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4 simple tips to embolden your home cooking, gleaned from Andrea Nguyen’s “Ever-Green Vietnamese”

Vegan. Vegetarian. Pescatarian. Flexitarian. Keto. So many of today’s dietary practices fit into a well-established mold, with cookbooks and websites galore devoted to helping one uphold them. While this can simplify the search for a regime that you know and feel strongly about, for those who are more, let’s say, diet-agnostic, these definitions can seem limiting. Especially when it comes to enjoying the traditional dishes of one’s heritage.

In particular, how can one enjoy pho without beef stock? Or ban cuon without fish sauce for the nuoc cham to dip it into? In several ways, as Andrea Nguyen demonstrates in her upcoming cookbook, “Ever-Green Vietnamese: Super-Fresh Recipes, Starring Plants from Land and Sea,” which will be published April 25. The veteran cookbook author of award-winning titles including “Vietnamese Any Day” and “The Pho Cookbook” has unleashed her version of a plant-based cookbook and unlike recent, widely acclaimed vegan and vegetarian cookbooks on Asian cuisines (like Hetty McKinnon’s “To Asia, With Love,” Hannah Che’s “The Chinese Vegan Kitchen” and Joanne Lee Molinaro’s “The Korean Vegan Cookbook“), Nguyen makes room for meat and seafood in some recipes, while focusing primarily on vegetables.

In February, Nguyen explained in her newsletter, Pass the Fish Sauce, how her publisher, Ten Speed Press, told her they could easily sell a vegetarian Vietnamese cookbook written by her. But, Nguyen wrote to subscribers, “It wouldn’t be me. I adore vegetables but am not vegetarian.” So instead, “Ever-Green Vietnamese” is “about vegetables but it’s not vegetarian.”

Besides, we don’t need strict labels or fancy buzzwords like “flexitarian” to explore the traditional starring roles that plants have always played in Vietnamese cuisine, Nguyen argues.

“Viet culinary culture has been and continues to be shaped by scrappy cooks who make the most of limited resources, the majority of which are harvested from the earth,” she writes in the upcoming book’s introduction.

The same could be said for many other cuisines of the world as well. And it’s a philosophy that you can carry into your own kitchen for more healthful, sustainable and economical everyday cooking, whether you’re chasing a traditional dish or making something up on the fly.

Here are a few tips and guidelines on how to do that which I’ve gleaned from the recipes throughout “Ever-Green Vietnamese.”

Increase the vegetable quotient in dishes where meat typically stars 

Do you think of a beef and vegetable stir-fry as having at least 50% beef or more? Maybe restaurants do this to improve the perception of value with their offerings. But you don’t need to. Think more like 25% or less beef and choose tasty vegetables like mushrooms and green beans, as Nguyen does in her recipe for Gingery Vegetable and Beef Stir Fry (notice how she places “vegetable” first). There’s also a recipe for Chicken-Vegetable Pho in “Ever-Green Vietnamese” (in addition to a vegan pho recipe) which incorporates plenty of vegetables from the start of making the broth, to the beautifully garnished, finished bowl.

Build umami with sea vegetables

Vegan fish sauce — yes, you read that correctly — exists in bottles, where it’s commonly used by Vietnamese vegetarians. But this essential ingredient and seasoning can also be made from scratch at home. Nguyen’s recipe starts with an infusion of wakame and kombu seaweed and some pineapple juice to match the sweetness of the fermented fish brine. The two dried seaweed types also factor heavily into a vegan broth for the Deluxe Vegan Pho, where “kombu contributes a round mouthfeel like that of meat collagen while the wakame injects a briny back note like that of dried seafood,” Nguyen writes. And for garnish, Nguyen likes to sprinkle nori dust in everything, from a loaded vegetable fried rice to a vegan sate sauce. Keep all these dried seaweeds on hand in your pantry.

Focus on the sauces, not the protein type 

In Nguyen’s recipe for Hainan-style crispy tofu and rice in “Ever-Green Vietnamese,” she acknowledges that when it comes to the famous Singaporean national dish, Hainan chicken, people tend to obsess over the delicately cooked and seasoned chicken. “But for me, this one-dish wonder is more about the sumptuous garlicky rice and various ginger-inflected sauces,” she writes. It could be any protein, meat or tofu, to delight in dipping into an array of piquant sauces. From a gingery soy sauce with vinegar and agave syrup to a chunky green onion-ginger sauce to a chile-garlic sauce, these exciting (and totally plant-based) sauces can make a blah dish sing. To get the maximum flavor, try making sauces like these fresh from scratch and worry less about choosing and cooking your protein, whatever it may be.

Don’t be afraid of MSG. And Marmite. 

There’s a whole world of plant-based flavor enhancers. MSG has gotten a pretty bad rap amongst them. But monosodium glutamate — created in 1908 by Japanese chemist Kikunae Ikeda, who coined the term “umami,” the flavor it produces — is not the dangerous food additive you may have been misled about. “Research from the 1970s to today shows no definite link between MSG and reported symptoms, such as heart palpitations, headaches and sweating,” writes Nguyen in “Ever-Green Vietnamese.” So adding a pinch here and there to zhuzh up your vegetable-based dishes won’t hurt. Marmite, the yeast extract created in 1902 from beer brewing by-products, is a thick paste which Nguyen says adds a beefy, savory depth to sauces and dishes. She employs it in her recipe for vegan fish sauce, as well as vegan soup broths and a tofu-mushroom curry. Although if you can’t find or prefer not to use either MSG or Marmite, substitutes include Maggi seasoning sauce, Bragg liquid aminos and soy sauce.

“I thought he was horrific:” Trump’s allies on Fox News trash his “disturbing” Hannity interview

Former President Donald Trump sat down for an interview with Fox News host Sean Hannity at Mar-a-Lago on Monday but even his allies at the conservative network think it went poorly.

Trump during the interview recited the litany of complaints he has fired off for months on his Truth Social platform, depicting himself as a victim of biased prosecutors who he accused of interfering in the election by investigating his alleged crimes, including his refusal to turn over classified documents found at Mar-a-Lago. At one point in the conversation, Trump insisted that he had the “right to take stuff” from the White House to Mar-a-Lago after Hannity insisted he would never do such a thing.

“I’ve known you for decades,” Hannity said. “I can’t imagine you ever saying, ‘Bring me some of the boxes that we brought back from the White House. I’d like to look at them.’ Did you ever do that?”

“I would have the right to do that,” Trump responded. “There’s nothing wrong with it.”

“But I know you,” Hannity said. “I don’t think you would do it.”

“I don’t have a lot of time, but I would have the right to do that,” Trump retorted. “I would do that.”

“All right, let me move on,” Hannity said, attempting to pivot to a new topic.

“Remember this,” Trump added. “This is the Presidential Records Act. I have the right to take stuff.”

Trump also slammed the FBI for the manner in which they carried out the August raid.

“The way they treated people is terrible,” he said. “They treat people like a foreign country enemy.”

Following the haphazard interview, “Fox & Friends” on Tuesday hosted a panel of prominent conservatives to analyze the conversation. Former Rep. Jason Chaffetz, R-Utah, trashed Trump’s responses. 

“I thought Sean Hannity did a good job. But I watched that and I thought, where is Donald Trump? I voted for Donald Trump twice. I have defended him countless times. I thought he was horrific,” Chaffetz said. “I think that was the worst interview I’ve seen the president do. He was whining. He was complaining. He played the victim card. Time and time again. And then after that, he complained that, you know, somebody he had endorsed was now running against him. And I — I thought he was absolutely horrific. He’s the former president of the United States. Act like it. He didn’t in that interview.”

Host Brian Kilmeade and Steve Doocy also reacted to a portion of Trump’s interview in which he declared he “wouldn’t have supported the bailout” of the failed Silicon Valley Bank.


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Doocy called Trump’s statement “disturbing,” according to Mediaite.

“If you remember when Silicon Valley Bank was imploding, there was a run on the bank,” Doocy said. “Had the [Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation] not stepped in to guarantee the loan — whatever the account was — there would have been a run on every bank in America. So, you know, for the former president to say I just would have let it spin, that is a problematic problem…”

“But for the former president to say he would not have stepped in to stop that, that’s troubling,” he continued. 

“Well, it could be troubling, or it could be a good, solid policy,” Kilmeade replied. “People look at the San Francisco Fed … They saw the CEO on the San Francisco Fed board at the same time ignore the problem, and then they see him cash in $3.4 million, and then they watched him go on vacation. And there is a lot of people who say maybe Trump is right.”

“Remember, there was a run on the bank,” Doocy responded. “40 percent of deposits were taken out in one day. Ultimately, what they did in stepping in probably saved all the banks.”

There’s no “tough” way to order a latte — but I’m drinking them anyway

“Bro, where are the bathrooms at?” my friend Rocky said.”Big ass place with no bathrooms.” 

“They’re right around the corner,” I said, pointing him in the right direction.

“I went around there,” he said, scratching his head, “They all said nonbinary or something.” 

The bathrooms, the cell phones, the fashion, the cops, God-awful social media rules, catfishing, pill addictions, scammers, block rules, the young boys, the gunslingers, pronouns, beat cops that still beat, the plainclothes cops that beat, too, the nonprofit hustlers, the pyramid scheme pushers and all of the other rules I have to teach Rocky because he was newly released from a stretch in federal prison. 

“The nonbinary with the dude logo next to it is the one you use, bro,” I laughed, “I’ll explain later.” 

Rocky and I took a food tour around Baltimore when he came home, hitting up the Ethiopian spots with the fresh fish, Italian spots where they make their own pasta, Korean BBQ spots that close at 4 a.m., and American fusion food spots that mix and mash multiple cultures.  Things didn’t change too much over the time Rocky was gone–– he was still good with four wings and fries smothered in ketchup and hot sauce. Some of the fancy stuff I became hooked on like foie gras, Kobe A5 Wagyu, niçoise salads, flambés, and all that didn’t really interest him. 

Well, except for the coffee. Not precisely my coffee, even though he still calls it coffee, but my latte

My drink is an oat milk latte with maple. Add an extra shot if I’m burned out. 

My drink is an oat milk latte with maple. Add an extra shot if I’m burned out.

Lattes entered my life back in my early twenties. Admittedly, I had never even heard of a latte, until the morning I left a house party that ended around 8 am. Disgustingly hungover — blood eyed, and smelling like yesterday mixed with the day before — me and two of my homegirls, Big Dessa and Candy, stumbled into the shopping center in Canton, home of a new Starbucks

‘I’m trying to get an egg sandwich,” I told Big Dessa, “What do they sell?” 

“Everything, drunk ass!” she chuckled. 

I like coffee. My babysitter Boo Boo always told me how I have been sipping her bitter Maxwell House since I was two years old. I don’t remember drinking coffee that early; however, I remember guzzling cup after cup at eight years old while I sat in the back of my dad’s Narcotics Anonymous meetings, listening to the participants tell their recovery stories. 

“Shorty, make sure you don’t use all of the sugar,” one of the dudes in recovery said, “We ex-junkies, that can’t have anything good, but sugar, we need that.” I agreed with the guy and learned to love plain black coffee at that early age. 

“Nah, I’m drunk as hell Dessa, my head is ponding. I can go for coffee, too, I guess,” I replied. 

The line was out the door–– full of suits, heels, and people in surgical-looking scrubs, all on their cell phones. Everyone was in a rush, bust, and knew exactly what they wanted. Americanos, macchiatos, iced coffees. “Who drinks an iced coffee?” I thought. Shouldn’t coffee be hot?

Big Dessa ordered two Caramel Frappuccinos, whatever the hell they were. “Get extra caramel on mine,” Candy ordered, “What you want, D?” 

I thought about snagging a black coffee and keeping it simple, but I heard the woman next to me order a soy latte with vanilla.  

I asked Candy, “What’s in a vanilla soy latte? Can you ask the clerk?” 

“Dummy, he is a barista,” she informed me. 

“Expresso, soy milk, and vanilla syrup,” the barista instantly responded, “We also have 2%  and whole milk.” 

I had never heard of soy milk, but like most Black people, I am lactose intolerant, and whole milk makes my stomach do backflips. I had started drinking 2% milk in middle school and none by my second year of high school. 

Soy milk,” I asked? 

At the time, that was their only non-dairy option. Now, these spots have almond, cashew, coconut, and even oat milk. But back then, soy was king. 

I pulled out a wad of cash and peeled off some bills to pay the tab, which also drew eyes–– these were debit and credit card people who probably hadn’t seen cash in a long time. I was surprised when the price of three drinks was close to $15. “Is it alcohol in them?” I said. A gray-haired white lady in line chuckled, “You and I wish, buddy.” I dropped a $20 on the counter, said keep the change, and went outside to huff a cig. 


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Big Dessa and Candy walked out moments later with my drink. 

 I was surprised when the price of three drinks was close to $15. “Is it alcohol in them?” I said. A gray-haired white lady in line chuckled, “You and I wish, buddy.”

“Yours smell good ,” Candy said, pulling her nose away from my drink, “Can I get a taste?” 

“Hell no,” I replied, grabbing my cup, “I don’t like backwash.” 

“Too bad I already sipped,” Dessa shrugged.  I laughed, but not too hard, my head was killing me. 

I sipped the drink, and it woke me a little–– and then sipped again, sipping my way into addiction I never expected. Even though it did nothing for my hangover, the drink has become part of my morning ritual for the past 20 years. And strangely, when I don’t have caffeine, I often get the same kind of headache I used to get from hangovers. 

The soy latte from Starbucks was my go-to drink. I played that spot more than the employees, initially rolling solo, then bringing all the homeboys. My block went from guzzling Pepsi soda and Ever Fresh juice to becoming a little hub for lattes, riddled with all kinds of street dudes that suffered from caffeine headaches. There was nothing funnier than watching a corner for off-tough guys, alleged tough guys, and dudes who were tough guy-adjacent sipping on $5 coffees before handling their business. 

My Starbucks addiction led to me exploring the local coffee shops in my city of Baltimore — the places where the real drinks are made. No disrespect to Starbucks, but the local shops made that place seem like McDonald’s. I wouldn’t drink Starbucks now unless you paid me. 

Those local shops introduced me to high-quality espresso, more options for nondairy milk from better brands, and homemade syrups like maple, lavender, and honey oat. The employees at these local coffee shops had so much information on beans that they were happy to share, as I was eager to learn, that I unintentionally turned into a coffee snob. The workers introduced me to everything from where they source their beans to the appropriate times for drink consumption (such as cappuccino in the morning and lattes at night). And, of course, I walked my friends into the local coffee shops just as I did with Starbucks years earlier. And now, there’s no going back. 

“You messed me up with the coffee,” Rocky said at 8 a.m., coming out of one of my favorite local coffee shops, “Got me spending $15 per day on fancy coffee with foam hearts.” 

“And there’s no tough way to order it right?” I laughed, “Mocha drip with extra foam, semi dry.” 

We laughed. Rocky had been home for a year at this point, found his footing, his custom caffeine fix and understands how bathrooms are labeled now, 

“I think I’m going to have to open my own shop to keep up with my habit,” Rocky continued. 

“Maybe we should,” I responded.

Rocky and the rest of my friend group are currently out on their own budding coffee snob journey, and you can, too, if you make it to Baltimore. Here are some of my favorite spots. 

  1. Good Neighbor on Falls Road
  2. Black Acers Roastery in Lexington Market 
  3. Artifact Coffee on Union Street 
  4. Dooby’s on Charles Street 
  5. Baby’s on Fire or Morton Street

 

“Only in America”: Reporter covering Nashville attack reveals she survived school shooting herself

A reporter covering the deadly school shooting on Monday at Covenant School in Nashville, Tennessee told viewers that she had witnessed a mass shooting at her high school in Alabama in 2012.

Joylyn Bukovac was covering the aftermath of the shooting for NBC affiliate WSMV when she revealed her own experience with gun violence.

“A lot of parents are running up to me saying that they’re nervous for the future for their kids. And to be honest, I’m right there with them because I’ve seen exactly what gun violence can do firsthand,” she said. “I was in the hallway when the gunman at my school shooting open fired, shooting and killing one of my peers. And just the shock that moves through your body — I can’t even describe it. You just go into true fight or flight.”

Bukovac added that she hid “under the risers of my choir class” while her concerned family members, unable to contact her because her phone had been turned off, learned of the shooting from news reports.

“So when I arrived on scene … I knew exactly what people were going through because my family was on the other end of it, trying to get in contact with me whenever I was hiding,” she said.

Bukovac said that the “hardest thing” about being in a school shooting is “not knowing what’s going to happen.”

“If you do have a student that was nearby or saw what unfolded, please be gentle with them,” she urged. “Go ahead and open up a line of communication and offer to talk about it, but if they’re not wanting to, that’s understandable.”


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Another woman, Ashbey Beasley, interrupted a team of Fox News reporters covering the shooting on Monday to call for gun control legislation.

“Aren’t you guys tired of covering this?” Beasley asked, adding that she and her son had survived the July Fourth parade mass shooting in Highland Park, Illinois.

“How is this still happening?” she asked. “How are our children still dying and why are we failing them? Gun violence is the number one killer of children and teens — it has overtaken cars! Assault weapons are contributing to the border crisis — we are arming cartels with our guns and our loose gun laws! And these mass shootings will continue to happen until our lawmakers step up and pass gun safety legislation!”

“Only in America can somebody survive a mass shooting and then go on vacation … and find themselves involved near another mass shooting,” she continued. “Only in America does this happen, where we keep seeing it again, and again, and again … This is an epidemic. Gun violence is an epidemic. And it needs to be resolved, it needs to be addressed.”

The Washington Post reported that Beasley was meeting a friend whose son’s life was claimed by the 2018 Waffle House shooting in Antioch, Tennessee when the shooting occurred. 

“Devastated” Nashville Republican posed in gun-filled family Christmas card before school shooting

Rep. Andy Ogles, R-Tenn., offered condolences to the victims of the Covenant School shooting in Nashville but faced a flurry of criticism over a Christmas card showing him and his family armed with assault weapons.

Ogles said he and his family were “devastated by the tragedy” at the Covenant School, where a heavily armed attacker killed three nine-year-old children and three adults on Monday.

“We are sending our thoughts and prayers to the families of those lost,” Ogles said in a statement posted to Twitter. “As a father of three, I am utterly heartbroken by this senseless act of violence.”

Social media users quickly responded by resurfacing a Christmas photo shared by Ogles on Facebook in 2021, which shows him and his family posing in front of a tree while touting large guns.

“The very atmosphere of firearms anywhere and everywhere restrains evil interference – they deserve a place of honor with all that’s good,” the post said. Vanity Fair reported that the quote is often attributed to George Washington.

“Here is MAGA GOP @RepOgles who represents the Covenant School in Congress,” tweeted Democratic attorney Qasim Rashid. Former Lincoln Project executive director Fred Wellman also lashed out at Ogles over the card.

“This is the fraud @AndyOgles that represents the district where 3 Elementary school children and 3 staffers were just slaughtered by a shooter wielding the same weapons as his…Christmas photo,” he wrote.

The Washington Post reported in 2021 that Ogles was the mayor of Maury County, Tennessee, at the time the image was shared. Ogles repeatedly vowed to fight gun safety regulations while running for Congress.

“I will fight tirelessly to ensure that your constitutional rights are protected and never infringed upon. Disarming the people is the most effective way to enslave them, and we must remain vigilant when anyone seeks to erode our civil liberties,” his congressional campaign website  says.

While serving as mayor, Ogles signed a resolution declaring Maury County “a sanctuary community for the constitutional right to bear arms.” He also cosponsored two separate pieces of legislation promoting lax gun laws — the first bill would allow people with concealed carry licenses or permit to carry a gun in any state, while the second would bar the federal government from creating a federal firearms registry. 

Ogles wasn’t the only member of the GOP to catch flack for hypocritical responses to the school shooting.

Sen. Marsha Blackburn, R-Tenn., wrote on Twitter that she was “heartbroken to hear about the shooting,” adding that her office was standing “ready to assist.” 

Critics responded by highlighting that Blackburn had received more than $1 million in donations from the National Rifle Association (NRA) while fighting gun safety legislation.


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Sen. Bill Hagerty, R-Tenn, said he was “devastated and heartbroken” but faced criticism over his staunch pro-gun positions. His website asserts that the “threat to our gun rights is real,” adding that he “opposes a national gun registry, red flag laws, and universal background checks.”

Like Ogles, Lauren Boebert, R-Colo., sparked fury after sharing a family Christmas photo of her young children brandishing rifles in 2021. Boebert took to Twitter on Monday to offer her prayers to “the beautiful children whose lives have been lost, their families & the first responders who are dealing with this tragedy in Nashville!”

A day before the Covenant School shooting, Boebert shared a tweet promoting the efforts of Colorado House Republicans, who had been “fighting all weekend against the Democrats’ package of anti-constitutional gun bills that target lawful businesses instead of criminals, expand red flag orders, and infringe on our Second Amendment rights.”

Advocate: “US bears responsibility” after 39 killed in fire at border migrant detention facility

At least 39 migrants were declared dead Tuesday after a fire was started overnight at a detention facility in Ciudad Juárez, close to the U.S.-Mexico border.

Mexico’s National Institute of Migration said in a statement that the detention center held 68 men from Central and South America.

“The National Institute of Migration strongly rejects the acts that led to this tragedy,” the agency said, without elaborating.

In an address on Tuesday, Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador said the fire was sparked by migrants in protest of their looming deportation.

“They never imagined that this would cause this terrible misfortune,” said López Obrador, who noted that most of those killed in the fire were from Central America and some were from Venezuela.

Photos taken at the detention center in the wake of the deadly fire showed emergency workers on the scene and numerous bodies covered by sheets. Dozens who were injured in the fire are reportedly in serious condition.

The disaster is likely to intensify criticism of the immigration policies of the U.S. and Mexico, both of which have been accused of systematically violating the rights of asylum seekers.

The Associated Press noted that “in recent years, as Mexico has stepped up efforts to stem the flow migration to the U.S. border under pressure from the American government, its National Immigration Institute has struggled with overcrowding in its facilities.”

Kerri Talbot, deputy director at the Immigration Hub, argued Tuesday that “the U.S. bears responsibility for pushing these migrants back into Mexico to face unsafe conditions”—a reference to the Trump-era “Remain in Mexico” policy.

In December, a Trump-appointed federal judge blocked President Joe Biden’s attempt to end the policy, which rights groups say is illegal.

Meanwhile, Biden has been under heavy criticism from advocates for his asylum proposals.

On Monday, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees urged the Biden administration to rescind its proposed anti-asylum rule, which critics have compared Trump’s “transit ban” that denied asylum to anyone who had traveled to the United States through a third country.

Key portions of the Biden proposal, said the agency, “are incompatible with principles of international refugee law.”

“Absolutely disgusting”: MTG pushes transphobic shooting claim and urges more “good guys with guns”

Right-wingers faced swift backlash after using Monday’s Nashville school shooting to attack transgender people and gender-affirming care.

Police said a former student armed with two “assault-type” rifles killed six people at the Covenant School, a private Christian school, before being killed by officers. Authorities said the shooter was transgender and used he/him pronouns. Some far-right lawmakers and pundits seized on the report to rail against trans people while defending guns.

“How much hormones like testosterone and medications for mental illness was the transgender Nashville school shooter taking?” tweeted Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, R-Ga. “Everyone can stop blaming guns now.”

Donald Trump Jr. cited the shooting in suggesting that “rather than talking about guns we should be talking about lunatics pushing their gender affirming bullshit on our kids.”

Turning Point USA co-founder Charlie Kirk tweeted, “instead of banning ‘assault rifles’ we should ban gender affirming care for kids.”

Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, D-N.Y., slammed the transphobic attacks when asked about Greene’s tweet after House votes on Monday.

“It’s absolutely disgusting and she should be looking into a mirror as to why she’s defending and posing with the same weapons that are being used to kill children, teachers and educators,” Ocasio-Cortez told The Independent.

Greene told the outlet that “it’s not about their identity.”

“It’s the questions or this is what kind of hormones are they on?” she said. “What kind of medications are they taking for mental illness? What is causing this aggression in this biological female who identifies as a male for them to go in and murder children?”

More than 50 people are killed by guns each day in the U.S., according to data from the CDC, but there is no evidence that hormones are linked to violent behavior. About 98% of mass shootings since 1966 have been committed by men, according to The Violence Project.

“There’s a special place in hell for people like Marjorie Taylor Greene who use children being murdered as an opportunity to promote transphobia,” tweeted author Meena Harris.

“Republicans look for any excuse to be transphobic, and any excuse to not talk about solutions to our gun violence crisis,” wrote activist Melanie D’Arrigo.

Former federal prosecutor Michael Stern urged Greene to focus on the “endless string of white Trump MAGA shooters who have slaughtered countless more children than the Nashville shooter.”

“Without the guns the shooting would not have happened,” Stern added. “The guns are the common denominator in all the shootings.”


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Greene meanwhile thanked the “good guys with guns” for stopping the shooting while blaming “gun grabbers like Joe Biden and Democrats” for endangering children.

“School shootings should NEVER happen and will end immediately when our nations children are defended the same way Joe Biden is by good guys with guns!!!” she tweeted.

There are numerous instances of “good guys with guns” being unable to prevent mass shootings, including in Uvalde, Texas, where numerous armed police officers refused to engage the gunman for more than an hour because they feared his AR-15-style rifle. In 2018 there were school shootings in Parkland, Florida; Santa Fe, Texas; Kentucky’s Marshall County High School and Maryland’s Mills High School. In each instance, “attackers stormed campuses despite the presence of armed guards” and in each case the guards failed to stop the shooter, according to The Trace, a non-profit newsroom that covers gun violence. A 2021 study similarly found that armed resource officers in schools “do effectively reduce some forms of violence in schools, but do not prevent school shootings or gun-related incidents.”

“The good guys with guns weren’t able to stop the murders of six people, including three children,” former Maryland Attorney General Brian Frosh wrote in response to Greene, “but thanks for your prayers.”

Surviving the unthinkable: A psychologist explains how to help kids recover after a school shooting

Monday’s shooting at a Christian school in Nashville was a stark reminder of how frequently even young American children are exposed to gun violence. A Stanford study estimated that 100,000 schoolchildren in the U.S. attended a school at which a shooting occurred — and that was just in the two-year span from 2018 to 2019. The trauma of living through a shooting can last a lifetime: The same study found that students exposed to shootings at their school were less likely to graduate, less likely to be employed and had lower earnings in their mid-20s.

The Covenant School, where Monday’s shooting occurred, is a private school that enrolls preschool through sixth-grade students and has about 200 students, according to a Nashville independent schools group. Now, after living through a shooting in which three of their peer students and three adults were slain, those students will face the social and psychological struggle of rebuilding their lives and their sense of security.

There have been so many school shootings in the U.S. that child psychologists and public health experts have developed a playbook for helping children who live through such tragedies. Dr. Philip J. Lazarus, an expert in school psychology and a professor at Florida International University, has spent decades studying school shootings and comforting the children who have lived through them.

Lazarus was the former president of the National Association of School Psychologists and helped co-found and chair the group’s National Emergency Assistance Team, which leads crisis response in the aftermath of school shootings around the country. As a result, Lazarus not only has decades of experience studying and responding to school shootings, but also has observed school shootings became more common in the U.S. over the years.

Most students who bear witness to school shootings will have “at least some” of the symptoms of post-traumatic stress, Lazarus said. As for the psychological repercussions, “some will be dealing with this the rest of their lives.” A child who experiences a school shooting firsthand may have issues concentrating, trouble sleeping, develop a fear of loud noises, experience mood swings, eating disorders or even “full-blown depression,” he said.

Moreover, the impressionable young age of the children involved here — the three who died at The Covenant School were all reported as being 9 years old by the police — necessitates a slightly different counseling response, Lazarus noted.

Salon spoke at length with Lazarus about what happens to young children who experience a school shooting, how to help such children recover and how the demography of school shootings has changed over the decades.

This conversation has been edited for clarity and length.

I struggled to find data on school shootings that was separated by the grade levels of the school, but my sense is that elementary school shootings seem to have become more common.

When there were school shootings In the late 1990s to the beginning of the 21st century, it was often students coming to their own school and attacking their schoolmates, teachers, and administrators over issues related to bullying, grievance, anger, revenge, a desire to become famous — they wanted to enact their vengeful fantasies on people they felt tormented them. They wanted to make their tormentors pay a price and felt justified in their actions.

More recently, we are seeing adults who aren’t part of the student population thinking, “this is the way I want to go out.” Almost all these individuals are suicidal. They don’t expect that they’ll come out of this situation alive. In the aftermath of their rampage, they often kill themselves or it’s suicide by cop. That is, they get killed by the police, which is what happened at the Nashville school shooting.  

You founded the National Emergency Assistance Team at the National Association of School Psychologists, which helps children and adults in the aftermath of shootings. What kinds of things did you do to help?

What’s usually done first is to provide services and support to the administrators, because it is hard to take charge and lead when one is traumatized. Consequently, administrators may need a great deal of help and guidance. Because we have been engaged in this crisis work for so long, we understand the challenges and pitfalls in managing a school after a horrendous event. 

We advise the school to bring in at least one extra principal, so one principal can help run the school, while the other can deal with all the issues related to the crisis. We have parent meetings to enable parents to share what is happening to their families and provide psycho-education regarding how to help themselves and their children deal with trauma and grief. In a school shooting of this magnitude, we suggest bringing in outside resources as well as local mental health personnel into the schools. School psychologists from the surrounding community are often well trained in crisis response. It is best to bring in crisis responders who know the school and the culture.  [Editor’s note: The National Association of School Psychologists publishes a resource on how to talk to children about violence, which you can find here.]

My concern in regard to this shooting [in Nashville] is that Covenant School is very small, Christian school — pre-K to 6th grade — and I’d surmise they don’t have a school psychologist on staff, because of the size of the student body and funding required to provide on-site mental health professionals. The additional support they’re going to need may have to come from the outside community, which may or may not know their students. 

“I expect all these students (or most) will have at least some post-traumatic stress symptomatology. As to whether or not it develops into post-traumatic stress disorder, well, some will definitely have that.”

Crisis responders, working with school personnel, would  want to provide small group meetings with the youngsters that have been involved — in this case, probably everyone because it’s such a small school — so these professionals would have private meetings with small groups of students, perhaps three to six students at a time. In these meetings, the mental health professional would give students the opportunity to express everything they’re going through, provide them coping and stress reduction strategies, and give them factual information regarding what occurred. 

The professional would have the students express their feelings and/or reactions, validate their experiences, and answer their questions in age-appropriate ways. They would provide students with support in all ways possible. One way to help these students is to explain what may happen in the future — especially as it may deal with issues related to law enforcement presence,  funerals, community activities planned, memorial services, etc.  At this time, I don’t know if or when the school may re-open. Because six people were killed, students and faculty may be too afraid or traumatized to go back to Covenant. Decisions will need to be made by the school community about what is best for students and families moving forward. 

In the aftermath of these horrific events, we try to give students structure and routine as best as possible. Because the school is now a crime scene, crisis counseling and stabilization will need to be done off campus. Triage will need to be done to determine which children are most vulnerable and at risk — which in this case would be the nine-year-old children in the victims’ class, those who witnessed the killings of the students and adults, and the friends and family of the children that were killed. A determination would also need to be made regarding which children or adults need immediate help. 

Say I am a child who witnessed a shooting at my school. What kinds of mental health effects, what kinds of symptoms might I experience as a result?

I expect all these students (or most) will have at least some post-traumatic stress symptomatology. As to whether or not it develops into post-traumatic stress disorder, well, some will definitely have that — usually, 20 to 30 percent in this small community school would develop PTSD. I’d estimate that at least 80 to 90 percent will have symptoms. Whether or not it’s full blown, or chronic, that’s hard to say. Still, some children and adults will be dealing with this tragedy for the rest of their lives. 

Some might have anger problems, all kinds of fears, difficulty sleeping, nightmares, difficulty calming themselves down, become scared when they hear loud noises… many of them could have problems with focusing or concentration, challenges attending to school work or shutting down academically. They may have various kinds of mood swings, burst into tears when they’re not anticipating it. They may have eating problems — eating too much or not enough. Many children and adults will have anxiety related issues, and some will experience full-blown depression and complicated grief. 

Do younger children who experience a shooting have different reactions compared to teens? I have a perception of younger children as particularly vulnerable.

Yes, younger children are extremely vulnerable. So much depends on how their parents deal with the situation. If their parents listen to their child and provide support and comfort — let their child talk, and don’t discourage their children from dealing with the issues then the outcome will be better. With young children, parents have to reassure them that they’re safe as best they can.

Of course, it’s problematic to do that now. And it is hard to answer the question, “Why, why did this happen mommy? What made this person kill my friends, daddy?”  Yet the best thing parents can do is to listen and give their children time to talk. And let them talk and talk and talk about it. A parent has to be patient. They can’t push their child to talk either. Sometimes children need to keep their feelings inside for self-protection and find it too scary to let their emotions come out. Some youngsters may prefer writing or drawing, some might want to engage in music or dancing or song, or hitting punching bags or even getting into fights to express their feelings. Young children may need concrete activities such as looking at picture books or engaging in imaginative play to help them identify and express their feelings. They’re going to keep referring back to the tragedy and may emotionally regress, especially if they were very close to the shooting. 

“We as a society have normalized lock-down drills and have our children practice for a shooter on campus rather than legislate and enforce common-sense gun safety measures that even most gun owners now support.”

I’ll talk briefly about younger elementary-aged students versus older elementary youth. Younger elementary should be given brief information balanced with reassurance that their school is safe, and that adults are out there to protect and help them. An effective way to look at it is to ask what provides these children with safety. Sometimes it’s just going to be being with their friends. Sometimes it’s being part of a religious group, a sports team, or going to church, or just being with their family. A lot of children might just want to play games or engage in sports, or get on their tablets, read comic books, or watch super heroes defeat the bad guys. Pets are really helpful. In the aftermath of the Parkland shooting, assisted pet therapy was extremely popular. The kids really gravitated toward all sorts of support animals. Pets make no demands on children. 

So much depends on how adults around them manage the situation. Of course, adults are going to be concerned too. In this case, they may ask questions such as, “How will this affect my children graduating into the next grade? Are they even going to come back to school? What will happen to their learning? Should I home school my child or children? Is my child going to be significantly emotionally damaged by this tragedy?”

If students do end up going back to Covenant, the school needs to focus attention on their students’ emotional well-being, as opposed to their academics. These youngsters are going to be emotionally banged up in so many ways. But kids can also be resilient and can recover from this tragedy, move their lives forward, and integrate this experience into the fabric of their lives. However, their lives will never be the same. They can grow from this, but it’s not something that happens quickly. 

What about slightly older children who live through this? Is their psychology different?

Teenagers want to get solace and protection from their friends, and especially from those people that went through the experience with them. It’s almost like a different type of psyche emerges in the students in the impacted school: “you don’t know what this is about if you weren’t at my school when the rampage took place. You might be 11 years old and on my baseball team and you’re my buddy, but you have no idea what I really went through!” So sometimes kids will gravitate more towards fellow victims.  

You mentioned that female school shooters are very rare. Is there a social reason why that is?

Thus far, girls are not socialized to use gun violence to solve their problems.

Are there typical characteristics of school shooters? 

I worked with the FBI many years ago when they were looking into this, studying who school- age school shooters were. However, the Secret Service has done a more credible analysis. They studied youth — who were current students at the school they attacked — not older individuals (as in the Nashville shooting) who returned to schools to engage in a killing spree.

They found in preliminary analysis that in almost all cases, school shooters were males. Typically, perpetrators had recently experienced a major loss (we may find this to be the case with this particular shooter). They often had told someone about their intentions. They planned an attack in advance of carrying it out  — in other words, these aren’t last-minute plans. Typically, they exhibited a history of suicidal thoughts or intents. If you’re going to do this, you’re not going to expect to live. I’ve evaluated school shooters before and they don’t have an exit plan. They usually have some kind of grievance — we don’t know exactly what — but we know this perpetrator went to Covenant School, and likely they had a grievance.

Also, usually school-age school shooters felt persecuted or bullied. Usually, they’ve experienced a loss of social status or major failures. I’ll give you some numbers that are typically above 50 percent for school-age school shooters: demonstrated an excessive interest in violence; experienced a loss of a romantic relationship; and demonstrated excessive interest in weapons. Many of these people also had a previous diagnosis of a psychiatric disorder, but not all of them. And it doesn’t mean they didn’t have one, just that they weren’t necessarily diagnosed. Also, school shooters who are part of the school-age population are different in important ways than older adults who go to schools to inflict carnage on our most vulnerable population.  

To conclude this interview, imagine, you are a 9-year-old child, and your best friend is killed and you see it all unfold in front of your eyes. You hear the screams, the cries, you see the blood, you witness the child’s body being physically torn apart. That is hard, terribly hard, and no child should ever have to go through this type of grief. We as adults have failed our youth when it comes to preventing gun violence. Since I began this work 25 years ago, it has only become worse—especially after the federal assault weapons ban was repealed in September 2004. Gun violence has now become the leading killer of individuals from age 1 to 24. Now, we as a society have normalized lock-down drills and have our children practice for a shooter on campus rather than legislate and enforce common-sense gun safety measures that even most gun owners now support. 

As Colorado reels from another school shooting, study finds 1 in 4 teens have quick access to guns

One in 4 Colorado teens reported they could get access to a loaded gun within 24 hours, according to survey results published Monday. Nearly half of those teens said it would take them less than 10 minutes.

“That’s a lot of access and those are short periods of time,” said Virginia McCarthy, a doctoral candidate at the Colorado School of Public Health and the lead author of the research letter describing the findings in the medical journal JAMA Pediatrics.

The results come as Coloradans are reeling from yet another school shooting. On March 22, a 17-year-old student shot and wounded two school administrators at East High School in Denver. Police later found his body in a nearby park and confirmed he had died from a self-inflicted gunshot wound. Another East High student was fatally shot in February while sitting in his car outside the school.

The time it takes to access a gun matters, McCarthy said, particularly for suicide attempts, which are often impulsive decisions for teens. In research studying people who have attempted suicide, nearly half said the time between ideation and action was less than 10 minutes. Creating barriers to easy access, such as locking up guns and storing them unloaded, extends the time before someone can act on an impulse, and increases the likelihood that they will change their mind or that someone will intervene.

“The hope is to understand access in such a way that we can increase that time and keep kids as safe as possible,” McCarthy said.

The data McCarthy used comes from the Healthy Kids Colorado Study, a survey conducted every two years with a random sampling of 41,000 students in middle and high school. The 2021 survey asked, “How long would it take you to get and be ready to fire a loaded gun without a parent’s permission?”

American Indian students in Colorado reported the greatest access to a loaded gun, at 39%, including 18% saying they could get one within 10 minutes, compared with 12% of everybody surveyed. American Indian and Native Alaskan youths also have the highest rates of suicide.

Nearly 40% of students in rural areas reported having access to firearms, compared with 29% of city residents.

The findings were released at a particularly tense moment in youth gun violence in Colorado. Earlier this month, hundreds of students left their classrooms and walked nearly 2 miles to the state Capitol to advocate for gun legislation and safer schools. The students returned to confront lawmakers again last week in the aftermath of the March 22 high school shooting.

The state legislature is considering a handful of bills to prevent gun violence, including raising the minimum age to purchase or possess a gun to 21; establishing a three-day waiting period for gun purchases; limiting legal protections for gun manufacturers and sellers; and expanding the pool of who can file for extreme risk protection orders to have guns removed from people deemed a threat to themselves or others.

According to the federal Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, firearms became the leading cause of death among those ages 19 or younger in 2020, supplanting motor vehicle deaths. And firearm deaths among children increased during the pandemic, with an average of seven children a day dying because of a firearm incident in 2021.

Colorado has endured a string of school shootings over the past 25 years, including at Columbine High School in 1999, Platte Canyon High School in 2006, Arapahoe High School in 2013, and the STEM School Highlands Ranch in 2019.

Although school shootings receive more attention, the majority of teen gun deaths are suicides.

“Youth suicide is starting to become a bigger problem than it ever has been,” said Dr. Paul Nestadt, a researcher at the Johns Hopkins Center for Gun Violence Solutions.

“Part of that has to do with the fact that there’s more and more guns that are accessible to youth.”

While gun ownership poses a higher risk of suicide among all age groups, teens are particularly vulnerable, because their brains typically are still developing impulse control.

“A teen may be bright and know how to properly handle a firearm, but that same teen in a moment of desperation may act impulsively without thinking through the consequences,” said Dr. Shayla Sullivant, a child and adolescent psychiatrist at Children’s Mercy Kansas City. “The decision-making centers of the brain are not fully online until adulthood.”

Previous research has shown a disconnect between parents and their children about access to guns in their homes. A 2021 study found that 70% of parents who own firearms said their children could not get their hands on the guns kept at home. But 41% of kids from those same families said they could get to those guns within two hours.

“Making the guns inaccessible doesn’t just mean locking them. It means making sure the kid doesn’t know where the keys are or can’t guess the combination,” said Catherine Barber, a senior researcher at the Harvard University T.H. Chan School of Public Health’s Injury Control Research Center, who was not involved in the study. “Parents can forget how easily their kids can guess the combination or watch them input the numbers or notice where the keys are kept.”

If teens have their own guns for hunting or sport, those, too, should be kept under parental control when the guns are not actively being used, she said.

The Colorado researchers now plan to dig further to find out where teens are accessing guns in hopes of tailoring prevention strategies to different groups of students.

“Contextualizing these data a little bit further will help us better understand types of education and prevention that can be done,” McCarthy said.


KHN (Kaiser Health News) is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues. Together with Policy Analysis and Polling, KHN is one of the three major operating programs at KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). KFF is an endowed nonprofit organization providing information on health issues to the nation.

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Banning noncompete contracts for medical staff riles hospitals

Dr. Jacqui O’Kane took a job with a hospital in southern Georgia in 2020, as the lone doctor in a primary care clinic in a small town that’s a medically underserved area. She soon attracted nearly 3,000 patients.

But she said the hospital pressed her to take more new patients, so she had to work nights and weekends — not ideal for the mother of two young daughters. She thought about opening her own practice in town, which would give her more control over her schedule.

The problem was that her three-year contract included a noncompete clause barring her from practicing within 50 miles of the hospital for two years after it ended.

So, she has decided to join a practice in South Carolina. That means she and her husband will sell their house, move hundreds of miles, and enroll their children in a new school.

“They forced me to abandon my patients,” she said. “Now they have to wait three months for an appointment. Noncompetes should be illegal.”

“It sucks,” she said. “I know my patients very well, and I feel like I’m being forced to abandon them. But I can’t stay in this job because it’s unhealthy for me to work this much.”

In January, the Federal Trade Commission proposed to end predicaments like O’Kane’s by prohibiting noncompete clauses in employment contracts. “The freedom to change jobs is core to economic liberty and to a competitive, thriving economy,” said Lina Khan, the FTC chairperson.

The proposed rule would prohibit employment contract provisions that block employees or contractors from working for a competing employer when they move on, or from starting a competing business. Such contracts typically bar people from working within a certain geographic area for a period after the job ends.

The FTC estimates that 30 million workers are bound by noncompete clauses. It says ending those provisions would boost economic competition, reduce prices, and increase workers’ earnings overall by up to $296 billion a year.

Eliminating noncompete contracts would allow doctors to practice wherever their services are needed, which would improve patients’ access to care. They say it would free them to speak out about unsafe conditions for patients, since they wouldn’t have to worry about getting fired and not being able to continue working in their community.

But the FTC’s proposal faces resistance from employers in all industries, including hospitals and private equity-backed medical groups that employ thousands of physicians, nurse practitioners, and other medical professionals.

It’s about money for them, too. They say eliminating noncompetes would drive up the cost of hospital care because hospitals would have to pay physicians more to keep them. They also say noncompete clauses are necessary to protect proprietary information and investments in employee training, and to prevent employees from taking clients and patients with them when they leave.

Business and hospital groups are likely to sue to block the rule, arguing that Congress hasn’t authorized the commission to regulate noncompete clauses. While there is bipartisan support in Congress for legislation that would restrict noncompete clauses and authorize FTC action, the bill hasn’t advanced; similar legislation stalled in past years.

Health care industry groups hope to block any change with the argument that the FTC lacks statutory authority to regulate nonprofit, or tax-exempt, hospitals, which account for nearly 60% of all U.S. community hospitals. In the proposed rule, the FTC acknowledged that entities not conducting business for profit may not be subject to the rule because they are exempt from coverage under the Federal Trade Commission Act, the law that gives the agency its authority.

“The rule would create an unlevel playing field because we compete with nonprofit and public hospitals that wouldn’t be subject to it,” said Chip Kahn, CEO of the Federation of American Hospitals, which represents for-profit hospital systems.

But other experts aren’t sure the FTC lacks authority over nonprofits. While the FTC Act exempts nonprofits, the commission has acted many times under the Sherman Act and the Clayton Act, federal antitrust laws used to block anti-competitive conduct by nonprofit hospital systems. It’s not clear whether the FTC will clarify this issue before it finalizes the rule.

As of last year, nearly three-quarters of all U.S. physicians were employed by hospital systems or other companies, with many working under noncompete agreements.

“We fully support having the noncompete ban apply to all hospitals,” said Dr. Jonathan Jones, president of the American Academy of Emergency Medicine, half of whose members are bound by noncompetes.

California, North Dakota, and Oklahoma already ban enforcement of noncompete clauses for all employees, while six other states prohibit enforcement of noncompete clauses for physicians. Even in states without bans, judges have invalidated noncompetes when they found them to be overbroad or unreasonable.

But it can cost tens of thousands of dollars in legal fees to challenge a noncompete clause, and other employers may not want to take the risk of hiring a person in the middle of a legal fight, said Luke Campbell, a Seattle attorney who represents physicians.

The FTC rule also would bar the use of nondisclosure or training repayment agreements in employment contracts if they functioned as de facto noncompetes.

Hospitals often require nurses to sign training repayment agreement provisions, called TRAPs, which nursing groups say lock nurses into jobs by demanding they pay as much as $20,000, for what’s essentially job orientation, if they leave before two years. National Nurses United, a labor union, wants the FTC to explicitly prohibit TRAPs.

As of last year, nearly three-quarters of all U.S. physicians were employed by hospital systems or other companies, with many working under noncompete agreements. A 2018 survey found that nearly half of primary care physicians in California, Illinois, Georgia, Pennsylvania, and Texas were bound by noncompetes.

Private equity-owned staffing firms such as TeamHealth, Envision Healthcare, and Sound Physicians, which provide emergency physicians and other medical professionals to work in hospitals, commonly use noncompete provisions. None of those three companies agreed to talk about their employment contracts. As for-profit employers, noncompete clauses in their contracts clearly would be barred even if their employees were working in nonprofit hospitals.

Hospitals, insurers, and physician-owned medical groups also use noncompetes in employing doctors and other medical professionals.

Hospital-based doctors — emergency physicians, anesthesiologists, hospitalists, radiologists, and pathologists — refute the industry’s argument that they would take patients or proprietary information with them.

“We don’t have any trade secrets and we don’t have the capability of stealing patients because we don’t have our own patient referral base,” said Dr. Robert McNamara, the chair of emergency medicine at Temple University.

Instead, he said, noncompetes are a way for the physician staffing firms to lock in their contracts with hospitals. “The private equity group can say to the hospital, ‘You might not like what we’re doing, but if you get rid of us, every single one of your doctors must be replaced,'” McNamara said.

Dr. Vanessa Urbina, a general practice physician in central Florida, also worries about the impact on patients. She left a corporate-owned medical practice in Altamonte Springs last year because of what she said was an abusive environment. Hobbled by a noncompete agreement she signed forbidding her from practicing within 15 miles of the clinic, she opened her own primary care clinic in rural Mount Dora, 19 miles away.

She had to stay in the area because of a child custody agreement. Fighting the noncompete cost her $25,000 in legal fees and lost income. Even though she now must drive farther to transport her daughter to school and back, she’s happier in her new practice. But she’s angry she can’t take care of her former patients.

“They forced me to abandon my patients,” she said. “Now they have to wait three months for an appointment. Noncompetes should be illegal.”


KHN (Kaiser Health News) is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues. Together with Policy Analysis and Polling, KHN is one of the three major operating programs at KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). KFF is an endowed nonprofit organization providing information on health issues to the nation.

This story can be republished for free (details).

Subscribe to KHN’s free Morning Briefing.

Donald Trump wants to be the charismatic leader of an apocalyptic cult: Yeah, it’s an overreach

Republicans certainly worked themselves into fits of fake umbrage over the past weekend at the very idea that Donald Trump was celebrating the infamous Branch Davidian standoff of 1993, simply because he held a rally during the 30th anniversary of that event and very close to its Waco, Texas location. Texas Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick proclaimed “I picked Waco!” and said it was “bullshit fake news” to suggest that Trump was dog-whistling the far right, which long ago bought into conspiracy theories depicting Branch Davidian leader David Koresh as the victim of religious persecution.

(To be clear: There are legitimate criticisms of federal law enforcement decisions made during the siege, but the reality is that Koresh abused children. He also told his followers to commit suicide, as both recorded and autopsy evidence show.)

All this showy GOP outrage was obvious bad faith, even before Trump delivered his long and petulant speech at Saturday’s rally. No one really believes that a bunch of political pros just forgot the time and place of an event that inspired the Oklahoma City bombing of 1995 and launched the career of Infowars host Alex Jones. Then there’s the fact that Trump has been trying to rewrite the history of Jan. 6 to turn the villains into heroes, much as conspiracy theorists have tried to do with the Branch Davidians. Trump spent the days before the Waco rally trying to gin up his followers for violence against government officials, posting “predictions” of “death & destruction” if he’s (someday, perhaps) indicted by Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg and scoffing at those calling for peace. 


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But after Trump’s Waco speech, there should be no room for any lingering doubt as to whether Trump is leaning into his identity as a self-created cult leader in his own right. His rhetoric during his now-typical stemwinder wasn’t just whiny, but downright Koresh-like in its apocalyptic tones. He described America as a “failing nation” whose “economy has collapsed,” where “large packs of sadistic criminals and thieves are able to systemically rob stores and beat up their customers.” He promised to deliver “retribution” for the supposed wrongs inflicted on his overwhelmingly white and Christian supporters. It brought to mind the latest Waco documentary for Netflix, which features footage of Koresh coaching a child follower to say that God would smite their enemies. 

Trump wasn’t just tapping into three decades of risible far-right mythology about Koresh and the Branch Davidians. His rally also featured overt glorification of the Jan. 6 insurrection, including Trump’s now-standard use of treacly music recorded by jailed defendants accused of serious crimes at the Capitol on that day. Around the same time, Trump’s Republican allies in Congress also celebrated the Capitol riot. On Thursday, House Speaker Kevin McCarthy, R-Calif. visited paid a visit to Micki Witthoeft, the mother of Ashli Babbitt, who was killed during the insurrection and has become seen as a far-right martyr. The next day, Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene of Georgia led a band of fellow Republicans to meet with imprisoned Jan. 6 defendants in D.C., giving them high fives and calling them “political prisoners.”

Trump’s entire Waco spectacle was a barely-veiled threat, aimed at prosecutors or anyone else who might try to hold Trump accountable for his crimes. Trump is trying to signal that he’s got legions of followers ready to kill and die for him, as did Koresh, whose unwillingness to accept the consequences for stockpiling illegal weapons led directly to dozens of deaths, including the murder of four federal officers.

Honestly, Trump may be more like Charles Manson, the 1960s California cult leader who sent his followers to murder random white people in Los Angeles in a bizarre bid to start a race war. Like Manson, Trump is too much of a coward to put his own hide on the line, and expects his loyalists to commit violence on his orders. As with Manson, Trump’s schemes largely depend on channeling the racist paranoia of white conservatives. Manson thought he could pin his group’s murders on Black people, while Trump thinks he can deflect blame for his own crimes onto Black officials like Bragg or Georgia prosecutor, Fani Willis, who is investigating Trump for his attempts to steal the 2020 election. It is worth remembering that Trump’s most popular ally on Fox News, host Tucker Carlson, has a Manson-like obsession with the concept of “race war.” 


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But Trump is probably overrating his charisma in comparing himself to any infamous cult leaders. He seems visibly frustrated because his supporters are clearly reluctant to sacrifice their freedom, their futures or their lives  themselves over these still-hypothetical future indictments. Yes, an alarming number of people showed up to the Waco rally. But it feels a lot like they turned out as a show of tribal loyalty to the MAGA movement and to thumb their noses at liberals, more than out of some personal fascination with Trump. Once Trump started speaking, the crowd began to thin out quickly. They were there to socialize with each other and mug for the cameras, not to hang on Trump’s every word. 

Yes, Bragg’s office has been getting death threats. That sucks, but it’s not surprising, especially in an era where death threats are exchanged regularly on social media over things like disliking a Marvel movies or believing that brunch is overrated. No one doubts that an unhinged individual, or even a handful of them, may be willing to act on Trump’s relentless and unsubtle pleas for violence. But so far, the story is not about Trump exerting some Koresh-style hold on his followers. 

The Jan. 6 insurrection was quite another matter: The people who rioted that day thought they were acting to overturn a fictional liberal establishment and seizing political power not just for Trump but their retrograde white-right movement. But amid Trump’s indictment panic, many of his supporters seem to view his histrionic behavior the same way the mainstream press does — as the ravings of a terminal narcissist that shouldn’t be taken too seriously. Of course it’s frustrating that they think that level of narcissism is acceptable in a political leader. One could write a book — and many people have tried — about why Trump gets so much backing from people who understand full well that he’s a clown. MAGA is a movement that opposes democracy and views violence as a legitimate political tactic. But right now it doesn’t look like a suicide cult built around one man’s personality. 

How Trump’s own lawyer may have cooked his goose in Mar-a-Lago documents case

There was already a strong case against former President Donald Trump in the Mar-a-Lago documents case, in the form of evidence that he intentionally concealed over 100 classified and top-secret government documents, even after he was repeatedly asked and even subpoenaed to return them. But if Trump was in trouble before, testimony and documentation from his own lawyer, Evan Corcoran, could turn out to provide the final evidence necessary to charge Trump — and soon. 

CNN’s reporting indicates that prosecutors will focus on a series of critical events in May and June 2022. They plan to ask Corcoran about his conversations with Trump regarding the May subpoena for documents, the search that followed, the drafting of a June statement signed by Christina Bobb saying there had been a diligent search and, finally, the call between Corcoran and Trump on the day last June when the DOJ subpoenaed surveillance footage that showed boxes being moved out of the storage location at Mar-a-Lago (which a witness later said was done at Trump’s direction). 

The common thread involved here is Trump’s intent. It has been reported that after the subpoena was received, Trump ordered materials moved to conceal them from his own lawyers and the government — which would show intentional concealment. If Trump then lied to Corcoran, that would be more proof of intentional misconduct. And if Trump was hiding documents, that would have caused the search to be incomplete and the statement made to the government to be false. The government had some of this evidence already, as we explained in our Model Mar-a-Lago Prosecution Memo, but now Corcoran is likely going to hammer the case home.

Here it appears that Trump was engaged in a pattern of obstruction of justice — that is, he was intentionally covering up his possession of these documents and being dishonest with a government investigator, and potentially his own lawyers. It also appears that Corcoran may have been used by Trump to advance that alleged obstruction. Indeed, to get the Mar-a-Lago search warrant in the first place, there was previously been a probable cause finding of obstruction under 18 U.S.C. § 1519, as well as for the Espionage Act violations under 18 U.S.C. § 793(e) and concealing government records under 18 U.S.C. § 2071. 

Proof of intent goes to those offenses as well. Each requires a showing of willfulness for Trump to be convicted (or, in the case of obstruction, an intent to obstruct or impede). That proof of intent is often hard to come by in prosecutions of complex statutes. Attempts to conceal the truth from investigators, however, are powerful proof toward demonstrating a consciousness of guilt. We expect that will ultimately be persuasive evidence to a jury.

It was apparently also powerful evidence for the federal judges who considered whether to pierce Trump’s privilege over communications with his lawyer. In American law, that is no small thing. The attorney-client privilege is sacrosanct and cannot be easily overcome. In this case, that required proof that the “crime-fraud exception” applied. 

To get the Corcoran testimony and documents, the courts likely went past finding mere probable cause that Trump committed a crime. We don’t have the exact details of the district court decision and the D.C. Circuit appellate docket, which remain under seal. But under the law, to pierce the attorney-client privilege, the government must prove a prima facie case and prove that communications were made to further a fraud or crime. That’s exactly what U.S. District Chief Judge Beryl Howell ruled in a sealed order that reportedly found “compelling preliminary evidence” that Trump had “knowingly and deliberately misled his own attorneys.”


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The extraordinary speed with which this has moved from Judge Howell’s district court decision (on March 17) to the overnight briefing schedule in the D.C. Circuit (on March 21), to Corcoran’s testimony on Friday makes clear that special counsel Jack Smith is bringing significant urgency to the documents case. Smith is certainly working the Jan. 6 case hard, with the just-revealed news that last week a federal trial court set aside executive privilege for eight top Trump aides. (Trump has said he will appeal that decision.) But in this case we got the trial court decision, the appeal and its resolution within five days. Smith seems to be applying extra urgency to the Mar-a-Lago documents case, which tells you something about Trump’s peril. DEFCON going up.

For Trump, legal peril seems to exist at every turn. Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg is apparently on the verge of indicting the former president for his role in a hush-money scheme dating from the lead-up to the 2016 election. And prosecutors in Atlanta are apparently considering racketeering charges against the former president in connection with reported attempts to overturn the 2020 election in Georgia. Such charges would entail very stiff sentences. 

Recent efforts by Trump and House Republican extremists to intimidate and obstruct the Bragg investigation, which are likely to occur in the other criminal investigations into Trump as well, can be expected to have zero effect on the will of those prosecutors to do their job, except perhaps to make it all the stronger. 

Although the outcome of any one of the four potential criminal cases focused on Trump remains unclear, Trump appears to be in hot water — with the temperature rising to a rapid boil.

Trump’s Waco escalation: Now he’s threatening Armageddon

On Saturday, Donald Trump held his first major political rally of the 2024 presidential campaign in Waco, Texas. He is a master showman, gifted at understanding and fulfilling his followers’ dreams, needs and fantasies and their belief in their inherent greatness and destiny. In so many ways, Trump is their preacher, teacher, father figure, confidant, priest and lover all embodied in one person. Considered in that light, his Waco performance did not disappoint.

Trump’s plane flew in over the crowd as the song “Danger Zone” from the “Top Gun” films was played over the loudspeakers and a supposedly Christian “speed painter” completed a huge picture of the former president.

The 15,000 Trump cultists erupted in applause; their hero had returned. Their adulation in Waco is about what Donald Trump represents to his followers and the energy he channels. It’s not politics or policy or ideology in the normal sense of those words. Still less is it about facts or reality, which the mainstream news media and political class still obsess over, as if such things offered any leverage for understanding the Age of Trump.

Trump’s dark charisma is a force that is unequaled in American history.

When Trump finally spoke to the MAGA faithful, he delivered a vintage broadside of threats, lies, racism, conspiracy theory and rage. It was literally worthy of Adolf Hitler declaring war. 

“You will be vindicated and proud,” he told his followers. “The thugs and criminals who are corrupting our justice system will be defeated, discredited and totally disgraced.”

Of course he insisted that he is innocent of any wrongdoing and attacked the Manhattan district attorney who is leading the investigation into his hush-money payments to Stormy Daniels.

Trump escalated his threats in language that channeled the insurrection on Jan. 6, saying that his “enemies are desperate to stop us” and “our opponents have done everything they can to crush our spirit and to break our will.” He continued with his threats of total war and vengeful destruction: “But they failed. They’ve only made us stronger. And 2024 is the final battle, it’s going to be the big one. You put me back in the White House, their reign will be over and America will be a free nation once again.”

The message was clear: Trump is a legitimate ruler in exile, and his followers — especially the Jan. 6 terrorists — are “patriots” engaged in a righteous struggle to win their country back.

But perhaps the most disturbing part of Trump’s performance came when he administered what sounded like a fascist invocation or loyalty oath to his followers. That came with the song “Justice for All,” played shortly after he landed at Waco Regional Airport. As the Waco Tribune-Herald described it, “The song features Trump reciting the Pledge of Allegiance, interspersed with a group of people jailed for their roles in the deadly Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol singing part of the national anthem.”

The message was clear: Donald Trump is like a ruler in exile and his followers — especially the Jan. 6 terrorists — are “patriots” engaged in a righteous struggle. In another place or time, that moment would correctly be identified as a threat of civil war or insurgency by a deposed leader, one who already attempted a coup and was allowed to escape unpunished and who is now raising an army to conquer the new government.

Historian Nicole Hemmer, author of “Partisans: The Conservative Revolutionaries Who Remade American Politics in the 1990s,” provided this context via email:

Though Trump did not mention the federal siege in Waco 30 years ago at his rally today, his decision to hold the first rally of his 2024 presidential campaign there hung over a speech whose main theme was vengeance. It opened with a song from those imprisoned for their role in the assault on the Capitol on January 6, 2021 — people Trump claims were falsely imprisoned. Right-wing media figures like Tucker Carlson and Alex Jones have insisted these are political prisoners, part of the right’s growing martyrdom mythology around Jan. 6 (which has at its center Ashli Babbitt, whom Trump has called a “great patriot”). As the song, which features Trump’s voice reciting the pledge, played, images from the attack on the Capitol played in the background. Trump later intoned to the crowd that he was their “warrior,” their “justice,” their “retribution.”

This is dark stuff. It shows how the paranoia and conspiracism that incubates in right-wing media continues to be a cornerstone of Trump’s politics. It takes on an even darker tone given the site of the rally. The siege at Waco has become a cornerstone of far-right mythology over the past three decades, fodder for conspiracy theories, militia organizing, and terroristic violence — including the bombing at Oklahoma City two years later that killed 168 people. Right-wing politicians have used these events before — in the 1990s, a handful of members of Congress had close ties with militias, and members like Helen Chenoweth of Idaho made the siege at Ruby Ridge in 1992 part of her political appeals (along with black helicopters and warnings that the United Nations was planning to take over America’s national parks). The ties to violent events did not hurt Chenoweth’s standing in the Republican Party, and Trump’s choice of Waco will not hurt his. But it is still a dangerous move. Trump did not need to invoke the siege to provide more fodder for that far-right lore, and his decision to rally at Waco makes clear that he sees a blend of conspiracy, violence and vengeance as key to his re-election campaign.

As with his previous rhetoric of “American carnage,” Donald Trump’s theme of a “final battle” against “enemies” that will make America a “free nation again” directly channels how neofascists, white supremacists and other members of the global right see themselves engaged in an existential struggle against multiracial democracy, pluralism and “wokeness.” For them, this is a zero-sum, winner-take-all battle for dominance, with no quarter given to their “enemies.”


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Alan Jenkins, Harvard Law professor and writer of “1/6: The Graphic Novel,” cautioned that while everyone in America “has the right peacefully to assemble and, especially, to protest government actions with which they disagree,” it’s also true that context matters:

The Waco site and Trump’s inflammatory words are part of that context.  The recent history of the violent and seditious Insurrection areas well.  The former president’s call to action occurs, moreover, at a time when political violence is on the rise, highlighted by the apparent politically-motivated attack on former House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s husband.  The University of Chicago Project on Security and Threats found that “between 15 million and 20 million American adults agree that the ‘use of force is justified’ to restore Trump to the presidency and that well over 50 million agree that Joe Biden stole the 2020 election and is an illegitimate president.” 

Whatever Donald Trump’s political prospects, it’s clear that Trumpism poses a continuing threat to our democracy.  Apocalyptic rhetoric by the former president who triggered a violent insurrection in 2021 cannot be taken as mere political theater in 2023.  None of the conditions that led to the insurrection have gone away, and some — like antisemitism and political violence — have increased.  It’s important for everyday Americans to understand the threat to American values that continues to loom large.

Trump’s Waco rally appears to have been peaceful, and that’s a good thing.  But we ignore its underlying message at our peril.  Fundamental democratic values remain at risk, and it’s up to all of us to defend them. 

As I wrote in an earlier essay for Salon, Donald Trump’s end-times threats represent a much larger strategy by the larger Republican-fascist party and “conservative” movement:

Ultimately, the Republican-fascists and conservative movement’s Armageddon politics are inherently antidemocratic because it is based on constant fear and terror which in turn makes contemplation, reason, communication and consensus building to address common problems and shared concerns based on truth and empirical reality all but impossible. America’s democracy crisis can only escalate because the Republicans see destruction and violence and a political (and perhaps even literal) apocalypse as integral to their plan to get and keep power by any means necessary.

What kinds of people continue to support Trump and his neofascist cult movement? What are their values? Who would be drawn into the orbit of such an obviously demented and violent person, a man who has shown himself to likely be a sociopath?

It’s a reasonable question. Even after attempting a coup and committing acts of democide through his willfully negligent response to the COVID pandemic, Trump still commands the loyalty of tens of millions of people and controls the Republican Party. If the 2024 presidential election were held today, the outcome between Trump and Joe Biden would be too close to call. What does this say about who we are as a people and our “national character”?

In the end, whatever becomes of Donald Trump himself, his movement and what it represents will continue to metastasize, representing the worst elements of American culture. Until and unless America has a reckoning with its own character, history and most deeply rooted problems, none of this will get better. Waco, like Jan. 6, will look like just a prelude to the much longer story of America’s decline. To stop the metaphorical bleeding, Donald Trump must be indicted, convicted and sent to prison. Unfortunately, no part of that outcome is guaranteed, or even likely. 

Military expert: Congress has been captured by the arms industry — and we’re paying the price

On March 13th, the Pentagon rolled out its proposed budget for Fiscal Year 2024. The results were — or at least should have been — stunning, even by the standards of a department that’s used to getting what it wants when it wants it.

The new Pentagon budget would come in at $842 billion. That’s the highest level requested since World War II, except for the peak moment of the Afghan and Iraq wars, when the United States had nearly 200,000 troops deployed in those two countries.

$1 Trillion for the Pentagon?

It’s important to note that the $842 billion proposed price tag for the Pentagon next year will only be the beginning of what taxpayers will be asked to shell out in the name of “defense.” If you add in nuclear weapons work at the Department of Energy and small amounts of military spending spread across other agencies, you’re already at a total military budget of $886 billion. And if last year is any guide, Congress will add tens of billions of dollars extra to that sum, while yet more billions will go for emergency aid to Ukraine to help it fend off Russia’s brutal invasion. In short, we’re talking about possible total spending of well over $950 billion on war and preparations for more of it — within striking distance, in other words, of the $1 trillion mark that hawkish officials and pundits could only dream about a few short years ago.

The ultimate driver of that enormous spending spree is a seldom-commented-upon strategy of global military overreach, including 750 U.S. military bases scattered on every continent except Antarctica, 170,000 troops stationed overseas, and counterterror operations in at least 85 — no, that is not a typo — countries (a count offered by Brown University’s Costs of War Project). Worse yet, the Biden administration only seems to be preparing for more of the same. Its National Defense Strategy, released late last year, manages to find the potential for conflict virtually everywhere on the planet and calls for preparations to win a war with Russia and/or China, fight Iran and North Korea, and continue to wage a global war on terror, which, in recent times, has been redubbed “countering violent extremism.” Think of such a strategic view of the world as the exact opposite of the “diplomacy first” approach touted by President Joe Biden and his team during his early months in office. Worse yet, it’s more likely to serve as a recipe for conflict than a blueprint for peace and security.

In an ideal world, Congress would carefully scrutinize that Pentagon budget request and rein in the department’s overly ambitious, counterproductive plans. But the past two years suggest that, at least in the short term, exactly the opposite approach lies ahead. After all, lawmakers added $25 billion and $45 billion, respectively, to the Pentagon’s budget requests for 2022 and 2023, mostly for special-interest projects based in the states or districts of key members of Congress. And count on it, hawks on Capitol Hill will push for similar increases this year, too. 

How the Arms Industry Captures Congress

The $45 billion by which Congress increased the Pentagon’s budget request last year was among the highest levels on record. Add-ons included five extra F-35 jet fighters and a $4.7 billion boost to the shipbuilding budget. Other congressional additions included 10 HH-60W helicopters, four EC-37 aircraft, and 16 additional C-130J aircraft (at a cost of $1.7 billion). There were also provisions that prevented the Pentagon from retiring a wide array of older aircraft and ships — including B-1 bombers, F-22 and F-15 combat aircraft, aerial refueling planes, C-130 and C-40 transport aircraft, E-3 electronic warfare planes, HH-60W helicopters, and the relatively new but disastrous Littoral Combat Ships (LCS), referred to by detractors as “little crappy ships.”

The lobbying effort to prevent the Navy from retiring those problem-plagued ships is a case study of all that’s wrong with the Pentagon budget process as it works its way through Congress. As the New York Times noted in a detailed analysis of the checkered history of the LCS, it was originally imagined as a multi-mission vessel capable of detecting submarines, destroying anti-ship mines, and doing battle with the kinds of small craft used by countries like Iran. Once produced, however, it proved inept at every one of those tasks, while experiencing repeated engine problems that made it hard even to deploy. Add to that the Navy’s view that the LCS would be useless in a potential naval clash with China and it was decided to retire nine of them, even though some had only served four to six years of a potential 25-year lifetime.

Contractors and public officials with a stake in the LCS, however, quickly mobilized to block the Navy from shelving the ships and ultimately saved five of the nine slated for retirement. Major players included a trade association representing companies that had received contracts worth $3 billion to repair and maintain those vessels at a shipyard in Jacksonville, Florida, as well as other sites in the U.S. and overseas.

The key congressional players in saving the ship were Representative John Rutherford (R-FL), whose district includes that Jacksonville shipyard, and Representative Rob Wittman (R-VA), whose district includes a major naval facility at Hampton Roads where maintenance and repair work on the LCS is also done. I’m sure you won’t be surprised to learn that, in 2022, Wittman received hundreds of thousands of dollars in arms-industry campaign contributions, including substantial donations from companies like Lockheed Martin, Raytheon, and General Dynamics with a role in the LCS program. When asked if the lobbying campaign for the LCS influenced his actions, he said bluntly enough, “I can’t tell you it was the predominant factor… but I can tell you it was a factor.”

Former Representative Jackie Speier (D-CA), who tried to make the decision to retire the ships stick, had a harsh view of the campaign to save them:

“If the LCS was a car sold in America today, they would be deemed lemons, and the automakers would be sued into oblivion… The only winners have been the contractors on which the Navy relies for sustaining these ships.”

Not all members of Congress are wedded to the idea of endlessly increasing Pentagon spending. On the progressive side, Representatives Barbara Lee (D-CA) and Mark Pocan (D-WI) have introduced a bill that would cut $100 billion a year from the department’s budget. That figure aligns with a 2021 Congressional Budget Office report outlining three paths toward Pentagon budget reductions that would leave the U.S. with a significantly more than adequate defense system.

Meanwhile, members of the right-wing Freedom Caucus and their allies have promised to push for a freeze on federal discretionary spending at Fiscal Year 2022 levels. If implemented across the board, that would mean a $75 to $100 billion cut in Pentagon spending. But proponents of the freeze have been unclear about the degree to which such cuts (if any) would affect the Department of Defense.

A number of Republican House members, including Speaker Kevin McCarthy, have indeed said that the Pentagon will be “on the table” in any discussion of future budget cuts, but the only specific items mentioned have involved curbing the Pentagon’s “woke agenda” — that is, defunding things like alternative fuel research — along with initiatives aimed at closing unnecessary military bases or reducing the size of the officer corps. Such moves could indeed save a few billion dollars, while leaving the vast bulk of the Pentagon’s budget intact. No matter where they stand on the political spectrum, proponents of trimming the military budget will have to face a congressional majority of Pentagon boosters and the arms industry’s daunting influence machine.

Greasing the Wheels: Lobbying, Campaign Contributions, and the Job Card

As with the LCS, major arms contractors have routinely greased the wheels of access and influence in Congress with campaign contributions to the tune of $83 million over the past two election cycles. Such donations go mainly to the members with the most power to help the major weapons producers. And the arms industry is fast on the draw. Typically, for instance, those corporations have already expanded their collaboration with the Republicans who, since the 2022 election, now head the House Armed Services Committee and the House Appropriations Committee’s defense subcommittee.

The latest figures from OpenSecrets, an organization that closely tracks campaign and lobbying expenditures, show that new House Armed Services Committee chief Mike Rogers (R-AL) received more than $511,000 from weapons makers in the most recent election cycle, while Ken Calvert (R-CA), the new head of the defense appropriations subcommittee, followed close behind at $445,000. Rogers has been one of the most aggressive members of Congress when it comes to pushing for higher Pentagon spending. He’s a longstanding booster of the Department of Defense and has more than ample incentives to advocate for its agenda, given not just his own beliefs but the presence of major defense contractors like Boeing and Lockheed Martin in his state.

Contractors and members of Congress with arms plants or military bases in their jurisdictions routinely use the jobs argument as a tool of last resort in pushing the funding of relevant facilities and weapons systems. It matters little that the actual economic impact of Pentagon spending has been greatly exaggerated and more efficient sources of job creation could, with the right funding, be developed.

At the national level, direct employment in the weapons sector has dropped dramatically in the past four decades, from 3.2 million Americans in the mid-1980s to one million today, according to figures compiled by the National Defense Industrial Association, the arms industry’s largest trade group. And those one million jobs in the defense sector represent just six-tenths of one percent of the U.S. civilian labor force of more than 160 million people. In short, weapons spending is a distinct niche sector in the larger economy rather than an essential driver of overall economic activity.

Arms-related employment will certainly rise as Pentagon budgets do and as ongoing expenditures aimed at arming Ukraine continue to do so as well. Still, total employment in the defense sector will remain at modest levels relative to those during the Cold War, even though the current military budget is far higher than spending in the peak years of that era.

Reductions in defense-related employment are masked by the tendency of major contractors like Lockheed Martin to exaggerate the number of jobs associated with their most significant weapons-making programs. For example, Lockheed Martin claims that the F-35 program creates 298,000 jobs in 48 states, though the real figure is closer to half that number (based on average annual expenditures on the program and estimates by the Costs of War Project that military spending creates about 11,200 jobs per billion dollars spent).

It’s true, however, that the jobs that do exist generate considerable political clout because they tend to be in the states and districts of the members of Congress with the most sway over spending on weapons research, development, and production. Addressing that problem would require a new investment strategy aimed at easing the transition of defense-dependent communities and workers to other jobs (as outlined in Miriam Pemberton’s new book Six Stops on the National Security Tour: Rethinking Warfare Economies).

Unfortunately, the major contractors are ever better positioned to shape future debates on Pentagon spending and strategy. For example, a newly formed congressional commission charged with evaluating the Pentagon’s National Defense Strategy mostly consists of experts and ex-government officials with close ties to those weapons makers. They are either executives, consultants, board members, or staffers at think tanks with substantial industry funding.

And sadly, this should shock no one. The last time Congress created a commission on strategy, its membership was also heavily slanted towards individuals with defense-industry ties and it recommended a 3% to 5% annual increase in Pentagon spending, adjusted for inflation, for years to come. That was well more than what the department was then projected to spend. The figure that the commission recommended immediately became a rallying cry for Pentagon boosters like Mike Rogers and former ranking member of the Senate Armed Services Committee James Inhofe (R-OK) in their efforts to push spending even higher. Inhofe typically treated that document as gospel, at one point waving a copy of it at a congressional hearing on the Pentagon budget.

“An Alert and Knowledgeable Citizenry”

The power and influence of the arms industry are daunting obstacles to a change in national priorities. But there is historical precedent for a different approach. After all, given enough public pressure, Pentagon spending did drop in the wake of the Vietnam War, again at the end of the Cold War, and even during the deficit reduction debates of the early 2010s. It could happen again.

As President Dwight D. Eisenhower noted in his famous farewell address in 1961, the only counterbalance to the power of the military-industrial complex is an “alert and knowledgeable citizenry.” Fortunately, a number of individuals and groups are working hard to sound the alarm and mobilize opposition to massive overspending on war and preparations for more of it. Coalitions like People Over Pentagon and organizations like the Poor People’s Campaign continue to educate the public and work to increase the number of congressional representatives in favor of reining in the Pentagon’s bloated budget and shifting funds to areas of urgent national need.

As of now, the Pentagon consumes more than half of the federal government’s discretionary budget. That, in turn, means the funds needed to prevent pandemics, address climate change, and reduce poverty and inequality have taken a back seat. Those problems aren’t going away and are likely to pose greater threats to American lives and livelihoods than traditional military challenges. As that reality becomes clearer to ever more Americans, the Pentagon’s days of virtually unlimited funding may indeed come to an end. It’s not the work of a day or a year, but it certainly is essential to the safety and security of this country and the world.

How Cigna saves millions by having its doctors reject claims without reading them

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When a stubborn pain in Nick van Terheyden’s bones would not subside, his doctor had a hunch what was wrong.

Without enough vitamin D in the blood, the body will pull that vital nutrient from the bones. Left untreated, a vitamin D deficiency can lead to osteoporosis.

A blood test in the fall of 2021 confirmed the doctor’s diagnosis, and van Terheyden expected his company’s insurance plan, managed by Cigna, to cover the cost of the bloodwork. Instead, Cigna sent van Terheyden a letter explaining that it would not pay for the $350 test because it was not “medically necessary.”

The letter was signed by one of Cigna’s medical directors, a doctor employed by the company to review insurance claims.

Something about the denial letter did not sit well with van Terheyden, a 58-year-old Maryland resident. “This was a clinical decision being second-guessed by someone with no knowledge of me,” said van Terheyden, a physician himself and a specialist who had worked in emergency care in the United Kingdom.

The vague wording made van Terheyden suspect that Dr. Cheryl Dopke, the medical director who signed it, had not taken much care with his case.

Van Terheyden was right to be suspicious. His claim was just one of roughly 60,000 that Dopke denied in a single month last year, according to internal Cigna records reviewed by ProPublica and The Capitol Forum.

The rejection of van Terheyden’s claim was typical for Cigna, one of the country’s largest insurers. The company has built a system that allows its doctors to instantly reject a claim on medical grounds without opening the patient file, leaving people with unexpected bills, according to corporate documents and interviews with former Cigna officials. Over a period of two months last year, Cigna doctors denied over 300,000 requests for payments using this method, spending an average of 1.2 seconds on each case, the documents show. The company has reported it covers or administers health care plans for 18 million people.

Before health insurers reject claims for medical reasons, company doctors must review them, according to insurance laws and regulations in many states. Medical directors are expected to examine patient records, review coverage policies and use their expertise to decide whether to approve or deny claims, regulators said. This process helps avoid unfair denials.

But the Cigna review system that blocked van Terheyden’s claim bypasses those steps. Medical directors do not see any patient records or put their medical judgment to use, said former company employees familiar with the system. Instead, a computer does the work. A Cigna algorithm flags mismatches between diagnoses and what the company considers acceptable tests and procedures for those ailments. Company doctors then sign off on the denials in batches, according to interviews with former employees who spoke on condition of anonymity.

“We literally click and submit,” one former Cigna doctor said. “It takes all of 10 seconds to do 50 at a time.”

Not all claims are processed through this review system. For those that are, it is unclear how many are approved and how many are funneled to doctors for automatic denial.

Insurance experts questioned Cigna’s review system.

Patients expect insurers to treat them fairly and meaningfully review each claim, said Dave Jones, California’s former insurance commissioner. Under California regulations, insurers must consider patient claims using a “thorough, fair and objective investigation.”

“It’s hard to imagine that spending only seconds to review medical records complies with the California law,” said Jones. “At a minimum, I believe it warrants an investigation.”

Within Cigna, some executives questioned whether rendering such speedy denials satisfied the law, according to one former executive who spoke on condition of anonymity because he still works with insurers.

“We thought it might fall into a legal gray zone,” said the former Cigna official, who helped conceive the program. “We sent the idea to legal, and they sent it back saying it was OK.”

Cigna adopted its review system more than a decade ago, but insurance executives say similar systems have existed in various forms throughout the industry.

In a written response, Cigna said the reporting by ProPublica and The Capitol Forum was “biased and incomplete.”

Cigna said its review system was created to “accelerate payment of claims for certain routine screenings,” Cigna wrote. “This allows us to automatically approve claims when they are submitted with correct diagnosis codes.”

When asked if its review process, known as PXDX, lets Cigna doctors reject claims without examining them, the company said that description was “incorrect.” It repeatedly declined to answer further questions or provide additional details. (ProPublica employees’ health insurance is provided by Cigna.)

Former Cigna doctors confirmed that the review system was used to quickly reject claims. An internal corporate spreadsheet, viewed by the news organizations, lists names of Cigna’s medical directors and the number of cases each handled in a column headlined “PxDx.” The former doctors said the figures represent total denials. Cigna did not respond to detailed questions about the numbers.

Cigna’s explanation that its review system was designed to approve claims didn’t make sense to one former company executive. “They were paying all these claims before. Then they weren’t,” said Ron Howrigon, who now runs a company that helps private doctors in disputes with insurance companies. “You’re talking about a system built to deny claims.”

Cigna emphasized that its system does not prevent a patient from receiving care — it only decides when the insurer won’t pay. “Reviews occur after the service has been provided to the patient and does not result in any denials of care,” the statement said.

“Our company is committed to improving health outcomes, driving value for our clients and customers, and supporting our team of highly-skilled Medical Directors,” the company said.

PXDX

Cigna’s review system was developed more than a decade ago by a former pediatrician.

After leaving his practice, Dr. Alan Muney spent the next several decades advising insurers and private equity firms on how to wring savings out of health plans.

In 2010, Muney was managing health insurance for companies owned by Blackstone, the private equity firm, when Cigna tapped him to help spot savings in its operation, he said.

Insurers have wide authority to reject claims for care, but processing those denials can cost a few hundred dollars each, former executives said. Typically, claims are entered into the insurance system, screened by a nurse and reviewed by a medical director.

For lower-dollar claims, it was cheaper for Cigna to simply pay the bill, Muney said.

“They don’t want to spend money to review a whole bunch of stuff that costs more to review than it does to just pay for it,” Muney said.

Muney and his team had solved the problem once before. At UnitedHealthcare, where Muney was an executive, he said his group built a similar system to let its doctors quickly deny claims in bulk.

In response to questions, UnitedHealthcare said it uses technology that allows it to make “fast, efficient and streamlined coverage decisions based on members benefit plans and clinical criteria in compliance with state and federal laws.” The company did not directly address whether it uses a system similar to Cigna.

At Cigna, Muney and his team created a list of tests and procedures approved for use with certain illnesses. The system would automatically turn down payment for a treatment that didn’t match one of the conditions on the list. Denials were then sent to medical directors, who would reject these claims with no review of the patient file.

Cigna eventually designated the list “PXDX” — corporate shorthand for procedure-to-diagnosis. The list saved money in two ways. It allowed Cigna to begin turning down claims that it had once paid. And it made it cheaper to turn down claims, because the company’s doctors never had to open a file or conduct any in-depth review. They simply denied the claims in bulk with an electronic signature.

“The PXDX stuff is not reviewed by a doc or nurse or anything like that,” Muney said.

The review system was designed to prevent claims for care that Cigna considered unneeded or even harmful to the patient, Muney said. The policy simply allowed Cigna to cheaply identify claims that it had a right to deny.

Muney said that it would be an “administrative hassle” to require company doctors to manually review each claim rejection. And it would mean hiring many more medical directors.

“That adds administrative expense to medicine,” he said. “It’s not efficient.”

But two former Cigna doctors, who did not want to be identified by name for fear of breaking confidentiality agreements with Cigna, said the system was unfair to patients. They said the claims automatically routed for denial lacked such basic information as race and gender.

“It was very frustrating,” one doctor said.

Some state regulators questioned Cigna’s PXDX system.

In Maryland, where van Terheyden lives, state insurance officials said the PXDX system as described by a reporter raises “some red flags.”

The state’s law regulating group health plans purchased by employers requires that insurance company doctors be objective and flexible when they sit down to evaluate each case.

If Cigna medical directors are “truly rubber-stamping the output of the matching software without any additional review, it would be difficult for the medical director to comply with these requirements,” the Maryland Insurance Administration wrote in response to questions.

Medicare and Medicaid have a system that automatically prevents improper payment of claims that are wrongly coded. It does not reject payment on medical grounds.

Within the world of private insurance, Muney is certain that the PXDX formula has boosted the corporate bottom line. “It has undoubtedly saved billions of dollars,” he said.

Insurers benefit from the savings, but everyone stands to gain when health care costs are lowered and unneeded care is denied, he said.

Speedy Reviews

Cigna carefully tracks how many patient claims its medical directors handle each month. Twelve times a year, medical directors receive a scorecard in the form of a spreadsheet that shows just how fast they have cleared PXDX cases.

Dopke, the doctor who turned down van Terheyden, rejected 121,000 claims in the first two months of 2022, according to the scorecard.

Dr. Richard Capek, another Cigna medical director, handled more than 80,000 instant denials in the same time span, the spreadsheet showed.

Dr. Paul Rossi has been a medical director at Cigna for over 30 years. Early last year, the physician denied more than 63,000 PXDX claims in two months.

Rossi, Dopke and Capek did not respond to attempts to contact them.

Howrigon, the former Cigna executive, said that although he was not involved in developing PXDX, he can understand the economics behind it.

“Put yourself in the shoes of the insurer,” Howrigon said. “Why not just deny them all and see which ones come back on appeal? From a cost perspective, it makes sense.”

Cigna knows that many patients will pay such bills rather than deal with the hassle of appealing a rejection, according to Howrigon and other former employees of the company. The PXDX list is focused on tests and treatments that typically cost a few hundred dollars each, said former Cigna employees.

“Insurers are very good at knowing when they can deny a claim and patients will grumble but still write a check,” Howrigon said.

Muney and other former Cigna executives emphasized that the PXDX system does leave room for the patient and their doctor to appeal a medical director’s decision to deny a claim.

But Cigna does not expect many appeals. In one corporate document, Cigna estimated that only 5% of people would appeal a denial resulting from a PXDX review.

“A Negative Customer Experience”

In 2014, Cigna considered adding a new procedure to the PXDX list to be flagged for automatic denials.

Autonomic nervous system testing can help tell if an ailing patient is suffering from nerve damage caused by diabetes or a variety of autoimmune diseases. It’s not a very involved procedure — taking about an hour — and it costs a few hundred dollars per test.

The test is versatile and noninvasive, requiring no needles. The patient goes through a handful of checks of heart rate, sweat response, equilibrium and other basic body functions.

At the time, Cigna was paying for every claim for the nerve test without bothering to look at the patient file, according to a corporate presentation. Cigna officials were weighing the cost and benefits of adding the procedure to the list. “What is happening now?” the presentation asked. “Pay for all conditions without review.”

By adding the nerve test to the PXDX list, Cigna officials estimated, the insurer would turn down more than 17,800 claims a year that it had once covered. It would pay for the test for certain conditions, but deny payment for others.

These denials would “create a negative customer experience” and a “potential for increased out of pocket costs,” the company presentation acknowledged.

But they would save roughly $2.4 million a year in medical costs, the presentation said.

Cigna added the test to the list.

“It’s Not Good Medicine”

By the time van Terheyden received his first denial notice from Cigna early last year, he had some answers about his diagnosis. The blood test that Cigna had deemed “not medically necessary” had confirmed a vitamin D deficiency. His doctor had been right, and recommended supplements to boost van Terheyden’s vitamin level.

Still, van Terheyden kept pushing his appeal with Cigna in a process that grew more baffling. First, a different Cigna doctor reviewed the case and stood by the original denial. The blood test was unnecessary, Cigna insisted, because van Terheyden had never before been found to lack sufficient vitamin D.

“Records did not show you had a previously documented Vitamin D deficiency,” stated a denial letter issued by Cigna in April. How was van Terheyden supposed to document a vitamin D deficiency without a test? The letter was signed by a Cigna medical director named Barry Brenner.

Brenner did not respond to requests for comment.

Then, as allowed by his plan, van Terheyden took Cigna’s rejection to an external review by an independent reviewer.

In late June — seven months after the blood test — an outside doctor not working for Cigna reviewed van Terheyden’s medical record and determined the test was justified.

The blood test in question “confirms the diagnosis of Vit-D deficiency,” read the report from MCMC, a company that provides independent medical reviews. Cigna eventually paid van Terheyden’s bill. “This patient is at risk of bone fracture without proper supplementations,” MCMC’s reviewer wrote. “Testing was medically necessary and appropriate.”

Van Terheyden had known nothing about the vagaries of the PXDX denial system before he received the $350 bill. But he did sense that very few patients pushed as hard as he had done in his appeals.

As a physician, van Terheyden said, he’s dumbfounded by the company’s policies.

“It’s not good medicine. It’s not caring for patients. You end up asking yourself: Why would they do this if their ultimate goal is to care for the patient?” he said.

“Intellectually, I can understand it. As a physician, I can’t. To me, it feels wrong.”

Legendary liberal magazine Texas Observer is closing and laying off its staff

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The Texas Observer, the storied progressive publication known for its feisty, combative and often humorous investigative journalism, is shutting down and will lay off its 17-person staff, including 13 journalists, several members of its board said Sunday.

The decision marks an end to 68 years of publication, starting with its founding in 1954 by Ronnie Dugger and including a six-year period under the helm of the legendary Molly Ivins from 1970 to 1976. The magazine, in its first few decades, represented the liberal wing of the once-conservative Democratic Party. It was a thorn in the side of Lyndon B. Johnson when he was Senate majority leader (before he became president), Govs. Allen Shivers and John B. Connally, and other conservative Democrats. And it chronicled the era in which Texas was remade into a Republican stronghold that sent a governor, George W. Bush, to the White House.

The closing of the Observer raises questions about whether small progressive publications can survive the digital transformation of journalism and the information ecosystem during a time of rapid social, demographic and technological change.

While nonprofit newsrooms have been proliferating around the country, many are dependent on philanthropic grants and don’t have a clear pathway to economic sustainability. The Observer had been supported for years by a small number of major donors, and wasn’t able to build a broad base of subscribers and members.

The Observer’s budget was $2.1 million last year, and in recent weeks, the board considered moving to online-only publication, which would have taken the budget down to $1.8 million, and doing that plus laying off three staff members, which would have taken the budget to $1.5 million. The Observer has about 4,000 print subscribers (its content is free online) and 64,000 subscribers to its free email newsletter. It doesn’t accept advertising.

The board of the nonprofit Texas Democracy Foundation, which owns the Observer, voted on Wednesday to approve the layoffs, according to the board members, who spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss its internal deliberations.

Robert R. Frump, who stepped down from the board in June to run the magazine’s business operations as a special adviser, resigned in protest on Thursday after he was informed of the decision. Following a last-ditch effort to slow the process and give employees more severance, the Observer’s board confirmed its decision on Sunday and plans to tell the staff on Monday morning that their last day will be this Friday, March 31, the board members said.

Frump told The Texas Tribune that the board chair, Laura Hernandez Holmes, and other board members instructed him on Thursday morning to cease operations immediately and shut off access to email and social media accounts. “I handed in my resignation after they told me what they were doing,” he said in a phone interview.

Hernandez Holmes, an El Paso native and Austin-based campaign consultant and political fundraiser who worked on Beto O’Rourke’s failed presidential bid in 2019, said in a text message Sunday night: “I feel strongly about talking with the staff before I talk with any reporters outside the organization. I owe them that.”

“The editorial quality of the Texas Observer is excellent, and it deserves to live on in some format,” Frump said. “It has a unique voice that’s progressive but hews to the truth. I’m hoping some version of it can still survive.”

Frump said the Observer was ultimately unable to adapt to the demands of a 24/7 news cycle and the proliferation of other sources of information about Texas, including Texas Monthly, a features magazine that just celebrated its 50th anniversary, and The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan organization co-founded in 2009 by Evan Smith, a former editor of the Monthly.

“Our reader base and our donor base is aging out,” Frump said. “There’s a nostalgia for Molly Ivins and Ann Richards and their era, and that’s a lot of what still drives the Observer. We weren’t able to build a bridge to the younger, progressive generation. I think the legacy is worth fighting for, but I do understand why the board feels the way it does.”

Former Texas Governor Ann Richards on the campaign trail in 1988.

Former Texas Gov. Ann Richards on the campaign trail in 1988. Credit: Bob Daemmrich for The Texas Tribune

Reached Sunday night, Gabriel Arana, who was hired as the magazine’s editor in chief in April 2022 after two consecutive top editors left abruptly, said: “This is the first I’m hearing of it, the board hasn’t communicated with me or the staff about this.”

He added: “I’m really proud of the work the staff is doing. The level of talent and the quality of journalism are really impressive. I feel the board has abdicated its responsibility for fundraising and ensuring the financial health of the publication. I think it’s shameful that they haven’t involved the staff in this decision-making in any way.”

Arana pointed to enterprising work on women’s health issues, political extremism, Texas rivers and on the Biden administration’s border policies.

Decades of investigations

Through the entirety of its operation, the Observer earned a hard-fought reputation for pulling no punches with the state’s political echelon — and telling richly written stories about race, poverty and classism that mainstream news outlets ignored, overlooked or under-reported.

Dugger, who was in his 20s when he became the founding editor, clearly defined that mission in the first issue.

“We will take orders from none but our own conscience, and never will we overlook or misrepresent the truth to serve the interests of the powerful or cater to the ignoble in the human spirit,” he wrote.

In the decades since, the outlet’s mix of threadbare operations and muckraking ambitions churned a staggering stable of renowned investigative journalists, political reporters and celebrated columnists including Ivins, Lawrence Goodwyn, Jim Hightower, Jake Bernstein and James K. Galbraith.

Dugger served as editor until 1961, when he then became publisher. In 2011, he was awarded the George Polk Award for career achievement. His leadership made the publication something beloved by journalists — and loathed by Texas officials. Or, as Dugger put it when writing about the Observer for the Texas State Historical Association, the magazine “has been celebrated outside the state much more than in it.”

Ronnie Dugger, founding editor of The Texas Observer, on June 8, 2012.

Ronnie Dugger, founding editor of The Texas Observer, on June 8, 2012. Credit: YouTube screenshot

Ivins, the late legendary political commentator and humorist, called it a “publication in a class by itself” in the 2004 book “Fifty Years of the Texas Observer.”

“Texas, as has often been noted, is a peculiar place: it both deserves and needs an independent magazine devoted solely to its politics and other oddities,” she wrote. “The extraordinary struggles for economic and political justice chronicled in the Observer’s pages go back to the days when it was the only publication read by white people that addressed the problems and concerns of black and brown Texans.”

Its columns, exposés and investigations captured innumerable historic Texas events with human-focused empathy, acerbic wit and razor-sharp accountability. In 1966, Bill Helmer wrote a first-person account of witnessing the University of Texas tower shooting.

“How strange it felt to stand there in such comfortably familiar surroundings, hugging a marble pillar I walked past every day, listening to the constant banging of rifles and the sound of real bullets whacking and whining off stone,” he wrote.

In 1981, former Texas lawmaker A.R. “Babe” Schwartz peeled back the curtain on life in the Legislature — and after it.

“Some go to hell in a basket, damned by new habits of excess in all things—the classic blondes, bourbon, and beefsteak syndrome,” he wrote. “Some go to the Congress. Worse excesses. Some just go a hundred yards from the House to the Senate. It is often said that that raises the average IQ of both bodies. Some of us lucky ones, for our eternal reward, even die and become lobbyists.”

A 2000 investigation from Nate Blakeslee cast a light on the weak criminal cases against dozens of people — most of them Black — arrested on drug charges in a mass, high-profile sting operation in the small Panhandle town of Tulia.

“The reason I love the Observer has more to do with most media being increasingly controlled by large companies, which makes the reader a consumer,” then-coeditor Karen Olsson told Texas Monthly in 2001. “Nobody can start a magazine without at least $1 million. From the content perspective, because we’re not bottom-line driven, we can forget celebrity stuff and service and select things we’re interested in, just because we’re interested in them. Readers call us all the time with story ideas. We let our writers play with words. We’re very flexible about length.”

High turnover in final years

The Observer had had some near-death experiences in recent years, including a seemingly unending turnover of editors and managers. The instability began after Forrest Wilder, who had begun his career at the magazine and was named editor in chief in 2015, left in 2019 to be a senior editor at the Monthly.

The next editor, Andrea Valdez, who rejoined the magazine in 2020, lasted only a couple of months before she was hired away by The 19th News, a nonprofit formed that year by Emily Ramshaw and Amanda Zamora, the former editor in chief and audience director, respectively, of the Tribune. Another editor, Abby Johnston, joined Valdez in moving to The 19th News.

Next came Tristan Ahtone, who in April 2020 became the first Native American editor of the magazine, just as the COVID-19 pandemic was shutting down the economy. After clashing with several staff members, whom he accused of racial discrimination, he stepped down in October 2021.

Several staffers left after Ahtone, including Pauly Denetclaw, a citizen of the Navajo Nation who covered indigenous affairs for the Observer.

Ahtone said on Sunday night: “We could have seen this coming. Current leadership probably could have made a few calls to alleviate some of the financial pressures and staff problems that came after I left.” He said the reason he left was “because the board of directors wouldn’t deal with racism in the organization.”

Ahtone’s resignation was soon followed by those of Mike Kanin, who had been the Observer’s publisher since 2017, and board chair Abby Rapoport, a journalist (and former Tribune reporter) whose grandfather Bernard and father, Ron, have supported the Observer for decades. (Ron Rapoport remains a board member.) Both of them had clashed with Ahtone.

Also in 2021, the Emerson Collective, the social investment and philanthropic entity set up by Laurene Powell Jobs, ended several years of support.

From that point, the Observer became harder and harder to sustain, even though things seemed temporarily to brighten, according to the former board members. James Canup, a seasoned nonprofit fundraiser, joined as managing director in February 2022, and Arana, an editor who had worked at HuffPost and The American Prospect, was hired in April 2022. (He was chosen over the interim editor in chief, Megan Kimble, who then left.) Frump stepped down from the board to oversee day-to-day business operations in July 2022.

October 2022 was a momentous, possibly decisive, month for the Observer. That month, for the first time since 2019, the Observer held its annual fundraising dinner to give out the MOLLY National Journalism Prizes, named for Ivins, the crusading journalist who died in 2007. But it brought in only about half of the roughly $200,000 it used to, Frump said.

Also that month, the Observer received what seemed like a lifeline: a $1 million pledge by the Tejemos Foundation, set up by Greg Wooldridge, a retired investor, and Lynne Dobson, a philanthropist and photojournalist whose family started Whataburger. The couple disbursed $400,000 of the gift soon after, and later asked the magazine for documentation of matching funds and other efforts in order to receive the remaining $600,000, some of which would have gone to cover public relations, marketing and other vital business operations that had been long neglected.

Carol Ocker, who manages the couple’s philanthropic giving, did not respond to a request for comment on Sunday.

However, the good news was fleeting. Arana, the new editor, began to clash with Hernandez Holmes, the board chair, and Canup, the new fundraising director, according to board members. Relations among those top leaders — crucial in any nonprofit organization, and especially a small one — quickly deteriorated, the board members said.

Earlier this month, the writing on the wall became clear. Canup gave notice. Hernandez Holmes announced she was stepping down as board chair; board members persuaded her to stay on until the end of March. As of last week, the magazine had only $170,000 in reserves, about enough for two months of payroll. Typical philanthropic guidelines suggest that nonprofits have at least three months of monthly expenses in reserve, and ideally six or more months.

Peter A. Ravella, the board’s treasurer, and Eileen Smith, a writer and editor who is on the board, voted no on shutting down Sunday morning. Ravella said he had accepted the board’s decision but thought the process for unwinding the organization was too hasty, and made without adequate consultation with donors and staff members. Ravella is leaving the board this week, as he and his wife are selling their home and moving to Olympia, Washington.

The Observer had recently announced that it would host an event at the Paramount Theatre in Austin on May 17. The featured speaker was to be Annette Gordon-Reed, a renowned Harvard historian, scholar of Thomas Jefferson, and author of “On Juneteenth,” about the legacy of racism in Texas.

It wasn’t clear Sunday night whether that event will proceed.

Disclosure: The Emerson Collective, The Paramount Theatre, the Texas State Historical Association and the University of Texas at Austin have been financial supporters of The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan news organization that is funded in part by donations from members, foundations and corporate sponsors. Financial supporters play no role in the Tribune’s journalism. Find a complete list of them here.


We can’t wait to welcome you Sept. 21-23 to the 2023 Texas Tribune Festival, our multiday celebration of big, bold ideas about politics, public policy and the day’s news — all taking place just steps away from the Texas Capitol. When tickets go on sale in May, Tribune members will save big. Donate to join or renew today.

This article originally appeared in The Texas Tribune at https://www.texastribune.org/2023/03/26/texas-observer-shutting-down/.

The Texas Tribune is a member-supported, nonpartisan newsroom informing and engaging Texans on state politics and policy. Learn more at texastribune.org.

Could Jonathan Majors’ arrest affect the MCU? Here’s what we know so far

Jonathan Majors, the star of “Creed III” and “Ant-Man and The Wasp: Quantumania,” is currently embroiled in legal tension following an alleged domestic violence incident. 

On March 25, Majors was arrested in New York after officers responded to a 911 call from a 30-year-old woman, who alleged that Majors had assaulted her at an apartment in the city’s Chelsea neighborhood. Officers placed Majors into custody without incident, per the NYPD.

The 33-year-old actor’s legal team came to his defense, asserting that Majors is “completely innocent” in the aforementioned dispute.

Despite their claims, one group dropped their ads that featured him, and several movie projects and brand deals have also cut ties with the actor. The conversation about what Hollywood insiders might have known about the actor, and whether or not they may have turned a blind eye until now, has also been raised.

As for Majors, the actor is set to appear in court on May 8 in New York City. Here’s a closer look at his arrest, work lost, new abuse allegations and what they all mean for his career:

Arrest and legal response

In a criminal complaint filed in the incident, Majors’ girlfriend claimed that Majors struck “her about the face with an open hand, causing substantial pain and a laceration behind her ear.” She also claimed Majors “grabbed her hand and put his hands on her neck, causing swelling, bruising and substantial pain to her neck and hand,” per ABC News.

Police said the woman, whose name was not released, was taken to a local hospital and treated. The Manhattan district attorney’s office told USA Today that Majors was arraigned on multiple charges, including assault and aggravated harassment.

In response to the arrest, Majors’ attorneys denied the allegations and said there’s evidence to prove his innocence:

“Jonathan Majors is completely innocent . . . We are quickly gathering and presenting evidence to the District Attorney with the expectation that all charges will be dropped imminently,” Priya Chaudhry, Majors’ attorney, said in a statement to ABC News. The specific evidence includes video footage from the vehicle where the alleged assault took place, witness testimony from the driver and others who both saw and heard the alleged incident, “and most importantly, two written statements from the woman recanting these allegations.

“The NYPD is required to make an arrest in these situations, and this is the only reason Mr. Majors was arrested. We expect these charges to be dropped soon,” Chaudhry added.

On March 26, Majors appeared in court for an arraignment and was released without bail. He is set to appear in court again on May 8.

Texts about alleged assault and additional abuse allegations

Shortly after Majors’ arrest, his crisis publicist, Andrew Bourke – who is married to Chaudry – released a series of text messages exchanged between Majors and the woman following the alleged assault, according to TMZ.

“I told them it was my fault for trying to grab your phone,” wrote the woman, adding that the police “assured me that you won’t get charged. They said they had to arrest you as protocol when they saw the injuries on me and they knew we had a fight.”

The texts continued, “Please let me know you’re okay when you get this . . .They said they had to arrest you as protocol when they saw the injuries on me and they knew we had a fight. I’m so angry that they did. And I’m sorry you’re in this position. Will make sure nothing happens about this. . . .  I love you.”

A few hours later, the woman wrote, “I know you have the best team and there’s nothing to worry about I just want you to know that I’m doing all I can my end. I also said to tell the judge to know that the origin of the [911] call was to do with me collapsing and passing out and your worry as my partner due to our communication prior.”

Although the texts were meant to exonerate Majors, they’ve actually raised questions and doubts about his actions.

“It read like a bad Lifetime movie. They basically look like the text messages of a textbook abused woman,” one person who is working with Majors on an upcoming project told Variety.

In the same article, Variety reports that as of April 19, multiple alleged abuse victims of Majors have come forward following his arrest and are cooperating with the Manhattan district attorney’s office. 

Chaudhry denied the actor’s new abuse allegations and, once again, maintained his innocence:

“Jonathan Majors is innocent and has not abused anyone,” she said in an email to CNN. “We have provided irrefutable evidence to the district attorney that the charges are false. We are confident that he will be fully exonerated.”

Ad campaign yanked

The U.S. Army paused its advertising campaign with Majors in response to the actor’s arrest. Majors was the narrator of two ads titled, “Overcoming Obstacles” and “Pushing Tomorrow,” which are part of the Army’s “Be All You Can Be” campaign aimed at reviving the group’s recruiting numbers.

Advertisements featuring Majors kicked off at the start of the NCAA’s March Madness college basketball tournament. They were still running during the NCAA broadcasts on Saturday evening, March 25 before they were officially pulled the next day.

“The U.S. Army is aware of the arrest of Jonathan Majors and we are deeply concerned by the allegations surrounding his arrest,” Army Enterprise Marketing Office public affairs chief Laura DeFrancisco said in a statement to Variety. “We recently released two ads in which Mr. Majors appears. While Mr. Majors is innocent until proven guilty, prudence dictates that we pull our ads until the investigation into these allegations is complete.”

Majors dropped from movie projects, brand deals and representation

According to a Tuesday Deadline report, Majors will no longer star in or executive produce an upcoming film adaptation of Walter Mosley’s 2004 novel “The Man in My Basement.” He is also no longer under consideration to star in a biopic about late musician Otis Redding.

Majors will also no longer appear in an ad campaign for Major League Baseball’s Texas Rangers after the club reached out to the actor, who grew up in Dallas. Additionally, the actor will no longer attend the 2023 Met Gala on May 1.

Majors is also stepping down from the board of the Gotham Film and Media Institute and his work with the Sidney Poitier Initiative. His publicists, the Lede Company and Management 360, and management firm have also cut ties with him.

Allegations of Majors’ past abusive behavior

In February, director A.B. Allen tweeted about a “new [actor] on the scene” being a “vicious, cruel, abusive human being.” Allen recently confirmed that the actor in question was Majors after a Twitter user shared a screenshot of the old tweet alongside the caption, “Now we know who this tweet was about.”

Similarly, Society Theatre co-founder Tim Nicolai called Majors a “sociopath and abuser” in a now-deleted tweet:

“I’m just gonna say this about Jonathan Majors and be done with it: folks at Yale and the broader NYC community have known about him for years. He’s a sociopath and abuser and that is how virtually everyone speaks about him,” Nicolai wrote, per FandomWire. “It’s a shame it took this long for him to be reported. I’m already seeing a bunch of ‘why didn’t you do anything?!’ Folks, people have tried. Ultimately needed a victim to come forward. It’s both simultaneously awful to know he is still doing this and also a relief that he may never get to again.”

As for why Majors’ abusive history wasn’t disclosed earlier, Allen said he can’t share any additional information, as it risks exposing people “who have been hurt.”

“The specifics of what *I* know unfortunately would still expose people who have been hurt and deserve to not become part of some larger media inquiry if they don’t want to,” Allen said.

Nicolai added, “A bunch of us are close with people (and sometimes multiple people) he has directly harmed. I don’t know if they will speak on it. It is completely their decision.”

What’s next for the MCU and DCU

Majors had been set to star as Kang the Conqueror in Marvel’s upcoming film “Avengers: The Kang Dynasty.” Kang, who is known as one of Marvel’s most notable and powerful villains, was first introduced in Season 1 of “Loki” and then teased as the next major threat to the Avengers in the post-credit scene of “Ant-Man and the Wasp: Quantumania.”

“Avengers: The Kang Dynasty” had been scheduled to begin filming in Spring 2024 with a May 2, 2025 release date. Majors had already filmed his scenes for “Loki’s” second season.

The uncertain future of the Marvel timeline bears a resemblance to what’s happening over in the DC Universe. Many have drawn parallels between Majors and Ezra Miller, whose role as the Flash in the eponymous DC Studios film has been under scrutiny due to a string of troubling behavior. In 2022, Miller was arrested twice in Hawaii, once for disorderly conduct and harassment and once for second-degree assault. They have also been accused of abuse, grooming minors and leading a cult.

In light of Majors’ arrest, fans wonder if Marvel would recast Majors (which would require significant reshoots or delays) or keep him onboard and fix his public image:

“This is another reason I think we need to keep an eye on how Warner Bros. tries to rehabilitate Ezra Miller for ‘The Flash’ press tour,” tweeted writer and critic Kayleigh Donaldson. “If they can get enough of the media to capitulate to their demands (and they will), what’s to stop anyone else from doing it with violent abusers?”

Similarly, HuffPost’s senior culture reporter, Candice Frederick tweeted, “Related: I’m curious to see how Hollywood moves with Ezra versus how it will move with Jonathan Majors.”

In addition to his upcoming role as Kang, Majors stars in “Magazine Dreams” as an aspiring bodybuilder. Searchlight snapped up the title out of Sundance and had set a December theatrical release. He also plays controversial basketball star Dennis Rodman in “48 Hours in Vegas.”

Keep this scorecard in mind when buying Easter chocolates — and all year round

What distinguishes a company that makes “good” chocolate (chocolate untainted by child labor, modern slavery, deforestation and the overuse of agrichemicals) from one that merely makes chocolate?

Our annual Chocolate Scorecard investigation, which is a collaboration between Be Slavery Free, Macquarie University, The University of Wollongong and the Open University, suggests it might be a mission that goes beyond making food and profit.

‘Good eggs’ trumpet ambition

Only five of the 38 leading global chocolate makers we assessed received our green “good egg” award for exemplary practices.

They are the Netherlands-based Orignal Beans and Tony’s Chocolonely, Madagascar’s Beyond Good, US-based Alter Eco and Switzerland’s HALBA.

Original Beans are at the forefront of Europe’s artisan chocolate revolution. Its mission statement includes the words “regenerate what you consume“. Its website asks its customers to “heal the future, don’t steal it“.

Tony’s Chocolonely has as its mission making slave-free chocolate and turning all chocolate slave-free.

It says 60% of the world’s cocoa comes from 2.5 million farms in West Africa that are placed under the kind of pricing pressure that leads to child labor and modern slavery. The average cocoa farmer earns less than US$1.20 per day and women cocoa farmers are thought to earn around 50 cents per day.

‘Broken eggs’ say little

At the other end of the scale, firms such as Unilever (which makes Magnum ice creams) and  Mondēlez (which makes Cadbury) were awarded “broken eggs” for not engaging with the survey.

Mondēlez describes its mission as going “the extra mile to lead the future of snacking around the world”, rather than tackling environmental or social concerns.

It’s a long way from Cadbury’s original mission. Founder John Cadbury was a Quaker “driven by a passion for social reform” who helped found the forerunner to the Royal Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals and planned a “model village” for his workers including schools, shops, parks and childcare.

In 2022, Britain’s Channel 4 broadcast undercover footage from Ghana purporting to show children as young as 10 barefoot, wearing shorts and T-shirts, using machetes to harvest cocoa pods and sharpened sticks to extract beans that were eventually used in Cadbury chocolate.

Mondelēz said it was deeply concerned. It explicitly prohibited child labor and had been making significant efforts to improve the protection of children in the communities where it sourced cocoa, including Ghana.

If such efforts are afoot, Chocolate Scorecard would like to hear about them.

‘Rotten eggs’ can improve

Among those companies that did respond, there are signs of improvement. In 2020, Godiva received a “rotten egg” award for “failing to take responsibility for the conditions with which its chocolates are made despite making huge profits off its chocolate”.

Godvia now says it is dedicated to “a sustainable and thriving cocoa industry where farmers prosper, communities are empowered, human rights are respected, and the environment is conserved”.

It has earned an “orange” rating, demonstrating that progress is achievable.

Similarly, Sücden — a previous red “rotten egg” — improved to yellow in this year’s scorecard.

Nestlé’s inclusion in this years top ten gives us hope.

It now says its purpose is to “unlock the power of food to enhance quality of life for everyone, today and for generations to come”.

Companies require profits to survive. But if profit and making chocolate are their only drivers, they are likely to hurt people and the environment while doing it.

This Easter it is possible to support firms that are making profits without hurting the planet or its inhabitants. Our scorecard finds there are more and more of them.

           
           

           
       

           
           

           
           

           
           

           
        

           
       

           
           

John Dumay, Professor – Department of Accounting and Corporate Governance, Macquarie University; Cristiana Bernardi, Senior Lecturer in Accounting and Financial Management, The Open University; Samuel Mawutor, PhD Student in Geography and Geospatial Sciences, Oregon State University, and Stephanie Perkiss, Associate professor, University of Wollongong

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

“Extremely dangerous escalation”: Putin to station Russian nukes in Belarus

Russian President Vladimir Putin announced on state television Saturday plans to station tactical nuclear weapons in Belarus—an escalation anti-war campaigners had been warning about and that alarmed disarmament advocates and experts.

The International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons (ICAN) “condemns this extremely dangerous escalation which makes the use of nuclear weapons more likely,” the group declared in a series of tweets.

“In the context of the war in Ukraine, the likelihood of miscalculation or misinterpretation is extremely high,” ICAN added. “Sharing nuclear weapons makes the situation much worse and risks catastrophic humanitarian consequences.”

The deployment decision comes 13 months into Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and after the United Kingdom this week revealed plans to provide the invaded nation with armor-piercing rounds containing depleted uranium (DU).

Putin said the U.K.’s announcement “probably served as a reason” why Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko agreed to the plan and argued that it won’t violate Russia’s international nonproliferation treaty obligations, according to a BBC translation.

As Reuters explained, “The Treaty on the Nonproliferation of Nuclear Weapons, signed by the Soviet Union, says that no nuclear power can transfer nuclear weapons or technology to a nonnuclear power, but it does allow for the weapons to be deployed outside its borders but under its control—as with U.S. nuclear weapons in Europe.”

The United States, which has the world’s second-largest nuclear arsenal after Russia, “long ago deployed their nuclear weapons on the territory of their allies, NATO countries, in Europe,” the Russia leader noted. “We are doing the same thing that they have been doing for decades.”

Russia “will not hand over” nuclear arms to Belarus, Putin insisted, explaining that his country has already given its ally an Iskander missile complex that can be equipped with weapons, plans to start training crews in early April, and aims to complete construction of a special storage facility for the nukes by the beginning of July.

The Soviet Union collapsed in 1991 and in the five years that followed, nuclear weapons based in Belarus, Kazakhstan, and Ukraine were transferred to Russia—where they have remained since.

“It’s a very significant move,” Nikolai Sokol, a senior fellow at the Vienna Center for Disarmament and Nonproliferation, told Reuters of the deployment decision. “Russia had always been very proud that it had no nuclear weapons outside its territory. So, now, yes, they are changing that and it’s a big change.”

Hans Kristensen, director of the Federation of American Scientists’ Nuclear Information Project, told Reuters that “this is part of Putin’s game to try to intimidate NATO… because there is no military utility from doing this in Belarus as Russia has so many of these weapons and forces inside Russia.”

Global Zero managing partner Derek Johnson said that “Putin’s nuclear provocations are dangerous and unacceptable. U.S. and NATO must resist calls to respond in kind and avoid injecting nuclear weapons deeper into this war.”

In addition to his nuclear announcement, Putin pointed out during the Saturday interview that Russia also has depleted uranium shells. As he put it: “I must say that certainly, Russia has something to respond. Without exaggeration, we have hundreds of thousands, namely hundreds of thousands of such shells. We are not using them now.”

A U.K. Ministry of Defense official had confirmed earlier this week that “alongside our granting of a squadron of Challenger 2 main battle tanks to Ukraine, we will be providing ammunition including armor-piercing rounds which contain depleted uranium,” which swiftly generated concerns about not only Russian nuclear threats but also public health and environmental impacts.

“DU shells have already been implicated in thousands of unnecessary deaths from cancer and other serious illnesses,” stressed Kate Hudson, general secretary of the U.K.-based Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, which has advocated for a moratorium on such arms. “Sending them into yet another war zone will not help the people of Ukraine.”

“How is this still happening?”: Shooting survivor hijacks Fox News feed to call for gun control

A woman interrupted a team of Fox News reporters covering Monday’s school shooting in Nashville, Tennessee to call for gun safety legislation.

In the middle of a live stream canvassing the shooting at Covenant School, in which a 28-year-old female shooter allegedly claimed the lives of three children and three adults before she was killed by Metro Nashville police, Ashbey Beasley cut in to ask, “aren’t you guys tired of covering this?”

“How is this still happening?” she asked. “How are our children still dying and why are we failing them? Gun violence is the number one killer of children and teens — it has overtaken cars! Assault weapons are contributing to the border crisis — we are arming cartels with our guns and our loose gun laws! And these mass shootings will continue to happen until our lawmakers step up and pass gun safety legislation!”

Beasley, who said that she was in Nashville to visit her sister-in-law, added that she had been advocating for gun reform in Washington DC for months after she and her son survived a mass shooting that took place during a Fourth of July parade in Highland Park, Illinois.

“I have met with over 130 lawmakers,” Beasley said. 

Beasley told CNN that the situation is “unacceptable.”


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“Only in America can somebody survive a mass shooting and then go on vacation … and find themselves involved near another mass shooting,” she said. “Only in America does this happen, where we keep seeing it again, and again, and again … This is an epidemic. Gun violence is an epidemic. And it needs to be resolved, it needs to be addressed.”

How learning to paint food made me a better cook

A few months ago, I wandered the aisles of Blick Art Materials looking for a few paintbrushes, a sketchbook and a decent watercolor palette. Nothing too expensive — just a little nicer than what I could pick up in the school supply section of my corner store. For some reason, a part of me felt a little sheepish when I approached the cashier, a Loyola student with a mop of blonde hair streaked with flashes of purple.

“I know I’m not actually good at all this,” a part of me wanted to say while waving a dismissive hand over the supplies. I think it’s a classic symptom of the perfectionist teen to anxious adult pipeline, but there’s something undeniably vulnerable about picking up a new activity or returning to one at which you aren’t inherently skilled — especially as an adult. To that end, outside of painting a few walls and the occasional fence post, I hadn’t touched a paintbrush since college.

But Chicago winters are long, and I knew that having a creative outlet during the impending gray season would be welcome. So, I just quietly let the cashier ring up my items. “Enjoy,” he said, with a genuine, broad smile as he handed me my bag.

“I think I will,” I replied — and I meant it.

My boyfriend set me up a little painting nook in the sunniest corner of our kitchen, and perhaps by virtue of that, I found myself instantly drawn to painting food. I’ve learned a lot along the way. For instance, I wouldn’t have anticipated how truly difficult it is to paint a realistic (or realistic-enough) Chicago-style hot dog.

But think about it: A hot dog bun is never just straight brown. If you really look at one, there are shades of taupe, golden-brown, ivory and occasionally toasty edges. The earthy green of the sport pepper differs from the acid green of the relish. I lost hours coaxing out the differences by carefully mixing the contents of my 14-color palette.


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I loved it. Later, I shifted to working on a series of paintings of different types of bread and butter. I found myself captivated by the reality that I could be holding an ingredient or dish in my hand that superficially looks incredibly simple, yet actually has a ton of dimension.

Through that lens, painting food has certainly impacted my base-level appreciation of food itself, which is admittedly already pretty high. It’s also taught me a lot about the craft of cooking. Until I really feel like I know what I’m doing, I typically tend to find myself a little timid in the kitchen. It’s a very methodical, measured process of working towards “perfecting” a recipe, but I’m completely different with a paintbrush in my hand.

I push myself, I make mistakes and I allow myself to be creative. Have there been some failures along the way? Oh, sure. There are pages and pages from my sketchbook that are ultimately destined for the garbage bin. While mistakes in the kitchen may feel massive (when ingredients are expensive, it sucks to end up with something inedible!), I feel newly inspired to try to cook by embodying the same sense of creativity and play I feel while painting.

“Shame on you”: Tenn. governor prays for school shooting victims while “protecting” kids from drag

At least three children and three adults were killed Monday by a shooter at the Covenant School, a private Christian school in Nashville which serves students from preschool through sixth grade.

The suspect was “engaged by police” who arrived at the scene Monday morning, and was reported dead, according to The Tennessean.

In a news briefing, the Metropolitan Nashville Police Department said the suspected shooter was female, and had not been identified as of early Monday afternoon. Spokesperson Don Aaron said she was armed with at least two assault rifles and a handgun.

Geoff Bennett of PBS Newshour reported the suspect entered the school through a side entrance.

Police responded to a call at 10:13 am regarding an “active shooter.”

The Nashville Fire Department reported on Twitter that officials had set up a family reunification center at a nearby church at 2100 Woodmont Boulevard.

As Fox News covered the police department’s press conference, a woman stepped up to a microphone on camera and asked the assembled news team, “Aren’t you guys tired of being here and having to cover all of these mass shootings?”

“How is this still happening?” said the woman, who said she was from Highland Park, Illinois and survived the mass shooting there last summer. “How are our children still dying and why are we failing them?”

“As we wait for more details, our hearts are with the families and the community in Nashville,” said March for Our Lives, the gun control advocacy group started in 2018 by survivors of the Parkland, Florida school shooting. “No child should go to school in fear of being shot. Adults are failing kids.”

Shannon Watts, founder of gun control group Moms Demand Action, took aim at Republican lawmakers in the state including Rep. Andy Ogles, who posed with his family holding assault rifles in front of their Christmas tree last year. Ogles represents the district where the Covenant School is located.

Watts also condemned Republican Gov. Bill Lee, who said he was “praying for the school, congregation, and Nashville community.”

Lee signed legislation in 2021 to allow most adults in Tennessee carry a handgun without a permit.

Earlier this month, Lee also made Tennessee the first U.S. state to criminalize public drag shows, on the same day that he signed legislation banning gender-affirming healthcare for transgender youth. Both laws, Republicans said, were aimed at protecting children.

“Just a reminder that the people talking about library books, history classes, and drag queens don’t really give a shit about the well-being of children in this country,” said Robert Maguire, research director for Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington.

“He could be jailed”: Legal experts say Trump’s DA threats could result in “additional charges”

Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg, who is the 2016 hush-money payment to adult film star Stormy Daniels, received a death threat letter with suspicious powder soon after former President Donald Trump warned there would “death and destruction” if he is indicted.

“ALVIN: I AM GOING TO KILL YOU!!!!!!!!!!!!!” the letter addressed to Braggs reportedly included. 

The powder was determined non-hazardous, but several threats against the DA’s office have ramped up in recent weeks as Bragg nears the end of his investigation of Trump, a senior New York law enforcement official told WNBC.

The former president’s attacks on social media against officials could land him in some serious trouble legal experts warned.

“Attempting to intimidate prosecutors or inciting violence might get the former president hit with additional charges,” Brandon Rottinghaus, a political science professor at the University of Houston, told Salon. “Even if not, he’s setting himself up as the villain in this political melodrama. Each time he does this it erodes support among non-core Trump supporters.”

Trump has called Bragg a “Soros backed animal” and has encouraged his supporters to “protest” his widely anticipated arrest. In another post, he referred to the Manhattan DA’s office as “corrupt & highly political” before wrongly predicting his arrest for last Tuesday. 

“I think that the judge can enter a gag order to restrict his comments about the case to prohibit threats,” former U.S. Attorney Barb McQuade told Salon. “If he violates the order, he could be jailed for contempt.”

In a post that has since been deleted, Trump shared an article with a picture of him holding a baseball bat next to a photo of Bragg.

His attorney Joe Tacopina has called his attacks “ill-advised” and distanced himself from his client’s online presence saying he’s not his “social media consultant,” on NBC’s “Meet the Press”.

“I’m not going to defend or condemn anything regarding social media,” Tacopina told NBC’s Chuck Todd on Sunday. “That’s not what I do. I’m not a Trump PR person. I’m a litigator and a lawyer.”

As Trump’s attacks on Truth Social worsen, some legal experts have compared his violent rhetoric around his potential indictment to his rhetoric ahead of the deadly Jan. 6 Capitol riot.

“All it takes is a SMALL spark for civil unrest to flame up,” Rottinghaus said. “Trump has kept these organizations closely associated with his political ambitions. By giving voice and a focus to people in these organizations, the potential for violence is quick to follow.”

In the first rally of his 2024 presidential campaign in Waco, Texas Saturday, Trump defended the insurrectionists and railed against prosecutors.

“You will be vindicated and proud,” Trump said. “The thugs and criminals who are corrupting our justice system will be defeated, discredited and totally disgraced.”

His language echoed the same rhetoric he used prior to the attack on the Capitol when a mob of his supporters attempted to stop the transfer of power to President Joe Biden.


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However, his recent remarks on social media and during his rally, are protected by the First Amendment, noted Catherine Ross, a constitutional law professor at George Washington University who specializes in First Amendment issues.

“The problem with labeling it incitement from a First Amendment perspective is that one of the traditional requirements is the call to take an illegal action needs to be urging the listeners to do something imminently,” Ross said.

Under the Brandenburg standard, the imminence provision could “well be” a barrier to Trump facing criminal prosecution for incitement, she added. But once he is indicted and arrested, a trial judge can decide if Trump is a threat to public safety and whether it is safe to release him during his arraignment.

“We all have to be on alert for what is going on here and I know it’s hard to keep our sense of shock intact because we have been so bombarded by Trump’s lack of normality and violation of norms,” Ross said. “And I sense that he’s impervious, but this is a very dangerous situation.”

A group of more than 175 former federal prosecutors, including top civil rights leaders like Rev. Al Sharpton, former New York Gov. David Paterson, NAACP NYS President Hazel Dukes and Rep. Adriano Espaillat, D-N.Y., also released an open letter Friday condemning Trump’s incendiary attacks on Bragg.

“This disgraceful attack is not a dog-whistle but a bullhorn of incendiary racist and anti-semitic bile, spewed out for the sole purpose of intimidating and sabotaging a lawful, legitimate, fact-based investigation,” they said. “These ugly, hateful and anti-American attacks on our judicial system must be universally condemned without equivocation or hesitation. It is clear that Trump would burn down the greatest values of our democracy, and destroy honest, ethical officials performing their constitutional duties, to escape accountability.

The letter added that his “vitriolic attacks” on the DA and most recent statements can be “construed as inciting violence”.

However, the former president’s attacks on prosecutors won’t deter them from doing their job, Rottinghaus pointed out. 

“[It] certainly ratchets up the political tension about indicting a former president,” Rottinghaus said. “All prosecutions are political but this one has national ramifications.”

Leftovers become luxurious with help from “The Everlasting Meal Cookbook”

Tamar Adler’s 2011 book “An Everlasting Meal: Cooking with Economy and Grace” came out at a time when male chefs were being celebrated as rock stars, Anthony Bourdain ruled the airwaves and “Top Chef” was appointment viewing for a certain type of restaurant-goer. Her book, which began by extolling the virtues of boiling water, went completely against the grain of the food culture at the time. There was no bombast and there was no hubris: Adler wanted readers to be guided by their palates and instincts, as she was. Though she’d cooked at the storied Chez Panisse restaurant, what she really wanted to demonstrate for people is that what they were capable of creating at home with whatever was available could be just as good.

“An Everlasting Meal” had some recipes, but it was more about an ethos, a philosophy of the kitchen. Now, with “The Everlasting Meal Cookbook: Leftovers A–Z,” she is providing an alphabetical and ingredient divided guide to what to do with leftover vegetables, pickles, sauces, snacks and much more, with a chapter that includes both meat and tofu. A reader of the original “An Everlasting Meal” can intuit what the cookbook version looks like. Indeed, what Adler has provided is a guide to cooking intuition — an encyclopedia of what to do with herb stems, lingering falafel and extra sardines. “Anything that is true of a Carrot, cooked,” she writes under the entry “Parsnips, cooked,” “is true of a parsnip.” The introduction reminds the reader, “the amount of leftover mashed potatoes you need is the amount you have.” To some, this will be a relief; to others, a source of anxiety. But Adler tries to get the audience onto her wavelength, building their confidence by reminding them, “All cooking really requires is perception, practice and patience.”

While it may be a popular approach with many cookbook authors and recipe developers today, Adler wanted to do more than write a guidebook for replicating her own palate — and she succeeds. There are short essays introducing each section, named in the style of her clear influence, M.F.K. Fisher. (“How to Grow Old” is the bread chapter.) She basically forces the reader to trust themselves, which could be off-putting to anyone who wants to be guided in a more strict manner. But it’s refreshing to read a cookbook that tells you that, in fact, you’ve evolved to know what you’re doing with food, that your senses of smell and touch are better than a timer or a measuring spoon or a corporate label warning that the food may be expired. It’s also exciting to be shown that the everyday grind of the kitchen can be elevated and appreciated. Shouldn’t we be reminded that finishing a dish with flaky sea salt is worth the fuss because of the occasion it provides, even to something as simple as your morning toast or an afternoon frittata filled with roasted vegetables that were past their prime?

119 Billion Pounds of food wasted each year in the U.S.

“The Everlasting Meal Cookbook” is being regarded as part of a trend of low- or no-waste cookbooks — quite a divergence from the cultural moment its inspiration met on the marketplace 12 years ago. So much of the last 30 years of food media and culture — beginning with the 1993 debut of Food Network — has been about getting people back into the kitchen and teaching through the work of restaurant chefs, like Emeril Lagasse and Bobby Flay or grand dames of home cooking, like Ina Garten and Martha Stewart. These have focused on recipes in a very straight-forward manner, recipes that assume no know-how or instinct on the part of the reader. This is how the new American home cooking culture has evolved: Not in the kitchen with family or friends who pass on knowledge and tricks of the trade, but by following recipes to the letter in pursuit of perfection.

But the pandemic invited a reconsideration of cooking with, as the subtitle of Adler’s first book went, economy and grace. Extreme price increases from inflation and our uncertainty about the future have helped many of us see that perhaps there’s nothing wrong with finding a culinary use for yellowing arugula or even eating the “fermenty” beans left out overnight (with some care, of course, “at one’s discretion”: “I have eaten these at my own and, discreetly, survived,” she writes). A staggering 119 billion pounds of food goes to waste each year in the U.S., according to Feeding America; 40% of food is thrown out. It does seem that the time is right for a guide to dealing with all these leftovers and rotting heads of lettuce stuffed in refrigerator drawers.

Adler has long been an antidote to authoritative recipe style and now the culture is catching up a bit with a new wave of cookbooks, which includes the forthcoming “Perfectly Good Food: A Totally Achievable Zero Waste Approach to Home Cooking” by Irene and Margaret Li and “Bread and How to Eat It” by Rick Easton and Melissa McCart, which focuses not on home baking but on how folks have used bread from fresh to stale in a variety of ways throughout history.

In 2015, Adler wrote for the New York Times Magazine about her fondness for an older style of recipe writing, “Often old recipes hang their teaching on narrative, with an almost biblical surety that the way to cement information in the human mind is to plot it on a closely described arc of action. They are firmly anti-idealistic. They are full of contingencies.”

That’s what you’ll find in “The Everlasting Meal Cookbook,” ushering in this new wave of anti-idealistic cooking instruction that welcomes uncertainty and frugality, quite the opposite of our nation’s food system and supermarkets, which were built by design to offer everyday luxury in the form of endless abundance. Adler injects the notion of using up everything, down to the last drop of vinegar in the bottle, with an essence of luxury, even as she doesn’t shy away from reminding the reader that rot is natural. Indeed, what is more luxurious than cooking good food and not adding to those billions of pounds of waste?