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Bearer bonds are in your favorite ’80s action movie — but what are they?

Every great action heist movie has good guys, bad guys and a target. Sometimes, the target is a priceless antique. Often, it’s a huge chunk of cash. And every once in a while, you’ll come across a movie that features bearer bonds as the mark of choice.

And, unless you’re a finance expert, you may not even know what bearer bonds are, how they work or why they’re such a great thing to steal.

What is a bearer bond?

First, let’s briefly define what a bond is. When a company or government entity wants to raise money it may issue bonds that consumers can buy. There are two broad categories of bonds: registered bonds, which still exist today, and bearer bonds. 

Registered bonds have information about the owner, ensuring that they are trackable. On the other hand, bearer bonds are anonymous and have no information about the owner. 

“Government bonds were the most lasting form of bearer bonds,” said financial planner Joshua Knauss, CFP of Omniwealth Group. “Corporations stopped issuing them in the '60s.”

Bonds have maturity dates, which means you can cash them in and get your principal back. If you had a government bearer bond, you simply had to visit a bank or credit union and cash it in. Corporate bearer bonds, however, would require redemption from the corporation itself. Some bearer bonds also had coupons.

“As the holder of the bond, you would clip the coupons and turn them in for the interest payment and then upon maturity, you would turn the bond in for the stated amount,” said financial planner Amy Greene LoCascio, co-founder and managing partner of Eamon Capital Management.

What makes bearer bonds so unique? 

Bearer bonds were unique because they were unregistered and there was no record of who bought and sold them. As long as you physically had the bearer bond in your possession, it was yours. 

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This made them a perfect target and tool for criminals.

“They were great tools for money laundering,” Knauss said. “You could buy bonds, and no one would ask who they belong to or someone could buy them and just give them to you. You could just exchange them anonymously.”

This also made them easy and tempting to steal. If you lost your bearer bond or if it was stolen, you had no recourse – unless you could prove that it had been stolen. It was the same as if you had just had a wallet full of cash stolen.

Why are bearer bonds in so many movies?

If you’re a fan of action movies, you’ve probably seen bearer bonds, even if you haven’t really noticed them.

If you’re a fan of action movies, you’ve probably seen bearer bonds, even if you haven’t really noticed them.

In “Beverly Hills Cop,” Axel’s childhood friend Mikey is killed because he steals a handful of bearer bonds from his criminal employer (German bearer bonds, specifically). In “Die Hard,” Hans Gruber and his cohorts try to steal about $600 million in bearer bonds from the Nakatomi Corporation. And in “Heat,” Robert De Niro’s crew steals more than $1 million in bearer bonds from an armored van, ignoring the loose cash in the vehicle. 

Action movies — especially heist movies — often need an easy target for the criminals, something that makes sense to the viewer. That’s why diamonds, gold and plain ol’ cash are so popular.

And bearer bonds were just another in this series of popular tropes, one that’s become less popular as these bonds have been phased out.

“Drugs were used so often, we were all looking for something else that could be worth a lot of money that’s also portable,” said “Beverly Hills Cop” screenwriter Daniel Petrie Jr.

In short, bearer bonds were much more efficient to carry. They came in a wide variety of denominations, from as low as $500 to as much as $1 million. So even a regular, inconspicuous briefcase could hold millions of dollars in bonds. All these qualities made them a popular choice for action movies.

“Bearer bonds could be for any amount, and you could put a sh*tload in an attaché case,” said “Die Hard” screenwriter Steven E. de Souza.

Plus, action movies need an easy target that viewers can understand. Back then, everyone knew what bearer bonds were, so you didn’t have to go into a long-winded explanation for why people wanted to steal them. They were also more interesting to look at than regular cash, often containing beautiful engraving or gold embossing. 

“It made them look like money or more like stock certificates, which people were more familiar with back in the day,” Petrie Jr. said. 

Or as de Souza says, “They’re very photogenic.”

Why did bearer bonds disappear?

It might sound obvious, but bearer bonds were increasingly used in money laundering and other criminal activities, so the government stopped issuing them in the 1980s. Nowadays, you’re unlikely to find them in the wild.

“They are virtually nonexistent now thanks to technology and ownership tracking mechanisms,” LoCascio said.

This is good news for law-abiding citizens. It’s much safer to own a security that has an ownership record instead of one that simply follows the “finders, keepers” rule.

So as John McClane, the hero of “Die Hard” would say, happy trails, bearer bonds.

The end of Trump’s impunity: Kamala Harris goes directly after his strongest selling point

Donald Trump and his MAGA movement are currently at the epicenter of political violence in the United States. Trump has created a type of permission structure that encourages and incites violence against perceived enemies. This includes both individuals and targeted groups who are deemed to be the so-called other. Research shows that a significant percentage of Trump’s MAGA followers support political violence, up to and including an insurgency and a civil war, to put him back in power.

The violence is not just interpersonal. Trump and his regime also engaged in acts of structural and institutional violence against the American people through willful negligence and outright malice. For example, the Trump administration's COVID-19 pandemic response resulted in the avoidable deaths of many hundreds of thousands of people (if not more).

In Bob Woodward’s new book “War”, General Mark Milley, who served as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff during the Trump administration, describes the corrupt ex-president in the following way: “He is the most dangerous person ever. I had suspicions when I talked to you about his mental decline and so forth, but now I realize he’s a total fascist. He is now the most dangerous person to this country…. A fascist to the core.”

In all, Donald Trump is more of a symbol than a man. The violent and other antisocial behavior he has encouraged and given permission for will, in all likelihood, continue well past the 2024 election, whatever the outcome is on Election Day.

Stephen Ducat is a political psychologist, psychoanalyst and former psychology professor in the School of Humanities at New College of California. His new book is “Hatreds We Love: The Psychology of Political Tribalism in Post-Truth America.” In this conversation, he explains how Trump’s seemingly unbreakable power over his MAGA followers and other “conservatives” reflects a type of shared pathology and antisocial behavior that is a type of societal emergency. Ducat highlights how social psychology can help us better understand our current democracy crisis and the role that social dominance behavior, attraction to violence, sexism, misogyny and disinformation play in support for Trumpism. Ducat also praises Kamala Harris’ approach to confronting Trump’s version of masculinity by taking his thug persona head on.

This interview has been lightly edited for clarity and length

How are you feeling at his point in the Age of Trump? How are you making sense of this crisis with less than a month until Election Day?

I cannot help but be plagued by the many dystopian possibilities ahead. Whether Trump wins or loses the election, it is clear that Trumpism will be part of our political culture for a long time to come. Harris may very well win the vote, but it is not at all clear that will suffice to contain the forces of MAGA fascism. The latter not only oppose democracy but have already put in place voter suppression and bypass laws, along with Trumpian election officials who have vowed to discard the votes that don’t go their way.

"Harris is also not burdened by being part of a political dynasty yoked to the past."

That said, the strategic intelligence of the Harris team, especially their departure from the messaging fecklessness of earlier Democratic Party campaigns, has given me hope. Especially notable has been their effectiveness at speaking to Gen Z, a cohort that has been hard for Biden to mobilize in recent years. That generation tends to be more open-minded and embracing of difference, like liberals more generally. They not only come bundled with an exploratory attitude that has characterized youth in every historical period, but they grew up in a world in which racial, religious and gender integration in all aspects of life has been the unquestioned norm. Trump repels them because he wants to go back to the dark ages of racial and gender apartheid. They are drawn to Kamala Harris not just because she embraces the values of diversity but because she is a literal expression of it. In addition, Harris represents a new generation of female leadership. Vice President Harris is also not burdened by being part of a political dynasty yoked to the past. While formally allied with Biden, she is on a fast track of individuation from him.

What are you seeing through your expert lenses that others may not be?

From the beginning of my awareness of politics, I was mystified by the apparent irrationality of people voting against their material self-interest. I couldn’t understand the willingness of so many working- and middle-class people to elect politicians whose policies rendered their lives poorer, less free, sicker and shorter. With Trump's political rise and the delirious adoration he inspired in his base, something clicked for me. I realized how shortsighted I had been to think that material self-interest was the most potent motive in politics. It became vividly apparent that membership in groups that give us a sense of meaning and identity — what I call tribes — is a much stronger driver of political behavior than I had realized. As I show in my book, people kill and die for it. 

To remain loyal members of the GOP, conservatives will oppose politicians and policies that give them health insurance, protect them from disease and reduce their exposure to life-threatening environmental poisons. During the height of the pandemic, pharmacies around the country created backdoor entrances to vaccination rooms so that Republicans could discretely enter and get the shot without being seen by their fellow conservative friends and neighbors. Some even wore disguises. In other words, they were trying to prevent biological death without risking social death.

The data is quite clear here: The worse Trump behaves the more his MAGA followers love him. Or, at the very least, it does not really hurt him in terms of popularity among his MAGA people and other “conservatives.”

The central quality that has defined Trump’s success as a businessperson and political conman and as a brand is impunity. The fact that he has been openly corrupt, lying, racist, predatory, cruel – and until recently never been held to account or made to pay a significant price – is what half the population has found ugly and infuriating. It is also what the other half continues to experience as powerfully seductive and admirable. Those polarized responses have only become starker as he increasingly doubles down on his sadistic and antisocial behavior.

For his base, Trump functions as what I call a “permissive superego,” the sociopathic daddy who says, “Be cruel, violent and bigoted, just like me. And I will love you even more for it – as long as it serves my interests.” Trump also cultivates a “trauma bond” with his followers. He simultaneously promises to keep them safe from outsider threats and vows vengeance against anyone, including his supporters, should they show disloyalty to him. Like any mob boss or cult leader, Trump plays the role of both protector and threatening persecutor.

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He frames his own murderous aggression as simple retaliation against being victimized by liberal persecutors. Trump seizes every opportunity to play the crucified Christ but one that will never turn the other cheek. His followers intuitively attached panty liners to their ears, the new MAGA crucifix, to honor with a symbolic bandage the savior’s survival of an attempted assassination. So, of course, Trump’s return to Butler, Pennsylvania, was his version of the resurrection – a demonstration of God’s intervention and preference for the GOP candidate. It was also designed as political theater to show his indestructibility.

What is Trump’s appeal to the MAGA diehards and the larger base of his movement? Specifically, what does MAGA mean to them?

To understand what has made Trumpism so compelling to his conservative base, it is vital to appreciate some of the psychological differences between conservatives and liberals. It is important to emphasize that the differences are relative, not absolute. Traits that characterize conservatives can still be found in liberals but to a much lower degree – and vice versa.

With that caveat in mind, researchers have found that conservatives tend to score higher on measures of disgust sensitivity, xenophobia, ingroup loyalty, deference to traditional authority, need for sanctity and concern for purity. They also have what psychologists call a social dominance orientation — a preference for hierarchical rather than egalitarian relationships between groups. It is probably apparent how that psychology is a lock-and-key fit with MAGA messaging.

Democracy depends on shared understandings of reality, facts and truth. How have the Trumpists and other right-wing actors (which include foreign powers such as Vladimir Putin's Russia) undermined, if not gutted, this?

Post-truth is more than simply lying; it attempts to undermine the very notion of truth – that experts can be trusted, facts can be disentangled from fiction and truth is knowable or even matters. Since 2016, many of us on the left have wondered how a charmless, treasonous and psychopathic con man could garner the support of half the country. Liberals tend to suffer from what I call naïve rationalism — the belief that political behavior, like voting, is driven by a sober assessment of the facts. Therefore, the main task of activists and politicians is to present correct data to the public.

Now that so much of his corruption has been exposed, it is even more baffling that he continues to do so. One of the most common explanations is that Americans suffer from a plague of disinformation. While that is undoubtedly correct, it doesn’t answer a vital question. Why does half the population refuse to swallow blatant falsehoods while the other half gobbles them up like essential nutrients?

Post-truth, in many ways, derives from conservative psychology and serves the aims of the authoritarian leaders they follow. If truth is unknowable, that leaves room for the leader to define reality. Embracing or being seen to embrace a belief central to tribal identity marks you as a loyal member.

Conspiracy theories are central to conservative post-truth. Of course, there are real conspiracies. But the crucial difference between them and fantastical ones is evidence. Actual plots can be proven or disproven. All conspiracy narratives share a generic structure: The world we perceive is a carefully crafted illusion. Behind the stage set of reality is a secret cabal of malevolent actors whose evil motives drive the world's seemingly random or explainable events. Natural disasters, accidents, mass shootings, pandemics, wars and election outcomes are never what they seem, but the intentional result of those nefarious plotters who choreograph the crisis actors putting on the performances the rest of us are duped by.

We are currently seeing the right promote those paranoid narratives as a way of fitting the ongoing series of natural disasters into the MAGA worldview and displacing the science-based account of climate change. Conspiracy theories are not only devoid of factual support, but factuality itself is irrelevant when it comes to believing and spreading the stories. Only the revered leader has the secret knowledge about what is going on behind the scenes. Only they can know the truth. Part of being a loyal tribe member is accepting and promoting what the leader says.

Trying to dance under the cloud of election anxiety

My partner and I were still buzzing with adrenaline from seeing pop star Dua Lipa close out Saturday night at the Austin City Limits music festival when we were subject to a drunk woman's 10-minute rant about how she hates her Democratic friend. Lipa's tour and album were both titled "Radical Optimism," and we were emersed in her curated world for over an hour, dancing and singing with an eclectic crowd of all races and sexual identities. We enjoyed our freedom as if nearly half the country isn't poised to snatch it all away. We were soon hit with a reality check. As we walked away from the show, we kept pace with a fellow concertgoer as she loudly denounced a friend for voting for Vice President Kamala Harris

"All she talks about is abortion," the woman, who looked in her late 20s or early 30s, slurred at her two friends. "But she won't listen about the economy. She said she doesn't care about the economy!"

I hadn't attended the Austin City Limits Festival in over 15 years, which made it a useful benchmark for how much cultural progress has occurred since the early years of Barack Obama's presidency.

I was skeptical that this woman felt much financial distress in President Joe Biden's economy, considering she got so loaded at a show where beer was $15 a pop. (I suspect she had been watching the other festival headliner, country star Chris Stapleton, even though he does not share her politics.) My suspicions about her true levels of economic anxiety were confirmed when she turned off the road into her home, in a neighborhood where houses frequently sell for over a million dollars. As I joked to my partner, whatever actual words came out of this woman's mouth, all I could hear was, "I think complicity will save me." But as more Republican women find out all the time, it really won't. 

The unwilling eavesdropping was a microcosm of the whole weekend. The Donald Trump defender was certainly the outlier at this three-day weekend in Texas's capital city. Austin, where I lived for nearly 15 years before moving east, is an iconic example of a blue city in a red state; a haven for hipsters, intellectuals and LGBTQ people who are often running from the more conservative towns they grew up in.


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The festival was even more of a blue bubble, mostly populated by queer and feminist artists and fans, all wearing their progressive politics on their sleeves. During pop singer Remi Wolf's set, for instance, she ran around the stage waving the Progress Pride Flag while singing a cover of the Rascal Flatts hit "Life is a Highway." Even the country stage featured Orville Peck, a gay country artist, who was joined by Willie Nelson for a rendition of "Cowboys Are Frequently, Secretly Fond of Each Other."

Inside the bubble, freedom felt inevitable. Still, the ugly reality kept seeping in. Amid joy, there were reminders that millions of MAGA Americans are gearing up to vote for a man who, with Project 2025, is planning to take all that freedom away. I danced to girl groups, only to look down at my phone to see a flurry of texts from friends freaking out about the polls. I'd have dinner with old friends from Texas and they would ask about the political climate of my current home, in the swing state of Pennsylvania. A friend proudly told me about her daughter coming out while in junior high school, and then fretted for the future of all her kids. 

I hadn't attended the Austin City Limits festival in over 15 years, which made it a useful benchmark for how much cultural progress has occurred since the early years of Barack Obama's presidency. Even by liberal Austin standards, the vibe was far gayer and more female than it was back then, with far more — exponentially more — representation for women, people of color and LGBTQ people than when I was younger. (I think I saw only one band with a straight white male lead, out of over a dozen sets.) By and large, these dramatic cultural shifts aren't welcomed by the millions of people voting for Trump in November. It was such a joy to be in this space of freedom for three days. But I could never truly forget that a fascist candidate is tied in the polls with Harris because millions of Americans want to steal that freedom away. 

These tensions came to a head for me during the last song of the last set I saw at the festival: "Pink Pony Club" by Chappell Roan. In the past few months, Roan has experienced a meteoric rise, going from a relatively unknown artist to having five songs simultaneously on the Billboard Hot 100. Her drag queen-inspired look and horny odes to lesbian lust certainly made her the hottest show at the festival, which was the last stop on what has been a wild summer tour. Unsurprisingly, emotions were running high in the crowd. Nearly all the 75,000 people at the festival that day came to her set, all seeming to know every word of her hit singles. 

"Pink Pony Club" is a song about a queer kid arguing with a homophobic parent over her choice to move to Los Angeles to live life on her own terms. "She sees her baby girl, I know she's gonna scream/God, what have you done?/You're a pink pony girl/And you dance at the club," Roan sang. But the narrator rebels against her mother's oppression: "Oh mama, I'm just having fun/On the stage in my heels/It's where I belong." A sweet song at any time, but it's currently resonating with so many people, even those who aren't gay or don't have intolerant parents because it captures the larger conflict tearing this country apart. Some want their freedom to last forever. And others cannot stand to let them have it. 

Standing in a crowd of thousands belting out the lyrics, I couldn't help but sing through tears. The song is joyful, but with an unmistakable undertone of frustration and despair. "Still love you and Tennessee/You're always on my mind," Roan sang, but this love is met only with a hate that is frankly inexplicable.

Why does MAGA America care so much? Why can't they just let the rest of us keep dancing? How is any of this hurting them? Why are they going to such lengths, backing a man who literally tried to overthrow democracy, just to punish the rest of us for being free? There are reams of political science research into the origins of fascism, but understanding it intellectually only goes so far. But for that moment we sang together, a collective yelp of determination to keep dancing. The weekend was soon over and it was time to leave the fantasy world to return to the real world, where resentful Trump voters want to tear everything to the ground. We only have three weeks left before we know who prevails: the pink pony girls or the fascists who want to stomp them out.

 

Laundering lies: Glenn Youngkin shows how easily media is manipulated to sanewash Donald Trump

Appearing on CNN on Monday, Virginia Governor Glenn Youngkin found himself in an uncomfortable situation. Host Jake Tapper asked the governor whether he supported Donald Trump’s plan to use the military against people the former president labeled “radical left lunatics,” like California Rep. Adam Schiff.

Tapper tried to make it easy for Youngkin by reading exactly what Trump said during a Fox News interview on Sunday. “I think the bigger problem,” Trump said, “are the people from within. We have some very bad people. We have some sick people—radical left lunatics. I think it should be very easily handled by, if necessary, by National Guard, or if really necessary, by the military, because they can’t let that happen.”

Despite hearing Trump‘s exact words, Youngkin insisted that those words didn’t mean what they clearly said.  “What I want to just make very clear,” the governor said, “is that it’s my belief that what former President Trump is talking about are the people that are coming over the border…..”

Tapper tried again, directing Youngkin’s attention to what Trump said about Schiff.  So Youngkin then tried to turn the tables by accusing the CNN host of “misinterpreting and misrepresenting (Trump’s) thoughts. I do believe, again, it’s all around the fact that we have had an unprecedented number of illegal immigrants come over the border in an unconstrained, unrestrained fashion….I don’t think that he’s referring to elected people in America.”

“I’m literally reading his quotes,” Tapper responded. “I’m literally reading his quotes to you, and I played them earlier so you could hear that they were not made up by me. He’s literally talking about ‘radical left lunatics,’ and then one of those ‘lunatics’ he mentioned was Congressman Adam Schiff.”

Youngkin asked his listeners not to take what Trump said literally and to not be persuaded by the truth laid out before them. 

As Tapper grew exasperated, Youngkin simply repeated: “I don’t believe that’s what he’s saying.”

If Trump wins on November 5, it will be because people like Youngkin have the chutzpah to try to convince voters that “up is down” and “down is up” or that they should not believe what they hear.  And it seems that many Americans are buying what Youngkin is selling.

One of the key devices through which authoritarians come to power is by getting the Glenn Youngkins of the world to join them in convincing people that they should not take what the leader says at face value.  Youngkin’s performance on CNN exemplifies this assault language and the way it serves to curry favor with the authoritarian strongman.

As The Atlantic’s Tim Young notes, “Today’s Republican leaders are cowards, and some are even worse: They are complicit, as Virginia Governor Glenn Youngkin proved… At least cowards run away…. Youngkin, however, smiled and dissembled and excused Trump’s hideousness with a kind of folksy shamelessness that made cowardice seem noble by comparison.”

Nine years after Trump burst onto the national political scene, the news media still has not figured out that highlighting lies does not shame the leaders of the MAGA movement or shake the loyalty of Trump’s followers. That is a failure with profound consequences.

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Journalists like Tapper still act as if they can corral Trump loyalists into acknowledging even the most obvious truths. As Youngkin showed, they cannot.

But such loyalty comes at a great cost to those for whom lying is the proof of loyalty. As political scientist Jacob Levy argues “Being made to repeat an obvious lie makes it clear that you’re powerless; it also makes you complicit. You’re morally compromised. Your ability to stand on your own moral two feet and resist or denounce is lost.” 

Of course, Youngkin is not alone in not  taking Trump “literally.” JD Vance has made an art of it, most recently contending that if Trump is returned to the White House he will take politics out of the Justice Department.

Recall that on more than one occasion Trump has made clear that he has no such intention. As he told Fox News’ Sean Hannity last June. “Look, when this election is over, based on what they’ve done, I would have every right to go after them, and it would be easy because it’s Joe Biden. It’s a terrible, terrible path that they’re leading us to, and it’s very possible that it’s going to have to happen to them.” 

Nonetheless, Vance playing his role as the authoritarian’s running mate insists, like Youngkin, that those words don’t mean what they say. “We really want the American people to believe that we have a fair and equitable administration of justice,” Vance said,  “If not, the entire sort of system falls apart. You need people to believe that if the attorney general prosecutes somebody, it’s motivated by justice and law, and not by politics.”

“I’d like us,” Vance suggested, “to just get back to a system of law and order where we try to arrest people when they break the law, not because they disagree with the prevailing opinion of the day, and there’s a fundamental difference here between Donald Trump and Kamala Harris. Donald Trump may … agree or disagree on a particular issue, but he will fight for your right to speak your mind without the government trying to silence you.”


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But not taking Trump literally, the disease of denialism carried by Youngkin and Vance is now widespread in this country and not just among Trump’s surrogates and most devoted followers. This was amply demonstrated in a front-page New York Times story about Trump supporters who assume that when Trump says things that signal his intention to undo our constitutional tradition “it’s just an act.” They “rationalize his rhetoric, by affording him a reverse benefit of the doubt. They doubt; he benefits.”

The Times quotes one man who intends to vote for Trump who said, “’I think the media blows stuff out of proportion for sensationalism.’” Asked if Trump would purge the federal government and fill its ranks with election deniers, this man said “I don’t.” He explained that Trump said a lot of things “just be for publicity…just riling up the news.”

Summarizing the tendency of those who have now gotten used to Trump’s brew of outrageous threats and outright lies, the Times says that “people think he says things for effect, that he’s blustering, because that’s part of what he does, his shtick. They don’t believe that it’s actually going to happen.’”

As Corey Lewandowski, Trump's first campaign manager, explained after the 2016 election, the news media “took everything Donald Trump said so literally. The American people didn't.” Contra Lewandoski, that same year Masha Gessen urged people to “Believe the autocrat. He means what he says.” 

This year lies like Youngkin’s, and his refusal to take Trump literally, may ease the way for millions of voters to cast their ballots for the former president. It would be tragic if Americans only came to understand the heavy price they will pay for not taking Trump literally after he is returned to The Oval Office. 

California becomes epicenter of bird flu crisis as more human cases reported

Another five suspected cases of bird flu were reported today in California, where six cases have already been confirmed, according to the California Department of Public Health. The state, which is the country’s largest dairy supplier, has become the epicenter of bird flu in cows and has concerned public health experts since the beginning of the outbreak for this reason.

The people with confirmed infections worked with dairy cattle infected with the H5N1 virus, also known as bird flu, which suggests that the virus has not yet developed the ability to effectively transfer between humans. However, the people with confirmed infections worked at nine different farms across the state, indicating the virus is widespread among herds of cattle. 

Public health experts have been critical of the national and state approaches to contain the virus and have recommended increasing screening and surveillance tools to keep it under control. Last week, footage circulated of heaps of cow carcasses left exposed outside of farms in California.

"There are so many cattle passing away from avian influenza that the rendering trucks are backed up, which is why [the cattle] had been left there for a period of time,” Anja Raudabaugh, CEO of Western United Dairies told Newsweek. “We are desperately overwhelmed at this point."

As of Oct. 11, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) had confirmed infections in 299 herds of cattle across 14 states. Additionally, more than 100 million poultry and 10,000 wild birds have been affected, and the virus has been shown to have the ability to transfer from birds to cows and back again, making it more difficult to contain. Each time the virus transfers it also increases the chances it could mutate in some way that could more easily infect humans, posing a pandemic risk on par with COVID-19.

Bird flu is also appearing in other countries across the world. Today, France said the national threat of bird flu increased to “moderate” from “negligible” because it along with several nearby European countries like Germany has reported cases among farm animals. Australia is the only continent that has thus far avoided H5N1 and yesterday invested $96 million in vaccines and increased surveillance in an attempt to keep it that way.

Halsey impersonates 9 of the greatest musicians of all time for new album

There's nothing more comforting than the sweet sense of nostalgia — and Halsey knows that.

In a homage to some of the greatest musicians of all time, the pop star has taken it upon herself to emulate them — or in this case, impersonate them. For the singer's rollout of her fifth studio album, "The Great Impersonator," Halsey has morphed into some of music's greatest icons.

The shape-shifting pop star described her new album in a statement, saying, "Witness the uncanny ability of a woman who can become anyone, anything your heart desires. Friend, lover, foe. She transforms before your very eyes, her voice and visage a reflection of your deepest dreams and darkest fears but beware, for she is not just a master of disguise but a spirit of transformation, slipping between the cracks of reality . . . One moment a beloved friend, the next a shadowy nightmare. She is the queen of the uncanny, the mistress of metamorphosis. Beware of the great impersonator!"

From David Bowie to Dolly Parton, Salon breaks down all the iconic musicians that Halsey pays tribute to in her new album: 

01
Dolly Parton

First up is the queen of country music. Halsey uncannily emulates the country legend's album cover for her 28th record "Rainbow," released in 1987, which features Parton in a quintessential '80s look with teased big blowout hair and a tight black and gold dress.

 

"The countdown to 'The Great Impersonator' begins," Halsey captioned in a post revealing her take on Parton. "From now till the album drops on October 25th, I will be impersonating a different icon every day and teasing a snippet of the song they inspired."

 

Referring to Parton as "the queen," Halsey reveals that the track "Hometown" was inspired by the country star's influence on music and on Halsey herself.

https://www.instagram.com/p/DA1LUtnyxRw/?img_index=1

02
PJ Harvey

Next on Halsey's impersonator list is British alternative artist PJ Harvey.

 

Here she takes on a 1995 cover of I-D Magazine featuring Harvey with cool blue eye shadow and an American flag bikini top to get in the mood for "Dog Years," which Halsey describes as "one of my absolute favorite songs on the album, inspired by one of the most influential artists of my lifetime."

https://www.instagram.com/p/DA35O5zS9ay/?img_index=1

03
Kate Bush

Another British alternative star, Kate Bush, is front and center of Halsey's vision, with the pop artist stepping into a striking photo by Clive Arrowsmith called "Kate Bush, Blue." The 1981 photograph features Bush with teased-out dark brown locks contrasted with bold red lipstick. Surrounding Bush is a textured blue fabric that almost swallows her whole, which corresponds with Halsey's song "I Never Loved You," released on Oct. 10.

https://www.instagram.com/p/DA6VZpHyD45/?img_index=1

04
Cher

The iconic Cher is up next in Halsey's impersonations. Here she copies a 1978 photo of Cher wearing a custom baby blue Bob Mackie jumpsuit. Cher's lengthy dark brown hair cascades down her back as her arms are lifted above her head. She's also got on a wicked pair of chrome knee-high stiletto boots.

 

Halsey says that the photo is what inspired her song "Letter to God (1974)," calling Cher an "Undisputed Queen."

 

"One of my favorite Cher songs, 'Dark Lady,' was a number 1 hit in 1974. Still number 1 in my heart today," she gushes.

https://www.instagram.com/p/DA89qjTytLd/?img_index=1

05
David Bowie

In Halsey's own words, next up is "Ziggy Stardust, The Starman, The Thin White Duke, The Picasso of Pop, Major Tom, The Master of Reinvention and The Chameleon of Rock . . . David Bowie."

 

In the photo that inspired Halsey's bold Bowie look — a 1974 classic shot by Terry O'Neill — he's wearing a mustard suit with matching orange-yellow hair, smoking a cigarette while holding a pair of scissors in his hands. Appropriately, the image is titled "Scissors," and Halsey cuts it up well. 

https://www.instagram.com/p/DA_gk7gyWjR/?img_index=1

06
Amy Lee

Amy Lee, the lead singer of the American rock band Evanescence, gets some limelight from Halsey too. The singer called Lee, "my OG dark rock queen," and chose to mimic Evanescence's album cover for the rock band's first album, "Fallen," which features a young, emo Lee with her eyebrow piercing, jet-black hair and crystal blue eyes.

https://www.instagram.com/p/DBCGGMgSuon/?hl=en&img_index=1 

07

Dolores O'Riordan

Late Irish singer Dolores O'Riordan, better known for her lead vocals for the alternative band The Cranberries, receives her flowers from Halsey too.

 

Halsey said her portrayal of O'Riordan did not take too much "since I was basically born Dolores’ long lost daughter, but I couldn’t do the series without honoring this incredible woman."

 

In the photo, Halsey adorns a spunky pixie haircut and overplucked skinny eyebrows to pay homage to O'Riordan's cherry red short hairdo and overall '00s punk rock aesthetic.

https://www.instagram.com/p/DBEuRtISHUX/?hl=en&img_index=1 

08
Stevie Nicks

The head witch in charge, Stevie Nicks, is front and center of Halsey's inspirations, calling her "the mystical madame herself" and impersonating Nicks' flowy outfit from Fleetwood Mac's "Rumors" album cover.

 

The Grammy-winning album was photographed by rock and roll photographer Herbert Worthington and featured both Mick Fleetwood and Nicks in her "Rhiannon" outfit.

 

"There were so many looks to choose from but I HAD to invoke this witchy ballerina from 'Rumors.' That pose was NOT easy to do while controlling the tulle! Stevie, as we know, is made of magic," Halsey said.

 

https://www.instagram.com/p/DBHSSJeSQV5/?img_index=1

09
Bruce Springsteen

The most recent great musician Halsey has emulated is rock star Bruce Springsteen, referring to him as "NJ’s finest aka The Boss."

 

Inspired by the cover for his seventh studio album, "Born in the U.S.A," Halsey transformed into a young Springsteen in 1984. Leaping in front of an American flag with an electric guitar in hand, Halsey paid homage to the popular photograph done by celebrity photographer Annie Leibovitz.

 

Halsey said of the photo, "This one requires no explanation, I’m a Jersey girl :)"

https://www.instagram.com/p/DBJ8nNHyhdp/?img_index=1 

Wendy’s CIO says company feels “more and more bullish” on its approach with drive-thru AI

Wendy’s chief information officer Matt Spessard is hopeful that the fast-food chain’s implementation of generative artificial intelligence technology throughout its drive-thrus will be successful.

In an interview with Fortune, Spessard said the company feels “more and more bullish on our approach with the technology that we’ve developed” along with its partnership with Google Cloud. Wendy’s AI-powered voice-ordering technology — called Wendy’s FreshAI — uses Google Cloud’s large language model to process orders in both English and Spanish.

The new feature aims to increase productivity by giving crew members more time to prepare food and cut costs, Fortune explained. Wendy’s FreshAI has already proved to be efficient following its initial launch in a Columbus, Ohio, restaurant. The test showed service times were “22 seconds faster than the average in the region,” per Fortune.

Wendy’s isn’t the only fast-food chain introducing AI technology into its restaurant drive-thrus. Taco Bell, Checkers and Carl’s Jr. are also rolling out AI-powered drive-thrus to hundreds of its US locations. The same can’t be said for McDonald’s, which officially removed the technology from its drive-thru restaurants after ending a two-year partnership with IBM in June.

Wendy’s says it’s improving its AI technology by changing the AI’s voice ordering tone to make it sound more friendly and approachable.

“Our experience has indicated that customers are ready to participate in the automated order-taking process like the FreshAI assistant . . . this isn’t the first time people have interacted with an AI agent,” Spessard said.  

“People have voice assistants in their homes and on their phones. And what we have, I would say, is a much friendlier, hospitable version of a lot of those types of technologies.”

Chris Wallace says Trump is “scared” of Harris as former president pulls out of another interview

Former President Donald Trump has backed out of yet another mainstream press interview amid questions about his fitness for office, with journalist Chris Wallace accusing the Republican nominee of ducking media appearances because he's "scared" that he will be compared to his younger and fitter Democratic rival.

On Tuesday, CNBC anchor Joe Kernen announced that Trump cancelled an unannounced appearance on CNBC's the "Squawk Box." 

“Well, Trump canceled, and he was going to come on,” Kernen said, adding that Vice President Kamala Harris was also invited to come on the show but declined.

Less than two weeks ago, Trump canceled a scheduled interview on CBS News’ “60 Minutes.” CBS said the former president provided a number of "shifting explanations"  for his absence, including that he wanted an apology from the show after a tense interview in 2020. 

Amid Trump’s cancellations, Harris has been on a media blitz in the final stretch of the campaign. Last week, she appeared on a number of shows, including the podcast “Call Her Daddy” and CBS' “The View.” On Wednesday, Harris will sit down for an interview with Fox News for the first time.

Trump’s relatively low profile has prompted many to question Trump's mental fitness in comparison to Harris, who is nearly 20 years younger than the 78-year-old Republican.

In an interview on "The View," veteran journalist Chris Wallace, who left Fox News for CNN in 2022, said he believes Trump is "scared about being seen and compared to Kamala Harris" after the last presidential debate, which it was widely agreed that Trump lost. 

“He realized that, one, giving a platform to Kamala Harris is a bad idea, which is why he’s not going to do another debate which would attract 50, 60, 70 million people,” Wallace said Tuesday morning. “And if he were to appear on '60 Minutes' alongside her, people were going to one, compare them and two, it was going to attract a bigger audience.”

"I think he’s doing what Joe Biden did in 2020, which is sticking to the basement,” Wallace added, referring to President Biden’s pandemic-era campaign four years ago.

“Georgia voters would be silenced”: Judge tells local officials that they must certify the election

County election boards in Georgia have to certify election results, a state judge ruled on Tuesday, rejecting arguments that the decision be left to each board's discretion.

Fulton County Superior Judge Robert McBurney specifically ruled against Julie Adams, a Fulton County election board member who refused to certify primary election results this spring after she was denied further access to election data. 

“If election superintendents were, as Plaintiff urges, free to play investigator, prosecutor, jury, and judge and so — because of a unilateral determination of error or fraud — refuse to certify election results, Georgia voters would be silenced,” McBurney wrote in his decision. “Our Constitution and our Election Code do not allow for that to happen.”

Earlier this year, the Georgia State Election Board, dominated by loyalists to former President Donald Trump, passed a number of controversial rules intended to give county election boards discretionary power in certifying election results. One rule says election officials can conduct a “reasonable inquiry," left undefined, before certifying election results; another requires three separate election workers to hand count paper ballots in each of Georgia’s precincts. 

The two rules garnered significant backlash from both Democrats and Republicans, who fear the changes not only frame election certification as optional, but could allow misinformation to spread during any delay in certification.

McBurney’s ruling could bring much needed clarity to the battleground state. Georgia law requires election boards to certify election by a  Nov. 12 deadline.

“While the superintendent must investigate concerns about miscounts and must report those concerns to a prosecutor if they persist after she investigates, the existence of those concerns, those doubts, and those worries is not cause to delay or decline certification,” McBurney wrote.




 




 

New Diddy lawsuits allege incidents at infamous Hamptons “white parties”

Sean "Diddy" Combs is being hit with yet another series of lawsuits detailing alleged sexual assault and rape.

The six new lawsuits were filed in the Southern District of New York by four identified men and two women, NBC News first reported. According to the complaint, one of the accusers is a man who said he was 16 at the time of an alleged incident with Combs. Another accuser said she was a 19-year-old college student at the time when she claimed that Combs sexually assaulted her. 

These alleged incidents span place from 1995 to 2021, the plaintiffs said in the complaint. Some of the lawsuits even alleged that two incidents took place at Combs' infamous Labor Day White Parties at his estate in the Hamptons. All of the alleged incidents were either in New York City or the Hamptons.

Attorney Tony Buzbee is representing the unidentified men and women in the six lawsuits. Buzbee made recent news when he announced on Oct. 1 during a news conference that he was representing 120 accusers with allegations against the former hip-hop mogul that span more than 20 years. 

Buzbee is filing said lawsuits under the Victims of Gender-Motivated Violence Protection Act, which allows victims of abuse to have a two-year window ending in March 2025 to file older assault claims. 

“We’re going to just try to file cases that we feel are credible and legitimate," Buzbee said.

Combs' attorney has denied the allegations of misconduct as he awaits a federal sex trafficking trial scheduled to start May 5, 2025.

In a statement, Combs' attorney said, “The press conference and 1-800 number that preceded today’s barrage of filings were clear attempts to garner publicity. Mr. Combs and his legal team have full confidence in the facts, their legal defenses, and the integrity of the judicial process. In court, the truth will prevail: that Mr. Combs has never sexually assaulted anyone—adult or minor, man or woman.” 

No country still uses an electoral college − except the US

The United States is the only democracy in the world where a presidential candidate can get the most popular votes and still lose the election. Thanks to the Electoral College, that has happened five times in the country’s history. The most recent examples are from 2000, when Al Gore won the popular vote but George W. Bush won the Electoral College after a U.S. Supreme Court ruling, and 2016, when Hillary Clinton got more votes nationwide than Donald Trump but lost in the Electoral College.

The Founding Fathers did not invent the idea of an electoral college. Rather, they borrowed the concept from Europe, where it had been used to pick emperors for hundreds of years.

As a scholar of presidential democracies around the world, I have studied how countries have used electoral colleges. None have been satisfied with the results. And except for the U.S., all have found other ways to choose their leaders.

A depiction of seven dignitaries.

The Holy Roman Empire had seven electors: Three were members of the Catholic Church and four were significant members of the nobility. This image depicts, from left, the archbishop of Cologne, the archbishop of Mainz, the archbishop of Trier, the count palatine of the Rhine, the duke of Saxony, the margrave of Brandenburg and the king of Bohemia. Codex Balduini Trevirorum, c. 1340, Landeshauptarchiv Koblenz via Wikimedia Commons

The origins of the US Electoral College

The Holy Roman Empire was a loose confederation of territories that existed in central Europe from 962 to 1806. The emperor was not chosen by heredity, like most other monarchies. Instead, emperors were chosen by electors, who represented both secular and religious interests.

As of 1356, there were seven electors: Four were hereditary nobles and three were chosen by the Catholic Church. By 1803, the total number of electors had increased to 10. Three years later, the empire fell.

When the Founding Fathers were drafting the U.S. Constitution in 1787, the initial draft proposal called for the “National Executive,” which we now call the president, to be elected by the “National Legislature,” which we now call Congress. However, Virginia delegate George Mason viewed “making the Executive the mere creature of the Legislature as a violation of the fundamental principle of good Government,” and so the idea was rejected.

Pennsylvania delegate James Wilson proposed that the president be elected by popular vote. However, many other delegates were adamant that there be an indirect way of electing the president to provide a buffer against what Thomas Jefferson called “well-meaning, but uninformed people.” Mason, for instance, suggested that allowing voters to pick the president would be akin to “refer(ring) a trial of colours to a blind man.”

For 21 days, the founders debated how to elect the president, and they held more than 30 separate votes on the topic – more than for any other issue they discussed. Eventually, the complicated solution that they agreed to was an early version of the electoral college system that exists today, a method where neither Congress nor the people directly elect the president. Instead, each state gets a number of electoral votes corresponding to the number of members of the U.S. House and Senate it is apportioned. When the states’ electoral votes are tallied, the candidate with the majority wins.

James Madison, who was not fond of the Holy Roman Empire’s use of an electoral college, later recalled that the final decision on how to elect a U.S. president “was produced by fatigue and impatience.”

After just two elections, in 1796 and 1800, problems with this system had become obvious. Chief among them was that electoral votes were cast only for president. The person who got the most electoral votes became president, and the person who came in second place – usually their leading opponent – became vice president. The current process of electing the president and vice president on a single ticket but with separate electoral votes was adopted in 1804 with the passage of the 12th Amendment.

Some other questions about how the electoral college system should work were clarified by federal laws through the years, including in 1887 and 1948.

After the 2020 presidential election exposed additional flaws with the system, Congress further tweaked the process by passing legislation that sought to clarify how electoral votes are counted.

A man in formal dress and a colonial hairstyle.

James Madison disliked the idea of an electoral college. Chester Harding, via National Portrait Gallery

Other electoral colleges

After the U.S. Constitution went into effect, the idea of using an electoral college to indirectly elect a president spread to other republics.

For example, in the Americas, Colombia adopted an electoral college in 1821. Chile adopted one in 1828. Argentina adopted one in 1853.

In Europe, Finland adopted an electoral college to elect its president in 1925, and France adopted an electoral college in 1958.

Over time, however, these countries changed their minds. All of them abandoned their electoral colleges and switched to directly electing their presidents by votes of the people. Colombia did so in 1910, Chile in 1925, France in 1965, Finland in 1994, and Argentina in 1995.

The U.S. is the only democratic presidential system left that still uses an electoral college.

A ‘popular’ alternative?

There is an effort underway in the U.S. to replace the Electoral College. It may not even require amending the Constitution.

The National Popular Vote Interstate Compact, currently agreed to by 17 U.S. states, including small states such as Delaware and big ones such as California, as well as the District of Columbia, is an agreement to award all of their electoral votes to whichever presidential candidate gets the most votes nationwide. It would take effect once enough states sign on that they would represent the 270-vote majority of electoral votes. The current list reaches 209 electoral votes.

A key problem with the interstate compact is that in races with more than two candidates, it could lead to situations where the winner of the election did not get a majority of the popular vote, but rather more than half of all voters chose someone else.

When Argentina, Chile, Colombia, Finland and France got rid of their electoral colleges, they did not replace them with a direct popular vote in which the person with the most votes wins. Instead, they all adopted a version of runoff voting. In those systems, winners are declared only when they receive support from more than half of those who cast ballots.

Notably, neither the U.S. Electoral College nor the interstate compact that seeks to replace it are systems that ensure that presidents are supported by a majority of voters.

 

This story includes material from a story published on May 20, 2020.

Joshua Holzer, Associate Professor of Political Science, Westminster College

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

My mother’s final secret: Searching for the little sister I never knew I had

I'd been having dinner with my cousin Danny, in town for a few days on a business trip, when he lightly dropped the bombshell. We'd been talking about the usual things that families talk about — the trouble we'd gotten into as kids, the Thanskgivings we'd shared. Then I asked him what, if anything, he remembered about my father. Danny, seven years older than me, easily summoned fond tales of my mom's boyfriend horseplaying with him and his brothers. Of course, I'd never known that side of my father, I'd said, because he'd left my mother before I was born. "Well, yeah," Danny had replied, "he was gone, except for the thing with your sister." I sat in stunned silence for a moment, then flagged down a waiter and ordered another glass of Malbec. I had a sister. 

My mother was 21 when she got pregnant with me. This was before Roe v. Wade, and anyway, she was Catholic. So her parents did what any Irish Catholic parents would do at the time — they threatened to kick her out unless she got married. It lasted three tense months. That part of the story I'd long known. What I'd never imagined was the sequel. 

Danny described what he'd remembered — how, when I was three, my mother and I had decamped from our home in Jersey City to his in a quaint Boston suburb. He recalled his Aunt Bets getting "fat," and going off to the hospital with his mother one day. He said that years later, his father had told him they had offered to adopt the baby, but my mother would have none of it. 

I flagged down a waiter and ordered another glass of Malbec. I had a sister.

When I called my uncle the next day, he didn't recall much. It was a long time ago, he said, and everybody had put it out of their minds. What he did remember vividly was how heartbroken my aunt was, how much they had wanted that little girl. And when I suggested that my flinty grandmother had probably insisted my mother give the child up, he said no. Something must have changed in the short years since my mother had been pregnant the last time. This time, my nan had very much wanted her to keep her baby. Instead, my mom came back home empty-handed. And then, for the most part, no one spoke of it ever again. The story was simple and unchanging; I was my mother's only child. Until, decades later, I wasn't.

I am now one of an ever-widening population of people whose lives have been abruptly upended by the revelations of long-held family secrets. The proliferation of at-home DNA tests has ushered in a tidal wave of skeletons shaken from closets, while generational shifts — and rising secularism — have made things that were once life-ruiningly shameful exponentially less taboo. I have an array of friends who learned later in life that their uncles were really their fathers, that Grandma had a whole other family back in the old country. Danny had only casually mentioned my sister because it hadn't occurred to him that I didn't already know.

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I waited a year to try to find her. I needed time to prepare for whatever I might find. Then I went on all the DNA sites and adoption sites, and searched through vital records departments and local adoption services. I had only the vague memories of someone who had been a little boy at the time and someone who was a very old man now to go on, and nothing was coming up. "It's like I have this story," I sobbed in frustration to my family one day, "but no proof she ever existed."

This summer, though, I got a call from an adoption agency that, with the small shreds of information I had provided, produced a hit. They had the record of a woman who'd been born around the right time, in the right place. She'd been looking for her biological family. Her birth mother had named her Mary. "That can't be right," I said. "It happens all the time," Carol from the agency informed me. My mom sure knew how to keep a secret, but she had a real lack of imagination for nomenclature.


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Carol described the profile of the birth parents from the adoption records. I knew it was my mother and father from their ages and physical descriptions alone, but it was another detail — that the mother loved to dance — that made me cry. My mother loved to dance. She had won contests when she was younger. She wanted her child's new parents to know that about her. 

In her last letter, she wrote, "I am still trying to find out who I am."

This other Mary had first reached out to the agency back in the early '90s. She'd written and called more times over the years, always in the hope that her birth family was open to connecting. This Mary had asked that the processing fee be waived, due to economic hardship. She later wrote that she had three children, the first born when she was just 20. She said she had a severe health condition, but declined to reveal what it was. In her last letter, 20 years ago, she wrote, "I am still trying to find out who I am."

For weeks this summer, the agency tried to reach her. Her phone number, for a landline, had long been disconnected. A letter was returned from an address where she no longer lived. Meanwhile, Carol remained discreet with the information she provided. I didn't have an adopted name or an address beyond the city where my sister had last lived — a run-down New England town whose primary claim to fame is its crime rate. The agency couldn't find any obituaries for her, which I tried to take as an encouraging sign. Maybe after years of frustration, she'd simply given up on her search. Then, in September, I got the call.

"I have some sad news," Carol told me gently. My sister died 10 years ago. 

I have her full adopted name now, and birth and death dates, but not much else. I can't find any obituaries or death notices. I've scoured digitized yearbooks from the local high schools, and they've yielded nothing more than a lot of late '80s hair inspiration. I don't know how she died. I don't know what she looked like. I may never know. The agency wisely warned me off directly contacting her now adult children; they gave me the name of one of them and described his lengthy and at times violent arrest record. I'd like to think that's from his father's side of the tree. But in his multiple mug shots, I swear I see a shadow of my mom's eyes.

Lately, I find I have more compassion for my mother than ever before, and that I'm angrier at her than ever before. I can't imagine what she went through, with two messy, unplanned pregnancies under her belt before she turned 25. I can't imagine her shame and pain. I can't imagine the relief she might have felt when it was all over and she could go home. It's clear that the second time around, she knew my father was not staying in the picture. I don't know if he ever even knew about the baby. What I do know now from other family members is that my mother's other sister, back in Jersey City, regularly and vindictively threatened to reveal her secret. It must have been horrible for my mom, carrying around something so big for 50 years and always being afraid that it would be weaponized against her. 

Yet I also feel, on a primal, physical level, the pain of knowing this other Mary and I were kept apart our whole lives, neither of us ever knowing the other existed. Consequently, I've spent the past few weeks crying a lot. Can you grieve for someone you never knew? It sure seems that way. You can definitely mourn for all the possibilities that a death decisively obliterates. I recall author Gina Moffa explaining once that this is where "the deeper grief lies… in those little moments of 'What if?'" 

What if knowing each other had made everything different and better from then on, for her and me?

What if? What if my mother had been able to tell me the truth, way back when my sister wrote her first letter to the adoption agency, back when there was still time? Would this Mary have eventually become a burden, hitting me up for bail money for my nephew and fighting over our mother's end-of-life care? Then again, what if knowing each other had made everything different and better from then on, for her and me? What if, on a spring morning a lifetime ago, my mother had decided to bring a baby back home with us? (I'd hope Mom would have reconsidered the name, at least.) It likely wouldn't have been great — my mother wasn't great and I doubt another kid would have made her better — but other Mary would have had a big sister to protect her. And maybe we could have grown up with shared memories, a healthy amount of sibling rivalry, secrets and inside jokes, like sisters do. 

I have two daughters of my own, and I've spent years looking at them looking back at me, the older one with her arms proprietarily encircled around the younger one, the younger one in a posture of complete trust she reserves for no one else in the world. My sister and I may have had harder upbringings than my daughters did, but what if we could have had something of their kind of love too? I had a father I never knew. He gave me a sister I never knew. I am still trying to find out who I am.

All I have now — and it's not nothing — is the liberating consolation of honesty. A few weeks ago, I had dinner with my mother's sister-in-law and her daughter. We'd barely ordered chips and guac when I blurted to my Aunt Brigid, "Did you know my mother had another child?" She drew in a breath and answered slowly. "Yes," she said. "I did." She had seen my mother, a ridiculously pregnant elephant in the room, on a visit to my aunt's house. And nobody had acknowledged her blatant fecundity in the slightest, which is such a peak Irish Catholic family move I've got to respect it.

After my aunt told me her story — and my cousin picked her jaw up off the floor — something at that table shifted and lightened. No truth could hurt my mother now, and we were all free to put down at last her painful secret. I hadn't even known how heavy it was until I watched it dissipate before my eyes.

The little I know of the other Mary's life sounds hard — financial troubles, illness, at least one kid on the wrong side of the law. I'm sure there were beautiful parts too. I still hope I can discover them. What I do know is that we had the same biological parents and vastly different lives. I know that she spent years fruitlessly searching for her birth mother. Her mother. My mother. Our mother. I'm not sure if she'd have been thrilled with what was on the side of that curiosity — a difficult woman who struggled with her mental health, who estranged herself from her family before slipping into a haze of dementia. But I think she had the right to know that. Long ago, when she was a young woman with a lot of questions, she said she was trying to find out who she was. I wish I could have given her the answer. And I wish I could have told her, it took such a very long time, my little sister, but I found you.

Note: The names of the living people in the story have been changed for privacy.

Jeremy Strong says playing Kendall Roy on “Succession” did a number on him mentally

Jeremy Strong is opening up about the burden of playing one of television's most tortured characters, Kendall Roy.

In an interview with The Times of London, Strong shared that he struggled for the four seasons that HBO's "Succession" was on the air, saying that during his tenure as Kendall on the dark comedy about an American media family, he imagined terrible things happening to himself to prepare for the mentally anguished character.

"[It] f**ked me up,” Strong says.

However, since the end of the Emmy and Golden Globe-winning show in 2023, Strong shared that his mental health has improved, saying, “I’ve rediscovered play. I sometimes lost touch with joy.”

Strong has received endless praise for his portrayal of Kendall, winning an Emmy and a Golden Globe for his harrowing performance, so at least the pain of it all paid off in the end.

"That show was an incalculable gift," he says. "The material a banquet. So I miss that. But Kendall’s struggle was difficult to carry for seven years, and there’s just so much more I want to do.”

Now, Strong has taken on another meaty role, playing Roy Cohn in the Donald Trump origin story movie, “The Apprentice.” 

“I went right into Roy Cohn, partly just to sort of shake [‘Succession’] off,” Strong said of his new role in an interview with The New York Times Magazine.

Abbott bragged that Texas purged 6,500 noncitizens from voter rolls. That number was likely inflated

ProPublica is a Pulitzer Prize-winning investigative newsroom. Sign up for The Big Story newsletter to receive stories like this one in your inbox.

Reporting Highlights

  • Mistaken Identities: Reporters found at least nine people incorrectly labeled as noncitizens or removed from Texas voter rolls because they did not respond to letters about their citizenship.
  • Election Misinformation: Texas state officials, including the attorney general, are pushing the claim that noncitizens plan to vote in U.S. elections.
  • Fuzzy Math: Texas Gov. Greg Abbott said 6,500 potential noncitizens were cut from the state’s voter rolls. But most simply didn’t respond to mailed queries about their citizenship.

These highlights were written by the reporters and editors who worked on this story.

In late August, with a hotly contested presidential election less than three months away, Texas Gov. Greg Abbott boasted that the state had removed more than 1 million ineligible voters from its rolls, including more than 6,500 noncitizens.

The Republican governor said the Texas secretary of state’s office was turning over nearly 2,000 of those characterized as noncitizens to Attorney General Ken Paxton for investigation because records showed they had a voting history.

“Illegal voting in Texas will never be tolerated,” Abbott said in a press release.

The former registered voters whom Abbott called noncitizens, and the other people removed from the rolls since September 2021, were taken off through a routine practice local election officials conduct that includes culling the names of people who have moved or died. Election experts have urged caution in using the numbers to make definitive statements about registered noncitizens.

But Abbott did just that, initially stating in his news release that thousands of noncitizens had been stripped from the rolls.

His office then edited the press release after publication, softening it by adding the word “potential” before noncitizens.

Abbott’s claims helped to fan ongoing unsubstantiated Republican allegations that noncitizens plan to cast ballots en masse to sway elections for Democrats, assertions that former President Donald Trump and his party are using to cast doubt on the integrity of the upcoming November election.

An investigation by ProPublica, The Texas Tribune and Votebeat, however, found that the governor’s claims about noncitizens on the rolls appear inflated and, in some cases, wrong.

The secretary of state’s office identified 581 people, not 6,500, as noncitizens, according to a report it gave Abbott in late August that the newsrooms obtained through a public information request.

In response to questions about the basis for Abbott’s larger number, the secretary of state’s office told the news organizations that it had “verbally” provided the governor’s office with a separate number of people removed from the rolls who failed to respond to letters alerting them that there were questions about their citizenship.

The governor’s news release combined the two figures.

That means U.S. citizens who simply never received or responded to such letters are almost certainly included in Abbott’s 6,500 number. Abbott did not respond to requests for comment, and Secretary of State Jane Nelson declined to be interviewed.

After attempting to contact more than 70 people across both categories, the news organizations have so far found at least nine U.S. citizens in three Texas counties who were incorrectly labeled as noncitizens or removed from the rolls because they did not respond to the letters about their citizenship. In each case, they showed reporters copies of their birth certificates to confirm their citizenship, or reporters verified their citizenship using state records.

One of them is 21-year-old Jakylah Ockleberry.

Ockleberry, a native Texan who provided the news organizations with a copy of her birth certificate, had only left the state twice in her life, including a recent trip to California.

She had no idea Travis County had mislabeled her as a noncitizen until the news organizations contacted her. “How would something like that happen?”

When the governor’s press release came out, election experts and local officials were worried about cases such as Ockleberry’s, saying the press release implied officials had confirmed the noncitizen status of 6,500 people when they had not.

Five years ago, Texas officials suggested that nearly 100,000 noncitizens were registered to vote and that nearly half of them had cast ballots. Those claims quickly unraveled under scrutiny and spurred a lawsuit and settlement that now governs how Texas can flag someone as a potential noncitizen.

Asked whether the nine people the news organizations identified as U.S. citizens were included in Abbott’s latest figure, the secretary of state’s office said it could not confirm or deny the inclusion of any specific people. Local election officials said they don’t know which voters were included in Abbott’s tally, but emphasized the data originates at the county level.

The discrepancies show the pitfalls inherent in using this data to make assertions about noncitizens.

In Ockleberry’s case, as well as those of four others the newsrooms identified in Travis County, election workers should have selected a code that indicated the voters had moved. Instead, they mistakenly selected a code for noncitizens.

Bruce Elfant, the Travis County tax assessor-collector and voter registrar, acknowledged the errors made by his office. But he also said the numbers suggested that noncitizen voting “is an infinitesimal, small issue.”

Routine maintenance of voter rolls is important, and if noncitizens are registered, they should be removed, said Marc Meredith, a professor of political science at the University of Pennsylvania and an expert on election administration.

But Meredith said Abbott’s decision to announce without explanation that 6,500 noncitizens were removed from the rolls, and to initially do so without qualifying that these were only potential noncitizens, “reduces trust in the Texas voter registration process in an unnecessary way.”

Routine Maintenance, Political Purpose

Voter rolls are naturally fluid. People move, die, become citizens and turn 18. Election officials across the country are constantly adding and removing people for legitimate reasons.

“So long as we have requirements about keeping lists clean, and so long as we don’t have a police state that has a single database with all of our names in it, like in much of the rest of the world, including democratic nations, we’re going to come across these sorts of problems,” said Charles Stewart III, director of the MIT Election Data and Science Lab.

Elfant, for one, said he was frustrated by Abbott’s public promotion of voter removal data. He said the governor’s press release created confusion among residents who feared they might have been wrongly removed and would not be able to cast ballots in the upcoming presidential election.

“It scared a lot of people. We’ve received a lot of phone calls and emails from people who are concerned that they’re not on the voter rolls,” Elfant said.

Any number of things can trigger a question about a voter’s eligibility.

For example, county registrars contact anyone who has marked on a jury summons that they’re not a citizen. The registrars need to confirm if that’s true, because it would mean the person is also ineligible to vote. The secretary of state’s office also gets information weekly from the Texas Department of Public Safety about people who have signed up for licenses and state identification and identified themselves as noncitizens. That information is then sent to counties.

In such cases, county election officials must follow up. They are required by law to notify voters and give them 30 days to respond before they’re removed from the rolls.

But election officials know those safeguards don’t always work.

“The post office messes up. We get a lot of cards back or mail back that says ‘undeliverable’ and the person will be like, ‘I’ve lived at this address for 20 years and I’ve never moved,’” said Trudy Hancock, elections administrator in Republican-leaning Brazos County, home to Texas A&M University. “So you have to consider that there are outside circumstances that can affect our efforts to reach them.”

Failure to respond to a letter questioning someone’s citizenship is not a confirmation that they are not a citizen, election officials said.

The 2019 episode, when the secretary of state’s office announced that it had identified 95,000 registered voters as potential noncitizens and said that more than half of them had previously cast ballots, highlighted failures in the process.

Paxton, the attorney general, immediately turned to social media, posting “VOTER FRAUD ALERT.” Abbott thanked Paxton and the secretary of state’s office on Twitter for “uncovering and investigating this illegal vote registration.” Trump also piled on with a tweet calling the state’s numbers “just the tip of the iceberg.”

Voting rights groups sued, decrying the state’s efforts as deliberate attempts to suppress the votes of actual citizens. Texas’ assertions didn’t hold up. Many of the flagged registered voters turned out to be naturalized citizens whom the state incorrectly identified as ineligible because it was using outdated DPS data from driver’s license and state identification card applications. (DPS did not respond to a request for comment for this story.)

The state settled the case and agreed to only flag people with the secretary of state’s office if they identify as noncitizens when applying for a new ID with DPS and if they previously registered to vote.

State officials should be transparent about how they arrived at the latest assertions, said David Becker, executive director and founder of The Center for Election Innovation & Research.

The state appears to have presented a figure without fully explaining its methodology or double-checking the information, said Becker, who is a former senior trial attorney in the voting section of the U.S. Justice Department’s Civil Rights Division.

If the governor presented this data in a court of law without evidence, Becker believes it wouldn’t stand up to scrutiny.

“Their claims would likely be dismissed until they could come up with something that actually documents how they got to those numbers,” he said.

Labeled Noncitizens

When Justin Comer, 29, heard that the state had removed thousands of noncitizens from the voter rolls, it never occurred to him that he might be one of them. Comer was born in Harris County, the home of Houston, and grew up in conservative Montgomery County just outside the city. He said he’d been registered to vote there since he was 18 and had cast ballots in presidential elections since then.

“I’ve always been interested in especially local politics, and just making sure I stay up to date with that,” Comer said in a phone interview. “I’m always pushing my wife now, I’m like, ‘Hey, we need to stay active in that respect and do our part.’”

It wasn’t until the news organizations contacted him that he made the connection between a peculiar voter registration issue he encountered last year and the Republican leaders’ sweeping noncitizen voting claims.

In 2023, he received a notice from the county elections office that he’d been flagged as a potential noncitizen. He needed to show proof of his citizenship in the next 30 days or his registration would be canceled. The letter Comer received indicated he’d said he wasn’t a citizen in a response to a jury summons. Comer assumes he clicked the wrong button when responding to the notice online; he had meant to reply that he had moved. He’s now registered to vote in Collin County, where he lives.

“I was more just confused,” Comer said. “I’ve lived in Texas my whole life. It was never a question for me.”

In some cases, it’s unclear what happened. Diana Colon spent much of her life in the mountains of Puerto Rico, in the town of Aibonito, but moved to El Paso County on the far western edge of Texas in 2018 to be closer to her daughter.

She was surprised when she learned the county had kicked her off its voter rolls after she apparently failed to respond to a question about her citizenship. Puerto Rico is a U.S. territory, and she is an American citizen. She showed a copy of her birth certificate to a reporter.

“That’s crazy,” she said.

Colon does not recall registering to vote, though the county said it received an application from her at some point in which she did not answer a question about her citizenship. Public information the county provided the news organizations indicated she was flagged as a potential noncitizen in DPS data.

Colon has since moved to California but would like to return to the El Paso area and would register to vote, if only to clear up the fact that she can. “I wouldn’t like people saying I’m not a U.S. citizen,” she said in an interview.

There are almost certainly additional U.S. citizens among the thousands of removed voters Abbott characterized as noncitizens. For example, reporters identified Texas birth certificates for another two voters whose registrations in Montgomery County were canceled for not responding to questions about their citizenship. The news organizations could not reach those voters for comment.

Noncitizens have occasionally voted, but experts say these cases are rare and there is no evidence that they affect election outcomes. Noncitizens who vote face criminal penalties, including the loss of their residency status and deportation. In 2017, Rosa Ortega, a U.S. permanent resident living in North Texas, said she believed her green card authorized her to vote and cast five ballots over a decade. A Tarrant County jury convicted her of voter fraud and sentenced her to eight years in prison.

Meredith, the University of Pennsylvania elections expert, said he wouldn’t be surprised if some people removed from the Texas rolls are indeed noncitizens who had cast ballots in a previous election. But that doesn’t mean the problem is widespread. “You shouldn’t use the fact there may be a few as evidence that it happens all the time,” Meredith said.

Reporters also found some noncitizens, including two who said they had inadvertently registered after receiving what they said were unsolicited voter registration applications, an ongoing concern for Republicans who believe this kind of outreach will result in large numbers of noncitizens signing up to cast a ballot. One got the application from a voting advocacy group. But the other got it while filling out other state paperwork.

In both cases, they had truthfully filled out the form and said they were noncitizens. Neither voted. Election workers in the two counties involved, Collin and Travis, said those voter registration applications should not have been processed because the applicants identified themselves as noncitizens and both people were added to the rolls through clerical error.

One of them, Austin resident Son Mai, had no idea he had ever been on the rolls until a reporter contacted him.

The news organizations viewed three voter registration applications from Mai in which he checked a box saying he was not a U.S. citizen. They interviewed Mai, who is originally from Vietnam and speaks limited English, through an interpreter.

Mai, who has been a permanent resident and green card holder for over 40 years, receives Social Security disability benefits and food stamps. Voter registration applications are included with that paperwork, which he believes is how he was mistakenly signed up.

However, Mai always marked that he is not a U.S. citizen on the forms, the county confirmed. As a result, Travis County should have automatically rejected his application, but elections officials said he was accidentally added to the rolls instead. The county confirmed Mai has never voted, though he said he hopes to become a naturalized citizen.

“I told them I couldn’t vote,” he told the reporters. “I never vote.”

Building a Case

With the election less than a month away, claims about noncitizen voting have continued to ratchet up despite numerous elections experts saying such instances are very rare. These efforts can have significant consequences.

The Republican National Committee filed a lawsuit last month in Nevada alleging that nearly 4,000 noncitizens may have cast ballots in the 2020 presidential election and that thousands could vote in the coming election. (Nevada’s former secretary of state, who is Republican, did not find evidence to substantiate the 2020 claims during an investigation at the time).

Last month, the Justice Department filed suit against Alabama after its secretary of state flagged more than 3,000 alleged noncitizens and instructed county officials to remove any noncitizens from their voter rolls, although systemic voter roll cleaning is illegal so close to a federal election. In a statement, the Justice Department said its review found that naturalized and native-born American citizens had been caught up in the effort.

In Texas, both Abbott and Paxton have promoted claims of noncitizens seeking to vote in the November election.

On a single day in August, Paxton said his office would investigate an allegation that nonprofits were setting up booths outside state driver’s license offices and signing up noncitizens to vote, which followed an unfounded claim peddled by a Fox News host, and announced his agency had raided homes in three South Texas counties to investigate allegations of voter fraud. The next day, the attorney general appeared on the radio show of conservative personality Glenn Beck pushing debunked claims that President Joe Biden is allowing immigrants to enter the country illegally so they can vote for Democrats in elections.

In recent weeks, Paxton put out a flurry of news releases, continuing the hunt for noncitizen voters.

Paxton, who did not respond to a request for comment, sent a public letter to Nelson, the secretary of state, last month urging her to demand the federal government’s assistance in identifying potential noncitizens on the rolls.

But Nelson, a Republican and an Abbott appointee, apparently didn’t move aggressively enough for Paxton. In an Oct. 2 news release, the attorney general expressed frustration with Nelson, saying she had not provided the federal government any information about the possible noncitizens. He then asked Nelson’s office to provide him with the list of names so he could send it on to the government himself.

Hours later, Nelson provided Paxton the voter records for anyone who does not have a Texas driver’s license or identification card number on file in its statewide voter registration system. The list was accompanied by an explicit warning.

“The records do not reflect, and are in no way indicative of, a list of potential non-United States citizens on the State’s voter rolls,” Nelson wrote.

Dan Keemahill of ProPublica and The Texas Tribune, Alejandra Martinez of The Texas Tribune and Thomas Wilburn of Votebeat contributed data research and reporting.

The roadmap to increasing participation in WIC: More access, less politics

In 2022, the Biden-Harris Administration released a national strategy to end hunger in America by 2030 and significantly reduce the toll of diet-related chronic illness and disease. Central to this bold vision was maximizing the reach of the Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants and Children (WIC), which for more than 50 years has provided critical nutrition benefits and health resources that have transformed the lives of so many people. 

But as the national strategy noted, there is a significant barrier to achieving these goals: “Too often, people are eligible for federal assistance programs but do not benefit from them.” New data from the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) proves the point: millions of women, babies and young children who meet the criteria for WIC are not enrolled. 

As president and CEO of the National WIC Association (NWA) — the independent nonprofit education and advocacy voice for WIC — I believe America should commit to ensuring WIC is accessible to anyone eligible to participate. We can get there by making it easier to join and shielding the program from political interference. Families, and our country, will be better for it. 

Fifty years after the first clinic opened in Pineville, Kentucky in 1974, WIC has become one of the most effective programs in American history. As NWA’s new “State of WIC” report documents, this is due to a wide array of benefits and services — including a food benefit package rooted in the latest nutrition science, access to health screenings and referrals, and expert-led breastfeeding and nutrition education support. The resulting impact on participants’ lives is significant. This includes reduced rates of food insecurity and infant mortality, fewer premature births, and improved cognitive development in young children. In 2023 alone, WIC lifted more than 200,000 people out of poverty. From an economic standpoint, every federal dollar for WIC more than doubles its return on investment. 

For these reasons, it is imperative that WIC is accessible to anyone and everyone who qualifies. 

More than 6.7 million people participate in WIC as of June 2024 — among the highest monthly totals of the past several years and higher than any yearly average since 2018. Many recent program improvements have helped, from a higher cash benefit for families to purchase fruits and vegetables to increased flexibility that allows participants to sign up and reload their benefits remotely. The 12,000 public health nutrition service provider agencies that NWA represents work intently in their communities to make WIC participation easier than ever. 

But considerable work remains. Only 53.5% of eligible individuals participated in WIC in 2022 — a welcome increase from 51.2% in 2021 but still indicative of a wide gulf between WIC eligibility and participation. 

Coverage rates were higher for some populations, including nearly 80% of WIC-eligible infants and nearly 75% of non-breastfeeding women. But coverage rates were far lower for others, including less than half of WIC-eligible children and pregnant women. WIC participation continues to decline as children get older, with a mere 25% of eligible 4-year olds participating. In more than 20 states, coverage rates overall are under 50%. 

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Research shows a number of structural barriers to WIC participation — such as barriers to completing the application process, difficulties traveling to in-person appointments, and a lack of culturally-relevant foods — that can be especially pronounced for immigrants, workers without paid leave, and parents without child care. Other barriers are more societal in nature, such as lack of awareness of WIC among eligible families and healthcare providers. 

A collective effort is needed to eliminate these barriers. In 2024, Congress provided an additional $1 billion for WIC to cover all participants this fiscal year. USDA’s final rule updating the WIC food package made the higher cash benefit for fruits and vegetables permanent and increased food choices. For our part, NWA announced new investments to support WIC staff from underrepresented communities pursuing nutrition and lactation credentials; provided more resources to WIC agencies to help them reach and retain eligible families; and for redesigning the national www.signupwic.com site to make it more user-friendly.

"One of the most important steps Congress can take is to reimagine how it funds WIC."

Now we all must build on that momentum.

One of the most important steps Congress can take is to reimagine how it funds WIC. While WIC ultimately received the support it needed this fiscal year, an unnecessarily politicized funding battle meant Congress came dangerously close to abandoning its three-decade-long commitment to fully funding the program. Given Congress’ ongoing difficulties in funding essential programs like WIC on an annual basis — Congress hasn't gotten all 12 appropriations bills done on-time since 1997 — the time has come to explore mandatory funding for WIC. Families and providers alike deserve peace of mind that the WIC lights will always be on. 

Congress can also improve access by further modernizing the program. This includes allowing states to offer hybrid and virtual services permanently, and expanding eligibility for postpartum and breastfeeding women, as well as children. USDA should also finalize a proposed rule to make it easier for WIC participants to make purchases with their benefits online.

Ending hunger in America and reducing rates of diet-related chronic disease will not happen overnight. But let’s not wait to take the necessary steps to ensure that every person who needs WIC is able to get it. The premise is simple, but the impact will be profound.

Here’s how personal finance advice gets it wrong

In the world of personal finance, there are certain tried-and-true recommendations: Spend less than you earn. Put money aside for a rainy day. Invest for retirement. This advice is timeless and can help you get on the path to financial wellness. The goal is to have a safety net to fall back on so you can take care of yourself, no matter what life throws at you. 

But other personal finance recommendations are well-meaning and in desperate need of an update given the current economic reality for many people.  

50/30/20 budget 

Introduced by U.S. Sen. Elizabeth Warren, the 50/30/20 budget states that consumers should spend 50% of after-tax income on needs, 30% on wants and 20% on savings. The guideline provides an easy-to-understand benchmark, but in practice it doesn’t really work, according to some.

“The 50/30/20 rule is outdated and out of touch…The national average cost of housing and transportation alone is now 51% of household income,” said Jamie Strayer, creator and executive producer of Opportunity Knock$, a television series on PBS that focuses on finance and economic mobility. “This advice is so unattainable, I compare it to a doctor prescribing a starvation diet to someone with diabetes. The advice does more harm than good.”

What to do instead: Not everyone can fit their budget into these strict percentages and categories. What you can do is try to focus on the three major expense categories, housing, transportation and food. Lowering these costs can make the largest difference. You can also check out resources like FindHelp.org to get free or low-cost food and housing and work with a nonprofit credit counselor to get guidance on your budget. 

Emergency funds 

The standard advice is to save three to six months' expenses for your emergency fund. The thought is that if you’re unemployed, get ill or have a drop in income this amount can keep your head above water while you figure out what’s next. 

For many starting out on their personal finance journey, saving three to six months of expenses is already daunting. And if you can save that amount and do “everything right,” it still may not insulate you from everything. 

Consider the pandemic, which led to high unemployment numbers and affected many people’s livelihoods for longer than three to six months. On average, there were 20.6 million unemployed Americans as of the second quarter of 2020, according to Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) data. During that time, the unemployment rate was 13.0%, the highest level recorded since tracking began in 1948. 

BLS data also shows that on average, unemployment lasts 22.6 weeks or about five months as of September. Given historical events and current economic realities, having more than three to six months’ worth of expenses sounds like a better safeguard. But a projected 62% of Americans were living paycheck-to-paycheck as of January, according to a report by PYMNTS Intelligence, making it hard to save anything for emergencies. 

What to do instead: Save what you can into a high-yield savings account, so your funds are both accessible and earning interest. Consider your support network and other resources that go beyond the financial. In case of an emergency, could you stay with your parents or a friend? Do you have mentors or friends who can help if you’re dealing with a layoff? Are there local nonprofit or community resources you can take advantage of? 

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Student loans 

Traditional personal finance advice says students shouldn’t borrow more than their projected salary after graduation. The recommendation is a good guideline, but is getting more difficult to do in practice. 

Data from the College Board shows the average cost of attending a four-year school in 2023-2024 starts at $28,840 and goes up to $60,420, depending on whether the student is in-state or out-of-state or attends a public versus private college. These are the total costs for one academic year. So if you consider these amounts for a four-year degree, costs can easily be over six figures. 

As of Q3 2024, 2.4 million federal student loan borrowers owed between $100,000 and $200,000, while one million owed more than $200,000, according to Federal Student Loan Portfolio data

Compare this to the average salary for the class of 2023, which is $64,291, according to the National Association of Colleges and Employers (NACE). The standard advice of only borrowing your projected salary out of college is getting further out of reach, bordering on completely out of touch. 

What to do instead: Consider starting at a community college or learning a trade. Fill out the Free Application for Federal Student Aid (FAFSA) to review your options. Look into student loan forgiveness options available through the Public Service Loan Forgiveness (PSLF) program or income-driven repayment (IDR).  

Buying a house

Homeownership is a major part of the so-called “American Dream.” Buying a home has often been seen as a surefire path to wealth, with some going to the extreme and saying “Renting is throwing money away.” 

Renting is throwing away money?

But paying for a roof over your head surely isn’t throwing money away. Not only that, but Realtor.com found that it’s cheaper to rent rather than buy in the 50 largest U.S. metros. 

Americans who do want to pursue homeownership have to deal with rising costs and environmental factors that can affect their investment. As of August, the average sale price of a new house in the U.S. stood at $492,700, according to data from the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis

“Homeownership has traditionally been one of the safest ways to build wealth and pass it on to the next generation…That was before the mashup of climate disasters, disappearing insurance, the potential of a real estate industry meltdown and population decline,” Strayer said.

Some home insurance companies are dropping out of states like California and Florida. Those with policies in place are dealing with sky-high rate increases. 

Instead of saving a large amount of money for a down payment on a house or paying mortgage payments in a high interest rate environment, investing in the stock market may be a smarter idea. 

“The stock market’s liquidity and compounding growth give it the edge over the slower appreciation of property values, particularly when accounting for homeownership maintenance and taxes,” Strayer said. 

What to do instead: Compare monthly housing costs if you rent versus buy. Consider taxes, insurance, repairs, etc. if you want to buy a house and how much interest you’ll pay during your repayment term. If saving while renting, invest any surplus in the stock market. 

It’s not only personal responsibility 

Personal finance advice is prescriptive. The idea is if you follow the advice, everything will work out. What personal finance advice gets wrong is that it only works for certain people, such as the upper classes who have any discretionary income in the first place. 

Not everyone starts on the same playing field and not everyone has access to the same opportunities. Many personal finance recommendations are outdated and while they’re meant for everyone, not everyone can follow the advice.

Still, many think that if you simply work hard you’ll succeed. And if you don’t succeed? It’s a failure of personal responsibility. Standard personal finance is not designed to work for everyone when there are systemic challenges like high housing, education, and childcare costs and a healthcare system that leads to the majority of bankruptcies (66.5%). 

We put the onus on individuals to master their finances and make it work. Yet many of the issues making personal finance inaccessible are out of our control. With the advice out of reach, people think it’s their fault and they’re “bad with money.” Are we bad with money or is the money system that’s set up just bad?

 

Trump feigns concern over Harris’ seasonal allergies while refusing to release own medical records

Former President Donald Trump is trying to raise alarm about a “dangerous” diagnosis in Vice President Kamala Harris’ recently released medical report: seasonal allergies.

Last week, Harris released a medical statement from U.S. Army Physician Joshua R. Simmons, who declared she was in “excellent health” with very few minor health conditions including hives and seasonal allergies. Trump, who would be the oldest president in history at the end of another term, has refused to release his own medical records.

In a late-night Truth Social rant on Tuesday, the 78-year-old Republican criticized Harris’ unremarkable medical report, writing that the 59-year-old’s “allergic rhinitis and allergic conjunctivitis,” also known as seasonal allergies, were “dangerous and messy.”

“According to her Doctor’s Report, she suffers from ‘urticaria,’ defined as ‘a rash of round, red welts on the skin that itch intensely, sometimes with dangerous swelling.’ She also has ‘allergic rhinitis and allergic conjunctivitis,’ a very messy and dangerous situation,” Trump wrote.

“These are deeply serious conditions that clearly impact her functioning,” he added.

The release of Harris' health report was meant to contrast with Trump’s own refusal to disclose the same information, the Harris campaign told ABC news. While running against Hilary Clinton in 2016, Trump vowed to release a medical report after Clinton shared her own; he instead released a letter from his personal physician citing his “extraordinary health.” 

A year ago, Trump shared a similar letter from Dr. Bruce Aronwald, who wrote that his “overall health is excellent.” But the Republican nominee has never released a full medical report, despite critics calling into question his cognitive functioning. On Monday, those concerns were raised again after Trump spent much of a town hall event swaying to music and refusing to take questions.

At a rally in North Carolina on Sunday, Harris questioned Trump’s health and ability to lead the country, pointing to his last-minute refusal to appear on “60 Minutes” and years-long reluctance to share a medical report, as the majority of presidential candidates do. Trump has also rejected the possibility of another debate following last month's disastrous performance.

“One must question, one must question, are they afraid that people will see that he is too weak and unstable to lead America? Is that what’s going on?” Harris said to the crowd.

 

 

Trump says Fox News has “lost its way” after Harris agrees to interview

Former President Donald Trump said Fox News has “lost its way” after the network announced it would air a sit-down interview with Vice President Kamala Harris.

Fox News’ chief political correspondent, Bret Baier, will interview Harris in the battleground state of Pennsylvania on Wednesday.

"I would have preferred seeing a more hard hitting journalist, but Fox has grown so weak and soft on the Democrats, constantly polluting the airwaves with unopposed Kamala Representatives, that it all doesn't matter anymore," Trump wrote Monday on Truth Social. 

In another post, the 78-year-old wrote that Harris’ senior advisor, Ian Sams, “virtually owns the network,” after Sams was interviewed by anchor Neil Cavuto. 

"It's not worthwhile doing Interviews on Fox, because it all just averages out into NOTHING. FoxNews has totally lost its way!" Trump wrote.

Despite his complaints, Trump is expected to participate in a town hall with Fox News on Tuesday. The audience will be made up entirely of women.

Wednesday will be Harris’ first interview on the right-wing media outlet and follows a flurry of media appearances from the Democratic nominee. Last week, Harris appeared on the podcast  “Call Her Daddy”, Howard Stern’s radio show and “The Late Show” with Stephen Colbert.

According to Reuters, Harris may also sit down for an interview with conservative podcaster Joe Rogan, whose show is wildly popular among young men. The show attracts around 11 million listeners per episode and has been the top podcast worldwide for several years.

With just three weeks until election day, Trump and Harris are essentially tied in the polls across seven key battleground states.

“Trump appears lost”: Alarm after Trump town hall abruptly turns into “bizarre” musical event

For just under 40 minutes, the Republican candidate who won’t release his medical records stood on stage and “swayed,” “bopped” and “danced” to a playlist of his favorite songs. It would have been a fitting end to a boozy night out with friends, perhaps, but as The Washington Post noted, it was an exceedingly “bizarre” way to conduct what had been sold as a “town hall” just three weeks before the presidential election.

Monday’s event, about 30 miles outside Philadelphia, was supposed to be as an hour-long opportunity to hear Donald Trump answer questions from voters in a must-win swing state. A recent poll found Pennsylvanians are most worried about the economy, the future of democracy, immigration, gun control and abortion; this would be an opportunity for the former president, who has dodged serious interviews and rejected another debate after face-planting at the last one, to provide cogent answers to pressing concerns — all while rebutting critics who question his mental fitness for office.

But after precisely four softballs lobbed by vetted members of the audience, Trump stopped taking questions altogether. Two people had medical episodes at the event, after which the former president decided it would better to instead stand on stage in silence as music played for the better part of an hour.

“Let’s not do any more questions. Let’s just listen to music. Let’s make it into a music [sic],” Trump said. “Who the hell wants to hear questions, right?”

Attendees then stood around and, instead of hearing a leading candidate for the White House detail their plans for addressing the cost of housing or access to health care, listened to a series of artists who despise him: the Village People, Guns N’ Roses and Rufus Wainwright. Also North Dakota Gov. Kristi Noem was there, the Republican perhaps best known for killing her dog and telling everyone about it, forced — after failing to get Trump to take a “few more fast questions” — to stand awkwardly beside a wobbling 78-year-old who’s a coin-flip away from the presidency.

“Sir, do you want to play our song and greet a few people?” Noem asked at one point.

“What song?” Trump responded.

“Well, you said you wanted to close with a specific song,” Noem reminded him.

The music then played for some time, interrupted only when “Trump began to speak again, as if remembering that he was still at an event that was billed as a town hall,” the Post reported. Trump urged people to vote (“on January 5,” he mistakenly said earlier in the evening) before returning to his playlist.

Even before his latest performance there were growing concerns about Trump’s fitness for office. As The New York Times reported earlier this month, the former president's speeches have “grown darker, harsher, longer, angrier, less focused, more profane and increasingly fixated on the past,” the former president more than once appearing “confused, forgetful, incoherent or disconnected from reality.”

In September, Trump claimed that he had received rapturous applause during what was widely seen as a disastrous debate performance; in fact, there was no clapping because there was no audience at all. Then earlier this month, Trump, at one in a series of what the Times referred to as “disjointed” events, claimed that “the president of North Korea … is basically trying to kill me,” appearing to confuse the Stalinist dictatorship with the Islamic Republic of Iran.

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Steven Cheung, a spokesperson for Trump with a record of telling falsehoods to the press, tried to put a positive spin on a peculiar evening.

“Something very special is happening in Pennsylvania right now at the Trump townhall,” he wrote on X. Trump “is unlike any politician in history, and it’s great.”

But even friendly media outlets found it hard to make sense of this special performance, coming with about 20 days to go until the presidential election (on Nov. 5).

“Well, this is a very strange Trump Town Hall in Pennsylvania,” Bryan Llenas, a Fox News correspondent, posted on X. “I don’t know what happened tonight other than two people needed medical attention and it became clear Trump didn’t think Q/A should continue,” he wrote. “So for about an hour there was an impromptu concert. Idk. Goodnight.”

Others were more willing to speculate.

“The October surprise is that Trump has completely lost his marbles,” Anthony Scaramucci, the former president’s one-time White House communications director, posted on social media.

The Harris campaign likewise used the incident to argue that Trump, who would be the oldest president in history at the end of another term, is suffering the sort of decline that drove President Joe Biden out of the race.

“Trump appears lost, confused, and frozen on stage as multiple songs play for 30+ minutes and the crowd pours out of the venue early,” the Democratic campaign posted on X.

The Democratic candidate herself adopted a tone of trolling concern about the health and well-being of a man whose musical performances are punctured by racist lies and threats to deploy the military against “the enemy from within.”

“Hope he’s okay,” the vice president wrote on social media.

Walgreens to close 1,200 stores across U.S.

Walgreens said Tuesday it will close 1,200 stores across the U.S. over the next three years to try to recover from financial struggles that include billions of dollars in losses.

The company said it will shutter 500 underperforming stores in the current fiscal year, which began last month, The Associated Press reported. Walgreens did not name the store locations. 

The Illinois-based company has about 8,500 stores in the U.S. and has struggled with operational costs as well as falling reimbursement rates for prescription drugs and increased competition from competitors like Amazon, Walmart and Target. Other drug store chains, including CVS and Rite Aid, have closed hundreds of stores in recent years for some of the same reasons. 

The announcement of the closures came as Walgreens reported its financials for the three-month period that ended Aug. 31.

The company's fourth-quarter sales and profit beat Wall Street’s expectations and “reflected our disciplined execution on cost management, working capital initiatives and capex reduction,” company CEO Tim Wentworth said in a news release.

Walgreens said its net losses rose to more than $3 billion in the final quarter of 2024 amid declining retail and pharmacy sales, opioid litigation settlements and an equity investment in China, media outlets reported. 

The company had said in June it planned to close a “significant” number of its underperforming stores by 2027.

The closures will give Walgreens a “healthier store base” and “will enable us to respond to shifts in consumer behavior and buying preferences,” Wentworth said during an earnings call on Tuesday. He said Walgreens plans to keep most of its employees at the affected stores. 

Trump’s lie-industrial complex

Lying and denial go hand in hand. Every time a lie is told, a denial must be concocted to protect the lie by denying that it is a lie. What Donald Trump realized decades ago when he was pursuing fame in the New York tabloids is that his denials did not need facts or evidence to back them up. Protecting his lies needed repetition, first of the lie, then of the denial, then of attacks on his accusers. 

It’s been written that Trump learned this from his mentor, Roy Cohn, who was a criminal attorney in both senses of the words. But Trump didn’t need to learn how to lie and protect his lies from Roy Cohn. His own father taught him a master class in lying with his racist practice of either refusing to rent apartments to Black people or “steering” them into substandard dwellings and charging them more rent than he charged White people. 

Donald Trump began working for his father’s real estate company in 1968, according to a 2016 article in the New York Times. He visited construction sites driven in his father’s Cadillac by a Black chauffeur and accompanied his father on visits to building managers of Trump rental properties. In 1973, the Department of Justice sued the Trump company, then known as Trump Management Inc., under the Fair Housing Act for discriminating on the basis of race against Black people. Donald Trump was named in the suit, along with his father, Fred Trump. Instead of settling with the government as other real estate companies had done when confronted with their racist practices, the Trumps hired Roy Cohn and went on the offensive, denying the DOJ’s charges and even filing their own $100 million defamation countersuit against the government. Cohn and the Trumps also took to the media, accusing the government of trying to force them to rent to “welfare recipients” and engaging in character assassination against government lawyers, even filing a contempt of court charge against one government attorney and accusing her of “turning the investigation into a ‘Gestapo-like interrogation,’” according to the Times report.

The case dragged on for two years. Finally, the judge dismissed both the contempt charge and the defamation countersuit, and the Trumps signed a consent decree, which Donald Trump said amounted to a “victory” because the Trump company had not admitted guilt. (Consent decrees do not typically include admissions of guilt.)

Real time fact-checking has gotten under Trump's skin this time around.

Trump’s company wasn’t finished with its racist discriminatory practices, however. In subsequent years, a DOJ investigation found that the Trumps were segregating Black tenants in what the Times called “a small number of complexes” where tenants complained of “falling plaster to rusty light fixtures to bloodstained floors.”  The DOJ threatened to file another lawsuit, but the Trump company “effectively wore the government down” with delaying tactics and denials, according to the Times. The consent decree expired before the DOJ could file a new case.

I will stop right here and pose the question: Does any of this sound familiar?

Of course it does.  

Trump’s dealings with the Department of Justice in the 1970s and 1980s were the beginnings of what we might call Trump’s lie-industrial complex. You tell lie after lie, issue denial after denial, launch attack after attack, all the while claiming that you are the one who is being discriminated against.

Trump spreads one vicious lie after another about immigrants, alleging that tens of thousands of “illegal” immigrants descended on the town of Springfield, Ohio, population 58,000, taking people’s jobs, eating their cats and committing crimes such as murder and rape. He tells lies about other towns such as Aurora, Colorado, where immigrant “gangs” are taking over entire apartment complexes “with AK-47s and they’re going to take over the whole damn state by the time they finish, unless I become president.”  He has even ginned up a whole new lie, that immigrants are crossing the border with Mexico “from the Congo in Africa. Many people from the Congo. I don’t know what that is, but they come out of jails in the Congo.” 

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He tells this lie at every one of his rallies, accusing President Biden and Vice President Harris of “letting in criminals from “insane asylums which are mental institutions on steroids” using what he calls “Kamala’s migrant phone app. She’s got a phone app. It’s meant for the cartel heads. The cartel heads call the app and they tell them where to drop the illegal migrants…It’s not even believable.” 

He lies about his stand on abortion – he was for it before he was against it, and pay attention now, he’s for abortion in states that want it so long as people vote for it…or something anyway. He lies about the economy, that “his” economy was the greatest in history and today’s inflation is “the highest it’s ever been.”  

Donald Trump isn’t content to just spew lies and more lies, overwhelming any attempts to keep up with him.  Now Trump demands an end to fact-checking by journalists from every kind of news organization. After first scheduling the interview with the CBS program “60 Minutes” that presidential candidates have traditionally done every election year in October, Trump canceled the interview because the network refused to commit to not fact-checking what he said. Trump, his running mate JD Vance and any Republican who could find a microphone complained that the presidential debate between Trump and Kamala Harris was “three against one” because the debate moderators had corrected the former president when he claimed that Haitian immigrants were eating the pets of neighbors in Springfield, Ohio. Debate moderator David Muir said that ABC News had been told by Springfield’s city manager that “there have been no credible reports of specific claims of pets being harmed, injured or abused by individuals within the immigrant community.”

The Washington Post reported that Trump’s campaign manager Chris LaCivita “erupted” at ABC executives in the middle of the debate because Trump was fact-checked and demanded that fact-checking be stopped for the rest of the debate.  Trump has lately begun threatening to cancel the broadcasting licenses of networks that have not covered his campaign “fairly.”  He has regularly in the past called entire television networks such as CNN “fake news” and “enemies of the people,” using a phrase commonly uttered by dictators like Vladimir Putin and Adolf Hitler.

During the vice-presidential debate, Vance claimed that Democrats are in favor of a form of abortion that kills babies after they have left the womb and that the Haitian immigrants in Springfield, Ohio, are “illegal.”  As CBS News debate moderator Margaret Brennan correctly said, Haitian immigrants in Springfield are in this country under a legal “temporary protected status,” and there is no state in the nation where it is legal to kill post-birth babies. 


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Vance’s response to moderator Brennan’s real-time fact-check sums up Trump’s new paradigm that he and his running mate have a right to lie without being corrected. “Margaret, the rules were that you guys weren’t going to fact-check,” Vance shouted.

Ever since he first announced that he was running for president in 2015, Trump’s calculation has been that if he tells lies and repeats them over and over that neither Democrats nor the major news organizations will be able to keep up with him. The Washington Post attempted to catalog Trump’s lies during his administration, counting more than 30,000 in all, amounting to more than 20 lies a day. But that was an attempt to record the number of lies after the fact. Real time fact-checking has gotten under his skin this time around, however. It is regularly reported that Trump changes the lies that he tells, adding to the number he uses for undocumented immigrants:  it’s 15 million, then 20 million, then 25 million.  This reflects Trump’s conclusion that it doesn’t matter how you lie; you only continue to lie.

But it does matter. The number of insurrectionists convicted of committing felonies at the Capitol on Jan. 6 continues to grow. Trump still faces felony indictments for attempting to overthrow the results of the 2020 election. Trump claims his innocence, but his 34 felony convictions still stand. His adjudication as a rapist in the defamation case brought by E. Jean Carroll and the judgment of millions against him is still in effect.

The problem with Trump’s lies isn’t their number or even what he lies about; fact-checking helps, as does evidence of their falsehood. Ultimately the solution is at the ballot box, where counting votes matters and lies don’t. 

Steinbeck mined her research for “The Grapes of Wrath.” Then her own Dust Bowl novel was squashed

Sanora Babb, who grew up in a dugout farming broomcorn in eastern Colorado, understood what it was like to grow up in poverty. That’s why she was drawn to write about the plight of the hundreds of thousands of migrants who were making their way to California in order to try and find work. In 1935, she began working for Tom Collins with the Farm Security Administration (FSA) at the migrant refugee camps and taking extensive notes for a novel she had begun about the plight of the migrants.

A few months into Babb’s job volunteering for the FSA, Tom Collins invited Babb to a nearby café to have lunch with a writer he was collaborating with named John Steinbeck. Steinbeck, who had just published a bestselling novel, "Of Mice and Men," in February 1937, had found Collins while he was writing a series of articles on the plight of the Dust Bowl refugees for The San Francisco News which were published from October 5 to 12, 1936. In addition to writing those seven articles for The News, Steinbeck had also written a short summary about the migrant situation that appeared in The Nation in mid-September 1936, and a pamphlet entitled “Their Blood Is Strong,” published by the Simon J. Lubin Society. Thinking that having a bestselling writer bring attention to the struggling camps would be beneficial, Collins agreed to accompany Steinbeck as he visited the camps. Steinbeck had been so overwhelmed the first time he accompanied Collins and saw the absolute poverty that the migrants had to suffer he told Collins, “By god! I can’t stand anymore! I’m going away and blow the lid off this place.”

Steinbeck had again visited Collins for a few days in mid-October 1937. When the writer returned home, he began working on his first attempt at writing his Dust Bowl novel, a manuscript he called “The Oklahomans,” but by January 1938 he’d abandoned this manuscript altogether and started his second attempt, “L’Affaire Lettuceberg.” In this second version (begun in February and finished in May 1938), Steinbeck’s focus shifted from writing about the refugees to mocking the growers but by the time he finished it he was so disheartened by it that he destroyed the manuscript before his agent (who was already marketing the book) had seen it.

Sanora Babb at Arvin with Tom CollinsSanora Babb and Tom Collins at the Arvin Camp near Bakersfield, CA. (Courtesy of Joanne Dearcopp, literary executor of the Babb estate)

Collins was thrilled that Steinbeck was writing a novel and hoped he might bring attention to the desperate issues faced by the refugees. As Collins wrote in his own unpublished memoir, “Bringing in the Sheaves,” he pleaded with Steinbeck to write about what he had witnessed: “What you want to do, John, is to keep your impressions in your mind and when the time is ripe DO something about those conditions. If you fail to do that then you are letting those thousands of people down.” During Steinbeck’s visits, none of the migrants knew they were being observed by a famous writer who intended to document their experiences, as Steinbeck used a fictitious name while he was in the camps. According to Jackson Benson’s biography of Steinbeck, the writer hid his identity while he was with Collins because he was afraid of retaliation by the Associated Farmers and other growers’ organizations. As Steinbeck wrote in his 1938 diary,

I’ve written an article about starvation in the valleys . . . must be careful. Must not get angry. I know perfectly well the danger I am running in exploring the Associated Farmers. They are quite capable of murder or faking a criminal charge I know they can hurt me personally but they may not be able to beat the thing I can start.

Little did Babb know that the copy of her field notes she would willingly give Steinbeck would not only inspire him as he began his third and final attempt at writing his Dust Bowl novel, but would also make the publishing of her own novel impossible.

However, Steinbeck did not hide his identity from Babb. It was during Steinbeck’s May 1938 visit with Collins, after he’d abandoned two versions of the book he wanted to write, that he met Babb. That sunny day, as Babb walked into the café, the rainy season had subsided and the earth was throbbing with the possibility of new crops and jobs for the workers. Over cups of coffee, they talked about the camps, the refugees’ plight, the terrible control the Associated Farmers held over the communities where they lived, and the powerful political lobby of farm owners. Little did Babb know that the copy of her field notes she would willingly give Steinbeck would not only inspire him as he began his third and final attempt at writing his Dust Bowl novel, but would also make the publishing of her own novel impossible. As she later reflected, “Tom Collins . . . had asked me to keep detailed notes of our work every day, of the people, things they said, did, suffered, worked. I thought it was for our work, or for him, but it was for Steinbeck”; and “Tom asked me to give him my notes. I did. Naïve me.”

Meanwhile, Bennett Cerf at Random House was impressed with the four chapters of her would-be debut novel that Babb had sent him, so much so that he invited her to New York to finish writing her novel and offered her a book contract to go with it.

The refugees Babb met at the camps were not all poor, uneducated “Okies,” and the people she introduces us to in her novel are varied and real. She kept the title she had originally chosen — "Whose Names Are Unknown" — which was based on an eviction notice she had seen on a decrepit worker’s shack on a corporate farm, a notice that read “To John Doe and Mary Doe whose true names are unknown.” Babb thought this title embodied the fact that to the big-business corporate farmers in California, the migrant workers who toiled for pennies a day were nameless. And to the local citizens who blocked the migrant workers’ children from going to school, the children were nameless. And to the hospitals that would not admit migrant women who were suffering difficult births and instead sent these women back to the dirt floors of their tents to deliver their babies on newspapers, these mothers and infants were nameless. In her monumental novel, Babb endeavored to give these people back their names. More importantly, she recorded a version of Dust Bowl history that gives agency to its victims and highlights the diversity found in California in the 1930s.

Babb’s narrative depiction of life in the camp is both personal and inclusive. She uses a lyric, free associative voice to accurately depict the dislocation caused by hunger: “Lonnie sleeping Friday weeds carrots three feet wide a woman screaming quarter of a mile tomorrow surplus commodities walking music water running forgetting forty cents a day sleeping forgetting forty cents floating like air clear water running sparkling through the brain surplus brain commodities sleeping a feather of music tickling this is my tent sitting down like a cloud floating music faces fluffy sound in my ears flying away” (italics in the original).

Sanora Babb with fellow FSA workersSanora Babb with a large group of the people she worked with at the FSA camps. (Courtesy of Joanne Dearcopp, literary executor of the Babb estate)

Babb also uses her experiences working at the camps to accurately depict what it was like to have to give birth to an already starving child in a dirt-floored tent. When the mother is unable to produce milk, she depicts how fellow campers rally to gather enough money to pay for milk, but not in time to save the child: “‘That baby don’t need no milk. He’s dead.’ One of the women sighed. ‘He’s better off,’ she said. ‘It starved to death before it ever saw the light of day.’” But her depiction of women is not just as passive victims. In Babb’s novel, women stand up against the atrocities they are faced with, and they make it known that they work as hard as men.

Babb also uses her experiences working at the camps to accurately depict what it was like to have to give birth to an already starving child in a dirt-floored tent.

When Babb set out to write this novel, she did so with the intent to not only depict the truth of what she saw, but also to offer an idea towards a solution. In Babb’s mind, this solution had everything to do with the community she’d witnessed. She believed that the only way for her characters to overcome the horrible circumstances that had befallen them was to band together and fight the giant corporate farms that were overtaking the agricultural industry.

As scholar Christopher Bowman has pointed out, “While both Babb’s and Steinbeck’s books were “motivated by a genuine concern for the Dust Bowl migrants, and both approached their novels as projects with which they could cultivate public support” for the migrants in California, the story of Steinbeck’s book is quite different. After his two previous starts to the novel in late May 1938, Steinbeck began rapidly writing what would become the iconic book about the Dust Bowl: "The Grapes of Wrath." He wrote it fast, completing his first draft by mid-October. As biographer Jackson Benson observed, “When at last he did get into the writing of the final draft of the 'Grapes of Wrath,' he made it a long sprint, rather than a marathon run, and the strain nearly destroyed him.” Indeed, Steinbeck would be hospitalized for exhaustion after finishing the first draft of the book.

On September 3, Steinbeck’s wife Carol came up with the title “The Grapes of Wrath,” an allusion to Revelations 14:19–20 and a verse from “Battle Hymn of the Republic” by Julia Ward Howe. Carol Steinbeck would also help her husband by not only typing the drafts as he wrote them but with “writing the revision, that is, correcting errors and editing for contradictions and awkwardness.” It’s because of her deep involvement in the creation of the book that Steinbeck thought of the book as his wife’s novel and why he also dedicated the book “To Carol, who willed this book.”

Perhaps due to this breakneck speed and his lack of knowledge about the affected area, Steinbeck made serious mistakes and omissions that numerous scholars have thoroughly documented.

For example, Steinbeck placed his main characters, the Joads, who’d been “tractored out” by their corporate landlords, first in Shawnee County and then in Sallisaw, Oklahoma, both of which are far from the panhandle and outside of the areas deeply affected by the Dust Bowl. According to Benson, Steinbeck did travel to Oklahoma briefly in 1937, making a car trip from Chicago on Route 66 with his wife, but with little intent to do research.

The Steinbecks purchased a red Chevrolet in New York . . . and started home, stopping by Chicago   They continued their trip, following Route 66 through Oklahoma, but according to Carol, John made no conscious effort to do any research for his book along the way.”

Not only would he not do research on this trip, he would also lie about a second trip. According to Benson, Steinbeck would later encourage a false claim that in February 1938, he “followed a trail of migrants from Oklahoma to California and lived with them in roadside camps” when he was researching the book with Tom Collins. That trip never took place.

In addition to the error in setting, Steinbeck’s book made it seem as if the only people who were affected by the Dust Bowl were poor white farmers. As Benson points out, “The family Steinbeck was writing about was actually a composite of several families he had encountered in visiting one squatters’ camp after another.” Steinbeck had only met the people he based his characters on briefly, and this distance shows in his characterization of them. We see little of their interior dialogue and most of them remain stereotypes. Steinbeck’s novel doesn’t linger for very long in Oklahoma. When the story begins, the disaster has already occurred; the Joads have lost their land. Therefore, his characters’ relationship to the land is never established. Nor does his novel elaborate on the horrific effect the greatest natural disaster in the United States had on the people who were living in “No Man’s Land.” Instead, his story focuses on what happened after a handful of the 650,000 Dust Bowl refugees left their homes and everything they knew and arrived in California. Because of this, "Grapes of Wrath" readers don’t witness the slow terror of the natural disaster as it affected people in their homes in Oklahoma and Colorado and surrounding states, and how it left them little choice but to flee or starve. 

For the source material of "Grapes of Wrath," Steinbeck would heavily rely on the FSA field notes written by Collins and Babb.

For the source material of "Grapes of Wrath," Steinbeck would heavily rely on the FSA field notes written by Collins and Babb. Steinbeck noted using “great gobs of information” from Babb’s and Collins’s reports and notes, and from Collins’s subsequent letters. As he recorded in the journal he kept while writing the book, “Letter from Tom with vital information to be used later. He is good. I need this stuff. It is exact and just the thing that will be used against me if I am wrong.” Steinbeck was “particularly worried about a conspiracy designed to discredit him” by the Associated Farmers or other growers’ organizations.

Babb continued to work at the camps until late October or November, when she returned home to work on her book and reunite with her sister and partner, James Wong Howe. But she soon realized that to finish her book, she needed the time and space to write. So the following spring, she took the train to New York City to finish her manuscript while living on the Upper West Side with her friend the dancer Lotte Goslaar. She loved living in New York City and knowing her first book was nearing completion. The early summer was boiling hot, but she sat at her desk and diligently completed editing her book and turned it in to Bennett Cerf, her editor at Random House.

Cerf wrote to Babb on July 27, 1939, to say the first reader’s report on "Whose Names Are Unknown" had come back “exceptionally fine” and told her that he wanted to “read it myself.” He promised to get back to Babb within a week.

Her publishing contract for "Whose Names Are Unknown" had been canceled — due to the wide success of Steinbeck’s new book.

However, a week later, when Cerf invited her to the Random House offices to meet with him, she faced a situation she could never have expected. When she entered his office, he was seated formally at his desk, which was cleared of everything except “a check under his hands.” She knew right away that something had gone wrong. Though the reading reports about her book had been extremely positive, Cerf explained to Babb that her publishing contract for "Whose Names Are Unknown" had been canceled — due to the wide success of Steinbeck’s new book, "The Grapes of Wrath." By June 1939, "The Grapes of Wrath" had sold over 200,000 copies, and film rights to the book had been sold for $75,000. Steinbeck’s fame, which had already been solidified by his bestselling 1937 novel "Of Mice and Men," was skyrocketing. Babb was speechless and left Cerf’s office in utter and complete shock.

The two reader’s reports about Babb’s book had the same complaints that “it would almost seem as if Sanora Babb and John Steinbeck had thoroughly discussed an identical theme and set out to write their separate books—so similar are GOW ["The Grapes of Wrath"] and WNAU ["Whose Names Are Unknown"].” They go on to explain Babb’s approach: “The plight of these people is described with great understanding that indicates personal experience. Whereas Grapes had color, excitement and humor, Babb’s book is more uniformly intense, more a piece of the drabness of her people.” What’s heartbreaking is how this reviewer closes the report: “If there hadn’t been a Grapes, I would say unreservedly, here is something new, something fine, we must publish. Moreover, an unusual talent is displayed in this first novel.”  

Babb's office tent where she wrote her novel, Whose Names Are Unknown.Babb's office tent where she wrote her novel, Whose Names Are Unknown. (Courtesy of Joanne Dearcopp, literary executor of the Babb estate)

In subsequent letters, Cerf, who acknowledged the craft of Babb’s novel but couldn’t see his way to publishing two books about the same event, advised Babb to put her manuscript away for a few years until the market might be more receptive to another novel about the Dust Bowl. As he wrote to her in a letter on August 16, 1939:

After viewing the matter from every angle and discussing it in a full editorial conference for an hour, I don’t see how in God’s green earth we can publish “Whose Names Are Unknown.” What rotten luck for you that “The Grapes of Wrath” should not only have come out be- fore your book was submitted but should have so swept the country! Obviously, another book at this time about exactly the same subject would be a sad anticlimax! And I think that you must face the fact just as we did here. The last third of your book is so completely like “The Grapes of Wrath” that the families and characters might basically be interchanged in the two.

* * *

Although she had contributed some of the material Steinbeck used, he never acknowledged Babb’s assistance.

Though Steinbeck met Babb on at least one occasion when he was traveling with his friend Collins doing research for his book, he never acknowledged her input into his work. His second dedication in "Grapes of Wrath" (after “to Carol who willed it”) — “To TOM who lived it” — only acknowledges the influence of Collins as a “chief source, guide, discussant, and chronicler of accurate migrant information.” He even gave Collins a real-life prototype in the character of Jim Rawley, the manager of the “Weedpatch” government camp (which is based on the Arvin camp). Although she had contributed some of the material Steinbeck used, he never acknowledged Babb’s assistance. Given Steinbeck’s use of his wife’s labor on "The Grapes of Wrath" without acknowledgment beyond a dedication, it’s likely that Steinbeck didn’t think it necessary to give Babb credit for the work she was doing (in his mind, her labor—female labor—was being done for Collins, and therefore her work belonged to Collins). It’s also likely that Steinbeck didn’t know about Babb’s novel. "Whose Names Are Unknown" was not published in any form, except short excerpts in small magazines, before Steinbeck’s death on December 20, 1968, and there are no references to it or to Babb in Steinbeck’s archives. Given his fame, it is also likely that when Babb met him at the camps, she didn’t tell him about her own novel-in-progress, or that if she did, he didn’t pay her or her work much notice.

* * *

Once "Whose Names Are Unknown" was published by the University of Oklahoma Press, the fact that Steinbeck had borrowed from Babb’s notes slowly began to circulate. After reading Babb’s novel, some Steinbeck scholars, like Michael J. Meyer, began to substantiate the merit of the claims that Steinbeck had appropriated Babb’s material. In his review of "Whose Names Are Unknown" for the Steinbeck Review, Meyer points out that Steinbeck called himself “a shameless magpie” and was “accused of borrowing the stories that comprise 'Pastures of Heaven' from Beth Ingalls” as well as “the ideas of Edith Wagner for his short story ‘How Edith McGillicuddy Met Robert Louis Stevenson.’”

Meyer carefully listed the similarities he discovered between the two texts, publishing a catalog of his findings in the article. He pointed out similarities between Babb’s descriptions of still-born babies as being “all dried up; even his tongue is dry” and like “a little old man,” and Steinbeck’s character Rosasharn’s stillborn being described as a “shriveled little mummy” that “never breathed” and “never was alive.” Or the overlapping scenes of the company store charging “exorbitant prices” in both texts; how both books create a contrast of the fertile fields against the dying migrants; or how in each novel there is an “emphasis on music as an encouragement for the human spirit.” He compares “the detailed description of nature that begins chapter 38 of 'Whose Names Are Unknown' with that of chapter 1 of 'The Grapes of Wrath,' along with the way both authors depict “the generosity and compassion of some humans, the disdain of the Okies for charity,” and in addition, how both texts show the horrendous effect being called an “Okie” had on the characters. He points out how both authors use a metaphor (Babb an insect, Steinbeck a land turtle) to symbolize the migrants and how they “are being toyed with by a higher, invulnerable power.” At the end of his article, Meyer urged his fellow Steinbeck scholars to “read Babb—if only to see for themselves the echoes of 'Grapes' that abound in her prose.”

Then, in 2007, Babb’s notes, which she had donated to the Harry Ransom Center at the University of Texas at Austin, became public through the scholarship of Doug Wixson, who published "The Dirty Plate Trail: Remembering the Dust Bowl Refugee Camps." The book both published and contextualized the notes Babb took while she was working at the FSA camps with Tom Collins. When Meyer reviewed Wixson’s book in 2010 in the Steinbeck Review, he noted that “chapters 2, 3 and 4 reproduce much of Sanora Babb’s field notes from 193[8]. Of special interest to Steinbeck scholars is the fact that several of the reprinted entries reflect almost identical episodes in 'The Grapes of Wrath.'”

“I love chocolate!”: Wolfgang Puck debuts his first-ever collection of artisanal truffles

Wolfgang Puck is getting ready to launch his latest project, which promises to be extraordinary — and incredibly chocolatey.

On Oct. 15, the famed chef and restaurateur announced his partnership with gourmet snack business G.O.A.T. Foods to launch his first-ever collection of artisanal chocolate truffles. Puck’s Estate Truffles are double the size of the average truffle, a recent press release revealed. They are available in 12 classic and unique flavors: Dark Coconut Lime, Dark Cookies & Cream, Dark Espresso, Dark Red Velvet, Dark Sea Salt Caramel, Double Dark, Milk Banana Foster, Milk Caramel Gold, Milk Chocolate Silk, Milk Pistachio, Milk Praline and Milk S'mores. The truffles can be purchased in both 12-count and 24-count boxes.

Puck’s Estate Truffles is the latest gourmet snack brand to join G.O.A.T. Foods’ food e-commerce lineup. The company initially began as a small family licorice business and has since branched out into several varieties of confections. Their specific offerings include pretzels, caramels, chocolate, taffy and cupcakes… just to name a few. Each brand is “curated with a team of chefs and food scientists,” the press release added. Puck is the latest chef to join the company’s growing list of experts.

“I’m excited to announce a partnership with G.O.A.T. to produce my exclusive Estate Truffles,” Puck said in a statement. “It was important that these truffles be crafted with the finest quality chocolate, uniquely designed, and deliver an exceptional experience to my customers, for which G.O.A.T. is the perfect partner. With rich and distinctive flavors, these truffles are not just an addition to dessert, they are dessert.” 

Puck has made a name for himself catering the Oscars and its gaudy after-party, the Governors Ball, for the past 30 years. The chef is best known for serving his classic truffle chicken pot pie and his iconic smoked salmon Oscar statuettes. But he’s also wowed his star-studded guests with his decadent chocolate bonbons and plated sweets, which once included a truffle-flavored macaron.

Wolfgang Puck Milk Collection TrufflesWolfgang Puck Milk Collection Truffles (Photo by Danielle Goodman)“I love chocolate! The chocolate I chose for my truffles comes from Peru, and it is some of the finest in the world,” Puck told Salon in an exclusive statement. “My culinary philosophy has always been to mix tradition with innovation, and these truffles are no exception. When I started this project it was important to not only bring quality, flavor, and a great presentation, but I wanted to make a statement — and they do! Larger than a traditional truffle, my estate truffles are made to impress.”

In the same vein as other G.O.A.T. Foods brands, Puck’s truffles will be available via the aptly named website, Truffles.com.

“Wolfgang Puck is a natural partner for us,” Jonathan Packer, co-founder of G.O.A.T. Foods, said in a statement. “At G.O.A.T., we pride ourselves on providing consumers with high-quality, artisanal product offerings and Wolfgang Puck’s culinary creations exemplify that. His dedication to his craft goes above and beyond, and we have no doubt that these Estate Truffles will be a consumer favorite, whether for gifting ahead of the holidays or a luxurious personal treat.”

“Brain flaws”: Understanding MAGA as an epidemic disease

The American people are being smothered by public opinion polls. Every day there seems to be some new poll expected to give precious insight into the presidential horse race that the news media is so obsessed with. As I try to decipher what these polls mean, I often find myself muttering, “Will someone please save me from this troublesome priest?”

In the aggregate, the polls now show that Kamala Harris is leading Donald Trump nationally in the popular vote. However, she and Trump are basically tied in the key battleground states. Focus groups and other data also show a very close race. This is because the American people are politically unsophisticated and are easily manipulated to believe things that are not true. Democracy, by design, is messy and the politically ill-informed have the same number of votes (one) as the politically savvy and engaged.

Contributing to the confusion is how the mainstream news media’s unhealthy obsession with polling has created a type of tunnel vision and myopia where other lenses — that would likely provide better insights — for understanding the Age of Trump and the larger democracy crisis have been mostly ignored. The Washington Post's Jen Rubin recently summarized "five major media fails": 

 1. Ignoring Trump's mental decline (until the last few weeks of the election). 2. Excess focus on meaningless polls. 3. Failure to engage historians and psychiatrists to provide context for Trump's fascism and narcissism 4. Fixation on more details from Harris, demanding none from Trump 5. Consistent negative/inaccurate portrayal of the economy 6. Fueling Trump’s constant lies by asking Harris and others to respond.

In a recent essay at The American Prospect, Rick Perlstein echoes Rubin: “Even as the resources devoted to every other kind of journalism atrophied, poll-based political culture has overwhelmed us, crowding out all other ways of thinking about public life….The Washington Post’s polling director once said, 'There’s something addictive about polls and poll numbers.' He’s right. When we refer to 'political junkies,' polls are pretty much the junk.” 

There is also the empirical fact — a very inconvenient one for the news media and the political consultants and polling firms — that presidential public opinion polls have been wrong for many decades.

As a rule, I have almost no use for “the vibes” to which many in the news media default. But I cannot deny that the 2024 election, to this point feels eerily similar to 2016, when the news media and pundits, with relatively few exceptions, incorrectly predicted that Hillary Clinton would defeat Trump. (I was among the exceptions.) It is a cliché, but nonetheless also a truth, that the only thing certain about the 2024 election is uncertainty. That observation is very little comfort when the stakes are so high.

In an attempt to make better sense of this unprecedented and truly historic election, where we are as a nation, and what may happen next, I recently spoke to a range of experts.

Katherine Stewart is the author of “The Power Worshippers: Inside the Dangerous Rise of Religious Nationalism."

If Harris wins the election, we will be able to say, “Democracy prevailed and at least we have a further lease on the American experiment.” But if Trump wins, it will be clear that the U.S. is really moving toward an autocratic, cronyistic kleptocracy that will impoverish and weaken us as a nation. That will be bad news not just for four years but for some time to come. This election isn’t just about a set of policy preferences or issues where reasonable people can disagree. The facts are out there and the tragedy is that a large portion of the American electorate has been so propagandized and manipulated.

Have events with Trump and the election played out as I expected? Yes and no.

"In the next few weeks, I expect more ruthlessness, depravity, cruelty, and threats from Trump and the most attached MAGA inner group."

Part of me has always hoped that the American people would simply reject, out of good sense and common decency, the candidacy of a criminal who has attempted a coup. So, at some level, that will always surprise me. But at another level, am I surprised that Christian nationalists are completely unwilling to give up on the man they say was appointed by God? Am I surprised at their apparent immunity to evidence or correction? Afraid not. I was brought up to believe that America is a special country, and it is special because it is a democracy, which rests on the ideals, at least, of equality and justice. And part of me can’t accept that a psychologically unfit liar and criminal, who has demonstrated contempt for our form of government and for a majority of our citizens, should be so successful. I don’t think there’s an easy way to make yourself feel good about that.

I saw a phrase by Robert Reich that I think captures a certain mood, which is: “I am nauseously optimistic” about the upcoming weeks and the election. So, I am hopeful that enough voters will understand the stakes to come out and vote Harris to victory. However, given that so many American voters will come out in favor of criminal autocracy, it’s kind of nauseating to realize that it is so close.

If Harris wins, a further important question will be whether Democrats take Congress. If they fail, we will see the kind of divided government and sabotaging that we saw during much of Biden’s presidency. If the Democrats are fortunate enough to gain a majority in Congress, we will see significant forward movement on key policy priorities — on the economy, on climate and renewable energy, on healthcare and other areas. I also think the Republican Party will likely descend into a form of civil war because the MAGA folks are not prepared to relinquish their hold over the party. Holding onto power is Trump’s last, best hope of staying out of jail. And at this point, most of the GOP has been thoroughly compromised. Kudos to Liz Cheney, but she will never be the leader of the Republican Party.

If Trump wins? We saw in the first term a preview: chaos, incompetence, cronyism. The one difference is that Project 2025 is real and those people will quickly seek to take over federal agencies. We have had previews of that, too, where MAGA-aligned extremists moved into government positions and the consequence was amped-up politicization and incompetence. If Trump wins, I also think he will mobilize the government to go after his political enemies. We will be moving swiftly toward a corrupt and autocratic political system. Trump is open to many forms of bribery, which will impact our foreign and trade policy. Right-wing media will be a propaganda arm of the government and some sectors of the media will fall in line, as they will want to curry favor and hold onto their sources.

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The bigger consequences will be down the road. Among others, we’ll see no advance on energy or environmental issues, we’ll see significant economic damage for the middle class, further losses of rights for women, further degradation of voting rights and a dramatic loss of respect for the U.S. on the international stage.

Dr. Gary Slutkin is a distinguished epidemiologist, formerly with the World Health Organization (WHO), where he founded the Intervention Unit, which designed innovations in epidemic control. Dr. Slutkin is credited with discovering the scientific basis for diagnosing and managing violence as a contagious disease and is the founder of Cure Violence Global, rated as the #9 NGO in the world and as the #1 NGO for reducing violence. 

I am a physician who works on epidemics in the U.S. and abroad. From this, I have 15 years of experience living or working in dictatorships. In these countries, you can’t speak or act freely and don’t want to live there. There are always threats. Life is fear. People fear the government, their neighbors and even their family and friends. Businesses and the press can be taken away. People become suddenly imprisoned or disappear.   

I feel the U.S. 2024 election is the most important thing in the world now. And I can see that we’re not doing enough to prevent a disaster. Trump becoming president would be like a severely lethal hurricane raging across the whole country continuously. With JD Vance around as a possible successor to Trump, this feels more ominous. I dread the mischief every day, including expectations that some red states will refuse to certify the election results, and the Supreme Court giving Trump the election without hesitation, making him above the law. I feel a dread of many people not thinking for themselves anymore and of the violence including the potential “bloody” deportations. 

Events so far have played out as I expected. The amount of ruthlessness, organization, and preparation of the MAGA movement, and the alarming level of experience they have around them in propaganda, coups and work with foreign governments is a grave threat. I have been following it closely and I understand it — in terms of how violent and authoritarian movements are built and of disease. However, I do have hope that Vice President Harris will win the election thanks to the votes of especially of young people, women, men who like women and truly want a better life and of every thinking and patriotic American. 

I understand MAGA as an epidemic disease, infecting many through what I call “brain flaws.” It is not their fault. There are brain pathways for copying and following others — in the cortex, dopamine system, and pain centers, to motivate conformity and violence. This is a movement of violence. Violence is a disease, and specifically, a contagious disease. The disease spreads through these brain processes. The MAGA movement is a dangerous and lethal syndrome of what I describe as “Authoritarian Violence Disorder.” Donald Trump is a massive superspreader. The contagion and the moral disengagement it causes provokes cruelty and obedience. This is accelerated by the effects of “constant-lies.” Streams of lies are not just lies to be fact-checked, but an accelerant that impacts people’s brains, causing moral disengagement, allowing people to abandon their own decision-making and obey.

In the next few weeks, I expect more ruthlessness, depravity, cruelty, and threats from Trump and the most attached MAGA inner group. In all likelihood, there are October surprises planned by some of the main actors working on Trump’s behalf. Russia and the MAGA-attached propaganda and psyops professionals may accelerate the threatening and sometimes deadly mischief. The press to their shame, may not waver much from the “obedience in advance” we are seeing — although some may now make the important and historic last stand needed. Vice President Harris must continue with her message that she is here to help people  — everyone — all Americans, not just one side but all sides. This is honest and sincere.

If Vice President Harris wins there is hope for sure. There will be violence, as it has already been stirred up by Trump, but she will work hard to reunite us. We can then all do what we can to reduce the divisions in this country. We must also hold people accountable for the crimes they committed, because of this disease, thought in service to Trump, as part of returning our society to a state of normalcy We must also take on the challenges that disinformation presents to our mental and societal stability. Ultimately, we need responsible leadership which Kamala Harris and Tim Walz will provide.


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If Trump wins, we will have chaos in all aspects of life, even worse than before. Most notably there will be more state violence, violence from private militia groups and other violence including mass deportations and promised detention or concentration camps. This violent effort on his part could expand to include other persons and groups in which hate, and division are already being directed — and others. Our economy as well as our health and personal well-being could deteriorate beyond what many Americans are willing to imagine if Trump is allowed to have power. We can’t allow this to happen.

Jason Van Tatenhove served as the national media director for the Oath Keepers. He documented his experiences with the Oath Keepers in his book "The Perils of Extremism: How I Left the Oath Keepers and Why We Should be Concerned about a Future Civil War." 

For the first time in a while, I actually feel hope again. This emotion has been a rarity for me recently. But I sense a shift — an energy, a renewal — stemming from youth-driven positivity and a reembracing of democratic norms. There’s a spark, and I see it catching, spreading hope across our divided nation. It's as if we’re witnessing a collective desire to reclaim what was lost and build something new in its place.

In many ways, the election has played out as I expected. The Trump campaign has continued down the expected path, filled with divisive rhetoric and attempts to undermine the electoral process. What I didn’t anticipate, however, was the sudden emergence of Harris as a viable contender. Her presence promises that our generation has a tangible stake in its own future. As the ones who will be living through the impacts of decisions made today, we must have leadership that understands and represents our perspectives.

I’ve come to see this election as more than just a political contest — it’s an opportunity to recalibrate our democracy. Once we get this democracy thing back on track, I hope we can start focusing on the pressing issues that lie beyond the ballot box, like climate change. Our system is far from perfect, but it’s the best platform we have to tackle the challenges ahead. There’s a clear demand for a return to normalcy and I believe the average American voter shares this sentiment.

We’re not out of the woods yet. Even if Harris wins by a significant margin, Trump has made it clear he won’t accept the results. This is a profoundly concerning scenario, but one we can overcome by learning from the lessons of Jan. 6. We need to start planning now — establishing safeguards to ensure the integrity of the vote count and preparing to minimize any potential political violence.

Matthew Sheffield is the founder of Flux, a progressive podcasting platform. A former right-wing activist and Salon writer, he is also the host of Theory of Change, a podcast about larger trends in politics, media and culture.

Kamala Harris replacing Joe Biden at the top of the Democratic ticket has proven to be a good decision for the party, however, it’s starting to seem that she has kept several of the same faulty strategies that his senior staff had put in place and as a result, she has not pulled away from Trump the way that she could.

In state and local elections, targeting the small sliver of persuadable voters willing to go for either party is the way to go, but in the social media age, the better play is to target the 80 million American adults who didn’t vote in 2020. This is what Donald Trump is doing very well by reaching out to podcasters, YouTubers and local radio hosts on a daily basis. Harris is going to have to think much bigger about finding potential voters and getting them engaged. Protecting abortion rights can be motivating for some people, but it should not be the only argument that’s presented to a country of 330 million people.

The election is going to hinge on what people think of Harris, not what they think of Donald Trump. For his entire political career, the majority of Americans have disliked Trump. Harris needs to give people reasons to vote for her beyond just to stop Trump. And she needs to let people see her where they are at. I don’t see a need for her to be constantly parading before national mainstream media figures, but she should be doing many interviews with lifestyle vloggers and center-left TikTokers. At this point, candidates should value message saturation over message control. People need to hear from her directly in conjunction with sources they trust.

Trump, meanwhile, is likely to keep up his same strategy, trying to suck up all the media attention so that the low-propensity voters don’t hear what Harris has to say. He literally does not care what people are saying about him, it’s that they are not quoting his opponent. This has been the Trump campaign strategy since the 2016 Republican primaries.

There is a strong possibility Trump could win. I think his strategy of tapping that large pool of mostly apolitical people is likely to save him in several of the swing states. The downside of this strategy is that many of these irregular voters are not likely to want to vote for any Republican other than Trump, so it’s quite possible that Democrats will take control of the House of Representatives while losing the Senate by a very small margin.

There is still a good chance that Harris could win by a small margin. In those circumstances, Trump is certain to resurrect his same post-2020 strategy of promoting conspiracy theories about “voter fraud,” which he is already has been doing. Since Trump is not currently serving as president, I think these complaints would be less likely to provoke the large-scale violence of Jan. 6, but they are very likely to provoke more "lone wolf" violence perpetrated by individuals and small groups.