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Donald Trump’s life of crime: Most books are clueless — these five explain him best

The Economist posted a list this month entitled “What to read to understand Donald Trump,” a list of five “handy books” from the overflowing library of volumes about the man who, as the editors put it, “remains at the center of American politics.” These include the first major book about the Trump White House, Michael Wolff’s 2018 “Fire and Fury,” and several other classics of this mini-genre: “Identity Crisis: The 2016 Presidential Campaign and the Battle for the Meaning of America by John Sides, Michel Tesler and Lynn Vavreck; John Bolton’s White House memoir, “The Room Where It Happened” and two accounts of the end of Trump’s presidency, “Frankly, We Did Win This Election,” by Michael C. Bender, and most recently “Thank You for Your Servitude: Donald Trump’s Washington and the Price of Submission” by Mark Leibovich.

Taken together, those five books about Trump World capture a great deal of the the political intrigue, scandalous gossip and incoherent policy-making of Trump’s two presidential campaigns and his chaotic administration. But I would argue they explain far more about the boss’ enablers and his MAGA supporters than they do about Trump himself, his 75 years of life or personal history. 

If you want to understand Donald Trump’s personality and his interrelated behavior in business, politics, and crime, I would recommend this alternative list: five other books that provide meaningful and serious examinations of Trump’s social-psychological makeup and his family, emotional and social development:

From the perspective of criminology, which is my field, what is particularly interesting about these 10 Trump books is that with the exception of those by Bolton, Johnston and Cohen, there are no substantive discussions of Trump’s evident corruption, or  more than cursory examinations of his criminal career in business, politics and government. 

Without an appreciation or a less-than-superficial understanding of the nature of the crimes of the powerful, their habitual patterns of lawlessness and the normalization of these crimes — not to mention the systemic resistance to holding powerful perpetrators accountable — there is palpable jeopardy that people will not understand that, like other criminals, they are created in relation to their personal social status and their social identification experiences. And furthermore, that the types of crimes committed by the most powerful offenders also result from their personal biographies, and particularly their experiences with crime control and law enforcement (if any).


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Without this level of understanding of the etiological voyage of Donald Trump’s criminality and impunity, especially in relation to how he became for four years the most powerful person on earth, most people view him through a lens of cognitive dissonance. They are likely to think of Trump as mentally ill or deeply irrational — an innately evil individual or some kind of “born criminal.” In that view, whatever else Trump may be, he cannot possibly be a “rational” actor.     

I would forcefully argue that’s not true. More important, this discourse focused on Trump’s perceived insanity, ignorance or immorality works to mitigate, both socially and legally, against more accurate perceptions of his rationality, intentionality and level of culpability.  

Consider Lloyd Green’s book review for the Guardian of Michael Wolff’s third Trump book, “Landslide: The Final Days of the Trump Presidency.” This is Wolff’s best and “most alarming” book, Green writes, and “that is saying plenty,” especially since “Fire and Fury” had both “infuriated a president” and “fueled a publishing boom.” 

Most people view Trump through a lens of cognitive dissonance: His behavior doesn’t make sense, so he’s mentally ill or deeply irrational or innately evil. None of that is true.

Wolff’s new book describes Trump’s “wrath-filled final days in power” exemplified by an interview that Wolff held in the lobby of Mar-a-Lago. Wolff simply allows Trump to rant through a classic “exercise in Trumpian score-settling,” without even trying to push back against the cascade of lies. As Wolff admits, he was reluctant to interrupt or ask serious questions because he knew that the interview would have come to an abrupt end had he done so. So Trump simply babbles on nonsensically, to no obvious purpose for either man. 

As I have written elsewhere about Wolff’s conclusions, he “argues non-persuasively that the Donald was too crazy” to be genuinely guilty of plotting a coup or other criminal behavior. Wolff sees Trump as experiencing “swings of irrationality and mania,” and as “someone who has completely departed reality. Trump was incapable of forming specific intent, he argues, based “on the calculated and ‘coordinated’ misuse of power.”

Wolff is not alone. Indeed, the slew of books documenting Trump’s final days in office tend to agree on this analysis, along with most cable TV talking heads, with the obvious exception of those on Fox News. The consensus, more or less, is that Trump’s loss to “Sleepy” Joe Biden broke him, and that his fantasies, as captured in the title of “Frankly, We Did Win this Election,” are evidence that he was seriously deluded, and not just acting deluded. 

Here’s a similar take from Daily Kos on Trump books and election delusions:

Losing the election untethered him from whatever scraps of reality his advisers had still managed to tie him to, and up he went like a lost balloon with anger management issues. By the end he was (is) wallowing in delusion, ordering staff to do impossible and/or illegal things, absolutely convinced that everything was a conspiracy and that anyone who didn’t tell him what he wanted to hear was in on it.

Let me disagree firmly, and speak from the clinical evidence. Trump has never been tethered to reality — but that does not necessarily mean he believes his own delusions. Similarly, while some of his presidential advisers may have resisted to varying degrees or pushed back against his more unhinged desires, they never had him tied up or taken away in a straitjacket. Some of his own appointed Cabinet members saw his behavior as crazy or unstable from the beginning, and reportedly talked about invoking the 25th Amendment at various times — but never did so.

For many years, perhaps for his whole life, Trump has been bipolar, irrational, paranoid, narcissistic and sociopathic. Those qualities do not necessarily mean that he is delusional or legally insane, or that he lacks criminal intent. Trump knows as well as anybody does, and probably better than most, the differences between “fake news” and legitimate information.

But here’s what’s most important: Trump knows he is guilty of all the crimes he has been accused of. He also knows he has no genuine defenses for any of those likely or potential charges, which is why he so persistently seeks to lie, to obfuscate and to delay. He also understands that his best defense, at least in the court of public opinion, is a forceful offense: Always a master of projection, he charges his legal accusers with sinister and conspiratorial motivations. 

Trump feels no empathy whatsoever for any of the Jan. 6 rioters and could not care less about their legal travails, adjudications or punishments. Whether we’re talking about insurrectionists or FBI agents, Trump simply uses them instrumentally, as he uses everybody else, to satisfy his bottomless narcissism and egotistical needs. It’s the modus operandi of a sociopath without the psychological ability to identify with either of those two groups, or literally any other, including the “base voters” of the Trump cult. 

Trump is deceitful, but not deluded or delusional. He’s a con man, performance artist and demagogue — who understands the value of never publicly abandoning his most absurd narratives.

To state this differently, Trump is deceitful, but not deluded or delusional. Unlike Ginni Thomas, the wife of Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas, Trump does not really believe that he won the 2020 election or that it was rigged against him. While he may post on his social media platform that he “loves” the Jan. 6 rioters, he does not really believe they are “nice” people. Nor does he believe for one second that “evil” FBI agents planted classified documents at his office in Mar-a-Lago, or that GOP Senate leader Mitch McConnell a “DEATH WISH,” political or otherwise.    

He is a con man, performance artist and demagogue who understands the value of never publicly abandoning his narratives, no matter how absurd or blatantly false they are. He was able to suck in Michael Wolff, along with a whole lot of other people, to believe he was so deranged as to be incapable of forming the intent to stage a coup, let alone organizing one.

Really? This was the man who conducted cursory presidential business every day while watching the tube, eating fast food and tweeting 24/7, except when he was playing at least 27 holes of golf a week, or was out on the campaign trail delivering “greatest hits” monologues of unadulterated nonsense to the loyal followers he viewed with obvious contempt. 

In the immortal words attributed to P.T. Barnum (among others), “There’s a sucker born every minute.” And the former president who was impeached twice and got away scot-free knows how to spot them. 

Mississippi’s missing search warrants prevent scrutiny of no-knock raids

Public defender Merrill Nordstrom walked into a Mississippi federal courtroom in May 2021 ready to challenge the no-knock search warrant behind her client’s arrest.

It had happened two years earlier, after an informant bought less than a gram of marijuana from Antoine Bryant. Police broke open Bryant’s door with a battering ram, shattering the glass. Three children sleeping inside were startled awake.

Police found no cache of drugs, but they did find a pistol Bryant wasn’t supposed to have.

By the time Nordstrom asked a judge to toss out the evidence against Bryant, a year had passed since the fatal police shooting of Breonna Taylor during a no-knock raid in Louisville, Kentucky. Taylor’s death and the tactic that led to it had caused widespread outrage.

It was time, Nordstrom said, for similar scrutiny of how these warrants were used in Greenville, the Mississippi Delta’s largest city.

She had learned that most search warrants issued in Greenville were no-knock warrants, which allow law enforcement to barge into someone’s home unannounced. She suspected that many of those raids violated the Fourth Amendment’s protection against unreasonable searches.

“When I saw that they had orchestrated a confidential informant to purchase $10 worth of marijuana, and based on that went and asked for a no-knock search warrant — that, to me, was really egregious,” Nordstrom said. “That’s not what the Fourth Amendment is for. That’s not what our government is supposed to do.”

She faced a major obstacle. Though she had the search warrant for Bryant’s home, she couldn’t find records for most other raids in the city. The search warrants and supporting documents weren’t at the courthouse, even though the state Supreme Court’s rules require law enforcement to return warrants to the court.

Instead they were at the Greenville Police Department, hidden from view because law enforcement agencies, unlike the courts, can claim a broad public records exemption over records in their possession.

Greenville isn’t the only place in Mississippi where many search warrant records are inappropriately off-limits to the public. An investigation by the Northeast Mississippi Daily Journal and ProPublica has found that almost two-thirds of Mississippi’s county-level justice courts prevent access to some or all search warrants and related documents. So do municipal courts in at least five of the state’s 10 largest cities, including Jackson, the capital.

Justice courts handle misdemeanor crimes, small civil cases and, often, search warrants. The judges who preside over these courtrooms are similar to justices of the peace in other states and are not required to have a law degree.

Some of those courts violate state rules by failing to require law enforcement to return search warrants and related documents. Other courts do keep search warrant records but won’t let the public see them, defying well-established jurisprudence about the availability of court records.

The independence and integrity of the judicial branch of government requires openness, said William Waller Jr., a retired chief justice of the Mississippi Supreme Court.

“You should have transparency,” said Waller, who helped write the rules of criminal procedure that some courts are violating. “After it’s been executed, the search warrant should be returned to a judicial officer and that should be a part of the files and available for public inspection.”

The U.S. Supreme Court has long recognized the public’s right to view court records, though it hasn’t ruled on the accessibility of search warrants in particular. Although federal appeals courts agree the public generally can view search warrants at some point in the legal process, they disagree on when those records become public. Because of those differing rulings, plus poor record-keeping and orders that seal the documents, it’s often hard to get access to warrants. Similar issues exist in many state courts.

Even against this landscape, legal experts say recordkeeping and access problems in Mississippi’s justice courts are extreme.

“It would be very, very atypical to have a jurisdiction where you never see any warrant materials,” said Katie Townsend, legal director for the Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press. “That’s just not how it works.”

After Taylor’s killing, which occurred as police tried to enter her apartment to search for drugs they believed had been hidden there by a former boyfriend, activists called for bans on no-knock raids. But researchers and academics have little data about how often and why police use no-knock warrants.

Limited access to court records is part of the problem. A recent Washington Post effort to identify how many people have been killed in recent years during the execution of no-knock search warrants was hampered by sealed, missing or otherwise secret records.

“You can’t do justice in a corner,” said retired U.S. Magistrate Judge Stephen Smith, who reviewed applications for search warrants when he sat on the bench in Houston. He’s a vocal advocate for greater transparency in the process. “You have to see what judges are doing. It goes to the legitimacy of our legal system.”

What Happens When Police Burst in

In Mississippi, no-knock raids have caused fear, injuries and even death.

Two federal lawsuits over people who were shot in no-knock raids have been settled this year; a third suit over injuries caused in a raid is ongoing. Another federal suit involves a dispute about whether sheriff’s deputies entered without knocking. And in 2020, a state appeals court upheld damages awarded over a botched no-knock raid conducted several years before.

“It’s so dangerous for these guys to go in there the way they do,” said Michael Carr, a lawyer who has represented both clients whose homes have been searched and deputies who have been sued over such raids. “I’ve seen them kicking in people’s doors, and you’ve got little kids in there.”

No-knock warrants arose at the onset of the war on drugs under President Richard Nixon. Proponents argued that police had to be able to enter buildings without warning so suspects couldn’t destroy evidence or open fire on officers.

Despite complaints about the violence associated with these warrants, their use grew. The debate eventually reached the U.S. Supreme Court, which considered the issue in three key cases and ruled that no-knock warrants must be the exception, not the rule.

In a key 1997 ruling, U.S. Supreme Court Justice John Paul Stevens wrote for the court’s majority that if no-knock searches were broadly sanctioned, “the knock-and-announce element of the Fourth Amendment’s reasonableness requirement would be meaningless.”

Those rulings mean police must not only show a judge why they have probable cause to believe that the search will yield evidence of a crime, but they must also explain why the circumstances of the case justify a no-knock warrant.

That’s why Nordstrom grew concerned by the frequency of no-knock raids in Greenville. In a court filing, Nordstrom wrote that she had identified one case in which Municipal Judge Michael Prewitt allegedly signed a no-knock warrant even though police hadn’t asked for one on the application. She wanted to see if the judge frequently approved no-knocks without sufficient evidence.

Nordstrom sent her investigator to Greenville Municipal Court. Although Greenville authorities acknowledged that most search warrants in the city were no-knocks, the municipal court had no records of any searches authorized by Prewitt, the city’s only municipal judge for most of the prior two decades.

Nordstrom and Prewitt sparred in the May 2021 court hearing over whether the no-knock warrant in Bryant’s case was justified. Prewitt took the witness stand and acknowledged saying that he could issue a no-knock search warrant even to look for a sweater, but he denied “rubber-stamping” applications for no-knock warrants.

His explanation for signing so many no-knock warrants? Police conduct a lot of drug investigations in Greenville.

In an email to the Daily Journal and ProPublica, Prewitt said he meant to suggest that a no-knock warrant might be necessary to recover a sweater if it had forensic evidence that could easily be destroyed. (He did not offer that explanation when he testified in court.)

Greenville Police Chief Marcus Turner said his officers don’t execute no-knocks now due to staffing turnover among his investigators, but he plans to reinstate the raids.

Nordstrom couldn’t convince the federal judge overseeing Bryant’s case to throw out the evidence obtained in the search. Bryant ended up pleading guilty, but he has appealed the judge’s ruling on the no-knock warrant.

“I was so appalled by the no-knocks and how prevalent they are in that county,” Nordstrom said. “It would have been nice to figure out if there was a pattern.”

Reasons for Missing Warrants Vary

In any court, the clerk’s office, with its shelves upon shelves of file folders, is the place to go if you’re looking for key records in a criminal proceeding. Arrest warrants. Bail bonds. Judge’s orders. But not, in some of Mississippi’s justice courts, search warrants.

These are important documents. The warrant itself identifies the place police will search. The application for a no-knock warrant says why officers believe they should be allowed to barge into someone’s home without announcing themselves. The property inventory says what police seized during the search. Waller, the retired chief justice, and Matt Steffey, an attorney and law professor, said all that paperwork is supposed to be at the courthouse.

“We don’t keep those,” said Lamar County Justice Court Clerk Sandra Owen.

“Usually the return goes back to the sheriff’s offices,” said Jones County Justice Court Clerk Stacy Walls.

“I hardly ever see search warrants — before, during or after,” said Marion County Justice Court Clerk Wynette Parkman.

But Mississippi’s rules are clear: Law enforcement must bring search warrants back to court after serving them. Virtually all state courts in the country, as well as federal courts, have similar requirements.

“There needs to be a record that isn’t squirreled away in a law enforcement file,” said Steffey, who was involved in writing the rules of criminal procedure.

ProPublica and the Daily Journal surveyed all 82 county justice courts in Mississippi, as well as municipal courts in the state’s 10 largest cities. Although any judge in Mississippi can sign a search warrant, municipal and justice court judges commonly handle them.

More than a third of Mississippi’s justice courts are breaking rules that require them to keep all search warrant records. That includes 15 justice courts that have no search warrants among their records and 16 that have only some.

The reasons for the missing warrants vary because no two justice courts operate exactly the same way. Clerks say they don’t know when judges sign warrants, so they don’t know if police fail to bring a warrant back. In some counties, law enforcement agencies return some warrants but not others, and clerks don’t know why. Some counties have warrants only if charges were filed.

Few justice courts even keep a list of issued search warrants, making it easy for these documents to fall through the cracks.

Some court officials said they didn’t even know they were supposed to keep the warrants. But even before the Mississippi Supreme Court wrote statewide rules for criminal procedure in 2017, it recognized a duty to return search warrants and related documents to the court. However, those rules don’t offer any guidance about how the process should work.

Prewitt said in an email to the Daily Journal and ProPublica that he personally keeps copies of all search warrants that are returned to him. Priscilla Bush, the municipal court clerk in Greenville, said she was unaware Prewitt has the warrants.

Prewitt said he believes he is following the rules by keeping the warrants, and if not, maybe the state Supreme Court should rewrite the rules. At a conference of municipal court clerks in September, a staffer of the Judicial College, which trains judges and court clerks, said clerks, not judges, need to store the warrants.

Keeping Public Records Private

Even some courts that do have search warrants on hand refused to let the Daily Journal and ProPublica see them.

“I cannot release any public information about search warrants,” said Kemper County Justice Court Clerk Lynn Puckett. “They are not public records and thank you for your call and you have a great day.” With that, she hung up the phone.

Several courts go even further, claiming that they are covered by an exception in the state public records law that allows law enforcement agencies to withhold investigative records in their possession. Leonard Van Slyke, Mississippi’s preeminent attorney on public records, said this exception doesn’t apply to courts.

“Courts are not any kind of a law enforcement agency,” he said.

In asserting that warrants shouldn’t be available to the public, Alcorn County’s attorney, Bill Davis, argued that the law couldn’t possibly intend to have different rules for the justice court and the sheriff’s department, which in his county sit across from one another in the same building.

Though he conceded there’s some ambiguity in the law, he wrote, “It cannot have been the intent of the Legislature to exempt records on the left side of the hall, but make open for public inspection the identical records on the right side of the hall.”

Waller, the retired Mississippi chief justice, disagreed. It is “strictly and totally a violation of the separation of powers” for courts to use that law to shield their records, he said.

“It’s issued by the court; that makes it something different,” said Waller of search warrants. “Once it’s executed, it’s in court. It absolutely should be public record.”

Several clerks contacted by the news organizations said that some of the records might be public but demanded payment, sometimes hundreds of dollars, in order to sort the purportedly confidential records from the rest.

None of the courts cited orders that sealed the documents as a reason for denying access. That’s how judges normally place a particular record off-limits.

Bob Evans, a Democratic member of the Mississippi House of Representatives and an attorney with over 30 years of public defender experience, said these recordkeeping failures and secrecy claims illustrate a fundamental problem: Familiarity among clerks, judges and law enforcement can erode the independence between the judiciary and law enforcement.

“Sometimes things get a little bit skewed,” Evans said. “There’s just so much trust between the justice court administration and law enforcement.”

State Supreme Court Has Final Say

As outrage grew over Taylor’s death in Louisville, journalists started looking into why police had raided her apartment.

Increased scrutiny raised further questions. Police had claimed officers announced themselves, but reporters found that the judge had authorized a no-knock search. On the application for the warrant, officers claimed a postal inspector had confirmed that Taylor’s former boyfriend had packages delivered to her apartment. That wasn’t true.

In August, federal prosecutors filed criminal charges against four current and former Louisville police officers for making false statements on the warrant application. One of them, Kelly Goodlett, has pleaded guilty.

“When your home is searched, when you’re lying in bed at night and your front door is busted open — this is one of the most intrusive things that the government can do,” said Texas A&M School of Law professor Hannah Bloch-Wehba, who studies government secrecy. “People want to know whether police and judges are acting consistent with our values and our expectations, or are they going astray?”

Despite the outcry over Taylor’s death, Bloch-Wehba said, recordkeeping at most courthouses doesn’t meet escalating demands of accountability.

Some of the most egregious failures in Mississippi’s justice courts could be fixed by the state Supreme Court, which has the final authority over how courts work in the state. The court periodically considers updates to the rules of criminal procedure, but no one has asked it to update its rules on search warrants.

Supreme Court Chief Justice Michael Randolph and Justice Jim Kitchens, the presiding member of its rules committee, declined interview requests. Through a spokesperson, Kitchens said he couldn’t discuss the matter because a case about rule violations could come before the court.

Court rules in neighboring Alabama and Arkansas don’t have any ambiguity about who’s supposed to store search warrants. They say judges should receive the search warrant documents after the execution of the search and should turn them over to the court clerk for filing.

In the absence of a top-down directive, justice and municipal courts could take action on their own. The state Judicial College advised justice court judges on how they could change their procedures after the Daily Journal and ProPublica started contacting clerks across the state.

Monroe County Justice Court Clerk Tina Morrow and the judges there followed that advice. Judges now alert Morrow after they sign a search warrant. They keep an unofficial docket of issued warrants, which allows them to flag any warrants that haven’t been returned.

“You’ve got to change with the times,” Morrow said. “You can’t just keep doing what you’ve been doing since the 1980s.”

The director of the Judicial College declined an interview request.

Other clerks, however, want additional guidance written into the rules. “Something needs to be revised so everyone can be on the correct page,” said Sunflower County Justice Court Clerk Patricia Strong. “I’m willing to follow the rules.”

Search Warrant Sheds Light on Her Father’s Killing

Robbie Geiger learned the value of access to search warrants after Monroe County sheriff’s deputies shot and killed her father, Ricky Keeton, during a no-knock raid in 2015.

Two days after his death, Geiger and her relatives demanded a copy of the search warrant. Not yet, Sheriff Cecil Cantrell told Geiger, even though his deputies should have left a copy of the warrant at her father’s home at the time of the raid.

“At the proper time, we’ll give you copies of everything we have,” Cantrell said, according to an audio recording made by one of Geiger’s relatives.

The proper time never arrived.

“They wouldn’t give me a warrant or a return, and they wouldn’t talk to me,” Geiger said. “I kind of had an idea then that something was going on, and it wasn’t right.”

Cantrell, who is no longer sheriff of Monroe County, did not respond to interview requests. The Mississippi Bureau of Investigation compiled a report about the raid, which was presented to a grand jury to consider charges against the officers involved. The grand jury declined to indict any of the deputies.

Five months after her father’s death, Geiger still knew little about the circumstances that had led to the raid.

Then she learned the search warrant should be on file at the courthouse. At the Monroe County Justice Court, Morrow provided Geiger with her father’s case file.

What she saw in the documents was startling. The narcotics investigator who obtained the search warrant offered no explanation as to why he needed a no-knock warrant.

A sheriff’s investigator had assured Geiger and her family that deputies had found methamphetamine and marijuana in Keeton’s home, but the inventory of seized property listed no drugs.

Deputies took security cameras that may have contained images of the raid, keeping potentially valuable evidence out of the hands of the Mississippi Bureau of Investigation, which was investigating Keeton’s death. Some images may have been deleted, an officer with the agency later testified.

Those details were used to support key allegations in a lawsuit Geiger and two of her sisters filed in 2016 against Monroe County and a sheriff’s deputy over her father’s death. Last week, the county agreed to pay $690,000 to settle the lawsuit.

“If I hadn’t looked or investigated,” Geiger said, “I would more than likely to this day not have the search warrant.”

Conspiracy theorists and 16-hour days: Inside the stress elections officials face ahead of midterms

NACOGDOCHES — Since Todd Stallings began working in Nacogdoches County’s elections office in 2003, his responsibilities have grown exponentially.

So has his stress.

First came a shift toward digital voting records, along with new state legislation that created more duties for elections officials. Then, accusations of foreign interference in the 2016 presidential race stoked the public’s fear about election integrity. And conspiracy theories about voter fraud in the 2020 presidential election have led to heightened scrutiny.

Although election deniers at one point concentrated their efforts in states like Arizona and Georgia, supporters of former President Donald Trump have since sent a barrage of public information requests to elections offices nationwide, including those in the smallest and reddest Texas counties, where Trump won handsomely.

So on top of fulfilling their normal job duties, such as preparing ballots and updating polling information, officials are fielding questions from concerned voters. The increased demands have left some workers burned out. According to the secretary of state’s office, 30% of Texas elections workers have left their jobs since 2020. In one county, the entire elections administrator’s office resigned.

“There’s just more and more to do,” Stallings said. “Which is fine, but it’s when there’s stuff we aren’t prepared for — that’s what kind of turns everyone into a panic.”

Growing public scrutiny 

In the weeks leading up to an election, Stallings’ East Texas office phone is always ringing. He puts in 12- to 16-hour days six or seven days a week to make sure everything runs smoothly.

Lately, his days are even longer, as he’s hustling to respond to emails from activists across the country — Los Angeles, New York, New Jersey — who are asking for ballot images from November 2020.

“Answering emails can just eat up a big part of your day,” Stallings said. He and his colleagues are usually doing “customer service” until 5 p.m., at which point they can finally start to work on administrative and planning duties.

About 80 miles south in Jasper, County Clerk Holly Thomas will administer her first election in November. Since the county does not have a singular elections office, her team runs the election while the tax assessor’s office handles registration.

Thomas is anxious as she tries to keep up with a growing list of responsibilities and public demands. On top of her normal duties, she meets with members of the public who visit her office and ask to inspect voting machines, see where ballots are stored or dissect Election Day procedures.

“One person is particularly persistent,” Thomas said. “He’s wanting to know why it’s this way or why it’s that way.”

Larger counties in Texas are experiencing even more public scrutiny. In Williamson County, just north of Austin, the elections administrator’s office has filled nearly 100 public information requests this year, more than the previous six years combined.

“Some of these requests are being fielded on the backs of unfounded doubts and fears — that is problematic,” said Chris Davis, the elections administrator. “But our job as election officers is to peel back that curtain and to listen to folks with their concerns.”

Tarrant County, the state’s third most populous county, plans to hire a new part-time employee to respond to public information requests related to elections.

The county’s elections administrator, Heider Garcia, has been the target of vitriolic attacks on rightwing social media sites. Garcia worked for election technology company Smartmatic before moving to Texas, and rightwing activists have accused him of facilitating voter fraud in the Philippines when he worked for Smartmatic.

Garcia said the allegations are false, and in testimony submitted to a U.S. Senate Committee, he shared screenshots of the messages he received and recounted an incident in which his home address was posted publicly.

“Can you imagine the level of stress this put on us?” Garcia wrote. “I could not sleep that night, I just sat in the living room, until around 3:00 a.m., just waiting to see if anyone had read this and decided to act on it.”

The newest stressor elections offices face involves a stunning legal opinion by Attorney General Ken Paxton that appears to conflict with existing state and federal laws.

State law dictates that elections offices keep ballots secure for 22 months after an election. But Paxton’s opinion, which contradicts an opinion he issued just a few days earlier, states that elections offices can grant access to ballots as soon as the day after they are counted.

The nonbinding opinion has left some counties wondering how to handle public information requests they will likely receive following the November election.

“How do we handle a request for information that we are still not sure, by reading the law, can be released?” Davis asked.

Strict voting laws

Texas has some of the most restrictive voting laws in the country. And after the 2020 presidential election, Texas was one of 18 states to pass even more restrictive laws. Texas’ sweeping voting legislation, often referred to as Senate Bill 1, was championed by Republicans and signed into law by Gov. Greg Abbott last fall. It took effect in December.

The law includes a number of changes: a ban on drive-thru voting and 24-hour voting sites, increased penalties for voting crimes, more protections for poll watchers and new voter assistance rules. The law also added identification requirements for voting by mail, requiring voters to provide their driver’s license number or Social Security number on both their application and ballot.

When that law went into effect, elections administrators had just a few months to parse through the new language and understand what they needed to do in order to comply. The law was also the subject of multiple lawsuits, including one from the U.S. Department of Justice.

In March, thousands of Texans who voted under the new law had their ballots rejected because they did not meet the new, stricter voter identification laws.

Those laws also piled on more labor for election workers, who must individually process each vote-by-mail application and ballot and determine whether the voter meets the strict identification requirements. In some cases, election workers said they had to call voters to have them verify information.

Stallings said his team made more than 100 calls to voters who left off information on their vote-by-mail application.

Deborah Miller, who has worked elections for more than four decades in Nacogdoches County, said the mail-in ballots are still poorly designed, causing voters to forget to include certain required information that election workers must then try to obtain through follow-up phone calls.

Election officials are trying to provide clearer instructions to avoid these hassles. But with higher expected turnout this November, there may be a learning curve.

“We anticipate seeing people voting by mail for the first time since the new legislation,” said Davis, whose county experienced an 11.5% rejection rate in the March primary. “We’re hoping to avoid such a large rejection again.”

Tarrant County’s Garcia said despite the increasing tension, his belief in public service has kept him working as an elections administrator, a job he views as imperative to maintaining a functional democracy.

“It’s not winning a Super Bowl or being a movie star,” Garcia said. “It’s a quiet role — or at least it used to be — but a very important one.”

As for Stallings, he isn’t sure how many more years he’ll be working elections in Nacogdoches County.

“At this point, I’m kind of evaluating things on a year-by-year basis because the field of elections continues to become more tense each year,” Stallings said. “I don’t expect that will stop anytime soon.”

When he started, he had recently graduated from Stephen F. Austin University with a degree in marketing and was working as a DJ on the weekends. He needed something more stable and stumbled across an opening in the elections administrator’s office.

Twenty years later he’s still there, thanks to his faith and the community, he said.

“I think if you take this job, then you owe it to the public to do everything you can to deliver a good election for them, even if it gets really difficult.”

 

Disclosure: The Texas secretary of state has been a financial supporter of The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan news organization that is funded in part by donations from members, foundations and corporate sponsors. Financial supporters play no role in the Tribune’s journalism. Find a complete list of them here.

This article originally appeared in The Texas Tribune at https://www.texastribune.org/2022/10/04/texas-elections-administrators-2022/.

The Texas Tribune is a member-supported, nonpartisan newsroom informing and engaging Texans on state politics and policy. Learn more at texastribune.org.

“Security risk”: Election officials sound the alarm over “sabotage” from pro-Trump poll workers

On Tuesday, Politico reported that election officials are facing new challenges as poll workers who believe former President Donald Trump’s election lies resort to sabotage or illegal breaches to try to prove votes are being stolen — or else, to implement their own ideas of “security”.

“The frontline election workers do everything from checking people in at voting locations to helping process mail ballots — in other words, they are the face of American elections for most voters,” reported Zach Montellaro. “And now, some prominent incidents involving poll workers have worried election officials that a bigger wave of trouble could be on the horizon.”

In Michigan alone, multiple recent incidents have put officials on edge. Last month, Michigan GOP staffers were caught urging poll workers to break election rules, including prohibitions on carrying cell phones or outside writing equipment into polling places. And last week in Kent County, a Republican poll worker was arrested and charged with tampering after he was caught inserting a USB drive into an electronic poll book containing confidential voter registration data.

“The dangers to the election system posed by a bad actor serving as a poll worker — or even a small group of them — are likely much smaller than one who becomes a secretary of state or even a local county clerk, where there is a much greater ability to affect campaigns by changing voting policies or through disrupting the election certification process,” noted the report. “But some local election officials are still concerned that poll workers could present a security risk to voting equipment itself, like in Kent County, or that they could frustrate the processes at polling locations and centralized ballot tabulation centers.”

“Poll workers are typically employees of the government who interact with voters and handle ballots,” the report continued. “And while some states require a partisan split of workers, they are generally expected to avoid any sort of activity that can be construed as political. Current and former officials expressed concerns about there being an organized effort by partisan groups to recruit and push people into those positions, because their responsibility should be to report to professional election staff.”

All of this comes as states struggle to recruit poll workers amid the suspicion and anger, and as counties have seen resignations of election officials after threats. It also comes amid the high-profile case of pro-Trump Mesa County Recorder Tina Peters, who faces charges for tampering with voting equipment as part of her quest to prove the 2020 election was stolen.

By turning straw into gold records, Loretta Lynn helped me love where I come from

I first met Loretta Lynn’s music through “Coal Miner’s Daughter,” the 1980 movie based on Lynn’s 1976 memoir of the same name (written with George Vescey), which I’m almost certain my parents wanted me to watch in order to appreciate the songs. This is a real story, I remember my parents saying. And that seemed to make it matter more, make it strong and deep, to help the music lodge in my heart.

We had our real stories too, after all, and like many rural Americans, they lined up not too far away from Lynn’s. On Tuesday, Lynn died at her home in Tennessee at the age of 90. 

In her 60-year career as a country music artist, she had multiple gold albums including hits such as “You Ain’t Woman Enough (To Take My Man),” “Don’t Come Home A-Drinkin’ (With Lovin’ on Your Mind)” and “Coal Miner’s Daughter.” A three-time Grammy Award-winner (nominated 18 times), she is the most awarded female country recording artist ever with 11 No. 1 albums and 24 No.1 hit singles. She toured for over 50 years, including at the Nelsonville Music Festival in Appalachian, Ohio,  where – pregnant with my child, standing in a muddy field beside my neighbors – I watched her. Lynn wouldn’t have wanted it any other way.

She had five more kids and didn’t sing in public for a decade.

Lynn was born in Butcher Hollow, Kentucky (a place made famous, and slightly fictionalized, in her songs) in 1932, one of eight children. She married at 15 to a man in his 20s and gave birth to her first child at 16. She had five more kids and didn’t sing in public for a decade. As The New York Times wrote, “Wanting to get away from Appalachia, she and her husband moved to Washington” to a logging community when she was first pregnant. 

Her long marriage to Oliver V. Lynn Jr. (aka Doolittle, Doo and Mooney), dramatized in many of her songs, was difficult. “Doolittle,” who would later manage Lynn’s career, drank and wasn’t always faithful. He bought his teenage wife a $17 guitar after hearing her sing as she did housework. Forming a band with her brother Jay Lee on lead guitar, Lynn played around Washington and released her first record “I’m a Honky Tonk Girl” in 1960.

Seven years later, she had her first No. 1 hit. Her songs were as unflinching as her voice, a no-nonsense register that was as clear as it was melodic. As John Carter Cash, son of Johnny Cash and June Carter Cash, and producer of Lynn’s later albums, told The New York Times, “She’s louder than most, and she’s gonna sing higher than you think she will.” 

And what Lynn sang about got her banned from radio stations in 1975 when the song she wrote, “The Pill,” became a celebratory rallying cry for reproductive freedom, which scandalized some parts of the nation. As Rolling Stone reported, Lynn said, “I never had the money to buy the pill. If I had it, I wouldn’t have had a bunch of kids.” She sang about being a divorced woman with “Rated X,” sang about leaving domestic chores behind in “Hey Loretta,” where poet Shel Silverstein wrote lyrics like, “This woman’s liberation, honey, is gonna start right now.”

She sang a lot about cheating, being betrayed. According to The New York Times, country legend Patsy Cline helped Lynn stand up for herself, against her husband, when the two musicians met after Lynn moved to Nashville. “Lynn’s dependence on her husband made him as much a father figure as a spouse to her,” The New York Times wrote. “He used the term ‘spanking’ to describe the times he hit her.” For listeners, Lynn was there for all the complicated seasons of a woman’s life. She wrote a book about her friendship with Cline in 2020’s “Me & Patsy Kickin’ Up Dust.”

“I never thought of ever leaving,” she sang, though she did. Most of us did, even if we didn’t want to.

Lynn was also there for rural life, singing about country living in a way that I, a person born in the country to a family of farmers, had never heard before. Never so openly. Lynn was proud. “I’m proud to be a coal miner’s daughter,” she sang directly. I was a Kentucky coal miner’s great-granddaughter, and Lynn’s straightforward words, “The work we done was hard. / At night we’d sleep ’cause we were tired” recalled my grandfather’s second wife, telling me stories of the company store. Lynn had the same accent as my family when we visited southern Indiana, on the Kentucky border, where my relatives had farms perched like the last trees on a cliff, their roots hanging perilously over the edge. My parents didn’t have that accent anymore, except when we came home. 

As benefitting a country music matriarch with her long dark hair and glimmering stage outfits, Lynn was glamourous but grounded. She knew hard work, a hard life. She lived it, and her songs spoke of traveling the long road of rural womanhood with its twists and turns of sex, abuse, motherhood, family, struggle and love. “I never thought of ever leaving,” she sang, though she did. Most of us did, even if we didn’t want to. Lynn came back.

In 2010, she received a lifetime achievement Grammy. She was honored at the Kennedy Center in 2003. A year later, Jack White produced her wildly popular album “Van Lear Rose,” which won a Grammy. Her long-term recording project with Carter Cash was to set down new songs, Christmas classics and Appalachian tunes from her childhood. Her most recent album “Still Woman Enough” was released in 2021. 

Lynn stopped touring in 2017, after a stroke. Mere months after that stroke, Lynn appeared on stage at the Country Music Hall of Fame, performing “Coal Miner’s Daughter” from a chair with her family all around her. 


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I remember that on stage in Appalachia, her pink ballgown made her look like the dancer on a music box, her tulle skirts voluminous and sparkly enough to be seen from the very back of the crowd. She dazzled and owned it. She was nearly 80 at the time. But she also wasn’t alone. Lynn’s children are singers and songwriters in their own right, and her band included family members who took turns at the mic, allowing Lynn to preserve her voice, still crystal-clear after such a long career, and giving others the chance to shine. 

As Appalachian writer Amy Jo Burns wrote on Twitter, “Loretta Lynn always told the true story behind the lyrics, and we all loved her for it. All hail the queen of true stories not told, but sung.”

Lynn’s songs turned straw into gold, a lesson that lived experiences matter, which can apply to all storytellers, no matter your medium. No matter where you come from: keep your roots close. Keep your family with you, and make your stories real enough to ring true forever, true enough to call us home. 

Rising cases of variants BQ.1 and XBB could make COVID drugs all but useless, study finds

As colder weather sets in, public health experts are keeping a close eye on COVID-19 variants that could spell doom and gloom this winter, just like omicron did last year. Yet these nascent variants that are rapidly spreading abroad have an evil twist that omicron lacked: an ability to evade the drugs that humans have developed to fight the SARS-CoV-2 virus.

The two subvariants of particular concern are known as BQ.1 and BQ.1.1, both off-shoots of the omicron variant BA.5 (but with several key changes.) Indeed, they seem able to evade many of the tools we have to defend against it, which could trigger a wave of hospitalizations, disabling victims with long COVID or death.

Also worrying are two other strains: one called BA.2.75.2, which seems to be spreading quickly in Singapore, India and regions of Europe;  and XBB, which some research suggests is the most antibody-evasive strain tested, almost on the level of the SARS-CoV-1 virus (known then simply as “SARS“) that caused an outbreak in 2003. This could make the new vaccines relatively useless (but still better than nothing.) Moreover, an outbreak caused by one of these highly drug- and antibody-resistant variants could be much worse due to many world governments performing far less testing and reduced public health surveillance compared to 2020 and 2021.

Despite some confusing remarks from President Joseph Biden, the pandemic appears far from over. The SARS-CoV-2 virus has essentially been given free rein the last several months, allowing it to mutate and evolve new ways around immunity and vaccinations. These tiny alterations are largely focused in the spike protein, the hooks surrounding the virus used to insert itself into cells and reproduce.

The difference between variants and subvariants comes down to the level of genetic changes in the virus. It appears that the adaptations necessary to evade immune detection are becoming more and more slight — and, more curiously, all the subsequent major mutations have stemmed directly from the omicron variant, which appears to be incredibly successful at reproducing already. Indeed, we may not see a major new strain any time soon because these omicron lineages are just so good at spreading, although it’s difficult to predict anything with certainty.

For most of this year, an omicron subvariant called BA.5 has been largely responsible for infections, hospitalizations and death in the U.S. Together with a close relative called BA.4.6, the two subvariants make up 94 percent of cases as of October 1st, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

Cao co-authored a paper, which has yet to be peer-reviewed, that seems to show previous infections by BA.5 and antibody drugs, including Evusheld and Bebtelovimab, aren’t enough to stop a BQ.1 infection.

But that could change in the coming weeks. BQ.1 and BQ.1.1 are both spreading extremely fast in parts of Europe. According to Cornelius Roemer, a viral evolution expert at the University of Basel, the number of BQ.1.1 infections has been doubling every week. That kind of exponential growth is sure to drive the variant to becoming dominant globally in short order. 

“The degree of immune escape and evasion is amazing right now, crazy,” Yunlong Richard Cao, an immunologist at Peking University in Beijing, told Nature this week. Cao co-authored a paper, which has yet to be peer-reviewed, that seems to show previous infections by BA.5 and antibody drugs, including Evusheld and Bebtelovimab, aren’t enough to stop a BQ.1 infection.

“Such rapid and simultaneous emergence of multiple variants with enormous growth advantages is unprecedented,” Cao and his colleagues warned in the study. “These results suggest that current herd immunity and BA.5 vaccine boosters may not provide sufficiently broad protection against infection.”

Meanwhile, BA.2.75.2, an offshoot of the Centaurus omicron subvariant, also shows stark ability to evade antibodies. While it isn’t a big deal in the West yet, it is seemingly spreading quickly in India. Some research from Sweden, which also isn’t yet peer reviewed but is in line with Cao’s research, described BA.2.75.2  as “the most neutralisation resistant variant evaluated to date.”

And then there’s XBB, which Cao has described as “the most antibody-evasive strain tested.” It combines two different omicron lineages (BJ.1 and BM.1.1.1) to make something so good at evading immunity (either from previous infections or vaccines) that it’s close to SARS-CoV-1. It “could cause significant immune escape at a scale never seen before,” Cao and his colleagues wrote.


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The new vaccines may still protect some against these variants, such as preventing hospitalization or death, but it may not be enough to stop an infection. How that will translate to rates of long COVID has yet to be seen, but already the debilitating condition has put millions out of work.

Not only are variants changing, so are the symptoms. Recent reports from the U.K. suggest that a sore throat is now the dominant symptom of COVID infection, rather than fever or loss of smell.

“Fever and loss of smell are really rare now — so many old people may not think they’ve got COVID,” Professor Tim Spector, co-founder of the Covid ZOE app, told The Independent. “They’d say it’s a cold and not be tested.”

Whatever this winter throws at us, we’re going to need all the tools at our disposal — including vaccines, masks and improved ventilation systems — to keep devastating COVID infections at bay.

Whoopi Goldberg says “The View” is so much “calmer” in a post-Meghan McCain era

Whoopi Goldberg is glad that her former co-host, Meghan McCain, is no longer on “The View.”

In a Saturday interview with Page Six, Goldberg opened up about the new — and enjoyable — sense of peace on the show’s set following McCain’s departure, saying, “It’s calmer because nobody wants to be that tired every day.”

McCain, the daughter of late Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.), joined “The View” in October 2017 as a full-time co-host and retired from her gig in August 2021 after four seasons. The outspoken conservative television personality often quarreled with her more liberal panelists, particularly Goldberg and fellow co-host Joy Behar. In her most recent book, “Bad Republican: A Memoir,” she explained that her tension with Behar was what motivated her to leave the show for good.

“I finally went back to the show, and the day I went back to the show, Joy Behar said on air, ‘Nobody missed you, we didn’t miss you, you shouldn’t have come back,'” McCain recounted. Following the exchange, McCain told an ABC producer, “If you guys didn’t want me to come back, I wouldn’t have come back!”

McCain also made jabs at Goldberg in her memoir, stating, “The thing about Whoopi, though, is that she yields so much power in culture and television, and once she turns on you, it can create unfathomable tension at the table.” She added that she initially felt safe around Goldberg, but that sentiment wore off after the latter allegedly began to make her contempt felt.

“I found her open disdain for me more and more difficult to manage as the years went on, and it became more frequent. Occasionally, if the show’s political discourse veered into territory that she found disagreeable, Whoopi would cut me off, sometimes harshly.”


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Unsurprisingly, Goldberg also expressed her dislike of McCain during Saturday’s interview.

“We’ve always had disagreements and stuff, but this one was a little bit different,” Goldberg said. “I think [the show], it’s better. I feel it’s better, but I’m still tired!”

Despite the onscreen drama, Goldberg claimed that there were no backstage fights with McCain. 

“People felt like they wanted to go home,” she continued. “There was no point in fighting. You do what you do and you go home and do what you love to do. And hopefully, everybody is now happier.”

Emails show Trump lawyers mocked his wealth — then tried to block the emails from Congress

Former President Donald Trump’s attorneys joked about his wealth in private emails leading up to the Jan. 6 Capitol riot. 

The emails between Trump lawyers Bruce Marks and Kenneth Chesebro in December 2020 were among the evidence that attorney John Eastman, who helped craft Trump’s Jan. 6 strategy, concealed from the Jan. 6 select committee, claiming they were covered by attorney-client privilege or attorney work-product privilege.

“A shame you are not in DC and could contribute to violation of the emoluments clause,” Marks wrote to Chesebro on Dec. 30 referencing the allegations that Trump was using his D.C. hotel to receive foreign payments.

In response, Chesebro wrote that he was staying at Trump’s D.C. hotel and doing his “part to curry favor” with Trump by lining his “empty” pockets.

Kyle Cheney, the senior legal affairs reporter for Politico, posted the email thread on Twitter with further updates on the matter. 

On Monday, the Jan. 6 select committee urged U.S. District Court Judge David Carter to evaluate 562 still-unproduced documents that they believe may contain material that should have been disclosed to them months ago.

Eastman handed over a small number of emails last week as the select committee planned to ask for additional correspondences that he made while working at Chapman University in California while helping Trump overthrow the election. 

The emails also revealed an attempt by Eastman to shield a signed Trump photograph of a rally crowd. “TIMES 50 SUCH EVENTS – NO WAY THIS LOSES,” Trump wrote. Eastman tried to withhold the email that delivered the image to Trump’s White House administrative assistant Molly Michael, claiming it was protected as an attorney-work product. 

The committee asked Carter to look through the final batch of undisclosed emails to ensure the privilege claims are legitimate, or whether he is using it as an excuse to withhold significant evidence in the case.


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When asked about the emails, Marks said the exchange was simply “tongue-in-cheek” banter and defended himself by referencing outdated limits on Congress’ power to “expose for the sake of exposure.” 

“The January 6 Committee deliberately attempting to embarrass and intimidate President Trump’s attorneys is no less Un-American than the [Joseph] McCarthy inspired tactics of the House Un-American Activities Committee,” Marks told Politico. “The mid-term elections cannot come soon enough to sweep the Democrats out of power in Congress.”

“At the time of the emails on December 30 and 31, 2020, Professor Eastman, Ken Chesebro, and I were representing President Trump in litigating a U.S. Supreme Court petition filed on December 23,” Marks said. “These emails were part of a privileged exchange. Regardless of whether specific tongue in cheek emails were protected by the attorney-client privilege, they were clearly protected by First Amendment rights of political association and free speech.”

The emails from Chapman University and the University of Colorado Boulder have become important pieces of evidence surrounding Trump’s efforts to remain in power at all costs. The select committee is working to obtain more of Eastman’s emails before the end of the current congressional session.

Eastman’s emails show communication with aides to then-Vice President Mike Pence, Rudy Giuliani and other Trump lawyers. Carter previously said that Eastman and Trump likely conspired to commit felony and obstruction of Congress, and said that Eastman’s claims of attorney-client privilege were invalid.

“Shockingly baseless”: Legal experts mock “bad faith, unethical” Trump lawsuit trying to silence CNN

Former President Donald Trump on Monday filed a lawsuit accusing CNN of defamation, seeking $475 million in punitive damages.

The 29-page suit, which was filed in the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of Florida, accuses of CNN playing a part in a “campaign of dissuasion in the form of libel and slander against the Plaintiff,” that “escalated” recently as the TV network “fears” Trump will run for president in 2024. 

The lawsuit claimed that as part of CNN’s effort to “tilt the political balance to the Left,” its hosts used “scandalous, false, and defamatory” labels like “racist,” “Russian lackey,” “insurrectionist,” and “Hitler,” when describing Trump. 

The lawsuit highlights several examples of CNN appearing to compare Trump to Hitler. In one, it mentions a January 2022 special report called “The Fight to Save Democracy” by host Fareed Zakaria, which included footage of Hitler. 

Another example includes an interview conducted by former anchor Brian Stelter in which psychiatrist Allen Frances claimed that “Trump is as destructive a person in this century as Hitler, Stalin, and Mao were in the last century.”

Trump, whose presidency was marked by discrediting journalists and labeling mainstream media as biased, usually employed empty threats of suing outlets over news coverage he disagreed with. 

On rare occasions, his campaign sued the New York Times in 2019 over an op-ed suggesting a “quid pro quo” with Russian officials, which was later dismissed. Similarly, he went after The Washington Post for libel over an opinion piece that linked his campaign to Russian electoral interference. The suit is still pending. 

Some legal experts blasted the lawsuit, calling it a publicity stunt. National security attorney Bradley Moss tweeted that the “lawsuit is garbage.”

First Amendment lawyer Ken White also weighed in on Twitter, saying that the lawsuit was “one of the most shockingly baseless, bad faith, unethical abuses of the judicial system to suppress speech I’ve ever seen. Absolutely contemptible garbage.”

“The reason this case is frivolous, bad faith, and performative is that it explicitly attacks political opinion as if it were false statement of fact,” he wrote. “It attacks the absolute core of the First Amendment.”


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Adam Steinbaugh, a First Amendment lawyer for pro-free speech organization FIRE, noted that the “First Amendment protects the right to opine that Donald Trump is a racist, demagogic insurrectionist and compare him to any number of dictators.”

Barb McQuade, a former U.S. attorney and University of Michigan law professor, also chimed in on Twitter saying that the “lawsuit is a naked publicity stunt that Trump knows will be dismissed before discovery. It will never reach deposition stage. He will make more money off of fundraising over this legally baseless lawsuit than he will pay the court in sanctions. Winning!”

Others like former federal prosecutor Renato Mariotti have described Trump’s legal action as a “media stunt”. “This lawsuit isn’t worth the paper it’s printed on,” Mariotti tweeted

The same day Trump’s legal team filed a lawsuit against CNN, he posted a statement on Truth Social, his social-media site, warning that other publications would also face legal action for their “disinformation” about the 2020 election that he lost. 

“In the coming weeks and months we will also be filing lawsuits against a large number of other Fake News Media Companies for their lies, defamation, and wrongdoing,” the statement said, “including as it pertains to ‘The Big Lie,’ that they used so often in reference to their disinformation attack on Presidential Election of 2020.”

Taylor Greene’s husband wanted divorce sealed to protect “negative” info. Now he’s changed his mind

On Monday, The New Yorker‘s Charles Bethea reported that Perry Greene, the separated husband of Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, R-Ga, has withdrawn his motion to put the couple’s divorce proceedings under seal.

This is a reversal from when the divorce was first made public last week, when he requested the seal to prevent potentially “negative” personal information from being publicized.

That original filing described the Greenes’ marriage as “irretrievably broken” and said the two had been separated for some time — but also appeared to emphasized that the divorce was amicable.

The divorce filing by Perry Greene also requests an equitable division of the couple’s assets.

“Marriage is a wonderful thing and I’m a firm believer in it,” Marjorie Taylor Greene previously told The Daily Beast in a statement. “Our society is formed by a husband and wife creating a family to nurture and protect. Together, Perry and I formed our family and raised three great kids. He gave me the best job title you can ever earn: Mom. I’ll always be grateful for how great of a dad he is to our children.”

She also echoed her husband’s request for confidentiality, saying “This is a private and personal matter and I ask that the media respect our privacy at this time.”

Herschel Walker’s abortion scandal won’t alienate Christian right voters — here’s why

Monday evening, Roger Sollenberger of the Daily Beast (and formerly of Salon) published a blockbuster scoop: Herschel Walker, former NFL running back and current Georgia Senate candidate for the GOP, allegedly asked for and paid for a girlfriend to get an abortion in 2009. Walker has taken a hard line against abortion, wanting it banned in all cases, even to save the life of the pregnant person. The woman, who understandably wants to remain anonymous, substantiated her claim with a receipt from the abortion clinic, a check from Walker, a get-well card he gave her, and the testimony of the friend who took care of her after the abortion.

Walker denies it happened. Walker also has a history of shameless lying, to the point where his own campaign aides describe him as a “pathological liar.” He claimed to have graduated in the top 1% of his University of Georgia class, but in fact, he didn’t graduate college at all. He lied about a career in law enforcement and training with the FBI. Like his mentor, Donald Trump, Walker has repeatedly lied about his business, claiming successes that aren’t realHe had multiple secret children, even lying to his own campaign to hide them. As far as Walker’s credibility goes, it might be safer at this point to assume anything he says could well be a lie. But that does not mean he will lose Christian right support over allegations of a secret abortion. They will simply scream “fake news!!!!” to dismiss this deeply reported allegation, and call it a day.

They simply do not care. The abortion issue is not and never has been about “life.”

It is unlikely that Republicans actually believe Walker over this anonymous woman, but they don’t have to. They simply do not care. The abortion issue is not and never has been about “life.” Abortion bans are about controlling women and punishing female sexuality, full stop. Walker is a straight cisgender man and a Republican. That means, as far as the Christian right is concerned, he can do whatever he wants when it comes to sex. 


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It’s not news that the much-ballyhooed “family values” of Republicans amount to little more than a transparent gloss on their belief in maintaining male supremacy and rigid gender roles. This is the same party that fervently supported Trump, a thrice-married chronic adulterer who was caught on tape bragging about how he loves to sexually assault women. Trump has probably only avoided being outed for having paid for an abortion by virtue of being a skinflint notorious for reneging on promises to pay for anything.

But somehow there is still this chronic myth in the mainstream media that Christian conservatives “really believe” abortion is murder. They do not, because they are not reacting to this story like one would if one actually thought abortion is murder.  For instance, evangelical broadcaster Erick Erickson called the story “old news” (it hasn’t been reported before) and said, “people do change.” 

Hard to imagine Erickson would shrug off the actual murder of an actual child as “old news.” 

The opposition to legal abortion is strictly about protecting ye ol’ patriarchy and reaffirming a rigid, gender-based social pecking order that puts straight men over everyone else. That much is evident in how most of the self-appointed guardians of “life” are reacting to this story: by viciously attacking Walker’s son, Christian Walker. The young man, who had previously supported Walker’s campaign, responded to the story by tweeting, “I’m done” and denouncing his father for airing “out all of his dirty laundry in public, while simultaneously lying about it.”

Christian Walker has admitted he’s “attracted to men” but has claimed he’s not “gay” because “I’m not hooking up with four people per weekend.” That bit of dodginess has not protected him from Republicans turning on him the second that he talked back to his dad. A GOP official told Atlanta Journal-Constitution reporter Greg Bluestein that Christian Walker is “a deeply disturbed kid” and “a spoiled brat” who “is solely to blame if Herschel loses the race.”


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Blaming a not-gay-just-attracted-to-men son rather than the actual candidate who allegedly wrote the check for the abortion may not make sense logically. But it comports with the Christian right ideology, which is not about “life” or “family values,” but about strict gender roles, where straight men have carte blanche and “morality” is all about policing the personal lives of women and LGBTQ people. 

Abortion bans are about punishing women, not men. 

Right now, there’s a sitting Republican congressman named Scott DesJarlais who keeps running and winning in Tennessee by claiming “family values” and being “100 percent” anti-abortion. But like Walker, that “100 percent” revolves around imagining only women choosing abortions. DesJarlais has a history of being all for abortion if he’s the one choosing it. He didn’t just encourage his mistress to have an abortion; he also backed his ex-wife’s two abortions, one for health reasons and the other because “things were not going well” between them at the time. His voters don’t hold it against him. Again, abortion bans are about punishing women, not men. 

If they could get away with it, I have no doubt the anti-choice movement would prefer a law that allows abortions if men agree to them, but not otherwise. In fact, that’s the stance that Justice Samuel Alito, who wrote the Supreme Court decision overturning Roe in June, took in 1991. The case was Planned Parenthood v. Casey, and one of the abortion regulations being challenged was a provision requiring married women to notify their husbands before getting an abortion. Alito upheld the law, claiming it was not an “undue burden” because women could beg a judge for an exemption. The Supreme Court later struck down that provision  though not other restrictions), because Justice Sandra Day O’Connor took offense at women being treated like their husband’s property. 

The recent Texas abortion law, based on a “bounty hunter” system, also embeds this notion that women are male property. The law technically allows anyone to sue someone who “abets” an abortion, and common sense tells us the people most likely to want to file such lawsuits would be abusive men trying to punish their exes. In fact, despite anti-choice claims they have no desire to arrest women for abortions, it didn’t take long for a Texas woman to be arrested for “murder” after a self-induced abortion. It turns out that one of the five prosecutors in the District Attorney’s office was also representing the woman’s ex-husband in their divorce. 

A similar situation is playing out in Arizona, where Mario Villegas is suing a clinic for “wrongful death” of an embryo for allowing his ex-wife to get an abortion. Villegas’ argument is that his ex-wife supposedly didn’t understand what she was doing. She, on the other hand, maintains she is still glad for the abortion, which she got after being led to believe he had a vasectomy. But in anti-choice eyes, her opinion simply doesn’t matter. All that matter is what the man thinks. 


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Yes, in the real world, there are plenty of men who would support their partner’s abortions and will be negatively affected by abortion bans. But those men are just collateral damage in the religious right’s imagination, viewed a bit with suspicion if they seem too keen on “letting” women make the choice. Mostly the focus is on using forced childbirth as a weapon to keep women in unhappy relationships and out of the workforce. 

This brings us back to Walker’s long history of shady behavior — the allegations of dishonesty and hypocrisy don’t offend the religious right because he doesn’t violate their main precept, which is patriarchal dominance over women, children and LGBTQ people. He was accused by his ex-wife of holding a gun to her head and threatening to kill her. His supporters accept his weak excuses, just like they accepted Trump bragging about how he likes to “grab ’em by the pussy.” Violence against women reaffirms male supremacy, so the Christian right has no problem with it. 

That’s not to say this story will definitely have no impact. There are always voters on the margin who, like Walker’s son, might get fed up with the amount of lying or begin to doubt the wisdom of the sadistic, misogynist ideology of the Christian right. More importantly, there’s evidence that the abortion issue is motivating women who were otherwise checked out of politics to vote in this midterm election. A reminder that Republicans will excuse a man for an abortion while throwing a woman in jail is bound to lead even more pro-choice voters to the polls. But don’t expect Christian conservatives to turn on Walker. Abortion, in their eyes, is only “murder” if it’s the woman choosing it. 

Ukraine ambassador torches Elon Musk’s “peace” plan: “F**k off is my very diplomatic reply to you”

Ukraine ambassador Andrij Melynk recently fired back at billionaire Elon Musk’s latest remarks about the ongoing contention between Russia and Ukraine. His fiery response has left Twitter users reeling.

On Monday, October 3, Musk took to Twitter to offer his take on the unrest between the two countries. He also included a poll to see if anyone agreed with his take.

“Ukraine-Russia Peace: – Redo elections of annexed regions under UN supervision. Russia leaves if that is will of the people. – Crimea formally part of Russia, as it has been since 1783 (until Khrushchev’s mistake). – Water supply to Crimea assured. – Ukraine remains neutral,” Musk tweeted.

He added, “This is highly likely to be the outcome in the end – just a question of how many die before then.”

While many Twitter users appeared to agree with Musk, Melynk had a colorful response as he offered a blistering suggestion for the Tesla owner.

“The only outcome ist [sic] that now no Ukrainian will EVER buy your f…ing tesla crap. So good luck to you. [Elon Musk],” Melynk tweeted. He also added, “F–k off is my very diplomatic reply to you [Elon Musk].”

It didn’t take very long for Twitter users to catch his response and many have shared their reaction to it. While some assumed Musk’s suggestions were a means of helping to resolve the situation, others agreed with Melynk.

“I am sorry, but WHAT? What help he’s offering? To give up? To stop fighting for our lives and our people, that don’t want to live under [Russian flag]?” one Twitter user asked. “To give this evil, what he wants, our lands? Shame. And about what war are you saying???? The war, which we haven’t started.”

Another user wrote, “Best thing Elon Musk could do is offer Putin a free one-way #SpaceX ticket to #Mars. That’s the off ramp everyone’s looking for. Season 1 of ‘The Expanse’ will explain the rest.”

New book suggests Trump was spooked by Ghislaine Maxwell arrest: “She say anything about me?”

Donald Trump blurted out a question about himself when Ghislaine Maxwell was arrested on sex trafficking charges.

The former president asked aides during a July 2020 meeting in the Oval Office whether Jeffrey Epstein’s girlfriend had named him among her powerful contacts who she might be hoping would protect her from prosecution, according to excerpts from the new book “Confidence Man: The Making of Donald Trump and the Breaking of America” published by The Guardian.

Trump asked “campaign advisers … ‘You see that article in the [New York] Post today that mentioned me?'” Trump asked, according to New York Times reporter and author Maggie Haberman. “He kept going, to silence. ‘She say anything about me?'”

Epstein had been convicted in 2008 on Florida prostitution charges and arrested again 2019 on sex-trafficking charges, but he killed himself in prison a month later.

Maxwell was convicted in New York in December 2021on five of six charges related to sex trafficking of minors, and she was sentenced in July to 20 years in prison, but another Epstein associate told the New York Post in a July 4, 2020 report that she believed she was “untouchable.”

She thought “that she’d be protected by the intelligence communities she and Jeffrey helped with information: the Israeli intelligence services, and Les Wexner, who has given millions to Israel; by Prince Andrew, President Clinton and even by President Trump, who was well-known to be an acquaintance of her and Epstein’s,” said Epstein associate Steve Hoffenberg.

Dr. Oz conducted experiments that killed over 300 dogs and hundreds of other animals: report

Hours after pointing to extensive evidence that Republican U.S. Senate candidate Dr. Mehmet Oz has misled millions of people about dangerous and ineffective so-called “miracle” cures and supplements, Democratic candidate John Fetterman’s campaign on Monday urged Pennsylvania voters to consider another factor in Oz’s pre-politics career: His time leading scientific research that led to the deaths of more than 300 dogs and hundreds of other animals.

“We know what the stakes are in this election,” tweeted Fetterman’s wife, activist Gisele Barreto Ferrerman. “Add one more: PUPPIES. Puppies are on the line.”

Jezebel on Monday reported that its review of 75 studies published by Oz between 1989 and 2010, when he was principal investigator at the Columbia University Institute of Comparative Medicine, revealed that 329 dogs died as a result of 34 of his experiments.

More than 660 rabbits and rodents and more than 30 pigs were also killed as a result of dozens of the cardiothoracic surgeon and TV host’s experiments.

Methods used by the lab—where Oz took “full scientific, administrative, and fiscal responsibility for the conduct” of the studies he led—violated the Animal Welfare Act, according to testimony given in 2005 by Catherine Dell’Orto, a veterinarian who worked there.

According to Dell’Orto, dogs who were experiencing painful medical conditions including vomiting, paralysis, and kidney failure were kept alive for days and even weeks so Oz’s team could experiment on them. The Republican candidate also led an experiment in which the team injected expired drugs into the hearts of a litter of puppies without using sedation, killing them.

“Upon being killed, the puppies were allegedly left in a garbage bag with living puppies who were their littermates,” reported Jezebel.

According to the website, “Columbia declined to comment” on the report, “and Oz’s campaign has yet to respond” to a request for comment.

After the report was published, Fetterman tweeted a succinct message: “Dr. Oz is a puppy killer.”

“This is a truly heartbreaking report,” said Barreto Fetterman. “What kind of person, let alone doctor, would do something like this? The same person who made his career and fortune off of peddling fake—and sometimes harmful—miracle pills. The same person who knowingly pushed dangerous diets to his audience.”

“This is who Dr. Oz is: unconscionable and a danger to others,” she added.

“Open and shut”: Experts say Trump lawyer’s admission just made DOJ Mar-a-Lago case a “lot stronger”

One of former President Donald Trump’s lawyers refused his request in February to say that he had returned all of the documents taken to Mar-a-Lago, according to The Washington Post.

Trump in February asked attorney Alex Cannon to tell the National Archives and Records Administration that all of the documents had been returned. Cannon refused the request because “he was not sure that statement was true,” sources told the Post. The FBI ultimately found thousands more documents when they searched Trump’s residence in August as part of a criminal investigation into the potential mishandling of classified documents and obstruction.

Cannon “facilitated” the transfer of 15 boxes of documents to the National Archives earlier this year after officials demanded for over a year for the return of “all original presidential records” as required by law. National Archives officials threatened to get the Justice Department or Congress involved, according to the report.

Trump packed the boxes himself, a source told the Post, and “seemed determined” in February to declare that all documents had been returned. Trump told his team to release a public statement declaring that he had returned “everything” and asked Cannon to make a similar statement to the National Archives. Cannon, who worked as an attorney for the Trump Organization and later the Trump campaign before representing him after he left the White House, refused the request, according to the report.

Cannon told others that he was “not sure” if there may be additional documents and that he would be “uncomfortable” making such a claim, according to the Post. Other Trump advisers also encouraged him not to make such a statement. Trump’s team ultimately did not release the public statement either, instead releasing a different message three days later saying that the materials were turned over in a “friendly” manner without saying that “everything” had been returned.

“The papers were given easily and without conflict and on a very friendly basis, which is different from the accounts being drawn up by the Fake News Media,” Trump said at the time.

Legal experts said the report could be trouble for Trump.

“DOJ case for obstruction against Trump (18 USC 1519) just got a lot stronger,” tweeted Ryan Goodman, a New York University law professor.

“More evidence of willful retention and concealment,” wrote national security attorney Bradley Moss.

“Open and shut,” tweeted conservative attorney George Conway.

Cannon’s refusal to make the statement “soured his relationship” with Trump, for whom he had worked since 2015, and he was shut out of further discussions about the matter, according to the Post.

The DOJ ultimately found more evidence that there were additional documents at Mar-a-Lago and in May obtained a grand jury subpoena seeking all documents marked classified. Trump lawyer Evan Corcoran, who replaced Cannon, told the DOJ that he had returned all classified material and fellow Trump lawyer Christina Bobb signed a document affirming that she was advised that all the documents were returned.

The FBI ultimately obtained a warrant to search the premises and found thousands more documents. Bobb has since retained her own attorney and colleagues have reportedly urged Corcoran to do the same, citing their legal vulnerability after making the statements to the DOJ.


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Cannon’s “decision not to lie on Trump’s behalf appears to be one of the only smart decisions made by his legal team this year,” tweeted former federal prosecutor Renato Mariotti.

Mariotti said that Trump’s request for his lawyer to “lie” to the National Archives is “a crime if done knowingly and willfully.”

“More likely it will be used by DOJ to show an intent to hide and deceive. Would be a factor in favor of indictment and would be featured at trial,” he wrote.

“If this reporting holds up,” wrote former U.S. Attorney Joyce Vance White, “his conduct would have been so egregious that DOJ will have to indict to maintain the rule of law — anyone else would be indicted, he must be too.”

Schools are harnessing solar power in record numbers

In 2014, two solar energy groups published a report finding that only about 3,750 U.S. schools — out of a total of roughly 130,000 — were generating electricity from solar panels. But that number is on the rise.

According to the fourth edition of the “Brighter Future” report, released last week by the clean energy nonprofit Generation180, the number of U.S. schools using solar power has more than doubled in the last seven years, reaching roughly 8,400 by the end of 2021. These so-called “solar schools” now account for nearly 1 in 10 public, independent, and charter K-12 schools and serve more than 6 million students nationwide. 

Tish Tablan, director of Generation180’s Solar for All Schools program and lead author of the report, called the number “an incredible milestone.” As some schools build new rooftop and ground-based solar arrays, others are subscribing to community solar programs. In some cases, schools with solar panels are generating enough electricity to sell it back to their communities. Since 2015, American schools’ total solar energy capacity has nearly tripled to 1,644 megawatts — enough to meet the electricity use of all the households in a city the size of Boston, Denver, or Washington, D.C.

At the front of the pack is California; the Golden State has both the greatest number of solar schools and the most solar capacity. It’s in fourth place for the percentage of schools that have solar power, trailing only Connecticut, Washington, D.C., and Hawai’i, where a full 40 percent of schools have adopted solar. And other states are making great gains — between 2019 and 2021, Washington state saw solar capacity grow more than eightfold, while Wisconsin, Illinois, Arkansas, and Virginia all at least doubled their installed solar capacity.

According to Tablan, much of this growth has been enabled by third-party financing models like power purchase agreements, or PPAs. With these agreements, developers pay to install and operate solar panels, while schools buy the electric output for a predetermined amount of time. Developers benefit because the agreements allow them to take advantage of federal tax credits and provide a stable source of income. 

For schools, the agreements can slash thousands of dollars off their utility bills and remove up-front costs associated with solar installation — something that the Generation180 report says has been “critical” for solar expansion beyond the most affluent school districts. As of 2021, the report finds that 47 percent of the public schools with solar power are eligible for federal Title I Schoolwide Program funding, which indicates that at least 40 percent of their students come from low-income families. (As of 2019, 57 percent of all public schools nationwide are eligible for such funding.)

At Denver Public Schools in Colorado, for example, PPAs with several solar developers have helped the 90,000-student school district install 9 megawatts of solar capacity at 50 schools, at least 21 of which run a Title I Schoolwide Program. As a result, the district has achieved annual emissions reductions equivalent to taking 2,175 gasoline-powered cars off the road. 

As an added bonus, schools in Denver are using solar arrays to teach students about renewable energy. This summer, Denver Public Schools partnered with a nonprofit solar installer to offer hands-on engineering classes and career guidance to high schoolers — a form of early job training for aspiring electrical engineers. One student interviewed for the Generation180 report, Kimberly, said the program “opened my eyes and introduced me to careers I didn’t know existed.”

Despite schools’ progress, Generation180 emphasizes that there’s still work to do, as some 90 percent of U.S. schools still lack solar panels. “We still have a long way to go to reach the goal of 100% clean energy,” the report says, “and the speed and scale of the climate crisis calls for us to respond faster than ever.” According to the organization’s estimates, shifting all of the United States’ K-12 schools to 100 percent solar power would eliminate 60 million metric tons of carbon dioxide emissions annually — roughly equivalent to the yearly climate pollution of 16 coal-fired power plants.

Tablan says more PPAs could help push the needle forward, and it could be especially impactful to reverse policies in the six states — mostly in the South — that restrict these third-party financing options. Federal funding from last year’s Bipartisan Infrastructure Law and this year’s Inflation Reduction Act could also help; together, the laws include hundreds of millions of dollars in grants to upgrade schools’ energy systems and reduce their climate pollution, as well as an expanded tax credit to help schools offset the cost of new solar and battery storage projects.

Serendipity 3’s $100, golden dessert taco is the natural evolution of the gourmet Choco Taco trend

Choco Taco fans rejoice!

In celebration of National Taco Day, the beloved — and heavily mourned — ice cream novelty is making its comeback thanks to an over-the-top recreation from Serendipity 3, the New York City-based desserts restaurant best known for its world-famous Frrrozen Hot Chocolate

Called the “Serendipity Golden Taco,” the sweet treat is made with house-made waffles, which are then stuffed with Serendipity Brands’ Frrrozen Hot Chocolate Ice Cream, dipped in Ruby Chocolate and generously topped with 23K edible gold. To top it all off, each golden taco is priced at an astounding $100!

The golden tacos will be available for purchase on Tuesday, Oct. 4, which is officially National Taco Day. Customers can reserve their spot for a taco online via Resy.

Serendipity 3 isn’t the only restaurant to take Choco Taco’s into the realm of the gourmet, by the way. After it was announced in July that Klondike was discontinuing the product, nostalgia swelled for the frozen treat, which prompted chefs all across the country to develop or highlight their own version of the dessert. 

Lonesome Rose, a Mexican-inspired restaurant in Chicago’s Logan Square neighborhood, has long offered a version stuffed with horchata ice cream and topped with a peanut-pretzel crumble. Meanwhile, Austin’s Suerte makes a dessert taco “made with cinnamon semifreddo covered with a chocolate-masa shell, peanut caramel, and roasted peanuts,” reported Eater


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Not in the mood to drop $100 on a dessert taco? if you’re looking to satisfy your sweet taco cravings, check out this recipe for homemade choco tacos from Salon’s Mary Elizabeth Williams

To start, flatten your waffles and drape them carefully on the rungs of a 350 degree oven. Bake them for 5 to 7 minutes or until they are slightly crisp. For the toppings, pulse a cup of honey-roasted peanuts (or your choice of nuts) or smash them in a sealed Ziploc bag with a rolling pin. Dip each waffle in chocolate shell, then sprinkle with crushed nuts and let cool in the freezer. Gently scoop softened ice cream into the tacos and cool a second time before enjoying.

Trump’s long game: Executive privilege and the assault on historical memory

The destruction of historical memory is a central element of fascist politics. In our own time, the attempt to erase history continues with Donald Trump’s efforts to claim executive privilege to keep secret various government documents related to his stoking of the Jan. 6 insurrection and his retention of national security documents at Mar-a-Lago. As the New York Times reports, the legal question regarding whether he has the power to claim executive privilege to retain these documents is unclear:

President Biden is not backing Mr. Trump’s attempt to use that power, and many legal scholars and the Justice Department have argued that he is stretching the narrow executive privilege rights the Supreme Court has said former presidents may invoke. But there are few definitive legal guideposts in this area, and the fights could have significant ramifications.

Independent of the legal questions at stake here, there are deeper substantive concerns for democracy if we empower a former president in his efforts to erase history. Over the last year and a half, Trump has consistently portrayed the Jan. 6 insurrectionists as patriots who sought to overturn a fraudulent election outcome in 2020, and as victims of federal government oppression. In an Orwellian effort to annihilate historical facts, the late Rush Limbaugh, when he wasn’t celebrating the insurrectionists, baselessly claimed that they were fueled by antifa and “Democratically-sponsored instigators.”

The impact of GOP propaganda on the party base has been pronounced. About three-quarters of Republicans say they believe there was widespread fraud in the 2020 election, thereby perverting the outcome and throwing the victory to Joe Biden. In a recent Times-Siena poll, 69 percent of Republicans said that in the wake of the 2020 election Trump was “just exercising his right to contest the election,” while only 21 percent agreed “he went so far that he threatened American democracy.” The former sentiment seeks to exempt Trump from culpability for the Jan. 6 attack, despite his clear incitement of the insurrectionists before they stormed the Capitol, despite his refusal to mobilize the National Guard to stop them (or his claim that he tried to mobilize the National Guard but that Nancy Pelosi stopped him), despite Republicans’ groundless claim that the FBI was responsible for Jan. 6, and despite Trump’s subsequent efforts to celebrate and defend the insurrectionists. Also consistent with Republican disinformation, most Republicans believe “the riot was led by violent left-wing protesters,” rather than by Trump supporters. 

A majority of Americans don’t want Trump to run again in 2024 — but among Republicans, he’s far and away the frontrunner. In that context, the popular vote won’t prevent him from stealing the election.

The Republican effort to invert reality, utilizing the rhetoric of democracy as a weapon to undermine democracy, looms over future elections and their perceived legitimacy. While a majority of Americans — more than six in 10 — believe that Trump should not run again in 2024, Trump polls far and away as the frontrunner among potential Republican primary candidates. About half of Republicans say they want him to be the 2024 nominee, double the support of Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, and five times that of Ted Cruz, Nikki Haley or Mike Pence. With Trump and other Big Lie Republicans in unquestioning control of the party, a majority popular vote against Trump no longer appears sufficient to stop him from potentially stealing the 2024 election. As has been recently reported, about a third of Republicans running for various state offices now embrace Big Lie election-fraud propaganda.  Other estimates suggest the threat is much higher, with 60 percent of Americans voting in elections this fall where an election denier is running as a Republican. 


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It would only take a few of these Big Lie Republicans in major political positions — ratifying crucial counties in battleground states or serving in legislatures or as secretaries of state — to overturn popular majority votes going forward that favor Democratic candidates based on bogus claims of voter fraud. The easiest path to pulling off that kind of electoral coup would be by nullifying Democratic majority votes in Pennsylvania, Wisconsin and Georgia. Looking at the election map in 2020, Trump lost the electoral vote to Biden, 306-232. Hypothetically, if the 2024 election turned out the same as 2020, Trump could prevail over Biden — or another Democrat — by stealing Pennsylvania (20 electoral votes), Wisconsin (16) and Georgia (16), overturning a Democratic majority vote through nullification efforts by Republican state operatives. That would produce a Trump “victory” in the Electoral College of 284 to 254.

Republicans could also cause a constitutional crisis with a lot less monkey-wrenching. If even one state were to nullify a popular majority vote and hand its electoral votes to Trump in defiance of the voters, that would set a dangerous precedent in which election outcomes are untethered from popular majorities and instead become prizes to be divvied up by partisan operatives and saboteurs. (Admittedly, this was pretty much the situation in some 19th-century elections, most notably in 1876: Who actually “won” that notorious contest between Rutherford B. Hayes and Samuel Tilden remains an unsettled question even today.)

Depending on who one talks to these days, the above scenarios are either written off as paranoia of the “it can’t happen here” variety, or are seriously entertained by those who perceive Trump and his party as a looming threat to democracy. But they cannot be dismissed as outlandish, considering Trump’s obvious strategic efforts to stage a successful political-electoral coup the next time around. The fact that Americans live in such radically different political universes, where for some Trump is the savior of democracy and for others he represents its doom, is testament to the overwhelming power of propaganda and the war on historical memory, evidence-based reasoning and truth. 

Without question, online, cable, and talk radio echo chambers bear much of the blame for allowing Republicans to retreat to alternate realities, where the QAnon-embracing ex-president is really a heroic liberator. But the problem’s much larger than the media. The Republican Party in total has been taken over by Big Lie election propaganda and now overtly works to subvert democracy. But those efforts can only prevail through or alongside a successful effort to declare war on historical memory and political facts. 

Those who hope that time has sobered up Trump’s base must face the fact that nearly half of Republicans continue to believe that “strong, unelected leaders are better than weak elected ones.”

There’s ample evidence of deep rot in American political culture, where democracy itself is increasingly in question. Tens of millions of Republicans apparently long for a strongman-style leader who creates his own political realities. Nearly two-thirds of Republicans conceded before the 2020 election that there was nothing Trump could do that would undermine their support for him. That sort of personality cult is a classic warning sign of rising fascism: the mass embrace of a larger-than-life demagogue who is empowered to create and dictate his own realities, facts be damned. Those hoping that time has sobered up Trump’s base must face the fact that nearly half of Republicans — 42 percent — continue to believe that “strong, unelected leaders are better than weak elected ones.” It’s difficult to divorce that sentiment from Trump’s political fortunes, considering his large loss in the 2020 election coupled with his efforts to impose himself for a second term via a quasi-constitutional coup attempt.

For those Americans who look at their country with clear eyes, the stakes are increasingly clear. The GOP’s war on truth and historical memory has a clear goal: the demise of political agency for any majority that relies on voting alone to defeat it. We desperately need to reinvigorate the American educational system, prioritizing the teaching of information literacy, critical thinking and evidence-based reasoning, particularly as applied to the social world. If we want, that is, to have any chance of rolling back fascist efforts to destroy electoral politics and republican governing principles as we know them. 

U.S. education, while traditionally stressing scientific reasoning when it comes to studying the natural world, has performed badly in prioritizing scientific, evidence-based reasoning to help students better understand the social world. Repairing our broken education system is admittedly made more difficult by the bipartisan focus on infantilizing American youth, treating them as neoliberal consumers and future drones in the corporate workforce and stressing the vocational uses of “education” over critical thought and active citizenship. In this context, students and parents willing to fight back against the dismantling of education become all the more vital.

Rolling back the war on history and truth won’t happen simply by prosecuting Trump for any one of the many laws he’s broken. It requires building a better America by re-socializing young people to value democracy rather than indulging in efforts to destroy it. It demands a return to teaching vigorous critical thinking, the only tool that can beat back post-truth propaganda and preserve the damaged ideals of an informed citizenry and a legitimate democracy.

Roger Stone is here to teach us a lesson — and it’s one we should have learned years ago

In the annals of unheeded warnings about appeasing bullies, there’s British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain, who literally cut a deal with Adolf Hitler and promised “peace in our time.” Then we have toddler-man Donald Trump, with his endless hissy-fits about not being treated fairly and mob-speak threats about what a shame it would be if our nice democracy was to — well, was to run into a narcissistic, psychopathic compulsive liar. Somebody like him. 

 Trump was also impeached twice, let us note — and got off the hook both times.

With the recent revelation that Trump acolyte Roger Stone, a Republican dirty trickster clear back to the days of Richard Nixon — told his cronies, “Fuck the voting, let’s get right to the violence,” before the 2020 election had even happened — let alone any bullshit claims that it was stolen — we have yet another example of what happens when you give in to a bully. What happens? We’ve heard it a thousand times and more during the Trump era, so let’s all say it together: He becomes emboldened.

Stone has long claimed credit for the faux-grassroots uprising against the hand recount of votes in Florida after the 2000 election, dubbed the Brooks Brothers riot because it was carried out by a bunch of frat-boy insurgent Republicans in polo shirts, who tried to intimidate election officials while chanting “Shut it down!” In memory of Hitler’s 1923 Beer Hall Putsch, an attempted coup against the government of the Weimar Republic, we might well call that Miami event the Kegger Putsch.

As Chris Lehmann wrote recently in The Nation, the Kegger Putsch vividly refutes any claim that the Jan. 6 insurrection was some sort of unthinkable anomaly: 

The precedent set by the post-election uprising in Miami-Dade County gives the lie to the common depiction of the failed Trumpian coup as an isolated and outlying event in the annals of right-wing protest. In reality, the “Brooks Brothers riot,” staged amid the surreal, fiercely contested battle over the Florida vote, laid out the blueprint. Then, as in 2020, key legal and political strategists on the right sought to disrupt a clear procedural mandate to preserve the integrity of a vote count. The symbolic staging of the right-wing uprising conveyed the clear message that the votes of a white, upscale electorate were innately more American, legitimate, and potent than the more numerous non-white coalition that broke for the Democratic presidential ticket.   

There’s a salient difference between 1923 and 2000, not to mention 2021: Hitler was arrested a couple of days after the Beer Hall Putch and charged with treason. He even did time in prison (although that didn’t stop him from rising to power nine years later). Roger Stone and his Izod-clad minions simply walked away from their shenanigans in Florida, which successfully altered the course of history — aided, as Lehmann notes, by three members of the Bush legal team at the time who now sit on the Supreme Court — and put George W. Bush in the White House.

Thus emboldened, Stone went from “Shut it down” to “Stop the steal” — a slogan he first tried out years before 2020 — and got away with it again. When you keep getting away with things, over and over again, you naturally get impatient with all the fussy preliminaries, like the actual voting. And it’s human nature, in a perverse sort of way, to see just how far you can take things. “Fuck the voting. Let’s get right to the violence.” We must assume the House select committee investigating the Jan. 6 attack has been listening.


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The director of “A Storm Foretold,” the Danish documentary that clip comes from, was interviewed recently on MSNBC’s “Morning Joe” and said Stone’s remark was made in frustration, knowing that Trump was likely to lose the election. Stone has claimed that he was only joking, but his remarks about challenging all election results make it clear enough that he was serious about winning the election by any means necessary — starting with bluster, threat and well-placed judges.

Roger Stone’s career is an object lesson in what happens when you keep getting away with things, over and over again, and just naturally get impatient with all the fussy preliminaries. Like actual voting.

What other bad actors have we issued a free pass, to the detriment of society or the world at large? Richard Nixon (whose face is tattooed on Roger Stone’s back) got his pardon. Rush Limbaugh and Rupert Murdoch brought a level of propaganda and hate speech to America so shameless it might have made Joseph Goebbels blush. Tucker Carlson and Joe Rogan have made enormous personal fortunes miseducating a generation of young male Americans about how to be a good citizen and a good man.

How about the 147 Republican members of Congress who voted against certifying the electoral votes of a free and fair election? Have literally any of them paid a price?

While one cannot count this, legally or perhaps morally, as “getting away with something,” it’s worth noting that Donald Trump himself reportedly invoked his Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination nearly 450 times in the New York civil case about his business practice of overstating (to lenders) or understating (to tax authorities) the value of his properties. Again, he took the Fifth over and over, during testimony in a civil case, where neither he nor anyone else was at risk of going to jail.

Justice seemed to catch up with Roger Stone in February 2020, when he was convicted of obstruction, witness-tampering and lying to Congress in its Russia probe and sentenced to three years in federal prison. Predictably, that justice was short-lived Trump commuted his sentence that July and then, in December, granted him a full pardon, along with a number of other felons, including former Trump campaign manager Paul Manafort and Charles Kushner, father of Jared. Stone reportedly sought a  pardon for his actions around the insurrection on Jan. 5 and 6, 2021, while he was delivering end-of-the-world speeches to the Trump faithful and hanging around the Willard hotel with members of the Oath Keepers as “bodyguards.” All six Oath Keepers seen with Stone on those two days reportedly later took part in the Capitol insurrection

How much more abuse from this bully do we have to take, before we’re finally done appeasing him? 

Study suggests the heart benefits from coffee — but the preparation method matters

Don’t talk to me till I’ve had my morning heart medication.

It may sound weird, but there’s something about coffee that seems to boost heart health — and certain types of coffee seem to be better than others. New research in the European Journal of Preventive Cardiology analyzed a large database of coffee drinkers and found that people who drank around 2 to 3 cups per day had better cardiovascular health than controls.

Coffee is the most widely used drug on the planet, enticing people with its cognitive-enhancing abilities since at least the 15th century. But it’s much more than its principal ingredient, caffeine. The brew also contains dozens of other chemicals, including cafestol and kahweol, which can have biological effects on the body, just like drugs. But when it comes to coffee and the heart, research has been conflicting and inconclusive whether it helps or harms cardiovascular health.

“The relationship between coffee drinking and cardiovascular disease has been controversial,” researchers from the Chinese Academy of Sciences reported in 2019. “However, most follow-up studies did not have direct evidence that coffee can cause cardiovascular disease.”

Caffeine has vasoconstrictor properties, meaning it causes blood vessels to squeeze together, which can briefly raise heart rate. But this effect is typically minimal, and in many cases, the opposite is seen: caffeine vasodilates or causes the blood vessels to relax and widen. (Fun fact: this is why coffee seems to help you poop.) Because caffeine works on so many different parts of the body, its behavior can be somewhat complex.

Regardless of caffeine’s effect on blood pressure, some health experts have warned against using it, especially in people with cardiovascular diseases. To better understand this relationship, a team of Australian researchers looked at nearly 450,000 patients in the UK Biobank data set, a long-term study that has been following patients since 2006. Participants were surveyed about their coffee use, including frequency and what type of coffee they consume: ground, instant or decaf. More than 100,000 non-coffee drinkers were included as controls.

The database also includes other health information, such as patients’ heart health. Patients were screened for cardiovascular disease (including coronary heart disease, congestive cardiac failure and stroke), arrhythmias or irregular heartbeats, and death from any cause.

Caffeine can have a protective effect on the heart.

They researchers found that no matter what kind of coffee people drank, even decaf, it significantly reduced risk of cardiovascular disease, arrythmias and death compared to controls. While around 28,000 participants (6 percent) died during long-term follow-up, including 4,400 (1 percent) from cardiovascular causes, that effect was greatly reduced when coffee was added to the mix.

“A significant reduction in all-cause mortality was associated with coffee consumption up to 5 cups/day, with the greatest effect seen with 2–3 cups/day,” the authors reported. “Ground and instant but not decaffeinated coffee consumption were associated with a significantly lower risk of incident arrhythmias.”

In other words, this suggests caffeine can have a protective effect on the heart; interestingly, decaf was less likely to reduce irregular heartbeats. This effect was diminished however, once the number of cups per day reached a certain point. But decaf was linked to some benefit as well, leading the authors to conclude that other compounds in the brew can have beneficial effects on cardiovascular health.

Because this research includes a large sample size following participants for more than 10 years, it’s a strong indicator that there’s something real happening here. But while there are some prevailing theories as to how coffee can influence bodily health, it still hasn’t been proven how the compounds in a cup of java work on the heart.


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One thing that makes this study unique is it breaks down coffee usage into subtypes. Given how broad a category coffee encompasses — including everything from espresso shots to cold brew to decaf to a sugary mocha —  this lends more weight to the results.

There are some limitations to this research, such as the survey data being self-reported and that it only allowed  participants to choose one type of preferred coffee. Some folks may switch between instant, ground or decaf. The researchers also assumed their coffee habit didn’t change in the decade since they first answered questions about their use.

Because it relies on data from the U.K., the study mostly includes white people and most participants were older than 50. Other dietary factors may influence these results as well, but the researchers tried to control for comorbidities, such as diabetes or smoking.

Coffee may have some beneficial properties, but not everything in it is considered safe. Acrylamide and furan are two compounds commonly found in coffee that are produced when the beans are roasted. Both have been linked to health problems, including cancer. However, these compounds occur at very low levels, so experts at the Food and Drug Administration have claimed “consuming coffee poses no significant risk of cancer.” Still, it’s an indication that coffee isn’t entirely made of beneficial ingredients.

It’s important to note this U.K. study wasn’t conducted by anyone with ties to the coffee industry, which generates around $433 billion per year. Globally, there are nearly 35,000 Starbucks stores alone and there’s no sign of slowing demand. Coffee isn’t just something people love, it’s something many humans can’t live without. Maybe that can now be taken literally as well as figuratively.

Brazil’s runoff election between Bolsonaro and Lula could determine fate of the Amazon rainforest

The Ashéninka woman with the painted face radiated a calm, patient confidence as she stood on the sandy banks of the Amonia River and faced the loggers threatening her Amazonian community.

The loggers had bulldozed a trail over the mahogany and cedar saplings she had planted, and blocked the creeks her community relied on for drinking water and fish. Now, the outsiders wanted to widen the trail into a road to access the towering rainforests that unite the Peruvian and Brazilian border along the Juruá River.

María Elena Paredes, as head of the Sawawo Hito 40 monitoring committee, said no, and her community stood by her.

She knew she represented not just her community and the other Peruvian Indigenous communities, but also her Brazilian cousins downstream who also rely on these forests, waters and fish.

The Indigenous residents of the Amazon borderlands understand that the loggers and their tractors and chainsaws are the sharp point of a road allowing coca growers, land traffickers and others access to traditional Indigenous territories and resources. They also realize that their Indigenous communities may be all that stands in defense of the forest and stops invaders and road builders.

The 2022 elections could be a turning point away from deforestation, unsustainable road building and the targeting of Indigenous lands – or the election results could continue to escalate the pressure. After a closer than expected first-round vote on Oct. 2, Brazil’s presidential race is headed for a runoff on Oct. 30.

Explosive growth of illegal roads as government pulled back

During Jair Bolsonaro’s presidency in Brazil and the COVID-19 pandemic, the Amazon rainforest has witnessed explosive growth in informal and illegal roads.

The Amazonian departments of Ucayali, Loreto and Madre de Dios, Peru, saw road expansion increase by 25% from 2019 to 2020 and 16% from 2020 to 2021. In the Brazilian Amazon, roads are being built at such a rapid pace that researchers are turning to artificial intelligence to map the expansion.

Animation of map changes and close up of one area year to year

How road building leads to the rapid deforestation of surrounding lands. The satellite maps show road expansion from 2003 to 2021 into the Serra do Divisor National Park and its buffer zone. Yunuen Reygadas/ABSAT/University of Richmond, CC BY-ND

 

Roads are the most damaging infrastructure in the tropical rainforest, bringing deforestation and a host of related cultural and environmental impacts.

Research shows that Indigenous lands are crucial to safeguarding the forest ecosystems and immense carbon stores. These territories, covering about a third of the Amazon region, act as a buffer against road expansion, reducing both deforestation and fires.

But the Indigenous communities near the border between Peru and Brazil are experiencing an onslaught on their homelands.

When the pandemic forced governments to reduce monitoring and law enforcement in the remote rainforests, the illegal road builders, loggers, miners and traffickers increased their presence and work rate. The state’s absence gave them a relative respite from law enforcement, and in Brazil, they were goaded on by Bolsonaro’s anti-environment, anti-Indigenous and anti-science rhetoric.

A combination of road-building, climate change-induced forest heating and drying, and related deforestation is pushing the Amazon rainforest toward a tipping point that could turn the world’s largest rainforest and reserve of terrestrial biodiversity into a sparsely wooded savanna in just a few decades. Thousands of fires were burning in the Brazilian Amazon in September 2022.

Elections could turn the tide

A few hours downriver from where she confronted the loggers, Paredes and other Peruvian Indigenous leaders met with their Brazilian counterparts in September 2022 to discuss strategies to stop the invasions. The Brazilian leaders included Francisco Piyako and Isaac Piyako, two Indigenous Ashéninka brothers who ran for election at the federal and state levels but lost amid the southern Amazon’s conservative turn toward agribusiness.

While the Brazilian election included more Indigenous candidates than any in Brazilian history, with the 175 candidates representing a 37% increase over 2018, few of those candidates won.

Two Indigenous women with strong anti-Bolsonaro platforms emerged from the election as federal deputies: Sônia Guajajara will represent São Paulo state and Célia Xakriabá the state of Minas Gerais. Marina Silva, a former environment minister and past Green Party presidential candidate, also won election as a federal deputy in São Paulo state. None of them directly represents the Amazon.

These results place the future of the Amazon very much in the hands of Brazil’s national election.

On one side of the presidential election stands Bolsonaro, a populist who has derided Indigenous people, environmentalists and science while weakening environmental and Indigenous agencies and inciting miners, loggers, ranchers and agribusiness leaders to cut down the forest.

On the other side is Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva – commonly called Lula – a former Brazilian president who is arguing for zero deforestation. Da Silva had 48.4% of the first-round vote to Bolsonaro’s 43.2%.

Peru also held elections on Oct. 2, but at the regional and municipal levels. In the Ucayali region, 37% of the candidates were Indigenous. As of Oct. 3, votes were still being counted, but Indigenous candidates have historically had very poor showings. The vote leaders for president of the Peruvian Amazonian state of Ucayali were an ex-governor and coca farmer connected to a corruption investigation and a promoter of agribusiness.

In Maria Elena Paredes’ home district, Yurúa, pro-conservation Indigenous residents did win, providing one of few positive signs for the pro-environment movement in the Amazon.

Without adequate pro-environment and Indigenous representation, the roads and extractive development will march forward, making the Peruvian side of the forest even more vulnerable. A victory for sustainability, conservation and culture in Brazil could resonate across political borders into Peru and the other seven countries that share the Amazon, just as Paredes’ intervention in Peru stopped the tractors from ruining the forests and streams that flow into Brazil.

A chart shows deforestation fell in the early 2000 but sharply rose again starting in 2019

Deforestation has surged since 2019, with the bulk of the impact in Brazil due to President Jair Bolsonaro’s development approach resonating with loggers, ranchers and miners. RAISG

A dangerous job: Defending the Amazon

As leaders like Paredes and others defend their forests and people, they are also targets for violence.

In the Amazon borderlands, danger threatens from multiple sides, and justice is rarely served. The killing of journalist Dom Phillips and activist Bruno Pereira in June 2022 was just the latest high-profile attack. Global Witness reported that 200 land and environmental defenders were killed in 2021.

Fifteen years ago, the legendary Indigenous leader Edwin Chota protested the road that Paredes and her community are blocking today. He and three colleagues were later gunned down in 2014 after receiving death threats from loggers and traffickers. The killers remain free in the borderlands.

This summer, I visited Chota’s grave with over 20 of the surviving family and community members of the four slain defenders. Most of these families are afraid to return to their beautiful forests in the borderland community of Saweto, and instead remain on the outskirts of the city of Pucallpa, squeezed into dilapidated houses with intermittent electricity and clean water.

Far from their village, the children cannot build their cultural and environmental knowledge in the forest.

Five participants from Saweto were among the 120 Indigenous representatives from 13 ethnicities in the Amazon borderlands who joined our NASA workshop to discuss how they can use satellite imagery to monitor changes to the forest and climate. By integrating Indigenous ecological knowledge and geospatial analysis of the Amazon rainforest and climate, scientists and Indigenous groups can both better track the changing Amazon.

The Indigenous mothers, fathers and children told us they want training and education that will help them to protect their territory, adapt to climate change and build a sustainable future. Our NASA SERVIR project is creating mapping platforms based on satellite imagery analysis that the Indigenous communities, nongovernment organizations and government agencies can use to monitor roads, deforestation and climate change.

Indigenous defense is crucial

All of humanity is feeling the effects of climate change. Our Indigenous colleagues recognize the changes in temperature, the water cycle and the seasons already happening in their communities.

Maria Elena Paredes speaks about her work protecting the Amazon.

 

Environmental land defenders like Paredes are working to keep the world’s largest forest standing tall in the face of threats that don’t just harm the Amazon. If the Amazon rainforest becomes a savanna, there will be reverberations in the climates of South America, the Caribbean, North America and across the globe.

Everyone loses if the Indigenous defenders of the Amazon do not have the support and educational opportunities needed to be safe, prosperous and empowered to protect their rainforest home.

 

This article was updated Oct. 3, 2022, with election results.

David S. Salisbury, Associate Professor of Geography, Environment, and Sustainability, University of Richmond

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Hurricane Ian and other disasters becoming a growing source of inequality – even among middle-class

Friendswood, Texas, is the type of community that one might think of as a “best case scenario” when it comes to recovering from a disaster.

It is a small tight-knit town with well-resourced residents and a strong social infrastructure of local institutions that provided a huge outpouring of support in the immediate aftermath of Hurricane Harvey in 2017. It is also the type of community that typically receives a disproportionately high amount of aid from the Federal Emergency Management Agency in the wake of a disaster.

But in a new book based on interviews after Harvey devastated the area, we found that households in Friendswood ended up on starkly divergent financial trajectories.

Our results suggest residents of Florida and others in the path of Hurricane Ian – especially those without flood insurance or significant aid from social networks – may struggle for years or have to take on large new debts to pay for repairs. Our findings also point to solutions to prevent the growing number of climate-related disasters from worsening inequalities in the U.S.

What cost estimates don’t capture

From 1980 through July 2022, the United States experienced 332 disasters that each caused at least US$1 billion in damages – and their frequency is escalating.

Ian will certainly be added to the list after barreling across Florida, causing tens of billions of dollars in estimated damage and the deaths of at least 44 people.

While the dollar amount may be astronomical, what it does not capture is the ways that this cost is borne unequally, both within and between communities. In other words, the total price tag doesn’t tell us how Ian will exacerbate existing inequalities.

Research after past disasters like Hurricane Katrina has shown that not only are poor and nonwhite communities often the hardest hit by disasters, but also that FEMA aid disproportionately goes to whiter and wealthier communities of homeowners in the aftermath.

So it’s clear that disadvantaged communities will always be hurt the most when disaster strikes.

What is less clear is whether inequality also grows within communities, especially those that typically receive more support and resources. Climate change is making these types of areas more vulnerable as storms like Ian grow in intensity and scope. Yet, little is known about how recovery works in relatively well-off places, which generally have more resources to rebound after disasters.

Neighbors may experience very different recoveries

This is what motivated us to examine recovery in Friendswood, a middle-class, majority-white suburb outside of Houston that flooded during Hurricane Harvey in 2017. We interviewed 59 households multiple times over two years after the storm to understand the recovery process and the financial consequences of disaster for residents in a well-resourced place.

After Harvey, we found that Friendswood residents were on three different recovery trajectories.

About 47% of the households we interviewed two years after the storm had fully recovered – some had even grown their net worth. A second group, making up just under a quarter of our sample, was mostly recovered, with some repairs remaining but most of the work completed. In this group, many were likely to have new outstanding debts taken on during the repair process. A third group of residents, around 18%, was still living in homes without complete walls or floors – repairs they were uncertain they would ever be able to afford. And a small percentage had moved after the storm.

Pre-flood advantages like having a higher income certainly helped determine which group households ended up in. Residents with more financial resources before Harvey tended to fare better than their less-well-off neighbors.

But we also found that a few additional factors played a key role in determining whether a given household had completed repairs.

One of the most important was flood insurance. We know from past research that higher-valued homes are more likely to be insured. We found this to be the case in Friendswood as well.

When Harvey hit, insured households were eligible for payouts of up to $350,000, while households without insurance were eligible for FEMA aid capped at only $33,300. In other words, insured households, who tended to be financially advantaged before the storm, could get around 10 times more than the uninsured.

While uninsured households could apply to the Small Business Administration for low-interest home repair loans, not all disaster-affected residents were deemed eligible. And we found that many who did take out an SBA loan ended up with over $100,000 in new debt.

One year after Harvey, when a resident had to start repaying her SBA loan, she told us that it made a big dent in her family’s monthly budget – “That’s a $400 payment every month that we have to make,” she said. “So, I mean, it’s just tight.”

The importance of social networks

Another key factor in recovery was assistance from social networks. This included cash donations, labor and building materials to help repair homes, child care and food preparation, as well as emotional support that came from family, friends, neighbors and other community groups that people were connected to.

In some cases, this assistance was robust enough to help flooded residents fully repair their homes even when they did not have significant financial resources of their own.

For example, one older Friendswood resident, despite not having insurance, was one of the first in her neighborhood to move back into her repaired home because her brother provided building materials, financial assistance and labor.

“My brother fronted the cost for me until FEMA came through,” she told us, adding, “Had it not been for my brother, I don’t know what I would have done.”

Other residents relied heavily on networks through church, work or their children’s schools for help rebuilding. But not everyone was connected to a broad network that could provide support.

The ‘Matthew Effect’

Many of the residents who still had major repairs left two years after Harvey tended to be in the lowest-income brackets and those without robust social networks.

They also typically did not have flood insurance or access to an SBA loan to help cover repair costs. Some of these households applied for SBA loans but were denied. SBA determines eligibility based on a number of factors, including credit scores and ability to repay, which means that some households with the greatest need for assistance are denied loans. With access to fewer financial resources, most in this group had relatively little room in their budgets and were uncertain when, or if, they would ever be able to complete these repairs.

Social scientists refer to this as the “Matthew Effect” – a term that captures the pattern when those who already have advantages tend to accumulate more, while the disadvantaged fall further behind. This creates a growing disparity between the advantaged and disadvantaged during the recovery process.

To avoid these problems, we believe policymakers could do more to inform homeowners of their flood risks and available insurance options. But the U.S. cannot insure its way out of this problem.

We believe it’s also important to support and expand managed retreat policies, which provide resources for residents and communities to move away from the most vulnerable places. In addition, the U.S. could design more equitable approaches to disbursing FEMA aid and SBA loans to ensure low-income and nonwhite households have better access. This would help minimize the inequalities that emerge both within and between communities in the wake of disaster.

Even in a middle-class community like Friendswood, which seemed well positioned to recover from disaster, residents still fell through the cracks.

 

Anna Rhodes, Assistant Professor of Sociology, Rice University and Max Besbris, Assistant Professor of Sociology, University of Wisconsin-Madison

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Choosing life in a pro-violence society: Why Dobbs is a recipe for disaster in the military

In significant parts of this country, the Supreme Court’s June 2022 decision to overturn Roe v. Wade returned Americans to a half-century-old situation in which hundreds of thousands of women, faced with unwanted pregnancies, were once forced to resort to costly, potentially deadly underground abortions. My spouse’s employer, the Pentagon, recently announced that its own abortion policy, which allows military insurance to cover the procedure when a pregnancy results from rape or incest, or poses a threat to the mother’s life, still holds.

Sadly enough, this seems an all-too-hollow reassurance, given the reality that pregnant women in the military are, in many places, likely to face an uphill battle finding providers trained and — here’s the key, of course — willing to perform the procedure. The Supreme Court abortion ruling in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health leaves it up to the states to determine whether to allow abortions. In doing so, it ensures that the access of military populations to that procedure will be so much more complicated, especially for spouses who need to seek off-base care, including ones like me who have chosen the military insurance option TRICARE Select that allows us to access almost exclusively civilian providers. America’s 2.6 million military dependents now live in a country where an ever-changing patchwork of state laws can make seeking an abortion costly, risky, and stressful in the extreme.

Any military spouse with young children in tow who’s had to relocate somewhere in this nation’s vast network of military bases can tell you that just caring for another person is challenging in itself. Upon learning you’re pregnant, you practically need a Ph.D. to locate a competent obstetrician who also accepts military insurance.

And even when you do, don’t discount the problems to come. After an ultrasound, my first provider in the military’s TRICARE Select healthcare program told me that my child was missing a foot. (In fact, he was just positioned with his back to the camera.) My second provider almost injured that same child by attempting to apply force during labor when his head was stuck against my hip bone.

And once you’ve actually had the child, you’re likely to find yourself bickering for hours with uninformed military insurance providers simply to get coverage for a breast pump so you can feed your baby and go to work. Your military-approved pediatrician may — or may not! — know anything about local TRICARE Select specialists who can help you address common family problems like deployment-related anxiety in kids. And childcare? This country’s childcare facilities are already stuffed to the gills and that’s even more true of military childcare centers. Typically enough, I fear, I was on wait lists for them for years without the faintest success.

Now, add the devastating Dobbs decision to that military reproductive healthcare landscape. Imagine that you want and need an abortion and rely on TRICARE Select, especially if you and your family are stationed in one of the 13 states that have near or total bans on the procedure. If you’re lucky enough to have the funds and social connections, you may be able to call in your babysitter to watch your older children and let your employer know that you’ve got to travel out of state for a medical procedure — as if they wouldn’t know what kind! Then you’ll spend what disposable income you have, if any — poverty and food insecurity being rampant in today’s military — to head out of state alone in hopes of getting access to an abortion.

You may want your partner to come with you. If he’s not deployed and assuming he supports your choice to seek an abortion, the two of you will face a barrier peculiar to military life: any service member who needs medical leave must request it through a commanding officer. To be sure, the Army and Air Force have issued directives to commanders not requiring soldiers to state why they’re requesting it. Still, it’s hard to imagine how a pro-life commanding officer wouldn’t see right through such a sudden request and deny it. This is one of the many reasons you may find yourself alone on your journey.

And oh, the places you’ll go! The nearest abortion clinic likely won’t be off base over on Main Street. The states with the most restrictive laws governing abortion also have among the highest concentrations of military bases. So military dependents and soldiers whose insurance or health conditions require them to go off base will likely have to travel across state lines (possibly many state lines) to get the services they need and, of course, do so on their own dime. And by the way, the anti-abortion states are also among those with the largest number of per capita troop hometowns, meaning that military personnel from them are unlikely to get access to care if they go home to be with family during a time when they undoubtedly need extra support.

In other words, in the military world, Dobbs is a recipe for disaster.

Military Health Insurance 101

For those unfamiliar with the military’s insurance system, let me make a key distinction. Military family members like myself get to choose between two main types of health insurance. The first, called TRICARE Prime, lets you access care in Department of Defense healthcare facilities military bases or posts. This is how active-duty troops typically get care as well. A case manager refers you to various primary and specialty-care providers as needed. With TRICARE Prime, you’d be using federal facilities, so you might, at least theoretically, have an easier time getting access to an abortion when, under a narrow set of conditions, the federal government is willing to cover such a procedure.

In my experience as a therapist listening to military spouses over the years, to seek healthcare at military facilities almost invariably involves conflicts of interest. Doctors there tend to treat you as though your concerns about your health or that of your children are remarkably insignificant compared to the needs of the troops. They tend to speak to spouses like me as if we were the only ones responsible for the health of our families, in the process essentially dumping such issues (and the services that go with them) onto the unpaid shoulders of us and us alone.

To offer an example, a mother I knew in Washington State was increasingly worried about her toddler’s rapidly declining weight, only to have that phenomenon dismissed by physicians at a military hospital as the result of poor parenting. In the end, her suspicion that her child was gravely ill turned out to be all-too-sadly correct. Another military wife I interviewed went to couples’ therapy on a military base to discuss how an upcoming move might impact their marriage. The counselor they saw, she told me, emphasized her spouse’s service to the country, suggesting that she prioritize his career over hers and complete the move.

Perhaps because of such conflicts of interest and the greater choice offered by civilian-based health plans, most military dependents (72% in 2020) choose the second military-authorized insurance program, TRICARE Select. There, you manage your own care by finding civilian doctors willing to accept the Select plan or you simply pay out of pocket for civilian providers, hoping for some reimbursement sooner or later. With this option, if you were faced with an unwanted pregnancy, you would be subject to any abortion restrictions in your surrounding area.

Keep in mind that specialty care like obstetric services is not likely to be easy to find when you’re looking for military providers in your community. A recent Pentagon evaluation of access to healthcare found that 49% of the people with TRICARE Select could not find a specialist in their community who accepted TRICARE patients, nor could 34% travel the necessary distance to reach an appropriate specialist. Meanwhile, 46% couldn’t access a specialist in a timely manner due to long wait lists. Worse yet, overall access to specialist care within 24 to 48 hours for TRICARE Select beneficiaries decreased significantly between 2016 and 2019 and continued to do so through the first half of 2021.

Lack of access is not an accident. Despite the monstrous size of the Pentagon budget in these years, the Department of Defense actually decreased its health expenditures for all medical programs relative to its overall spending between 2017 and 2020.

New Barriers to Treating Patients and Even Saving Lives

In such an environment, it’s hardly surprising that state abortion bans containing exceptions in cases when pregnancy threatens the parent’s life will not easily result in access to the procedure. For example, Tennessee, home to five military bases and with a per capita troop concentration about 10% greater than the national average, provides exceptions to its ban when a parent’s life is at risk. Here’s the catch: doctors need to be prepared to show evidence that the procedure is necessary to prevent the impairment of a parent’s major bodily functions were the pregnancy to continue — enough evidence that a team of prosecutors with its own expert medical witnesses could not convincingly argue otherwise in court. If not, a doctor could face felony charges and up to 15 years in prison.

Under such circumstances, if you were a doctor considering whether to terminate a life-threatening pregnancy for a patient, would you choose the patient or protect your ability to stay with your own family, avoiding the risk of prison? I’m not sure what I would do in such a situation.

There’s reason to believe that even military dependents not seeking abortions could end up struggling to get the pregnancy care they need because of the restrictions doctors will face when it comes to treating complicated pregnancies. For example, the drugs used to induce abortion by medication, misoprostol and mifepristone, are also the most effective ones for treating patients experiencing miscarriages. At the Cleveland Clinic Emergency Department, under Ohio’s new “heartbeat ban,” which makes it a felony to end a pregnancy after a fetal heartbeat has been detected, women could soon enough have to wait 24 hours before receiving treatment for miscarriages, since anything earlier might qualify as an illegal abortion. Thankfully, for the time being two judges have placed a pause on the ban.

Another troubling fallout from new state abortion bans is the way providers and their patients are now being left to handle exceptions when a pregnancy results from rape. Many abortion bans contain sexual assault reporting requirements that make it all but impossible for doctors to avoid serious liability. For example, Utah’s new abortion law permits the procedure in cases of rape, but for a doctor to perform it without risking criminal charges, he or she would need to report the rape to law enforcement. Similarly, in Wyoming (a state with just one abortion clinic that has two providers), the new exception in cases of rape does not specify how a client should prove that rape occurred, again leaving it up to doctors to decide how to treat patients and protect their own lives from devastating consequences.

The assaulting of civilian women by soldiers is not a widely studied subject, but accounts by activists and journalists suggest that it is a significant problem. What’s more, about 80% of rapes committed by soldiers are never officially reported because victims fear retaliation either from their rapist or others in their communities, including their own or their spouse’s commands. If the rapist happens to be their spouse, reporting the rape in order to obtain an abortion could mean that the family loses its sole source of income, since a convicted rapist would assumedly be discharged from duty. In addition, it’s widely known that people who report sexual assaults often face uninformed responses from law enforcement officers who doubt their stories or blame them for being attacked, only increasing the trauma of the situation.

Pro-Lifers, Their Pro-Violence Society, and a New Approach to Reproductive Rights

The pro-life activists and policies behind those cowardly laws belie the fact that much of what far-right Americans and their elected representatives support undermines human life. Look at the violence and poverty some of the same leaders who advocate abortion bans allow in a country whose politicians generally choose to sanction war and investments in weapons development over better social services. Look at the way a significant minority of the citizenry support elected officials who encourage violence against other Americans of differing political beliefs. Look at the way some of us would support the separating of parents and children at the end of life-saving journeys away from drug wars and poverty in their home countries.

Given such political headwinds, it’s worth remembering that a pregnant person is not a passive receptacle but a worker, whether for nine months or the rest of her life. If anyone should have the power to choose death, she should, because there is always a damn good, heart-wrenching reason for doing so.

I don’t know how many people realize this, but if Roe had not become the law of the land in 1973 to protect abortion rights, a different case might have taken its place. In the early 1970s, the late Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, then a lawyer for the American Civil Liberties Union, took up the case of an Air Force nurse in Vietnam named Susan Struck who was told (as was the military’s policy at that time) that she would be discharged if she were to carry her pregnancy to term.

Captain Struck was a devout Catholic who wanted to keep her job and have that baby. Ginsburg argued that all government attempts to regulate reproduction constituted sex discrimination, whether it involved restricting pregnancies or abortions. The Supreme Court agreed to hear the case in 1972, but before that could happen, the military changed its policy, rendering the case moot. Had Ginsburg won that case before the Supreme Court, our legal system might have prioritized parents, not the state, as the ultimate decision-makers — heroes no longer navigating a landscape of red tape and indignities.

Last June, right after Roe was overturned, I contacted a fellow military spouse visibly pregnant with her first child. She told me how complicated her feelings were about showing up in Washington, D.C., to advocate for abortion rights just after the draft decision to overturn Roe was leaked this past May. Would people misunderstand her presence at that demonstration? About a year ago, she’d sought emergency care for a miscarriage, which she might not have been able to get had abortion rights already been taken away. Perhaps, in the absence of adequate care, she might have suffered complications that prevented her from becoming pregnant this time around. She did, however, attend that demonstration, convinced that advocacy was as important to self-care as any other act in this country.  

Hers is a true pro-life position. It’s the position of someone who has for years moved from one military base to another. Loving both yourself and your baby is a struggle, not a campaign slogan. As a parent myself, I think that parenting is a journey many more pregnant people would happily embrace if the conditions in this country were significantly more humane. Right now, if you truly care about the lives of us all, it’s up to you (and me) to join women like my friend in her post-Roe advocacy.

Colorado custody evaluator who claims 90% of allegations are false sent teen back to abusive dad

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Elina Asensio had a restraining order in place against her father when she met with a court-appointed psychologist assigned to determine whether he should be part of her life.

She expected Mark Kilmer, the Colorado “parental responsibility evaluator” appointed to her parents’ custody case, would want to hear about the incident that had led to her father being charged with felony child abuse and pleading guilty to misdemeanor assault. The 14-year-old was surprised, then, as she talked to Kilmer on the front porch of her mother’s suburban Denver home in October of 2020, that he didn’t seem interested in learning about it.

A year earlier, according to police reports, her father had grabbed Elina from behind by her lucky charm necklace and hoodie and dragged her up a flight of stairs. “Dad, I cannot breathe. … You’re hurting me, stop it,” Elina had screamed, according to the police report. She was left with burst blood vessels on her eyelids and a deep cut from ear to ear where the necklace had dug into her neck, according to the police report. A child welfare investigator described the resulting scar as a “ligature mark,” the imprint left after strangulation.

It was Elina who first brought up the incident, mentioning it after Kilmer asked why, “if you love your Dad,” she was not attending therapy with him, according to notes that accompanied Kilmer’s report to the court.

“I still feel my dad’s hands around my neck sometimes,” she recalled telling Kilmer, who is the brother of actor Val Kilmer.

He responded with a blank stare, she said.

Elina told him about other violent incidents involving her father, including one directed at a sibling, according to Kilmer’s notes.

Colorado family courts began appointing parental responsibility evaluators, or PREs, to custody cases 14 years ago as a privately funded alternative to court-furnished evaluators. The litigants shoulder the cost, which can run into the tens of thousands of dollars, and in some instances the PRE is paid by only one of the parents in a dispute. The intent was to allow a broader range of psychologists, including those the court could not afford, the opportunity to lend their expertise to custody decisions. They have operated with little oversight.

Elina didn’t know at the time they met that Kilmer says he does not believe about 90% of the abuse allegations he encounters in his work, or that he himself had been charged with domestic violence. Kilmer was arrested and charged with assault in 2006 after his then-wife said he pushed her to the bathroom floor, according to police reports. Following the incident, the woman obtained a restraining order against him and he was required by the court to give up his guns pending resolution of the criminal charges, according to court documents.

The following year, he pleaded guilty to harassment and, in a separate divorce proceeding, temporarily lost decision-making power over his children because of concerns about his parenting. The court placed him on probation for 24 months while he completed domestic violence counseling. After he completed probation, the court dismissed the assault charge.

“Unfortunately, I had a conflicted divorce myself,” Kilmer said in an interview. “She made up these false allegations and had me arrested. It was pretty humiliating and shocking.” His guilty plea was the result of poor legal representation, he said, and he regrets not going to trial.

Kilmer, who received a doctorate in psychology from the California Graduate Institute, had also been previously disciplined by the State Board of Psychologist Examiners in 2009 for revealing confidential information about one client to another client in an effort to set them up on a date. He was required to have his practice monitored for a year but was allowed to continue working as a custody evaluator. (Kilmer said he obtained consent from both parties before introducing them, according to board records. The board noted clients “cannot consent to a boundary violation and/or breach of confidentiality.”) Today, Kilmer’s psychological license is in good standing.

Colorado’s State Court Administrator’s Office, which is responsible for vetting PREs, said a criminal misdemeanor conviction older than 15 years does not disqualify a custody evaluator from family court appointments. ProPublica found that four evaluators on the state’s roster of 45 PREs, including Kilmer, have been charged with harassment or domestic violence. In one case, the charges were dismissed. In the two others, it is unclear how the charges were resolved.

The court administrator’s office also said that discipline by the State Board of Psychologist Examiners does not disqualify an evaluator unless it currently affects their license. ProPublica found that 1 in 5 PREs, including Kilmer, has been sanctioned by the board, six times the rate of discipline among all psychologists with active licenses in Colorado.

One evaluator who works with victims of domestic violence was sanctioned after the state received a complaint alleging she had publicly referred to a domestic violence client as “full of shit,” and after she admitted to having a member of a domestic violence counseling group she oversaw do work in her neighborhood. Others were sanctioned for misrepresenting their credentials, and several failed to keep clients’ information private, including one PRE who revealed the home address of a domestic violence victim enrolled in the state’s Address Confidentiality Program, which endangered the client, the state board found.

None of the sanctioned PREs lost their licenses or had them suspended.

Prospective PREs are asked to disclose board violations from the past 10 years, which would “trigger” further investigation, according to a court spokesperson.

After Kilmer met with Elina and the rest of her family, he filed a report recommending that Elina’s father immediately gain equal custody of her siblings, and that he begin therapy with Elina and transition back to limited parenting time with her. Kilmer also recommended that he have equal decision-making authority over his children, including choices about their medical care, social activities and academic path. Kilmer described the father’s assault conviction as an “aberration” and noted that he had “considerable positive parenting skills and abilities.” He also recommended that Elina’s restraining order be modified so she could participate in reunification therapy with him.

Elina’s mother, Karin Asensio, who said she was fearful the judge would use Kilmer’s recommendations to reduce her parenting time, agreed to resolve the custody dispute through arbitration. There, the parents agreed to divide parenting time equally and to modify the restraining order so Elina could go to therapy with her father.

“Mark Kilmer’s decision affects every day of my teenage life,” Elina said in an interview. “They let him speak for me but they wouldn’t let me speak for myself.”

Kilmer declined to comment on this or any case, saying it’s prohibited by the court. “I am — forever — under a statute and direction from the Honorable Court to hold all of my cases in the strictest of confidentiality and privacy,” he said in a statement to ProPublica.

But in an interview about his approach to custody cases, Kilmer said he does not believe a “great majority” of abuse allegations he encounters in his work.

“The #MeToo movement informs us that, you know, about 90% of all allegations are true, or something around there,” he said. “In my forensic work, that’s completely flipped on its head: About 90% of the allegations I hear are false.” Kilmer emphasized the estimates are based on his “own experience,” not scientific research.

“Sometimes the Judge Just Cuts and Pastes All My Recommendations”

In Colorado custody cases that trigger legal disputes, family court judges may appoint an evaluator to assess the best interests of the children. The cost of these child and family investigators, who are not required to be mental health professionals, is capped at $2,750, which can be paid for by the state or split between the parties.

But for parents willing to pay uncapped fees as high as $30,000, Colorado law permits the appointment of a parental responsibility evaluator from a roster of state-approved experts, most of whom have masters or doctorate degrees in psychology.

The two-tiered system was created at the urging of psychologists who argued the courts’ $2,750 limit on fees didn’t adequately cover their services, including in-depth personality testing for complex cases. As PREs, psychologists could work as court appointees without cutting their fees or curtailing their analytical methods.

PREs acknowledge that they wield tremendous influence over family court proceedings and are subject to little oversight or transparency.

This is by design, according to Bill Fyfe, who worked with the Colorado Supreme Court to draft procedures governing PREs and became one of the state’s longest-practicing custody evaluators. The more costly and highly trained professional advisers were given as much independence as possible while still functioning as appointees of the court.

Fyfe retired from serving as a PRE in protest last year, after a new law took effect requiring increased oversight and training for custody evaluators. “The court shouldn’t be involved in managing us. They’re good people, but they have no idea what we do or how we do it,” he said.

Kilmer and other PREs told ProPublica that judges accept their recommendations in the overwhelming majority of custody decisions, though that’s impossible to verify because their reports are filed under seal and seldom made public.

“At this point in my career, sometimes the judge just cuts and pastes all my recommendations and puts it into the court order,” Kilmer said.

Kilmer, 64, is tall and broad with blond hair, a square jaw and a beefy handshake. When he is not assessing parents in living rooms, in kitchens or on front porches, he sees clients at one of his several offices in the Denver area.

When Kilmer received his doctorate in 1998, the California Graduate Institute’s psychology program was not accredited by the American Psychological Association, according to a spokesperson from the organization. The program now goes by a different name and has received APA accreditation.

Kilmer said he was attracted to PRE work because “it’s lucrative — as far as things go in psychology.” His fee averages $14,000 per court-ordered report, but his charges can rise to more than $30,000, he said. “People have a lot of money, and they just keep sending stuff to me.”

The domestic dispute Kilmer was charged for occurred in August 2006. When a Boulder County police officer arrived at Kilmer’s residence to investigate a report of an assault, Kilmer had already left, according to the police report. The officer found Kilmer’s then-wife on the bathroom floor complaining of pain on her left side. Two days earlier, she said, Kilmer had also blocked the entrance to their home and only moved after she threatened to scream and call 911. Kilmer was 6’1″ and weighed 225 pounds, according to the report.

Asked if his criminal record comes up when he works with victims of domestic violence and abuse, Kilmer answered: “Just look at my resume, right? It’s like, look at what I’ve done and who I am and what I’ve been trying to put together for myself. Do you think, beneath all of this, I’m some kind of monster?”

Multiple parents said custody evaluators downplayed or omitted from reports to the court the traumatic and lasting effects of abuse they said they had experienced.

ProPublica also spoke to 45 Colorado parents currently or recently involved in custody disputes with allegations of child and domestic abuse. In cases evaluated by a PRE with a criminal or disciplinary record, parents told ProPublica they only learned about that record after the court had appointed the evaluator to their case.

According to the APA’s code of ethics, psychologists should recuse themselves if their personal histories could “reasonably be expected” to affect their objectivity or expose a client to harm or exploitation. Experts said it would be “highly unusual” for a psychologist who’s been charged with domestic violence or child abuse to evaluate custody cases involving domestic violence or child abuse, especially if those charges were not disclosed beforehand.

“I would question such a custody evaluator’s ability to look at claims of domestic violence or abuse in a fair and objective way,” said Helen Brantley, a clinical psychologist who chairs the task force that developed the APA’s guidelines for child custody evaluations in family law proceedings.

Kilmer said he has never recused himself in 30 years working on over 600 court-ordered reports. “Once the court appoints me, that’s it. There’s no bailing out.”

His call to action: saving kids. “Like the whole situation in Uvalde, with the cops,” he said, referring to the mass shooting at a Texas elementary school earlier this year. Surveillance video showed armed officers waiting more than an hour to enter a classroom and confront the gunman.

“There’s no not going in,” Kilmer added. “Sometimes people are really disturbed and violent and it’s just like, that’s part of the job.”

A Colorado statute requires courts and court-appointed evaluators to consider claims of domestic violence and child abuse in child custody cases.

Karin Asensio filed a complaint against Kilmer with the State Board of Psychologist Examiners, alleging that he failed to take her ex-husband’s assault conviction into account when making his recommendations. The board dismissed the complaint, stating that it did not amount to a violation warranting disciplinary action.

Evaluators’ findings in custody cases are consequential: The Leadership Council on Child Abuse and Interpersonal Violence estimates that each year 58,000 children are placed in the custody of an abuser. Since 2008, 864 children have been killed in cases where a divorcing or separating caretaker has been accused of the crime, according to the Center for Judicial Excellence, which tracks news reports of child deaths; in 117 of those cases, a family court was involved prior to the death but failed to prevent it.

Kilmer said he’s particularly skeptical of abuse allegations from a person who stayed in a relationship for a long time.

“People come in and say, ‘You know, this person has been terrible to me for 17 years.’ And you’ve just been hanging in there all that time and you had five kids? How was it really that bad all that time?” he said.

Then, he said, he’ll meet the partner who’s been accused of the abuse, “I look at their information and I’m like, ‘Oh, these allegations are really not even possible.'”

More often than not, he said, the accusers are exaggerating “to see what kind of legal advantage they can get.”

Conducting a Custody Evaluation During a Criminal Investigation

While the Colorado statute governing PREs requires evaluators to release their underlying case file to involved parties who request it, the files don’t include some aspects of how evaluators arrive at their recommendations. PREs frequently conduct in-depth psychological testing, but may refuse to release the results to clients, forcing parents to hire another psychologist to review the data. And parents are not immediately privy to what was included and omitted from their final report.

The day after Kilmer released his report, Elina’s mother requested the documentation used in his evaluation. Kilmer gave her his shorthand notes but refused to release recordings or transcripts of his interviews. When Karin continued to pursue the information, Kilmer sent her a cease-and-desist letter.

Sometimes the contents of evaluators’ reports are only disclosed if the PRE is subpoenaed and testifies in court.

That’s how one woman said she found out that Kilmer had not mentioned her ex-husband’s violence against her and her daughter in his recommendations. The woman asked to remain anonymous for fear of retaliation from her ex-husband.

In that case, Kilmer was not acting as a PRE but as a court-selected investigator. The court appointed Kilmer in August of 2019. Midway through the evaluation, she said, she learned of Kilmer’s record of domestic violence but didn’t challenge his involvement for fear it would hurt her case.

In her initial interview, she told Kilmer that her husband had become increasingly violent toward her after she became pregnant with their child, according to the woman and Kilmer’s court testimony. When she was five months pregnant, her ex-husband was arrested and charged with assault after grabbing her hair and slamming her head into the ground, resulting in a concussion and a neck contusion, according to medical records. “Assault” is listed as part of the medical diagnosis. The woman was reluctant to pursue charges and the district attorney chose not to prosecute the case, according to court testimony.

Under cross-examination in the couple’s custody case, Kilmer said he knew about the incident and had reviewed the husband’s arrest records and the woman’s emergency room medical records. Explaining why he had excluded those details from his report, Kilmer said, “I don’t take medical providers’ consideration or determination of whether a crime happened or not. Allegations, documentation, validations are not reality.”

In the same custody case, Kilmer omitted witness accounts of the father grabbing his then-2-year-old daughter by the neck and lifting her off the ground. Under questioning, Kilmer acknowledged that more than one source had described the incident to him, but said he “didn’t understand” if abuse “had actually taken place or not.”

The mother said that when she told Kilmer about the incident, he chastised her for not calling the police. No charges were filed.

In his final recommendations, Kilmer told the court that “both parents” appeared to have made “mistakes” and exhibited “poor judgment.” Among the mother’s mistakes, he noted, was “publicly disparaging” her husband. Kilmer did not specify mistakes made by the father.

In court testimony, Kilmer said he did “consider” in his evaluation the fact that the father had lied when asked if he’d been arrested for domestic violence, but Kilmer decided against mentioning it in his report. “It ultimately didn’t seem to be something that was germane to the issue of trying to figure out … what was the safest and most appropriate parenting plan for [the child]. … I made [recommendations] with the understanding that there were these allegations but they were just that, allegations.”

This month, the judge adopted most of Kilmer’s recommendations and awarded the parents joint custody. While Kilmer had recommended that the parents share decision-making authority, the judge awarded that power solely to the mother.

Legal and custody experts advise court-appointed mental health professionals against agreeing to participate in cases involving allegations of abuse if law enforcement is still investigating them. “It is not the place of a custody evaluator to determine if abuse took place, that’s a criminal matter,” said Brantley, the chair of the APA child custody task force. Brantley said that this is a best practice but not a formal guideline.

In 2020, Kilmer accepted a custody case involving allegations of spousal rape and child sexual abuse and issued a report while police were still investigating the allegations involving the child. (Police closed the spousal rape inquiry shortly before Kilmer’s appointment due to a lack of corroborating witnesses or DNA evidence, according to the police report.)

Kilmer did not speak to the detective investigating the case, according to his report. The police department confirmed to ProPublica that they have no record of Kilmer contacting them. The detective investigating the case also confirmed that the child abuse case remains open.

Kilmer also did not interview a social worker at a local children’s hospital who had reported suspected abuse of the same child to the Adams County Sheriff’s Office. According to police records, the hospital employee said that the then-2-year-old child was brought in for an exam because a caretaker reported she was”displaying abnormal behavior” after staying with her father, and the girl was “touching and rubbing her vagina.”

In his PRE report, Kilmer accused the mother of “knowingly making false allegations in order to further a legal position.” He also threatened — in the only portion of the report in capital letters, bolded and underlined — that he would advise the court to restrict the mother’s parenting time if she subjected the child to further physical examinations: “IF MOTHER CONTINUES, UNFORTUNATELY FOR THE CHILDREN A RESTRICTION OF HER PARENTING TIME SHOULD BE REVIEWED BY THE HONORABLE COURT, DESPITE HER OTHERWISE EXCELLENT PARENTING SKILLS.”

Lawrence Jay Braunstein, a former prosecutor and expert on child abuse litigation, said custody evaluators should not give an opinion as to whether abuse has or has not occurred. To do so would be unethical and inappropriate, he said. “Custody evaluators stay in their lane, that’s the theory,” said Braunstein.

Kilmer declined to comment on why he did not contact law enforcement investigating this case or why he deemed the abuse allegations to be “false.”

“People often ask me, ‘How can you tell if people are lying?’ That’s where my own clinical experience comes in,” he told ProPublica. “I know what it looks like when somebody’s telling me the truth.”

“So Easily Rigged”

A Colorado law that took effect in January requires court evaluators to receive additional training on how to identify domestic violence and child abuse and on how a history of abuse should be weighed in custody recommendations. The law also tasked the court with vetting PREs and reviewing complaints against them.

The bill’s sponsor, state Rep. Meg Froelich, hopes it will spur improvements, but remains unflinching in her criticism of the system.

“Apparently, we don’t even have the ability to prevent convicted domestic abusers from being PREs,” said Froelich, adding that she was not referring to any specific PRE.

Despite the system’s problems, Froelich sees value in mental health professionals advising the court. “But what we don’t need are court professionals being hired and paid exorbitant sums of money by one of the parties.”

Colorado allows one party to a custody dispute to request and pay for a court evaluator, though the court must approve and issue the appointment.

“The PRE system is so easily rigged,” Froelich added. “PREs are racking up huge expenses, which of course benefits the more affluent spouse.”

Kilmer acknowledged that custody evaluators are put in an ethically complicated situation when one party pays them to do work on behalf of the court.

“Sometimes people are like, ‘Hey, I’m paying you! I hired you!'” said Kilmer. “And then, more often than not, the other party will complain and be like, ‘I’m not the one that wanted you. You’re clearly working for them.'”

Kilmer said he addresses this by encouraging both parties to be “upfront” about any concerns they might have about his objectivity.

PREs can earn even more by serving as expert witnesses in custody cases. And unless the court stipulates otherwise, the party who requests the testimony foots the bill.

“Payment for the evaluation will not cover testimony as an expert witness,” states a PRE contract reviewed by ProPublica.

“I charge time for preparation, travel and a four-hour minimum for expert witnessing,” Kilmer told ProPublica. He said his hourly rate is $325.

Robin M. Deutsch, a former chair of the APA Ethics Committee who trains judges, lawyers and court-appointed custody professionals in how to recognize intimate partner violence, was surprised Colorado courts allow PREs to act as expert witnesses while being paid by one party.

It is not unusual for an evaluator to testify in court if they are subpoenaed, she said. But “agreeing to shift from a parental evaluator role to be an expert witness hired by one side is absolutely an ethics code violation.” An evaluator is “the court’s witness” and should not appear to be working for one party by testifying on their behalf, she said.

Bill DeLisio, a spokesperson for the court, said Colorado law allows PREs to work as both a custody evaluator and an expert witness on the same case. The court is responsible for monitoring complaints about their objectivity and managing their testimony, he said.

Kilmer said he frequently acts as an expert witness on cases for which he also served as an evaluator. He dismissed as “ridiculous” concerns over the ethics of serving in both capacities.

“If you can produce a report, you can talk about it to the court,” he said.

Kilmer said acting as an expert witness is his “favorite” part of the job and he has improved his courtroom presentation through years of involvement in Toastmasters.

“Being in court is like being in Kabuki theater,” said Kilmer, who received his undergraduate degrees in dramatic literature and theater arts. “There’s a whole presentation — there’s a whole way that you can be more effective, by the way you talk and the way you present yourself. And you do all those things not because you’re being false, but just because that’s what the theater requires.”

“Questioning Every Bit of Reality I Had Fought to Reestablish”

In pleading guilty to misdemeanor assault, Elina’s father, Cedric Asensio, avoided a trial on charges of felony child abuse and criminal neglect. He received a deferred judgment, meaning at the end of a probation period, the plea was withdrawn and the case dismissed.

Cedric Asensio’s attorney, Kimberly Diego, said in a statement to ProPublica that the initial charge of felony child abuse against her client was “very serious,” but noted that the case was ultimately resolved through a plea to misdemeanor assault and deferred sentence, which indicates “there is much more to the story.”

“In reaching this resolution, a host of information was provided to the prosecuting attorney,” Diego stated. “What was provided included text messages, social services records, police reports, medical records, emails, and a number of media files. It was after consideration of these materials that the case was resolved in the way it was.”

When the criminal case was resolved, Elina was living full time with her mother, was going to therapy and had started ninth grade.

“Things were starting to feel a little more normal,” she said.

Her interview with Kilmer — in which she recalls him pressuring her to forgive her father and saying that it would “ruin” her relationship with her dad if she didn’t — triggered what she described as post-traumatic stress and depression. The aftermath of the conversation left her “questioning every bit of reality I had fought to reestablish.”

She stopped going to school. She sat alone in her room for hours and went days without sleeping. She lost weight and wanted to be even thinner. She thought several times about taking her own life.

“I wanted there to be less of me,” she said. “And I was too scared to ask for help. I didn’t want to prove them right, that I was sick. That I was out of control. That this was, somehow, my fault.”

Elina’s father retains equal decision-making authority over his daughter.

In June 2020, he refused to let her participate in a mentor and therapy program, according to court documents.

A few months later, when Elina wanted to get her learner’s permit, she said he told her no. Elina got her driver’s license over her father’s objections.

In May 2021, he denied her request to receive a COVID-19 vaccine, according to court documents. Elina said she got the vaccine anyway.

Cedric Asensio said he requested that his ex-wife wait a few weeks “to get more data on safety” before Elina got the vaccine.

Karin Asensio filed an emergency motion requesting that her daughter be allowed to address the judge directly about the parenting arrangement.

The court denied the motion, saying that she had not offered new reasons why the parenting arrangement should change.

Elina keeps a countdown app on her iPhone tracking the days, hours and minutes until she turns 18 and is no longer under her father’s control.

She never got back the gold necklace she was wearing the day her father assaulted her. The chain had been given to her by her maternal grandmother a few weeks earlier. The nurse who examined her in the emergency room swabbed the small four-leaf clover pendant dangling from the broken chain before giving it to police as evidence. Elina never saw it again.

“It’s really hard to think about the things I’ve lost,” she said. “But it’s scarier to think about how much more I could have lost, if my injuries that day hadn’t been bad enough for people to believe me.”