate mining, according to the federal strategy, which reads in part: “Our miners and producers are currently limited by a lack of comprehensive, machine-readable data concerning topographical, geological, and geophysical surveys.” Data from Earth MRI could fill that lack. In recent decades, similar governmental mapping in Canada and Australia, the Earth MRI webpage points out, increased private-sector exploration and extraction.

At least one such partnership is already underway. The USGS recently announced it would be working with Rio Tinto, one of the world’s largest mining companies. It’s the first time the program has directly teamed up with a private corporation. Day maintains that the partnership is just another example of the mining sector as a stakeholder in the gathering of the USGS’s scientific data. “This is just following on the traditional role of USGS,” he says.

According to Day, the partnership happened after the USGS publicized its need for data over swaths of largely public land in Montana. Rio Tinto responded. “We had a discussion on where their priorities could align with ours,” says Day. In Montana, the company is augmenting the Earth MRI data collection and funding additional flights. Rio will get access to the USGS information when everyone else does, Day says, and the Rio-funded data will be public a year after it’s collected. “It really essentially doubles the footprint of the data we can collect with taxpayer dollars,” he says, “and offers those to the public for free.”

“There’s really no inside advantage to them,” he adds. “The advantage to them is a lower cost survey, because of economies of scale.”

Environmentalists say such mining can ravage a landscape, causing land scars and environmental contamination. Back when the U.S. mined more rare-earth minerals, largely from the 50s through the 90s, pipeline spills sent heavy metals and radioactive material into water supplies. Aaron Mintzes, senior policy counsel at EarthWorks, a nonprofit advocacy organization focused on community and environmental impacts of mineral and energy development, told Undark via email that “the toxic legacy of past mining will be with us for some time.”

“Earth MRI is a useful resource for geologists and the public who want to understand more information about mineral deposits,” Mintzes continued. “Unfortunately, some in Congress do want to direct Earth MRI to characterize mineral deposits underneath Wilderness and other protected areas.”

***

Mining might not be attractive to the public, but consumers still want the resulting products. “The debate that we all hear,” says Temple, “is that ‘I want the technology, I want the cell phone, I want the satellite communications, I want all of the things that accompany the technology, but not in my backyard.'”

Temple maintains the backyards in Westcliffe are likely safe. Earlier surveys of the Wet Mountain Valley, which date to the 1950s and 60s, uncovered 400 to 500 occurrences of uranium and thorium in narrow veins, usually near rare earth elements. But the mappers determined that the veins were too small and scattered to be worth digging out. “They did all of their geochemistry, they wrote up a lot of great reports, and they went on their way,” says Temple. He anticipates Earth MRI stakeholders will come to the same conclusion.

The new Wet Mountain Valley survey, he says, will mostly help geologists understand how Earth’s tectonic history pushed the constituents of these particular compounds together, which may point to other spots with better mining conditions. “We’re looking for the mother lode. We don’t think the mother lode is here,” he says of this Colorado region. “But if we can understand the genesis of how these rare earths got here, then that might give us an insight.”

Still, as Temple told the Liberty Rocks townhall audience, he can’t promise what will happen after his results publish. “If it gets politically slanted,” Temple said at the event, “I cannot contain that.”

One audience member asked about another murky issue: If big rare-earth deposits show up on someone’s land, would the government seize it? Eminent domain allows the government to take — or, in legal terms, condemn — private property, after compensating the owner, if the property will be put to public use. Though controversial, legal precedent also exists for property seizure in cases where a private company wants to develop someone else’s private land.

Temple punted: “This is the only time I’m going to dodge a question.”

***

After the townhall, Lisa Kidwell, Barthrop’s daughter, says people left with more questions than they brought along. They have plenty, too.

On a patio outside her three-generation homestead, Barthrop and her family discuss their doubts about the USGS’s intentions — whether they’re here, for instance, more for the water than the minerals (the agency acknowledges Earth MRI is also broadly interested in finding water), why they need more core samples when the ones from the 60s should still be valid, why the helicopter needed to overfly their houses so many times.

Temple’s on-the-ground work, complementing the in-air studies, have been progressing. 

He’s given presentations to a few homeowners’ associations, and is trying to win over influential landowners. He also explains the political motivation for the study to anyone he can. “If we have the potential here to alleviate some of those problems with dependency on China,” he says, “then they’re on board with it.”

Extraction wouldn’t be new for Westcliffe or nearby Silver Cliff. The land is covered with abandoned mine openings and piles of related waste. Locals, says resident Richard Posadas, call the pits “glory holes.” From Google Earth, he says, “it looks like they carpet bombed it.”

Posadas has watched the video of the Liberty Rocks event eight or nine times. Posadas grew up in Westcliffe and returned about a decade ago. “No one is going to be able to stop them if they decide to come in,” he says. Since Earth MRI is happening in the name of national security — a mandate he says he understands, as a former Navy man and current senior vice commander of the local American Legion branch — he believes there will be little fight to be had. “There’s only a couple — only two or three scenarios, right?” he asks. One, there’s nothing worthwhile. Two, there’s something, but it’s not quite good enough. “And the other is that they find it and they announce that they want to come in,” he says. “It’s really simple.”

Posadas wants to see the hard data, which will be public and which Day says the USGS is processing in a “conveyor-belt” fashion as it comes in. But Posadas says there is limited value in that expert-level reporting. “They’re going to write the reports,” he says. “They’re going to be detailed and long, real analytical, and only very few people are going to be able to read them.”

Posadas pauses and looks at his kids playing on their phones. “But we’ll know the truth if they start knocking on the door,” he adds, “and they start saying that it’s here.”


Sarah Scoles is a freelance science journalist based in Denver, a contributing writer at Wired, and a contributing editor at Popular Science.

This article was originally published on Undark. Read the original article.

Don’t be shocked if Kyle Rittenhouse goes free — that’s the system working as designed

Kyle Rittenhouse’s murder trial stinks of the white racial frame. The smell is oppressive, smothering. It’s hard to breathe. As Toni Morrison once explained, “The function, the very serious function of racism is distraction. It keeps you from doing your work. It keeps you explaining, over and over again, your reason for being.”

As sociologist Joe Feagin explains in his book of this name, “The White Racial Frame” is a way of normalizing (and naturalizing) white privilege and white power over American and Western society. It is a manifestation of systemic racism. Through the white racial frame, “white” people as a group are deemed more morally virtuous and generally superior to others, and specifically to “Black” and “brown” people. For example, the white racial frame includes deeply held stereotypes about nonwhite peoples and cultures and elevates “white civilization” over all others.

Ultimately, not to see how the white racial frame operates in the Kyle Rittenhouse trial is to deny basic realities about the color line and how it structures race, privilege, power and basic questions of life and death in American society and around the world.

Rittenhouse is on trial for shooting three men — killing two of them, and seriously injuring the third — on the night of Aug. 25, 2020, in Kenosha, Wisconsin. At the time of this writing, the jury is still deliberating its verdict.

Rittenhouse was 17 years old when he committed the alleged crimes. He is apparently a cop fetishist and a devotee of Donald Trump. He was photographed celebrating with an alleged white supremacist gang while awaiting trial.

RELATED: The NRA gave us Kyle Rittenhouse

Rittenhouse chose to travel from his home in Illinois to Kenosha that night, and has claimed he intended to serve as a “medic” (although he has no relevant training) and to help protect private property during the disturbances that took place in response to the police shooting of a Black man named Jacob Blake. Rittenhouse was armed with an AR-15 assault-style rifle.

Rittenhouse is claiming the right of self-defense even though he chose to insert himself into the tumultuous events of that summer night in Wisconsin. Witnesses for the prosecution have testified that Rittenhouse instigated the life-threatening situation, in which he then claimed the need to use lethal force to protect himself.

After he shot three people, Rittenhouse made a brief attempt to surrender to law enforcement, who ignored him.

The judge presiding over Rittenhouse’s trial has displayed obvious bias in favor of the defendant, including allowing his defense attorneys to incorrectly describe the men he shot as “looters” and “arsonists,” rather than “victims.” This week, the judge also used racially provocative, if not outright racist, language in discussing a Black jury member from a previous case.

During Rittenhouse’s testimony last week, he turned hysterical, sobbing dramatically and unable to maintain his composure, to the point where the judge declared a recess. Whether his grief was authentic or a calculated performance is ultimately irrelevant.

What do we see if Kyle Rittenhouse’s trial and related events are viewed through the white racial frame?

Through that prism, Rittenhouse is himself a “victim” rather than an apparent vigilante who went to Kenosha that night as a way to play out his fantasies of being a police officer, part of the “thin blue line” who enforce “law and order.” 

Through the white racial frame, Rittenhouse is also seen as inherently innocent, a “man-child” who is clearly incapable of hateful thoughts or heinous crimes, and who cannot be held responsible for his behavior.

Trayvon Martin, Tamir Rice and so many other Black and brown children killed by police or vigilantes are never allowed such assumptions of inherent goodness, innocence and vulnerability. 


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As historians, psychologists and other experts have repeatedly documented, Black children or teenagers are stigmatized and dehumanized in American society through a process called “adultification,” where despite their young age they are seen through the white racial frame as menacing adults. In practice, this of course means that Black children are marked as less worthy of care and concern than white children of the same age.

On the other side of the same coin, white adults are often infantilized, where whatever their age they are viewed as youthful, with the understanding that their reckless or destructive behavior is expected and forgivable. For example, Donald Trump’s adult sons are often referred to by right-wing media as the “Trump boys,” which reflexively insulates them from responsibility for their alleged crimes and other antisocial behavior.

One of the most notorious examples in American history of the white racial frame’s destructive power, when it comes to Black children, was the 1944 execution of a 14-year-old boy named George Stinney Jr. In an essay this week for the Boston Globe, Renée Graham explains:

History doesn’t say whether George Stinney Jr. cried during his two-hour murder trial. No one knows if any lawyer, including his own, referred to him repeatedly as “a kid” to curry sympathy with the jury.

What’s known is that it took an all-white jury 10 minutes to wrongly convict Stinney in 1944 for murdering two white girls in rural South Carolina. He was 14. Two months later, Stinney, 95 pounds and barely over 5 feet tall, sat on a Bible as a booster seat in the electric chair. Exonerated 70 years later, Stinney is often mentioned as the youngest person this nation has ever executed.

Being a Black child afforded Stinney no mercy from a death sentence. For Kyle Rittenhouse, his lawyer is wielding Rittenhouse’s youth as a reason to acquit an accused murderer.

“My client was 17 years old,” said Mark Richards, Rittenhouse’s lead defense attorney, during his closing argument before the jury Monday. “His actions are to be judged as a 17-year-old’s.”…

If Rittenhouse were Black, his tears would have gotten him nowhere. Even when Black children are victims of racial violence, they receive little compassion and are perceived as adults rather than minors. During a 2012 bail bond hearing, George Zimmerman, who killed Trayvon Martin, told Martin’s parents, “I did not know how old he was. I thought he was a little bit younger than I am.” Martin was 17. Zimmerman was 28.

When two Cleveland cops killed Tamir Rice in 2014, they said they believed the 12-year-old Black child was much older, a sentiment echoed by a prosecutor who said Rice was “big for his age,” as if that justified his death. No charges were brought against the officers.

America’s psychotic obsession with guns cannot be properly understood if the white racial frame is ignored. Similarly, any discussions of the Rittenhouse case and its links to America’s epidemic of gun violence are superficial if they overlook the symbolic and literal power of white men with guns in American society.

As Carol Anderson, Richard Slotkin, Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz and other experts have repeatedly demonstrated, for centuries guns have been an instrument for enforcing white power, white authority and “white freedom” against nonwhite people, the poor, women and other marginalized groups.

Even the theoretical idea of Black or brown people or Muslims exercising the Second Amendment rights so cherished by the American right triggers a type of panic, the fear of “terrorism” and feelings of threat and danger — danger to white society, that is — which is likely to be met with lethal force.

It should be no surprise that the vast majority of gun “super owners” — that is, the 3% of American adults who own more than half of the country’s 265 million guns — are white men. Social scientists and other researchers have also shown that gun ownership and support for concealed carry and “stand your ground” laws are highly correlated with white racial animus and overt racism.

The white racial frame intersects with race and gender in other ways as well. In a series of interviews, Rittenhouse’s mother has told the media that her son “would go back out again” to “help people.” She has defended his “innocence” and his right to self-defense.

If a Black or brown or Muslim woman (or for that matter, an avowed progressive or leftist) offered similar defenses of an adult child who had killed two people and maimed a third during a chaotic street protest, the mainstream news media — not to mention the right-wing propaganda machine — would depict her as a monstrous, heartless example of failed parenting. She would become a national prop used to illustrate the dangers of “broken homes,” “single-parent households” and other “pathologies”. 

Considered in full, Rittenhouse’s murder trial is a textbook example of the white racial frame’s role in America’s two-tiered criminal justice system, where there is one standard of justice for white people and a different one for Black and brown people. As has been repeatedly shown, throughout America’s criminal justice system — from initial encounter and arrest to incarceration, sentencing and parole — white people benefit from racist practices that lessen their punishment, especially as compared to Black people.

It’s almost unnecessary to observe that if Kyle Rittenhouse were Black or brown or a Muslim, he would almost certainly would have been shot dead by the police that night in Kenosha.

The lies and denials facilitated by the white racial frame helped propel Donald Trump to the presidency. They continue to empower the white right in its neofascist assault on American democracy. And the white racial frame is also why Kyle Rittenhouse is likely to go free.

It is a crucial categorical error to see the white racial frame as an aberration in American history, American justice and American society. It is nothing of the kind — it is the system working exactly as designed.

More from Salon on the killings in Kenosha and the Rittenhouse trial:

Yes, you can order Taylor Swift’s favorite latte at Starbucks

In my wildest dreams, I never thought a Taylor Swift x Starbucks collaboration would have come together. When I was 22, all I ever wanted to do was walk down Cornelia Street, sipping a nonfat caramel latte. OK, Kelly, enough with the Swift references and get to the point: There’s officially a Taylor Swift-inspired drink on the menu at Starbucks locations all across the country. Customers can order “Taylor’s Latte” or “Taylor’s Version,” which is a grande caramel nonfat latte, in stores and via the Starbucks app and sip it like they’re a 5’11” cat-loving pop star. It has long been known to be Swift’s favorite Starbucks drink.

The collaboration comes in tandem with the re-release of Taylor Swift’s ‘Red’ album, which she re-recorded after an infamous legal battle over the ownership of her master recordings. The coffee chain hinted that a partnership was coming after they tweeted “It’s Red Season” on Nov. 8, 2021; the tweet references Taylor’s album “Red,” which was originally released in 2012 and has been considered by many to be her greatest and most iconic album to date with songs like “22,” “All Too Well,” and “I Knew You Were Trouble.”

In addition to Swift’s signature latte, which will be served in Starbucks’s signature red holiday cups, customers can also purchase a custom printed Taylor Swift Starbucks gift card, which I plan to buy for the sole purpose of getting to order even more of Taylor’s Lattes.

Recipe: Real Caramel Sauce

If you want to drink a grande caramel nonfat latte at home, try making it yourself using our five-ingredient recipe for caramel sauce. The result is a complex, caramelized syrup that is so much better than the artificial bottled version. Combine a tablespoon of the caramel sauce with two shots of freshly brewed espresso and top with frothy skim milk for your DIY take on Taylor’s Version.

Want some good election news? Women won a majority on the N.Y. City Council

For the first time ever, New York’s City Council has a female majority. Thirty-one women won seats on the council in this month’s municipal elections, making history and bringing gender equity — finally! — to the nation’s largest and most diverse city. Believe it or not, until now, women have never held more than 18 of the council’s 51 seats.

That’s more than two centuries as a male clubhouse dominated by old-guard elites. No longer. New voices and rising generations will have a seat at the table. And many of these victors have busted through exciting barriers of their own, which sets up a more progressive and inclusive future.

When this inspiring new council is sworn in next January, there will be “firsts” galore. Chi Ossé, just 23, will become the youngest person on the council. (He’s male, just to be clear!) Shekar Krishnan will be the first Indian American and Jennifer Gutiérrez will be the first Colombian American. Shanana Hanif breaks two barriers as the first Muslim woman and the first South Asian council member. Crystal Hudson, who ran as an “unapologetically pro-Black, pro-queer, pro-justice” candidate, will become the first out Black queer woman elected to the body. 

RELATED: Sorry, haters: Ranked-choice voting produced the most diverse city council in NYC history

This equity brings fresh hope for multiracial democracy in a city that has not ever seen itself reflected in political leadership. But it didn’t happen by accident, and is not simply the result of encouraging more women to run. New York City changed the rules, and that’s why all these women will be sworn into office next year. Bold structural changes and innovative campaign finance reforms delivered as advertised. Perhaps the most important fix was ranked choice voting.

This was the first year that New Yorkers nominated candidates with ranked choice voting. What happened next was transformative. More candidates put themselves forward for party primaries. All that competition gave voters more options and helped spur voter turnout. Perhaps most importantly, no one told this diverse array of candidates that they couldn’t run — and they no longer needed anyone’s permission.

The old rules protected incumbents — overwhelmingly men — and a one-party city’s entrenched lifers. Younger candidates were told to get in line and wait their turn; party leaders would decide who was ready, and when. Challengers were told that they would be spoilers, that they might split the vote. Two women or two Latino candidates, for example, might have chosen not to run in the same district out of concern that they would divide the community. It’s no coincidence that the structure favored those who were already in charge and wanted it to stay that way: White guys, generally, in a city that grows more diverse by the day. 


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All of this stood in the way of both equity and elections with meaningful options. Ranked choice voting empowered and encouraged those rising generations and communities to step forward. 

It worked like this: Voters could rank their top candidates in order, from one through five. Incumbents couldn’t ride name recognition to a plurality victory: A candidate needed 50 percent of the vote to win; if no one surpassed that on the first ballot, a series of instant runoffs ensued and second-choice ballots came into play. A recent study from FairVote shows that minority candidates succeed under this system, which encourages candidates to run together and build coalition support, while a recent report from RepresentWomen confirms that more women are winning in jurisdictions with ranked choice voting.

RELATED: NYC mayoral primary descends into chaos — but don’t blame ranked-choice voting

Ranked choice voting made the difference here, as did other fixes — like a campaign finance system that made it easier for newcomers to run for office and organizations like 21 in 21 that recruited and endorsed women candidates for the council.

The proof is in the results. A city with an embarrassing history on gender equity has made stunning strides in one election.

Now there will be 31 women on the council — that’s more than double the 14 who currently serve. Twenty-six of them will be women of color.

Seven of the new council members are New Yorkers who were born in another nation — up from four right now. Asian representation will triple, from two members to six. Latino representation will go from 11 members to 15.

Women have long been told to wait our turn. Our turn is now. 

Women have long been told that they will split the vote and have been cast against one another. Now split votes are a thing of the past.

Election reformers can tinker around the edges and hope for the best. Or they can learn the lessons from New York: Change the rules, and you change the results. 

Things quickly go South for QAnon leader running for Congress

It turns out that having nearly 500,000 Telegram QAnon followers isn’t helpful in fundraising for congressional campaigns.

Vice News revealed that Q facilitator Ron Watkins, who became a MAGA influencer after spreading conspiracy theories, hasn’t raised a cent since announcing his run for Congress in Arizona last month.

“Mark my words: I am going to raise at least a million dollars and I’m going to win so that the people have a real voice in Washington, D.C.,” Watkins said at the time.

But that ambition hasn’t resulted in any actual cash. The Federal Election Commission’s database shows he’s got nothing compared to his Democratic opponent, Rep. Tom O’Halleran’s $1.15 million.


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While most campaigns would focus on raising money to hire staff, Watkins has focused on attacking his opponent and working to develop Trump-like nicknames for him.

Watkins has three other Republicans in the race, all of whom have outraised him. Arizona State Rep. Walter Blackman has raised $475,481.07, former Navy Seal/businessman Eli Crane raised $404,396.30, and Williams Mayor John Moore raised $30,497.88.

The report explained that Watkins is using his Telegram channel to contact followers instead of a campaign website. It’s resulted in a loss of his supporters who may not care about Arizona politics. He’s also pushing conspiracy theories like false anti-vaccine claims and the lie about the 2020 election.

RELATED: Ron Watkins, who many speculate might be QAnon, eyes congressional run in Arizona

“According to the data, Watkins’ subscriber base has been steadily declining in recent weeks, suggesting that his sway over his conspiracy-minded followers may be waning,” said the report.

While Watkins may have started out with enthusiasm, his campaign could implode after his home was raided by the FBI because a Colorado Republican leaked confidential voter information to him.

Read the full report from Vice.

Trump gives Rep. Paul Gosar his “complete and total endorsement” one day after censure

Former President Donald Trump on Thursday endorsed Arizona Republican Congressman Paul Gosar for re-election.

Trump’s endorsement came one day after Gosar was censured — and stripped of his committee assignments — for posting a cartoon video of him murdering Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-NY).

Trump’s statement made no mention of Gosar’s censure or the controversy over the video.


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“Congressman Paul Gosar has been a loyal supporter of our America First agenda, and even more importantly, the USA,” Trump said in the statement from his Save America PAC. “Paul is a congressman who is highly respected in Arizona, strong on Crime, Borders, our Military, and our Veterans. He continually fights for Lower Taxes, Less Regulations, and our great, but under siege, Second Amendment. Paul Gosar has my Complete and Total Endorsement.”

Republicans threaten revenge against Democrats if (or when) they regain power in Washington

As member after member of the House Republican caucus took the dais Wednesday to speak during debate over whether to censure fellow Rep. Paul Gosar, the topic of conversation quickly turned from what the Arizona Republican did — post an anime video in which an animated version of himself brutally murdered Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez — to all the ways a conservative majority would retaliate against Democrats and reward its own members who had stood strong in the face of harsh public criticism. 

House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy, the likely future House speaker if Republicans retake the majority next year, doubled down on the us-versus-them rhetoric Thursday during a press conference — even adding at one point that he planned to reinstate the committee assignments of both Gosar and Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene of Georgia, who was stripped of hers earlier this year after similarly endorsing violence against Democratic politicians. McCarthy even suggested he might reward the right-wing duo with better assignments for their refusal to apologize or equivocate.

“They’ll have committees,” McCarthy vowed. “The committee assignment they have now, they may have other committee assignments, they may have better committee assignments.”

Another idea floated by former White House chief of staff Mark Meadows on Thursday was to elect Donald Trump as speaker of the House — which is not outside the realm of possibility, since the speaker doesn’t have to be an elected member of Congress. (Though all of them have been so far.) Meadows didn’t even bother framing that as a good idea for the country or the House — just as a way to seek revenge against Democrats.


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“You talk about melting down,” he said during an appearance on Steve Bannon’s “War Room” podcast. “I mean, people would go crazy!”

These statements underline a troubling trend for those invested in a functioning American democracy — top-level Republicans are increasingly embracing a scorched-earth brand of opposition-based politics, in which Democrats are an enemy to be fought and defeated, rather than a governing partner with competing ideas and proposals.

That became immediately apparent during a conspiratorial tirade delivered Wednesday by Rep. Lauren Boebert, R-Colo., who said on the House floor that Rep. Ilhan Omar, a Somali immigrant and Minnesota Democrat, was part of a “jihad squad,” while implying that Omar had married her own brother and supported terrorism against the United States. 

Even the House’s so-called “moderates” appeared to endorse this behavior — Rep. Tom Emmer of Minnesota was quoted as saying threats of violence are something that all members of Congress will have to get used to — even if those threats are directed by fellow members. “Unfortunately, in the world we’re in right now, we all get death threats, no matter what the issue is,” he said.

RELATED: Paul Gosar retweets AOC cartoon murder video — minutes after being censured for it

None of this is new, even if Republican threats of revenge after a potential 2022 victory reached a fever pitch this week.

Boebert herself threatened to call for “politically motivated investigations” last week in response to the news that former Trump adviser Steve Bannon had been indicted for contempt of Congress after refusing to cooperate with a subpoena from the select committee investigating the Jan. 6 Capitol riot. 

“Now that Democrats have started these politically-motivated indictments for Contempt of Congress, I look forward to seeing their reactions when we keep that same energy as we take back the House next year!'” she wrote on Twitter. 

Rep. Jim Jordan of Ohio echoed the threat: “There are a lot of Republicans eager to hear testimony from [White House chief of staff] Ron Klain and [national security adviser] Jake Sullivan when we take back the House.”

McCarthy even made vague threats of retaliation against telecommunications companies who were reportedly cooperating with the House select committee’s request for documents, which members have said could shine a light on possible coordination between members of Congress and the organizers of the Jan. 6 rally preceding the deadly Capitol riot. 

“If companies still choose to violate federal law, a Republican majority will not forget and will stand with Americans to hold them fully accountable under the law,” he wrote in a statement.

And Rep. Jim Banks, an Indiana Republican who was appointed to serve on the Jan. 6 committee before being blocked by Speaker Nancy Pelosi over his pledge to obstruct the group’s investigation, promised to strip each member of their own assignments in much the same way Gosar and Greene had been treated.

RELATED: Republicans don’t care about death threats against colleagues — they are too busy seeking revenge

“When we win back the majority next year, we have a duty as Republicans to hold every member of this committee accountable for this abuse of power, for stepping over the line, by preventing them from being in positions of authority,” Banks said during an appearance on Fox News.

So far, it does not appear that Democrats in Congress are changing their approach in response to these threats.

Rep. Bill Pascrell Jr., D-N.J., described McCarthy’s threats against telecom companies as “treasonous.”

When asked whether the Gosar vote could put prominent Democrats in jeopardy of losing their committee assignments come 2023, Pelosi responded: “Democrats don’t threaten the lives of other members.”

Whether that will save them from retribution remains to be seen.

COVID-19 can infect the ears — causing a chronic condition some call “Covid ear”

As millions more humans contract and recover from COVID-19, doctors and scientists have observed more unexpected chronic conditions resulting from infection. The latest and most peculiar case involves long-term issues with one’s ears as a result of COVID-19, a condition that has been informally dubbed “Covid ear.” The name mirrors other chronic long-term health issues associated with COVID-19, including Covid Toe.

A new study by researchers from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) and Massachusetts Eye and Ear sheds light on Covid ear. As explained in the study’s press report, researchers looked at cellular models of the human ear — as well as actual adult human inner ear tissue — which had been developed to study inner ear infections like mumps virus, hepatitis viruses and cytomegalovirus. 

After COVID-19 patients began reporting hearing loss, dizziness and tinnitus (ringing of the ears), the scientists applied their earlier research to the SARS-CoV-2 virus, too. They studied how the SARS-CoV-2 virus interacts with inner ear cells like hair cells, nerve fibers, supporting cells and neuron insulators known as Schwann cells. In the process, the scientists learned that the SARS-CoV-2 virus is capable of infecting the hair cells of the inner ear, as well as (to a lesser extent) the Schwann cells.

This may explain why COVID-19 patients experience balance and head motion problems, since the infected hair cells (vestibular) play a role in those processes. It may also account for why some COVID-19 patients lose their hearing; cochlear hair cells (which were not directly studied) also have proteins that allow SARS-CoV-2 to invade them — at least when those cells belong to a close relative of humans, mice. Other tests performed by the researchers on a group of 10 COVID-19 patients also indicated damage to the cochlear hairs.


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“Although evidence that the inner ear is actually infected is still lacking, these findings serve as a strong proof of principle, suggesting that infection of, and subsequent damage to, the hair cells of the inner ear may be behind the hearing and balance issues reported by some COVID-19 patients,” scientist William Haseltine wrote about the study in Forbes.

Yuri Agrawal, a professor at Johns Hopkins School of Medicine who was also not involved in the study, told MIT News that “this article provides very compelling evidence that SARS-CoV-2 infects the inner ear, and may be causally related to the hearing and balance symptoms in a number of patients with COVID-19 infection.”

Scientists who study inner ear diseases have long been challenged by the difficulty of creating a reliable model; the architecture of the inner ear is such that it is buried under dense bone and burrowed deep into the head, making it difficult to access. As a result, the new study is a step forward when it comes to future research for ear diseases, independent of COVID-19.

This study also comes on the heels of multiple reports regarding COVID-19 affecting organs not normally associated with the illness. A recent article in Scientific American described how COVID-19, though frequently associated with the loss of senses like smell and taste, has also occurred in patients who reported difficulties with hearing and vision. More than 10 percent of confirmed COVID-19 patients describe ear or eye problems, with many of those issues persisting as a form of long COVID. Some doctors have even suggested that people stay alert for symptoms like balance problems, hearing loss and uncomfortable eyes as early signs of COVID-19. An ophthalmologist at the University of Michigan, Shahzad Mian, told the publication that he and his colleagued had documented eye problems in almost 10 percent of the roughly 400 COVID-19 patients hospitalized in their area shortly after the outbreak.

Filming sex scenes on “Game of Thrones” could be a “frenzied mess”

In 2017, the world of Hollywood and beyond was rocked by revelations that mega-movie producer Harvey Weinstein had abused his position for years to assault and harass female coworkers and employees. It led to a reckoning in the industry, with other powerful people like Charlie Rose, Kevin Spacey, CBS CEO Les Moonves and Matt Lauer facing similar allegations, losing their careers or facing criminal charges.

It also led to a rethinking of the way sex scenes were performed on film and TV sets. Gemma Whelan, who played Yara Greyjoy on HBO’s “Game of Thrones” — a show known for its frank sex scenes — told The Guardian about how the atmosphere had changed since then. “There’s a very different choice of language now,” she said. “If anyone makes an innuendo, everyone shuts down. I think, five or 10 years ago, if there was a double entendre, everyone would jump on the bandwagon and see how many laughs they could raise. I remember when an actor would have a microphone fitted, and sometimes you have to root around the waist. And, in the past, there’d be all this, ‘and while you’re down there, hur, hur!’ But now you don’t have to play along with things like that.”

COVID-19 also necessitated less physical contact. “All the squishy-squishy, huggy-huggy stuff has stopped. But I don’t miss it,” Whelan said. “You have to be a bit more genuine now if you’re saying hello. You can’t hide behind a big hug. And there’s no question mark over it: Do we double kiss? Do we hug? Clasp hands? No, we just say hello to each other.”

The #MeToo movement also led to the rise of the intimacy coordinator, who’s job it is to be an advocate for actors involved in sex scenes. Alicia Rodis, who was a stunt woman and fight choreographer before she became an intimacy coordinator on shows like HBO’s “The Deuce,” explained the job this way:

With intimate moments, from kissing to intense sex scenes, it’s been the practice [for directors] to just say ‘Whatever you’re comfortable with, just go for it.’ But if you’re not giving someone a map or an exit or a voice, just asking actors to roll around and get off on each other, are you asking your actors to do sex work? Or tell a story with their movements?…If your set doesn’t have an intimacy coordinator, at best, you might not be able to tell the story you wanted to tell. At worst, you have actors who are being physically assaulted.

The actors looked out for each other during sex scenes on “Game of Thrones”

HBO now requires intimacy coordinators on all of its shows with sex scenes. But back when Whelan was working on “Game of Thrones,” that wasn’t the case. “They used to just say, ‘When we shout action, go for it!’, and it could be a sort of frenzied mess. But between the actors there was always an instinct to check in with each other. There was a scene in a brothel with a woman and she was so exposed that we talked together about where the camera would be and what she was happy with. A director might say, ‘Bit of boob biting, then slap her bum and go!’, but I’d always talk it through with the other actor.”

Whelan is probably referring here to a scene from Season 6 when Yara and Theon (Alfie Allen) stop in a brothel in Volantis on their way to Meereen to meet Daenerys Targaryen. She and Allen had a somewhat infamous almost-sex scene themselves, where Theon attempted to get intimate with Yara before realizing she was actually his sister he hadn’t seen since they were kids. “Alfie was very much, ‘Is this OK? How are we going to make this work?'” Whelan remembered. “With intimacy directors, it’s choreography – you move there, I move there, and permission and consent is given before you start. It is a step in the right direction.”

Gemma Whelan: It would be “insulting” to be recognized for “Game of Thrones”

Whelan hit on some other topics, in the article, revealing that she was pregnant with her now four-year-old child Frances when filming the final season of “Game of Thrones.” She’s familiar with all the ways to cover up a pregnancy on film, like shooting a lot of shots from the neck up. “Yeah. It’s a great way of getting loads of closeups!”

Somewhat surprisingly, Whelan says she isn’t recognized on the street. “People sometimes say, ‘Do I know you from the bus stop?’ or, ‘Were we at school?’ That’s it really.” That might be because the scowling, armor-wearing Yara is so different from the person she is in real life. “It would be almost insulting to be recognized from ‘Game of Thrones,'” she joked.

You can currently see Whelan as Sarah Collins in “The Tower,” a police procedural on ITV.

Help! I’ve forgotten how to plan a gathering

Should you ask your guests to bring something? How do you keep people out of the kitchen? How do you serve everything at the right temp? Feel like you’ve forgotten how to be a good host? (Same.) In our latest series, Be My Guest, a friendly expert takes on questions from our community and deftly puts fears to rest, suggesting all the ways in which we can all get back to hosting safely — and confidently. It is (almost) the holidays after all!

* * *

If you’re anything like me, you’ve had a handful of parties on hold for anywhere from six to 18 months. (I’ve never been one to whimper at the prospect of aging, but I still maintain that I haven’t turned 32 yet, since the corresponding celebration hasn’t happened.) Some of us have spent hours — days! weeks! — of the pandemic daydreaming about little bowls of Ruffles potato chips set about the apartment, halls decked with mistletoe, Lambrusco in ice buckets, dance party playlists, and long tables lit with tall candles that cast a glow on the unmasked faces we love best.

As vaccinated numbers rise, many of us are cautiously throwing parties again. I’m still not ready to throw that 200-person birthday rager that I cancelled in March 2020 — the extension is keeping me young, after all — but I’ve got a tentative date for a toned-down return of my annual holiday party, and am back to hosting dinners for small groups of friends at the new dinner table I scored on Craigslist while in lockdown redecoration frenzy. This means necessarily dusting off my favorite serveware, digging out my placemats from the crevices of my linen closet, and — perhaps the most creaky resurrection of them all — remembering how to throw a party in the first place.

In a way, it’s like riding a bike: you invite your friends over, put something in the oven, dress yourself the way a famished person eats (with excess and gusto), make a playlist, and eventually a party will happen. But it’s still easy for many of us to feel rusty at this whole hosting business, especially as the capital-H Holidays approach. So today I’m taking some questions from our community (i.e. you, dear readers) on party prep, in hopes that we can all feel a little more confident and breezy when that first doorbell chimes.

I am going to let you in on a little secret here. People love being told what to do. Especially now, when we all feel that we’ve lost our social graces — maybe they’re off somewhere hanging out with the five hundred hair ties we’ve also lost over the last ten years. Sure, not every person falls into this category, but I promise you that if there’s something you’d like your guests to bring, they’d be happy to bring it. They’re probably wondering what they can bring anyway; isn’t it the act of a gracious host, then, to rid them of any worry and simply provide them with the correct answer?

Of course, your requests need to be reasonable. If you’re looking for a 1996 bottle of Châteauneuf-du-Pape, don’t pass off the search onto your friends, unless one of them happens to be an upscale wine importer. Don’t ask your friend who is still on unemployment to pick up a tin of caviar. Don’t ask your teetotaler aunt to grab a handle of vodka from the store. Be specific when you can — “a bottle of [insert commonly found wine style here]” or “a case of plain seltzer” or “two bags of plain Ruffles potato chips” are totally acceptable requests. Just give your guests plenty of time to shop (no requests an hour before the party unless it’s your bestie). And be just as honest if you don’t need them to bring anything! You’ll save your friends the time of picking up something unnecessary, and give them the ultimate luxury: the gift of hospitality, with no strings attached.

* * *

As a host, it is your job to decide when to defer to others, and when to be firm on your priorities. Yes, everyone must leave their shoes at the door; sure, the kids can run anywhere except the dining room; yes, we’ll add a place setting for the girl Rebecca moved in with after going on a single date; no, you may not touch the Spotify queue.

When it comes to enforcing vaccinations, an act that protects not just you and your guests but also their families, their coworkers, and the people who work at their local grocery store, you’re allowed to make the call, firmly and lovingly.

This turns the question, then, into a matter of how you put your foot down, and what you say once it’s there. How easy this is will depend on the type of party that you’re throwing. If you’re hosting a birthday party or dinner or happy hour, anything that’s just a gathering of friends, it’s absolutely appropriate to add a line in your invitation, italicized so that everyone can see it, saying In order to keep us all safe, please only attend if you’re vaccinated. It’s simple, it communicates to your guests that you care about their health and the health of their community, and it’s impossible to miss. Of course, it’s up to you whether you’ll actually be checking people’s vaccine cards by the door — if you’re really worried, feel free to ask that people email or text you a photo of theirs with their RSVP.

You have other options, too: you can ask that people be vaccinated, but operate on the honor system and not require proof; you can also simply ask people to get tested a few days before the gathering. These actions can make both you and your guests feel more comfortable — and after all, isn’t that what a host does?

Now, maybe you’re hosting Thanksgiving dinner for your extended family, and you’re worried that a certain uncle or cousin has not yet made the decision to get the vaccine. In this case, your communication and logistical strategy may have to shift. Maybe you can underline the presence of unvaccinated children, whom everyone will want to protect; maybe you can remind your guests that you’re particularly interested in keeping your oldest or most at-risked loved ones safe; maybe you can set up an outdoor dining area, or simply ask that they wear a mask inside. Being firm isn’t always fun, but it’s a decision you can feel proud of.

* * *

Do you put an end time on an invite? I’m never quite sure.

This practice is only appropriate in the following scenarios: 

1. You are hosting a children’s birthday party.
2. You have rented a venue for a finite number of hours.
3. There’s a second party to go to after yours.

Otherwise, we’re all adults here, which means that we are capable of staying up a little later than our bedtimes in service of a good party, and we’re tactful enough to subtly let people know when it’s time to go home. (We’ll get to that in an upcoming installment, so stay tuned!) Just whatever you do, under no circumstances, and not even as a joke, should you ever tell people that your party goes until “question mark”. Intrigue is the whole point of a party; attempting to highlight that intrigue is like reminding each of your guests that you’re wearing underwear.

HBO Max’s “The Sex Lives of College Girls” is less erotic and more awkward than its alluring title

Orientation week rarely ranks highly on the college grad’s list of indelible memories.  We understand the vital purpose serves – it’s right there in the name – but once undergraduate life gets underway, orientation’s lasting role is mainly as a notch on our personal timelines that serves to place where we first met friends, exes or life partners.

This is the kindest explanation of why the premiere of “The Sex Lives of College Girls” has the feeling of something it’s OK to forget, but that we’re obligated to slog through. If my first exposure to college life felt like this I would have immediately started researching transfer options and lobbying for a gap year.

Beyond that awkward intro, to employ the wise phrase neither TV audiences nor jaded late-adolescents love hearing, it gets better. Not enough to qualify as groundbreaking, I’ll grant you, but midway through the fourth of the first six episodes I found myself enjoying the horny and confused title characters Kimberly (Pauline Chalamet), Bela (Amrit Kaur), Whitney (Alyah Chanelle Scott) and Leighton (Reneé Rapp), even rooting for them.

RELATED: Netflix’s sex romp that woos girl nerds

If it matures into an easy pleasure by the end of its 10-episode season, all the better. Getting there relies on viewer grading on a curve dragged down by the 51-minute series premiere’s listlessness. That’s an imposing runtime for the best comedies, and this show isn’t close to that rank. Around the 25-minute mark I found myself checking the press notes to confirm that Mindy Kaling and her co-creator Justin Noble were not, in fact, trying to pass off this loose meat sandwich of undergrad twists and traps as a dramedy.

Luckily the core ensemble’s chemistry pulls us into the vagaries of freshman life at Essex College, a fictional New England school attended by the children of the wealthy and famous or both. Kimberly, an Arizonan whose father manages a Walgreens is an exception. She’s the first of these suite mates that we meet, followed by the ambitious Bela, who has comedy writing aspirations, and Whitney, a star athlete daughter of a famous congressional official. They welcome each other with open arms. Their fourth roommate, the WASP-y Leighton, is less thrilled to be thrown in with them.

There’s a lab-created feel to this group that takes a moment to digest. This refers less to the quartet’s intentionally balanced cultural makeup than their character profiles and the problematic subplot time bombs cured into paving stones placed down the road a ways.

Whitney, for example, rebels against her mother’s insistence on keeping her nose clean by taking a secret risk designed to create politically unfortunate headlines. Bela is basically the incarnation of Kaling’s college self, a young Indian woman who would rather join the Essex’s equivalent of the Harvard Lampoon than go pre-med. Leighton presents as a mean girl, which is convenient since Rapp played “Mean Girls” character Regina George on Broadway.

Scott and Rapp find a way to knit distinct performances around characters initially presented as types indulging in secrets that fit into tropes about college life and a young woman’s sexual exploration. But interiority is not this script’s strong suit.

This is especially irritating with regard to Kaur’s Bela, who comes off as her creator’s wish fulfillment double, the star of endless esprit d’escalier daydreams made real, as opposed to a unique creation. This being Kaling’s show, it’s natural to expect her to write scenes from her life into it. But set against the singular appeal of her “Never Have I Ever” lead character, Bela comes across as an imitation of other women Kaling has played instead of a unique creation.

Chalamet’s Kimberly also is familiar but in the sense that we recognize the kind of kid she is. Many people may be more like her than the other girls, in fact – a student whose grades are impressive enough to gain entry to a world of exclusivity but whose family’s lack of wealth and provincial naivete prevent full access to all it has to offer.

Still, Chalamet makes it matter to us that Kimberly tries, and fails, and learns, and keeps trying. The actor oozes an innocent awkwardness designed to maximize every wince-worthy stumble while selling us on the virtues of plugging along. This helps when she, along with her new cohorts, glide through the usual stops on the female co-ed’s highway of unwise choices and mistakes.

Mind you, the word “mistake” has puritanical connotations when it comes to sex that aren’t present here. Kimberly commits some impressive social fouls in her first interactions with her work-study cohorts that let us know they’re probably among the few Black and Latina people she’s met in her life. Those are mishaps from which she recovers.

Everything that happens with her and the other young women behind closed doors are lessons – some tough, some educational, many of them liberating. One key relationship raises the specter of fetishization in an early conversation, for example, and while it is batted away, other problematic power imbalances ensure that danger lingers in our minds.

But this pairing is one we’ve seen before, along with the expected subplots revolving around closeted sexuality, wolves disguised in feminist shearling and the minimally developed auxiliary character whom audiences don’t expect to be having tons of sex but actually is. 

“The Sex Lives of College Girls” is a more erotically alluring title than the show turns out to be, which is a view of college life through the lens of women as opposed to yet another frat boy or cheerleader romp.

But we’ve seen better depictions of college misadventures, and while most aren’t as realistically inclusive as this one, neither are their mechanics as obvious. The undergraduate experience is all about separating from the people who raised us and discovering who we really are. Any show about that journey needs to have figured that out already.

The first two episodes of “The Sex Lives of College Girls” premiere Thursday, Nov. 18 on HBO Max. Three new episodes premiere on Nov. 25 and Dec. 2, leading up to the final two episodes of the season on Dec. 9.

Watch a trailer for the series below via YouTube.

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Rupert Murdoch says Trump needs to get over losing 2020 election: “The past is the past”

Right-wing media mogul Rupert Murdoch on Wednesday delivered a pointed message to former President Donald Trump over his obsession with relitigating the election he lost more than a year ago.

The New York Times’ Maggie Haberman reports that Murdoch addressed Trump’s never-ending efforts to overturn the results of the 2020 election during the annual meeting of stockholders for News Corp.


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“The current American political debate is profound, whether about education or welfare or economic opportunity,” Murdoch said. “It is crucial that conservatives play an active, forceful role in that debate, but that will not happen if President Trump stays focused on the past. The past is the past, and the country is now in a contest to define the future.”

Despite Murdoch’s pleas, however, Trump seems unlikely to end his obsession with the 2020 election, which he lost by more than 7 million votes in the popular vote and 74 votes in the electoral college.

RELATED: Rupert Murdoch “privately acknowledged” climate change — while Fox News hosts denied it even existed

On Tuesday evening, Trump gave an interview with top election conspiracy theorist and pillow magnate Mike Lindell in which he continued making false claims about Democrats stealing the election from him.

Making “Bad Luck Banging or Loony Porn” required a “banal” sex tape to test how we police each other

A leaked sex tape gets a Romanian teacher in trouble in writer/director Radu Jude’s savage comedy, “Bad Luck Banging or Loony Porn.” The film opens with the explicit sex scene between Emilia (Katia Pascariu) and her husband Eugen (Stefan Steel). 

The first part of this three-act film, set during the pandemic, reveals the impact of its discovery. As Emilia tries to contain the situation, she encounters rudeness in the shops and streets of Bucharest. In Part 2, Jude features a “short dictionary of anecdotes, signs, and wonders,” that define various power dynamics, from colonialism, to censorship, and persecution. The film’s last act has Emilia “on trial” as the school’s headmistress (Claudia Ieremia) has the parents and grandparents of Emilia’s students debate the situation of her actions. The discussion gets heated and nasty and shows the hypocrisy of the accusers as well as Emilia’s defense of her private life and teaching methods.

RELATED: In Netflix’s captivating “Prayers for the Stolen,” life goes on as one digs a grave to stay safe

Jude is speaking truth to power here, showing how people use power to control others, but don’t want to be controlled themselves. The filmmaker spoke with Salon about his political film, which is Romania’s submission for the Best International Film Oscar this year. 

You open your film with the explicit sex scene between Emilia and Eugen. It is a sequence that viewers think about throughout the film as we can’t “un-see” it. It also prompts us to think about Emi and her actions, which some find shameful, some might find arousing. Can you talk about creating and using this scene as the foundation for your film?

It is at the beginning of the film now, but it wasn’t supposed to be. The scene moved around a few times during editing. In the end, I kept it at the beginning thinking that it is good for the audience to know what [the video] was and to know and judge or appreciate or condemn — whatever reaction they have — because the video is at the center of the story. That was one thing, but it is also a bit of a perversity, because it is trying to put viewers in the shoes of parents.

There is a kind of mantra or cliché that all filmmakers say, “I’m building or constructing characters without judging them.” I do not think this is possible. We are always judging to analyze reality. They can say they are judging the characters, but not condemning them. But the judgment is always there. It’s interesting because I did some research on amateur porn websites — I know this sounds very hypocritical — and I tried to combine the small narratives and stories I saw in these videos. There are not many Romanians ones, most are in English, and I tried to make it not an extreme porn scene. I did the most banal one.


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“Bad Luck Banging” is set during the pandemic, and there are some great moments that show how various people police each other about masking and social distancing as well as the way we adapt to a form of control that is outside our control and should be respected. Can you talk about filming under these conditions, and how this added to your theme of authoritarianism?

I did a few films dealing with history, and when I wanted to get away from that frame of mind and make a very contemporary film, I wanted to keep something from my historical interest. I conceived the film of watching today by someone who comes back in time from the future, which is theorized in the second part of the film, and where the camera is paying attention to trivial things. When the pandemic came, when we were in preparation, so we just include that in one way or another, and it added another layer. The conflict that we have everywhere, especially in Romania regarding the social and medical measures, I wanted to show it was just another part of life. If people are so hysterical, or violent because of the pandemic, it just added to that. In this situation, we are in deep s**t because only 30% of the people here are vaccinated and there are a lot of deaths here. We are half in lockdown, and it will get worse. Schools are closed. It will be interesting to see what happens. A lot of people my age, 44, or age 50-70 are raging against the medical or sanitary dictatorship. But these people, who are older than me, in a real dictatorship, didn’t do anything.  

There is a terrific theme in your film about the breakdown of society, and that politeness is a lost art — from an exchange at a supermarket, or in the street, when Emi scolds a driver who blocked the sidewalk, to an encounter in a pharmacy and a man crossing the street. No one likes to be told that they are wrong. This is a theme in your film. People just want to shame others. How should we combat such rudeness in everyday life? 

I’m not sure I have an answer to that, but it’s a good question. Yes, in Western European countries, things are more stable. We were in shock by the change of power in America, and the Capitol attack. In Bucharest, we had dictatorship, and when it ended, we could choose what kind of society to create. Romania is quite a free society nowadays. There are a lot of civil liberties that were hard to imagine during Ceausescu’s time. And yet the outcome of all this is that people embraced — without realizing the outcome — the most horrible individualist neoliberal society with no social protections. All of the scenes you mention, we see every day. It comes from this fact that people lack the sense of solidarity. We are told to be individualistic, so everyone bought a car and public transportation loses finance. There are eight times more cars here in Bucharest, and people are parking on sidewalks. You see this is a suffocating society and we are doing it to ourselves. Administration and political leaders start the change, but this doesn’t happen.

The middle section of your film suspends the drama to show images and examples of repression, colonialism, persecution, censorship. There are several lines in your film that are quite telling. One about the more idiotic an opinion is the more important it is. One about teaching contributes to power relations. Can you talk about these themes and your attitudes towards authority?

In this case, not only the second part, but the rest of the film is not only a concern with authority and our reaction to it, but that it is always in the wrong. When we were supposed to be strong and to react, it doesn’t happen, and when you are supposed to comply, you become a rebel. Someone said a Romanian is born as a pupil, lives as a clerk, and dies as pensioner. 

The videotape is a small trivial part of the story, it is unimportant — a superficial, tabloid story. But if you think about it, and the reason I made the film, is that this small story is like a fable that takes place in the middle of many tensions in our society. It is authority, but also questions rights and the digital world we are living in. All the issues of morality, and education, and body and the relation of the body and politics, and what is permitted and what is not — all these things go together. The film shows the intersection of these problems.

The tribunal in the last act reveals more about the accusers than Emilia who is on trial. I like that “Bad Luck Banging” addresses the themes of public and private. What are we allowed to do without judgment? 

We live now in this cancel culture, and as for me, everyone can have their own opinions, but I am one of these guys who can be called a “legalist,” and less a moralist. I try not to be a moralist. In our private life, we can have a fight with a friend or a lover about morality issues. But what I tried to stage in the film is this conflict between morality and legality, and what is legal and what is not. I believe that each case should be discussed in itself, statistically, I am more inclined to be on the legal side. If someone has the legal right to do something, then they should do it if they want to and not be judged for it. I have a strong reaction to morality and judging people according to their moral criteria. If someone goes to jail for a crime they committed, when they get out, they are not guilty anymore in my opinion. They are rehabilitated. I really hate when people consider someone because they made a mistake, they are guilty for life and should be canceled for life. I’m against that on principle. I’m against judgments that happen more and more on social media. For some situations, like works of art, sometimes you need more time to think and reflect on that. You cannot have a one-minute reaction to everything. People can do what they want but the film shows the tensions. The teacher says, “It’s my right to do that,” but people say, “Maybe it’s your right, but it’s not moral.” That is not a dialogue. Saying you shouldn’t do something if you have the right to do it. It is my right not to be a moral person. 

The film has discussion of decency. Do you think pornography can be harmful to children? What is appropriate censorship? And who is responsible for enforcing it?

Any question is OK to be asked. When you say, “Is pornography dangerous for children?
We can answer in any manner we want. The answer of the teacher in film is, “It’s not my concern, it’s you the parents who should protect your children and teach them not to get on these websites.” That is from the point of view of the laws. This is what matters.  

You quote texts from Brecht, Bourdieu, Eco, Kracauer, Sartre, Todorov, Arendt, and other thinkers in the film. Can we mount a defense with logic and reason in a society where people want to believe science and fact? 

Yes, I think yes, this is the only thing strive for — for rationality, truth, and science. My answer is also very superficial because everyone can say yes, we know, but science can be dangerous, and what is science today may not be [true] tomorrow. There is a balance to keep. There’s a great [neuroscientist], Antonio Domasio. He wrote “Descartes’ Error” and “Looking for Spinoza,” and both books are about the brain and how the brain works. In “Descartes’ Error,” he demonstrates you cannot make decisions only based on rationality. It is always a bit of emotion inside you that makes decisions, for patients whose emotions are blocked had their decision blocked. It’s a mix of rationality and emotionality. I try not to let my emotional part take control completely. I’m not a psychologist, and I am not a priest either.

You also have another film, “Uppercase Print” out now, which addresses themes of repression and suppression. Can you discuss that? 

There are two types of filmmakers, or artists. I can speak more about filmmakers. There are ones who have a very distinct style and universe that you can recognize when you see their film. Woody Allen is obvious, or someone like John Ford. There are filmmakers who try — and I would like to be in this first category, but I am not — to find a form in every film. But I strongly believe film is a tool for thinking, and it happens in the form or shape the film takes. The two films are both an attempt to find a form that thinks — to speak about topics in a specific form that only cinema can do it best. That was something that Italo Calvino said in a Cahiers du Cinema interview in the 1960s. He was taken by the French New Wave at the time. He called them “essay” films, which have a different meaning now. These films can be sociological, psychological, or political, or historical, they have a meaning or importance only if they can do something that sociology, psychology, and history cannot do. I believe my films dealing with history can do something that a book of history cannot do. I try to find what is the thing that only cinema can do and try to do that. In the case of “Uppercase Print,” it is montage and the representation of the past. I chose not to stage the past in a Hollywood manner, or how traditional cinema would do it. The story is broken by television images from the time, the 1980s, and this creates a kind of storytelling which is specific only to cinema. You cannot do that in other media. In literature, there only words no images. Here you have words and images so it is very cinematic even though it might not appear that way.

“Bad Luck Banging or Loony Porn” is in theaters Friday, Nov. 19. Watch a trailer of it below, via YouTube.

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Ohio Senate approves “extreme” gerrymandered map favoring GOP

Ohio’s Republican-dominated Senate on Tuesday approved a congressional district map that critics say is designed to benefit the GOP — a move that sparked swift criticism of the state’s lawmakers and bolstered demands for Congress to pass federal legislation to protect voting rights and outlaw gerrymandering.

Unveiled late Monday by Republican state lawmakers, the new map was advanced by the Ohio Senate Local Government and Elections Committee before being approved by the full upper chamber. It still needs approval from the Ohio House and GOP Gov. Mike DeWine.

“Announcing a new map late in the evening, just hours before a vote, with no opportunity or possibility even for in-depth analysis or discussion, is disrespectful,” said Catherine Turcer, executive director of Common Cause Ohio, after the first vote.

“In 2018, Ohio voters overwhelmingly approved transparent and bipartisan mapmaking with meaningful opportunities for public input,” Turcer added. “Ohio voters deserve better.”

“It’s incredibly disheartening,” the Common Cause Ohio leader told The Columbus Dispatch.

Deidra Reese, statewide coordinator of the Ohio Unity Coalition, similarly noted that the schedule meant lawmakers had little time to hear from opponents of the map.

“I am disappointed that they didn’t hear the pleas from hundreds of Ohioans for districts that are fair and representative of the people,” Reese said, agreeing that “we deserve better” and calling on Ohio lawmakers to “reject this plan.”

Ohio Senate Republicans highlight that the new map would only divide 12 counties and keep seven of the state’s eight biggest cities in single districts. They also claim seven of Ohio’s 15 districts would be competitive between Democratic and GOP candidates.

However, analyses suggest the new boundaries would only benefit Democrats in a few districts. As Cleveland.com detailed Tuesday:

The map as designed favors Republicans to win a 12-3 share of Ohio’s congressional seats, according to modeling from Dave’s Redistricting App, a widely-used redistricting site. DRA rates the map as “OK” on compactness, competitiveness, and community splitting. It rates “very bad” for political proportionality, worse than the current map, which awards Republicans a 12-4 share.

The new map’s 12-3 breakdown includes two toss-up districts. One, which includes Democratic Toledo Rep. Marcy Kaptur’s district, leans slightly Republican, while another, incorporating outgoing GOP Rocky River Rep. Anthony Gonzalez’s district, leans slightly Democratic. A district in the Cincinnati area represented by GOP Rep. Steve Chabot leans three points Republican, but Sen. Rob McColley, a Republican who is sponsoring the map plan, said President Joe Biden narrowly won the district in 2020.

Although former President Donald Trump remains committed to his “Big Lie” about the 2020 election, Biden won the national contest. However, despite Biden doing well in Ohio’s major cities, Trump secured the Midwestern state by more than eight points.

Mother Jones’ Ari Berman, author of “Give Us the Ballot: The Modern Struggle for Voting Rights in America”, said Tuesday that the “extreme gerrymandered congressional map” gives Republicans 80% of seats in a state where Trump won with 53% of the vote.

Responding to Berman’s tweet, Nina Turner — a former Cleveland City Council member, Ohio state senator, and U.S. House candidate — said, “This is a damn shame.”

The Ohio House Government Oversight Committee is set to consider the map Wednesday morning. The full chamber has sessions scheduled for Wednesday and Thursday. Neither chamber is scheduled to meet next week, and the rapidly approaching deadline to finish the map is the end of the month.

The Dispatch explained that what happens in the state House could impact how long the map is in effect, if approved by all necessary parties. For the map to last a decade, it needs approval from 60% of lawmakers in each chamber and 33% of Democrats, which “amounts to 12 Democrats in the House and three in the Senate.”

“Nobody wants a four-year map,” said Senate Minority Leader Kenny Yuko, D-25., telling the newspaper he is aiming for a compromise. “If it’s doable, if it’s palatable, then I’ll whip my caucus.”

The battle over the map in Ohio — mirroring other GOP-controlled states — comes as congressional Democrats have been fighting to pass various voting rights legislation.

Earlier this month, all U.S. Senate Republicans expect Lisa Murkowski of Alaska prevented a floor debate on the John R. Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act, which came after the evenly divided chamber’s GOP caucus twice blocked a package called the For the People Act as well as a later compromise bill, the Freedom to Vote Act.

That GOP obstruction as well as state Republican lawmakers’ voter suppression bills and gerrymandering efforts this year have added fuel to calls for Senate Democrats to reform or even fully abolish the filibuster so they can quickly send an election reform bill to Biden’s desk.

10 best nonalcoholic Thanksgiving cocktail recipes for the whole family

Thanksgiving dinner isn’t complete without beverages — winewhiskey, and bourbon may come to mind in some households, plus sparkling water and sodas for anyone not drinking the hard stuff. But there’s a whole category of not-boring nonalcoholic drinks that make family-friendly substitutes for Thanksgiving cocktails. Mulled apple cider with cinnamon sticks, orange peel, and fresh ginger is a must, but what about hot chocolate, a cranberry mocktail with Red Bull energy drink, or an apple and maple cocktail made with a nonalcoholic spirit? Here are 10 of the best nonalcoholic Thanksgiving mocktails to make for Turkey Day.

10 best Thanksgiving mocktails

1. Perfect Hot Chocolate

The Macy’s Thanksgiving Day Parade kicks off the official start of the holiday season, and nothing says “winter is here” like the perfect cup of hot cocoa. Serve homemade hot chocolate — made with both cocoa powder and chocolate pieces — to kids and adults alike after Thanksgiving dinner.

2. The Vermonter

Use Spice 94 Seedlip, a warm and spiced nonalcoholic spirit, for the base of this apple cider and maple syrup Thanksgiving drink.

3. Delicately Fragrant Mulled Cider (in the Crock-Pot)

Mulled cider is a quintessential drink to sip all fall long, but somehow it just tastes better on Thanksgiving. Plus, it’s the perfect family-friendly drink because you can make a whole big batch of it and it’s nonalcoholic. Save space on your stovetop and make it in a slow cooker.

4. Beet Tonic Spritzer

Ginger beer and beet juice bring a little earthiness, a little spiciness, and a little bitterness to this nonalcoholic Thanksgiving drink.

5. Almost Instant Chai

The beauty of chai is the abundance of aromatic, autumnal spices in every sip. Make your own using black pepper, ginger, cinnamon, cardamom, cloves, nutmeg, and dried orange peel.

6. Dorie Greenspan’s Hot (and Cold) Chocolate

After all the prep for Thanksgiving dinner, making a big-batch, family-friendly drink may just be your breaking point. But this four-ingredient hot (or cold!) chocolate recipe is a speedy make-ahead, one-pot wonder, so it’s totally doable.

7. Red Bull Cranberry Mocktail

Good food on Thanksgiving becomes a great feast when served with delicious Thanksgiving drinks, like this one made with ginger beer, apple cider, cinnamon, rosemary, and lemon juice. This perky Red Bull mocktail will give you and your guests a much-needed kick before the desire to take a nap comes along.

8. White Hot Chocolate with Matcha and Rose

If you’re dreaming of spring days, but still want a cozy beverage to enjoy on a chilly November day, this sweeter hot chocolate made with dried rose petals and matcha powder fits the bill for both occasions.

9. The Orchard Mocktail

This blueberry-based mocktail can be scaled up for a crowd-friendly Thanksgiving punch recipe. “Brighten up the mix with orange two ways — muddled with basil in the shaker and as a sunny garnish — and top with apple cider for a medley of complementary fruit that sings in the glass,” advises Bow Hill Blueberries.

10. Dirty Cutting Chai

Feeling tired? A warm cup of chai with black tea and instant coffee will keep you awake all the way through the dessert course.

The spinning disks around black holes may be giant gold forges

Black holes are better known for their ability to bend space and time than their gold-forging abilities. Yet that may change: new research suggests that black holes may be able to create super heavy elements, like gold, in their vicinity.

That’s according to a new paper published in the Monthly Notices of the Royal Astronomical Society, which says that black holes have the optimal energy conditions to create heavy elements. The finding is significant because elements such as gold and silver have only been known to originate in space under extreme astrophysical conditions, like stellar explosions. 

Even the idea that a cosmic collision can create gold is a relatively new idea in astronomy. In 2017, scientists first announced they detected gold in the wake of a collision of two neutron stars. This new research suggests that the universe is more full of gold than previously thought, and the way in which it is being forged is happening in astonishing ways.

The paper comes from researchers in Germany and Japan, whose computer simulations of black holes with massive accretion disks found that they often synthesized heavy elements like gold. Accretion disks are fast-spinning haloes of matter that orbit around black holes at high speeds.

“In our study, we systematically investigated for the first time the conversion rates of neutrons and protons for a large number of disk configurations by means of elaborate computer simulations, and we found that the disks are very rich in neutrons as long as certain conditions are met,” said astrophysicist Oliver Just of the GSI Helmholtz Centre for Heavy Ion Research in Germany.

Just explained that these “conditions” are dependent on the total mass of the disk.

According to the new paper, the more massive the accretion disk, the more often neutrons are formed from protons — and thus more neutrons are available for the process of nuclear reactions to occur, which creates heavy metals. In other words, the black hole, in optimal conditions, eats gas and dust from its environment and possibly generates heavy elements in the process as that matter spins and abuts other matter at high speeds, occasionally fusing into heavier elements.

Does that mean that gold chunks are spinning rapidly around black holes? Perhaps, but it will likely be a long time until researchers have an answer. Black holes are difficult to study directly, as most are quite far from Earth and the space-time around them is highly distorted.

A black hole is a singularity in space that is so dense and so massive that its escape velocity is greater than the speed of light — meaning anything that falls into it will be absorbed, even light. They form when certain types of massive stars see their cores implode. The concept of a black hole was first theorized by English scientist John Michell in the 18th century, and later developed further by Albert Einstein in the 20th century in his General Theory of Relativity. 

Despite technological advancements in astronomical imaging, black holes have long been enigmatic, partly because they are so compact and dense. The nearest known black hole to Earth is 1,500 light-years distant; for comparison, the nearest solar system, Alpha Centauri, is a mere 4.3 light years off. In 2019 the Event Horizon Telescope Collaboration presented the first-ever direct image of a black hole. 

According to the paper, not all black holes create gold — just those in a Goldilocks zone, with the right mass and whose accretion disks are within a specific range. In fact, those that have disks that are too massive, or too light, likely won’t do the trick.

“However, if the mass of the disk is too high, the inverse reaction plays an increased role so that more neutrinos are recaptured by neutrons before they leave the disk,” Just said. Neutrinos, which are tiny, near-massless particles, are crucial in the conversion process between protons and neutrons.

Specifically, the study states, the optimal disk mass for an abundant production of heavy elements is about 0.01 to 0.1 solar masses. One solar mass is equal to the mass of our sun.


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Geologists have found gold in rocks on Earth that are as old as 4.5 billion years, which was right when Earth formed. Still, nobody knows exactly how Earth’s gold originally formed. Stars like our sun, which fuse smaller elements into heavier ones, are too low-mass to ever produce elements any heavier than oxygen — which is 8th on the periodic table and thus has 8 protons. Gold atoms have 79 protons, and could only be created under very high-energy conditions in which smaller-mass atoms were colliding in close proximity. 

It is believed that our solar system formed from a nebula of gas and dust, which was in turn created when an earlier star, far more massive than our sun, exploded; that explosion created at least some heavy elements, which now reside in the planets and asteroids of our solar system (and possibly other neighboring systems, too). Some of the heaviest metals in the solar system and on Earth, however, may have been created yet earlier in other high-energy stellar collisions or events — whether hypernovae or neutron star collisions; or perhaps, as this research suggests, generated from black holes’ accretion disks. 

Researchers believe that figuring out how heavy elements are created in the universe will provide clues to physicists here on Earth. 

“The predicted abundance of the formed elements provides insight into which heavy elements need to be studied in future laboratories to unravel the origin of heavy elements,” researchers said.

Kimberly Guilfoyle bragged about raising $3 million for Jan. 6 rally: report

Kimberly Guilfoyle, Donald Trump Jr.’s girlfriend who also served as an advisor to the former president, reportedly boasted about raising millions of dollars to bankroll Donald Trump’s “Stop the Steal” rally, which directly led to the violent riot on the Capitol. 

According to a Thursday report by ProPublica, Guilfoyle was at the center of a sweeping fundraising operation involving a number of big money Republican donors – namely Julie Jenkins Fancelli, a Publix supermarket heir. Fancelli’s apparent connection to Guilfoyle was revealed in a text exchange, obtained by the outlet, between Guilfoyle and Katrina Pierson, the White House liaison to the rally. In a back-and-forth, Guilfoyle apparently emphasized her fundraising role while asking for Pierson’s permission to introduce Trump Jr. to the podium. 

RELATED: Stop the Steal denied inciting violence: Now its leader wants to “bring hell” to his enemies

“Literally one of my donors Julie at 3 million,” Guilfoyle said, an ostensible reference to the amount raised through Fancelli. 

According to Propublica, Caroline Wren, a former deputy to Guilfoyle, also worked hand-in-hand with her boss to supercharge the event. During the leadup to the event, Guilfoyle and Wren were reportedly coordinating a pressure campaign to allow certain far-right speakers to join the event’s existing slate. Such names include Infowars conspiracist Alex Jones, far-right activist Ali Alexander, and Roger Stone, a former advisor to Trump. In an apparent bid to circumvent Pierson’s go-ahead, Wren reportedly called the event staff and asked them to include the aforementioned men in the event’s lineup, specifically demanding that Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton – a major proponent of Trump’s election conspiracy – be added. 


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ProPublica obtained texts between Pierson and Guilfoyle speaking of a “leaked” lineup – later published by conservative news site Breitbart – that included Alexander, Stone and Paxton. 

“All I know is that someone leaked a list of ‘speakers’ that the WH had not seen or approved,” Pierson wrote to Guilfoyle. “I’ve never had so much interference.”

“Yea and this the list we approved,” Guilfoyle, now a senior advisor for the Senate campaign of the disgraced former Republican governor of Missouri, Eric Greitens, responded. It remains unclear what she meant by “we.” 

RELATED: Trump is furious with Don Jr’s “annoying” girlfriend Kimberly Guilfoyle: report

Guilfoyle and Fancelli’s relationship dates back to early last year, ProPublica reports, when Guilfoyle was made the national chair of the Trump Victory finance committee – a fundraising entity designed to bolster Trump’s re-election effort. In July of last year, Guilfoyle reportedly secured a $250,000 lump sum donation to Trump Victory, incrementally collecting hundreds of thousands of more from the Fancelli as Trump’s campaign dragged on. 

Following the election, Wren was reportedly appointed as Trump’s main fundraising czar after being charged with leading his “Save the US Senate PAC,” which sought to crush the Democratic Senate bids in the recent Georgia runoff elections. According to ProPublica, the PAC was endowed $800,000 by LJ Management Services Inc., a company tied to Fancelli’s family foundation.

Although her scheme to re-elect the president was ultimately unsuccessful, Guilfoyle has remained in Trump’s good graces as a leading fundraiser. She is also currently spearheading Trump’s “Make America Great Again, Again!” super PAC, launched in early October.