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When a royal child misbehaves, a mother is blamed. She shouldn’t be

One star shone brightly at the Queen’s Platinum Jubilee, an extended weekend of parades, church services, a derby, a pageant and pomp and circumstance marking Her Majesty The Queen’s 70 years of service. The Queen herself did not attend the weekend festivities (though people waved gamely at a hologram in a gilded carriage, in an attraction that could give Disney World a run for its money). The palace ascribed the absence of the elderly monarch, who survived COVID earlier this year, to “episodic mobility issues.”

But one tiny royal rose inadvertently to fill the void, all eyes trailed upon him and his uninhibited antics. Prince Louis, the youngest son and third child of Prince William and Kate Middleton, had had enough at both Trooping the Color and the Platinum Jubilee Pageant.

His behavior, documented in press photo after press photo as he had prime, front-row seats, attracted the immediate attention of the internet and launched a thousand gifs (and quick criticism). So what? He’s 4. His mom did her best and his dad did very little. In that sense, royals are just like most of us, indeed. 

RELATED: “Never offer the Queen an ultimatum”: Why it’s good to be Queen, but no one else in the royal family

From dancing animatedly to not looking where he was “supposed to” look to making faces (including at his mom) to pulling his cousin’s hair, welcome to several hours with a small child! Sitting still is not what 4-year-olds are known for, especially for an adult event that seemed, to be honest, quite boring. Long. And loud.

Louis put his hands over his ears when the big crowd roared, tried to wave excitedly at the onlookers before his big sister admonished him. What’s a little prince to do?

Reactions from the ever-judgy internet ranged from shock to grudging admiration to cheers to diagnoses from armchair experts, suggesting Louis’ behavoir might indicate he was on the autism spectrum. Two responses to that: one, that’s not something a person can decide from television. And two, so what?

Royal children apparently exist in some kind of ageless, fashion-less vacuum, like Victorian ghosts.

No child could or should endure that much pageantry for that long, but a different standard is applied to the royals. They’re supposed to be better than the rest of us. That applies to the children as well, who are, for all purposes, not really supposed to be children at all but instead, little dignified miniatures of their dignified parents. See: Louis dressed in the same pint-size sailor suit his dad Prince William wore nearly 40 years ago when he was a child. Royal children apparently exist in some kind of ageless, fashion-less vacuum, like Victorian ghosts.

As Tina Brown, author of “The Palace Papers,” said in an interview with Salon, those royals who are not the queen, “have to be perfect all the time without the rewards,” describing them as mere “scaffolding.” They’re not supposed to be human.

And what is more human than a child acting out?

Catherine, Duchess of Cambridge; Prince Louis of CambridgeCatherine, Duchess of Cambridge and Prince Louis of Cambridge attend the Platinum Pageant on The Mall on June 5, 2022 in London, England. (Max Mumby/Indigo/Getty Images)

I’m not sure what toddler respects anything except chaos.

As is often the case, criticism of a child is really criticism about his mother. Social media critics were swift to heap blame upon Kate: “Louis is spoilt by his mother & she lets him get away with poor behavior or he wouldn’t be doing this,” one person Tweeted while another blamed Kate’s “relying on the nanny too much.”

Another Tweeted that Louis “doesn’t respect Kate.” (I’m not sure what toddler respects anything except chaos and sugar, but OK).

The double standard keeps doubling. If “perfect” Kate has been criticized on social media and some press about her child’s behavior, imagine what would have happened to Meghan Markle, a mother of color long a favorite target of vehemently racist press

It’s not like Kate had the resources of most contemporary parents at her disposal. She couldn’t pull out her phone or an iPad, let her child wear noise-cancelling headphones, or even give him a snack from her purse or take him out for a walk around the block. Not with all the eyes of the world on her. (See: royals expected to be inhuman; does this include not ever being hangry?)

They aren’t robots, even royals, and you can’t control them.

Louis’ dad, Prince William, barely intervened, holding the child on his lap briefly. If any royal should be receiving criticism, perhaps it’s him and his mostly hands-off, seated far away from his youngest child approach while Kate managed the bulk of the hours-long (and days-long) ordeal. Some points must go to Prince Charles. While not historically known as a nurturer, grandfatherhood is sometimes different than fatherhood. Louis went confidentially down the aisle to sit on his grandfather’s lap for an extended period, and Charles seemed at ease and adept at soothing the boy. 


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At several points, Louis stuck his tongue out at his mom. He also put his hand over her mouth, presumably to get her to stop lecturing him. That’s happened to me. I’m sure it’s happened to most moms I know. And yes, it’s embarrassing when your child misbehaves in public, especially when they lash out at you. But it’s part of it, part of raising a child. They’re not going to act the way you or other people want them to all the time. They aren’t robots, even royals, and you can’t control them.

One of the side effects of parenthood for me? I realized sharply how hard it is for everyone else, especially mothers who are usually blamed for all of it. The bawling infant as pressure changes on an airplane, the exhausted child who’s not enjoying a performance, the toddler forced to wait for hours at the doctor’s office or the grocery store or in line or in a waiting room anywhere — these children deserve our empathy. Their moms do too. 

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Hold up a sec: What’s the difference between shrimp and prawns?

I love shrimp — shrimp on the barbie (cue Paul Hogan), shrimp scampi, fried shrimp with French fries, shrimp cocktail, shrimp gumbo, and shrimp sandwiches. But prawns? Prawns are fancy. They’re hard to find, pricy, and somewhat confusing shellfish. Are prawns really shrimp? Are shrimp really prawns? What’s the difference between prawns and shrimp?

Shrimp vs. prawns

Prawns (for all you scientists, they are a suborder of the dendrobranchiata) and shrimp are generally used interchangeably, but that’s not exactly accurate. Yes, both prawns and shrimp have 10 legs and an exoskeleton, but “their gills are arranged differently, the number of legs with claws is different (shrimp have two pairs with claws and prawns have three), and the segments on their bodies overlap in different ways,” explains Robert DiGregorio, Director of Seafood Quality at Fulton Fish Market.

However, shrimp is a widely accepted term to describe both shrimp and prawns since, as DeiGregorio says, the term “prawn” is often used incorrectly. “For instance, prawn in some places may be used to describe very large shrimp. Dublin Bay prawns are not prawns or even shrimp at all but langoustines, which are more lobster-like,” he adds.

Though there isn’t exactly a hard and fast definition, prawns are generally larger and straighter than shrimp, whereas shrimp tend to be smaller and have more of a curved shape. The best way to tell the difference between the two is to really look closely at the bodies to identify which is which, rather than solely choosing based on a fishmonger’s label.

What’s the cost?

While location, demand, seasonality, and general market trends will always cause the price of prawns and shrimp to fluctuate, prawns generally cost more than shrimp, particularly in the U.S.

Where are they found?

According to DiGregorio, “shrimp are primarily found in saltwater and prawns inhabit more brackish and freshwater environments.” Their habitat ultimately reflects their taste, meaning that prawns are meatier and sweeter, while shrimp are more delicate both in texture and flavor.

Oh wait — you were asking where to find prawns and shrimp in the grocery store? Got it. You already know the deal with shrimp: Medium, large, jumbo, and yes, extra-jumbo-sized shrimp are sold fresh and frozen in just about every grocery store. They’ll range in price from $10 to $30 a pound depending on the size of the shrimp, whether they’re raw or cooked, if they’re unshelled or shelled, and de-veined or not. 

Because they’re less readily available, it’s harder to get a read on the average price of prawns. Weee!, the online grocery store, sells wild-caught prawns for $4.99 per pound, whereas Eataly sells Wild Tiger Prawns (a highly valuable variety) via Mercato for $45 per pound.

How to cook shrimp and prawns

Shrimp and prawns are actually similar enough in both size, appearance, and taste that you can use them interchangeably. Yes, shrimp are smaller than prawns and will cook faster than prawns, but they look just as good as part of a red sauce, seafood-forward pasta dish as prawns do.

Our favorite shrimp recipes

J. Kenji López-Alt’s Grilled Shrimp Scampi-Ish with Garlic and Lemon

Grilled shrimp scampi? Yes, please. I will take the char of grilled shrimp over sautéed shrimp any day — try this warm-weather recipe and you will too.

Sheet-Pan Shrimp and Broccoli with Cocktail-Sauce Sauce

Everything you love about the classic  hors d’oeuvre in the form of a family-friendly sheet pan dinner. “The crazy good, crazy simple sauce (thickened right on the sheet pan!) is made from butter, garlic, lemon zest, chicken stock, and (you guessed it!) cocktail sauce,” writes recipe developer EmilyC.

Sautéed Shrimp with Lemon, Garlic, and Parsley

For a quick and delicious dinner, make this 20-minute shrimp scampi that balances the earthy, fresh flavor of parsley, the power of garlic, the brightness of lemon (both zest and juice), and the richness of butter. Serve with thick slices of crusty bread to sop up all the sauce.

Vito’s Shrimp Scampi

OK admittedly, this is not shrimp scampi. It’s linguine tossed in a roasted garlic cream sauce and topped with sautéed jumbo shrimp and blistered chopped tomatoes (roughly chopped, vine-ripened tomatoes are best here).

Speedy Shrimp with Horseradish Butter

Two tablespoons of prepared horseradish gives a spicy take on shrimp scampi in this recipe that comes together in the blink of an eye.

Proud Boys leader and 4 top lieutenants charged with seditious conspiracy as Jan. 6 probe expands

Proud Boys leader Harry “Enrique” Tarrio and four of his commandants have been charged with the rare federal felony of seditious conspiracy and other offenses related to the January 6th, 2021 insurrection at the United States Capitol.

The Justice Department handed down a 10-count indictment against Tarrio, Capitol window-breacher Dominic Pezzola of Rochester, New York, Ethan Nordean of Seattle, Washington, Joe Biggs of the Daytona Beach area in Florida, and Zachary Rehl of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, The Washington Post reported on Monday. Tarrio, who was not in the nation’s capital on the day of the attack, nonetheless “allegedly guided the group’s activities from nearby Maryland as Proud Boys members engaged in the earliest and most aggressive attacks to confront and overwhelm police at several critical points on restricted Capitol grounds.”

Furthermore, all four men allegedly participated in “coordinating travel to Washington and the movements of the group around the Capitol” on January 6th,” per the Post. “The group is also accused of plotting to foment a riot and storm Congress, action that eventually forced the evacuation of lawmakers meeting to confirm the 2020 election results.”

Seditious conspiracy indictments have also been levied against Oath Keepers leader Steward Rhodes and 10 of his confederates for their roles in the deadly insurgency that was inspired by former President Donald Trump.

“But the new charges show that prosecutors are pulling together a wider picture of organization within extremist groups that shared overlapping if not common goals,” the Post noted.

Tarrio and his co-conspirators have been detained and are pleading not guilty.

Meanwhile, last Friday, Proud Boys member Josh Pruitt pleaded guilty to one count of obstructing an official proceeding on January 6th, 2021 while Congress was certifying President Joe Biden’s Electoral College victory.

The story continues here (subscription required).

An absolutely effortless tiramisu, courtesy of a nostalgic childhood snack

People have strong feelings about tiramisu, so I won’t pretend that what follows here isn’t an insult to your grandma. I get it: My building’s super makes his famous tiramisu for all the neighbors every year at Christmas, and he would never sign for another one of my packages again if I knew what I’ve done to his signature dish. But if the thought of a little dessert sacrilege sounds up your alley — sweetened with the promise that there’s no baking involved — then follow my lead.

Tiramisu, the classic Italian dessert whose very name means “pick me up,” is having a moment. Its popularity surged by nearly 20% in the past year, and it’s cropping up all over restaurant menus and TikToks alike. I like tiramisu because it often has caffeine and booze. I’m also completely obsessed with Biscoff cookies, so when I saw that a Biscoff tiramisu was going bonkers on social media — thanks to a Ramadan bump — the decision to make it was a no-brainer.

RELATED: Cookie butter should be slathered on pretty much everything, including cookies

Except . . . we appear to be in the throes of a Biscoff shortage. After scouring the shelves of every bodega and grocery store in a five-mile radius with no speculoos success, I could have gone back in the direction of tradition and made my tiramisu with ladyfingers. However, as long as I was already hellbent on desecration, I figured that I might as well go all-in. That’s when I reached for a Go-Pak of Teddy Grahams

Though tiramisu is usually assembled in a big pan, I don’t believe that you should have to entertain a crowd in order to earn a taste of it. To that end, I’ve looked to the Pioneer Woman’s scaled-down recipe for inspiration. I’ve also tweaked a few other elements. While mascarpone is traditional (and one of the most delicious things ever invented), I always feel guilty recommending expensive ingredients, so I made my tiramisu with softened cream cheese.


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I also upped the amount of alcohol — you’re welcome! — because in my mind tiramisu should be all about the tension between that pillowy soft sweetness and the bracing kicks of coffee and rum. You can throw this together in the morning and have a cool, luscious treat that doesn’t take itself too seriously ready to enjoy after dinner. Isn’t that the right way to do summer? 

It’s true that Teddy Grahams don’t pack the same spicy punch as Biscoffs, but they do offer a similarly nostalgic, comforting vibe. Smiling up from the bowl as they deliquesce under a blanket of sweet cream, those honey-spiked Teddies turn out to be somehow exactly the right thing here, like the memory of the best dessert you never actually ate as a child. And while it’s possible that I’m a monster, I don’t know if I ever want to eat any other tiramisu now that I’ve had it this way.

***

Recipe: Teddy Grahams Tiramisu for Two
Inspired by Dolce Bakes and Ree Drummond

Yields
2 servings
Prep Time
 20 minutes
Chill Time
 2 hours

Ingredients

  • 1/2 cup heavy cream
  • 2 tablespoons sugar 
  • 1/2 cup cream cheese, room temperature 
  • 1/4 cup cooled espresso or bold coffee
  • 4 teaspoons dark rum or marsala 
  • 1 Teddy Grahams Go-Pak (2.75 ounces) or 8 Biscoff cookies
  • 1 oz. your favorite dark chocolate 

For dusting: 

  • Unsweetened cocoa powder

Optional: 

  • 2 tablespoons Biscoff spread

Directions

  1. Beat the cream and sugar in a medium bowl until stiff, then beat in the cream cheese.
  2. In a shallow bowl, stir the espresso and rum to combine.
  3. Working quickly, dip the Teddy Grahams into the espresso and rum mixture, then place them in the bottoms of two dessert glasses, until you’ve used about half.
  4. If using Biscoff spread, drizzle a tablespoon over the cookies in each glass
  5. Next, scoop a generous spoonful of the cream cheese mixture on top. Grate a shower of chocolate over it. 
  6. Add more espresso and rum-dipped Teddy Grahams to each glass, reserving a few for the topping. Layer the rest of the cream cheese mixture on top.
  7. Using a fine mesh strainer, dust the tops of both glasses with cocoa powder.
  8. Chill for at least two hours to overnight.
  9. To serve, dunk the reserved Teddy Grahams in the tiramisu.

Cook’s Notes

Non-drinkers can simply omit the alcohol. 

If you’re feeling flush, you can swap the cream cheese out for equal parts mascarpone.

 

More no-bake desserts we love: 

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15 cupcake recipes for any occasion (like, right now)

Cupcakes are a constant for me, not a baking trend. As someone who bakes a lot, I never tire of making them. They’re easy to make, and I always get excited about eating them. They are also a lot of fun to dress up, get creative with, and make extra special. I find that I’m not alone in my love for cupcakes, too — I have elicited my fair share of gasps and smiles walking into a room carrying a colorful box of cupcakes. (Seriously! Move over bouquet of flowers — give me a box o’ cupcakes.) And if cupcakes are meant to be baked, gifted, and/or eaten by the dozen, I’m coming in hot with a bunch of recipes to keep you in tiny cakes for all occasions. My newest episode of Bake it Up a Notch dives deep into all things cupcakes — from super simple to over-the-top, I’ve got your cupcake to-bake list covered.

Our best cupcake recipes (ever!)

1. Basic Vanilla and Chocolate Cupcakes

These are my go-to cupcakes: an easy base recipe that can be made in vanilla or chocolate. These rise a “just-right” amount, to get a beautiful little cakey dome with a super moist crumb that’s a perfect match for any frosting or other finishes you can dream up! Be sure to check out this article I wrote back in 2015 about cupcakes, too — it has lots of ideas and techniques for making your best, plus creative ideas for making them look super beautiful, too. What’s that? Super in-depth coverage on cupcakes from me over five years ago on this same site? Just a perfect example of the cupcake constant.

2. Rainbow Cupcakes

Rainbow cupcakes are an easy alteration to my classic vanilla cupcake recipe that is so much fun to make. After mixing the batter, divide it into six small bowls, and use food coloring to dye each one a different color: red, orange, yellow, green, blue, purple! Scoop the colorful batters into the prepared cupcake pan one at a time, dividing each color evenly between the cavities as you scoop. As the cupcakes bake, they will set in a gorgeous multi-colored effect. I like pairing these cupcakes with a white frosting, like buttercream or meringue, plus plenty of rainbow sprinkles. Aside from rainbow, you can also do this with any batter colors you like! Try swirling the batter gently with a toothpick or skewer to create a marbled look post-bake.

3. Cookies and Cream Cupcakes

These are a sweet twist on a vanilla cupcake, featuring a whole sandwich cookie in the base of each cupcake, plus plenty of cookie crumbs folded throughout the batter. Using marshmallow fluff in the frosting mimics the kind of creaminess of the classic cookie’s filling — I like to finish them off with a miniature sandwich cookie, too (or more cookie crumbs). Have another favorite cookie? This would work with chocolate chip cookies, too — or even your favorite Girl Scout cookie.

4. Banana Cupcakes with Caramel Filling and Frosting

This is an easy-to-make cupcake (think: banana bread-easy) that’s leveled up with a truly killer flavor pairing: caramel. The center is filled after baking with dulce de leche, and it’s topped with a super yummy (and super simple!) caramel frosting. These cupcakes are dense, super moist, and rich — they might even be my favorite on this list, both to bake and to eat!

5. Strawberry-Rhubarb Meringue Cupcakes

You know I’ve got to throw a little pie-inspired cupcake in the mix! This lovely pound cake-style batter bakes up dense — a perfect pairing for light and fluffy meringue (toasting is optional but strongly encouraged by this number-one kitchen torch fan). After baking, it’s easy to remove a portion of the center of the cake and fill it with a homemade strawberry rhubarb jam. No rhubarb? No problem — make the jam filling with just strawberries! Or use this a jumping-off point to bake up your own fruity, jammy, or pie-inspired cupcake combo!

6. White Cake Cupcakes with Mascarpone Whipped Cream and Berries

This cupcake was inspired by my mom’s favorite kind of cake, which she calls “wedding cake.” It’s a classic white cake with a hint of almond extract, which makes it extra luscious. I like to keep it simple by finishing these cakes with a dollop of my mascarpone whipped cream. It’s simultaneously super creamy and beautifully light. Finish it with the fresh fruit of your choice: berries, sliced peaches and plums, or chopped mango are a few of my favorites.

7. Peppermint Hi-Hat Cupcakes

This is a cupcake that’s dressed to impress. I first heard of the dreamy hi-hat cupcakes via Martha Stewart and — swoon — immediately fell in love with the combination of moist cupcake and fluffy seven-minute frosting. As if that weren’t enough, what really sets these cupcakes apart is that they are dunked in chocolate cold-snap topping. The cupcakes then are chilled after frosting, which allows the topping to set firm and thin-crisp on the outside.

This cold and creamy situation is perfect with one of my favorite flavor combos of all time: peppermint and chocolate. The devil’s food cake is moist and delicious with any kind of cocoa — but is especially decadent with black cocoa powder, which gives the cake a rich chocolate taste and a gorgeous, intense color contrast with the light, fluffy frosting. That frosting is flavored with peppermint extract (plus a little pink food coloring, if you like) before the dip into milk chocolate cold snap. But these stunning cupcakes can be flavored a lot of different ways: You could swap the actual cake for one of the other batters on this list, then pair it with a frosting and topping to match. The dark chocolate, strawberry, and matcha cold snap toppings already here on Food52 are great inspo for flavor ideas!

8. Strawberry Lemonade Cupcakes

This is the perfect summer cupcake! It starts with a base inspired by pink strawberry cake mix — but my version spikes it with lemon and uses fresh strawberries that are cooked down to a thick purée. The sweet cake is naturally pink and boasts a lovely strawberry flavor. It’s finished with my lemon curd buttercream, which is made extra special by swirling it with the remaining strawberry purée. Be sure to check out the cupcake episode of Bake it Up a Notch linked above that shows a super-cool pro tip for swirling frostings, which is also a great technique for swirling different coloring of frosting together for cupcakes in general!

More delicious cupcake recipes!

9. One-Bowl Vanilla Cupcakes

It might sound silly, but I find baking cupcakes to be way easier and less intimidating than baking a cake. It’s a quicker bake and even the most intricately decorated cupcakes are ready to serve in the blink of an eye. There’s no reason to overcomplicate the process, which is why I’m such a fan of this one-bowl recipe that comes together in under 30 minutes.

10. Vegan Lemon Vanilla Cupcakes with Lemon Buttercream Frosting

You’d think it’d be hard to replicate the super fluffy, moist texture of vanilla cupcakes without sour cream, eggs, and milk, but leave it to Gena Hamshaw to develop a recipe for vegan cupcakes that is totally tender and tart. The lemon-coconut buttercream tastes like a summer dream.

11. Creamy Easy Cheesecake Cupcakes

If you’re intimidated by the idea of baking a cheesecake in a precarious water bath, try this: no-bake cupcakes made with a basic graham cracker crust and a four-ingredient filling.

12. Cinnamon Bun Cupcakes

We turned our favorite breakfast treat into our new favorite cupcake recipe. A cinnamon “goo” is swirled into the vanilla cupcake batter just before baking; once they’re out of the oven and have fully cooled, they’re topped with a cream cheese buttercream, cinnamon streusel, and drizzly cinnamon butterscotch.

13. Irish Coffee Cupcakes

Kiss me, I’m hungry (go ahead, roll your eyes). These coffee cupcakes only get better when they’re pulled from the oven and immediately brushed with whiskey and frosted with Bailey’s buttercream.

14. One-Bowl Chocolate Cupcake Recipe

These are all-purpose rich chocolate cupcakes are a totally blank canvas. They’re delicious prepared as is, but recipe developer Alice Medrich offers some sweet suggestions for how to amp them up (say with a touch of molasses flavor or extra bittersweet chocolate notes).

15. Chamomile Lemon Cupcakes with Honey Buttercream Frosting

Who needs scones or crumpets to pair with a cup of tea when you have these cupcakes?

Trump ignites a fury from his MAGA base after endorsing Kevin McCarthy for re-election

Donald Trump threw his weight behind House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy, R-Calif., on Saturday, calling the Republican lawmaker “strong and fearless” ahead of McCarthy’s potential re-election. 

Trump’s endorsement came in a social media post over Truth Social, in which the former president said that McCarthy is an “outstanding representative for the people of California.”

“In Congress, Kevin is a tireless advocate for the people of Bakersfield and the Central Valley. He is working incredibly hard to Stop Inflation, Deliver Water Solutions, and Hold Joe Biden and Nancy Pelosi Accountable for their catastrophic failures and dereliction of duty,” Trump wrote. “Kevin McCarthy has my Complete and Total Endorsement.”

RELATED: Kevin McCarthy caught on tape: Trump won’t forgive him this time

Trump’s imprimatur reportedly sparked ire from much of his base, in large part because McCarthy has not expressed total devotion to the former president in the past. 

“Trump endorsing Frank Luntz bunk buddy Kevin McCarthy, instead of using his political capital to undermine bad GOP leadership, is a sign that Trump has not learned much after all this time about who is and is not America First,” tweeted right-wing writer Pedro L. Gonzalez.

Conservative radio host Leo Terrell casted strong doubt over McCarthy’s true allegiances, claiming that the representative “does not want President Trump to win re-election in 2024.”


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RELATED: Trump’s puppets: McConnell and McCarthy have lost all control

Back in January 2021, just after the Capitol riot, the House Republican was reportedly considering asking Trump to resign, according to The New York Times.

“The only discussion I would have with him is that I think this will pass, and it would be my recommendation you should resign,” he told a group of GOP lawmakers over the phone. “What he did is unacceptable. Nobody can defend that and nobody should defend it.”

Shortly after a recording of that call was leaked, the former president expressed that he “didn’t like the call” but ultimately dismissed it because McCarthy had apparently been loyal enough. “I think it’s all a big compliment, frankly,” Trump told The Wall Street Journal. “They realized they were wrong and supported me.” 

It isn’t the first time that one of Trump’s endorsements has been castigated by his own base, as Newsweek noted. Back in April, Trump ignited a fury in the MAGA-verse after backing celebrity doctor Mehmet Oz in the U.S. Senate race in Pennsylvania. The former president also struck a nerve for endorsing J.D. Vance, the conservative author and venture capitalist, for the U.S. Senate in Ohio.

Family of 10-year-old Uvalde victim hires lawyer who successfully sued Sandy Hook gunmaker

Lawyers for the family of a 10-year-old victim of a Uvalde gunman have requested marketing material from the Georgia-based manufacturer behind the AR-15-style assault rifle used to kill 21 people at Uvalde’s Robb Elementary School.

The legal team, which is representing relatives of Amerie Jo Garza, hasn’t filed a lawsuit. But one of its members won a $73 million settlement for nine families of victims in the Sandy Hook shooting after pioneering a legal theory that the marketing of the gun used in that shooting violated fair-trade laws in Connecticut.

In a joint letter, the lawyers asked officials with Daniel Defense, the gun manufacturer, to preserve evidence including marketing plans, social media campaigns and advertising. The letter was sent by Mikal Watts of San Antonio, Charla Aldous of Dallas and Josh Koskoff of Bridgeport, Connecticut. They represent Alfred Garza III and Kimberly Garcia, the parents of Amerie Jo.

“My purpose for being now is to honor Amerie Jo’s memory,” Alfred Garza said in a statement released by the law firms. “She would want to me to do everything I can so this will never happen again to any other child. I have to fight her fight.”

In their letter to Daniel Defense, the lawyers ask that records, including the company’s online purchasing database and their communications with the 18-year-old Uvalde shooter, be preserved. The gunman purchased a DDM4 rifle, which is classified as an AR-15-style weapon.

“If they really are sincere in their desire to support these families, they will provide the information that Mr. Garza has requested without delay or excuse,” Koskoff said in a statement.

Daniel Defense officials did not immediately respond to a request for comment. A statement on their website reads, “We are deeply saddened by the recent tragic events in Texas. Our thoughts and prayers go out to the families and community devastated by this evil act.”

Earlier this year, Koskoff successfully brokered the settlement on behalf of the families of nine victims who were killed in 2012 when a 20-year-old opened fire inside Sandy Hook Elementary School in Newtown, Connecticut, killing 26 people, including 20 first-graders. It remains the deadliest school shooting in America. The May 24 shooting at Robb Elementary School is now the second-deadliest school shooting in the United States.

The federal Protection of Lawful Commerce in Arms Act shields gun manufacturers from liability in a mass shooting. However, there are exemptions, which is how Koskoff and his team successfully won a settlement without the case going to trial in the Sandy Hook case.

One of those exemptions to the 2005 law occurs if a state law is violated, according to Dru Stevenson, the Wayne Fischer research professor at South Texas College of Law, who specializes in firearm policy and regulation. In the Sandy Hook case, Koskoff argued that the marketing of the gun violated fair-trade laws in Connecticut.

Whether the same exception could be used in a potential lawsuit by the Uvalde families is not clear.

“It’s going to be a new question for the Texas Supreme Court,” Stevenson said, “to see if this type of marketing violates unfair trade practices law here.”

In another case Thursday, San Antonio lawyer Don Flanary made a pretrial request in Uvalde County for a deposition of Daniel Defense officials on behalf of his client, Emilia Marin, who worked at Robb Elementary as a speech pathology clerk.

 

This article originally appeared in The Texas Tribune at https://www.texastribune.org/2022/06/03/uvalde-school-shooting-lawyers/.

The Texas Tribune is a member-supported, nonpartisan newsroom informing and engaging Texans on state politics and policy. Learn more at texastribune.org.

U.S. gun laws are causing mayhem and mass murder — and Republicans couldn’t be more thrilled

After reassuring multiple people by text that my partner and I had been tucked safely in bed at 11:30 on Saturday night, I finally cracked and posted a general reassurance on Facebook. No, we had not been near the shooting on South Street in Philadelphia, where we live, that resulted in 3 deaths and 11 major injuries. But people’s concerns weren’t misplaced. We had been at a party in that neighborhood just the night before. Saturday’s was the ninth mass shooting in the city this year alone, according to the Gun Violence Archive. There have been shootings at train stations and house parties. One group of victims was going to the prom. These things really are a matter of luck in a society that’s swimming in as much gun violence as ours.

What made the South Street shooting particularly nerve-rattling was how unhinged the situation seems to have been. Current reports suggest it started as a fight between two young men, but at least three other civilians and a police officer whipped out guns and sent bullets flying everywhere. There’s a very Wild West quality to the whole thing, except, you know, it happened in a 21st-century crowded city, with advanced gun tech, making the body count much higher than someone like Billy the Kid would have experienced. 

This is all by design. 

RELATED: Mass shooting in Buffalo: Tucker Carlson and other right-wing conspiracy theorists share the blame

As Melissa Ryan wrote Monday morning in the Ctrl Alt Right Delete newsletter, “For the Right, mass shootings are a feature, not a bug.” And as I have been arguing for at Salon, mass shootings are effective for Republicans at demoralizing their opposition and training their base to unlearn any lingering sense of empathy. Historian Ruth Ben-Shiat argued in October in the Washington Post, that gun violence “fosters political, social and psychological conditions that are propitious for autocracy.” A major GOP campaign message going into the midterms is that “woke” Democrats are letting criminals run amok in the cities. Dramatic gun violence really helps sell this message, which is why Republicans are guaranteed to block any bill that would make it even slightly harder for violent and unhinged people to get guns. 


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This is how Republicans operate: Break things and then blame Democrats for the damage. 

The price we’re paying for the GOP’s political propaganda is being paid, every day, in blood.

It was true of the 2008 economic crash. The misery was largely the fault of Republicans, due to lax regulation under George W. Bush and the GOP’s unwillingness to support more robust recovery efforts when Barack Obama became president. Republicans didn’t hide, however, that they planned to obstruct Obama’s attempts to fix the problems. In Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell’s infamous words, it was his mission to make Obama a “one-term president.” We saw a similar strategy deployed against President Joe Biden. First, Republicans make the pandemic worse by convincing their voters not to vaccinate. Now they blame Biden because the pandemic is still a problem. 

RELATED: Why Republicans will always ignore the red flags of mass shootings

Gun violence in Philadelphia is bad, just like in the rest of the country. The reasons aren’t mysterious. Gun sales surged during the pandemic because decades of propaganda caused people to think they needed them to be “safe.” (In reality, having a gun in the house increases your chances of injury or death.) More guns lead to more violence. Research shows that was especially true of this gun buying surge, as the percentage of newly purchased guns being used in crime surged. Things only promise to get worse because, no matter how much research says otherwise, people still have this asinine idea that the way to protect themselves from gun violence is to buy more guns. So this vicious cycle is perpetuated. People buy guns, which leads to more gun violence, which leads to more gun sales, and so on and so forth. Next thing you know, there are shootouts on South Street because everyone thinks they’re in some goddamn action movie. 

Republicans back policies that lead to violence that harms people of color, then they blame people of color in order to get votes from racist white people. 

This works out great for the gun companies, who are booking record profits. It’s also working out for Republicans, who happily exploit all this gun violence to sell paranoid, racist voters a story about how it’s all the fault of Democrats, “wokeism” and Black people. Sometimes this gets very explicitly white nationalist. As Roger Sollenberger of Daily Beast reported over the weekend, Blake Masters, the Donald Trump-endorsed GOP candidate for Senate in Arizona, gave an interview in April in which he summed up what he thought was the cause of gun violence: “Black people, frankly.”


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The racism looks even uglier in the aftermath of the Buffalo, New York shooting, in which a white 18-year-old is alleged to have murdered a bunch of elderly Black grocery shoppers because he bought into the “great replacement” conspiracy theory Masters is peddling. It also notably ignores actually links shootings across the country, whether its’s gang violence, fights, or mass shootings: Angry young men, regardless of race, who have way too easy access to weapons. Masters isn’t stupid, and while I have no doubt his racism is entirely sincere, he is also a cynical propagandist. He’s feeding directly into this vicious cycle. Whip up his conservatives into thinking they’re in danger from people of different races, so that they buy more guns and support lax gun laws that then leads to more crime. Then use the crime to whip up more racist paranoia.

Of course, other Republican propagandists are a bit more subtle — though only a little bit — in their race-baiting, blaming “woke” prosecutors for crime instead of evoking racist stereotypes directly. Fox News is, of course, blaming Philadelphia’s progressive district attorney, Larry Krasner, for the shooting. Right-wing media has also been hyping a recall election focused on similarly progressive San Francisco District Attorney Chesa Boudin. As the Washington Post notes, violent crime “remains at some of the lowest levels it has been in four decades” in San Francisco, but that hasn’t slowed down the GOP narrative one bit. 

RELATED: The right desperately tries to blame women for the 21 murders in the Uvalde school shooting

“It is nothing more than a new version of the Southern strategy,” Krasner told Business Insider. “They’re saying ‘big cities, lawless,’ except all the big cities they’re talking about are very Democratic and have huge Black and brown populations.”

This race-baiting is especially gross when one considers that, despite the paranoia of the white GOP, racial minorities are more likely to be victims of gun violence. But that underscores just how nasty and cynical the Republican strategy here is. They back policies that lead to violence that harms people of color, then they blame people of color in order to get votes from racist white people. For Republicans, it’s all political upside. For the rest of us, however, it comes at the price of living in a society where any of us, at any time, could find ourselves the victim of the latest angry young man with a gun taking his grievances out on strangers.

The price we’re paying for the GOP’s political propaganda is being paid, every day, in blood. And it’s likely to get worse as the summer heats up and people’s nerves remain frayed after all the stress of the past few years.  

Democrat proposes filibuster-proof 1,000% tax on AR-15s that would raise price by up to $20,000

With senators negotiating a gun control package that is expected to leave out a reinstatement of an assault weapons ban and expanded background checks on gun purchases, Rep. Don Beyer is proposing a unique method of keeping AR-15s and similar semiautomatic weapons out of people’s hands.

The Virginia Democrat said late Sunday that he’s drafting a proposal to impose a 1,000% excise tax on firearms like the ones used by numerous perpetrators of mass shootings in recent years.

With AR-15s costing between $500 and $2,000, the tax would add up to $20,000 onto the weapons’ price tag. The tax would also apply to high-capacity magazines that carry more than 10 rounds of ammunition, Business Insider reported, and weapons with one or more military characteristic including a pistol grip, a forward grip, or a folding or telescoping stock—the type of firearms Rep. David Cicilline, D-R.I., and Sen. Dianne Feinstein, D-Calif., are seeking to ban with legislation introduced in 2021.

Beyer said Sunday he believes the proposal could pass with a simple majority in the Senate via reconciliation, allowing it to bypass the legislative filibuster, which requires 60 votes for bills to pass. Right-wing Democratic Sens. Joe Manchin, D-W.Va., and Kyrsten Sinema, D-Ariz., have opposed reforming the filibuster, obstructing their own party’s agenda since President Joe Biden took office.

“What it’s intended to do is provide another creative pathway to actually make some sensible gun control happen,” Beyer told Insider. “We think that a 1,000% fee on assault weapons is just the kind of restrictive measure that creates enough fiscal impact to qualify for reconciliation.”

According to Insider, the proposal could be included in a spending bill containing parts of Biden’s climate action and taxation agenda.

Beyer said revenue from the tax could go towards a restitution program for family members of people killed in shootings.

The proposal comes two years after Rep. Hank Johnson, D-Ga., and Sen. Elizabeth Warren, D-Mass., proposed a 30% tax on handguns and a 50% tax on shells and cartridges.

Memphis lawmakers tell police not to work security at Trump rally: “He’s notorious for not paying”

Former President Donald Trump is scheduled to hold a campaign rally in Memphis, but the city police don’t want anything to do with it.

According to Action News 5, Trump’s past events that required local security resulted in hefty bills for the Trump campaign. Trump still owes El Paso $570,000 for a 2019 rally. The Republican Party wanted to move the 2020 convention to Jacksonville, Florida, during the pandemic, but that got canceled when security couldn’t work with half of the budget cops were promised.

As of July 2020, Trump had over $2 million in unpaid security bills that stacked up from Pennsylvania to New Mexico. The Albuquerque Journal revealed in Oct. 2020, that their city sent Trump an invoice for $211,175.94 for barricades and overtime for officers to be on hand for the event.

Trump also refused to pay the city of Minneapolis after stacking up over $530,000 in security costs for a 2019 rally. The mayor there was furious and fought back at the time by blocking any further use of city-owned properties until the bill was paid. Trump threatened to sue the mayor. After a back and forth, the Target Center gave an in-kind donation of $100,000 for the costs of the 2019 rally. That, however, presents a problem because $100,000 in corporate funds is a violation of campaign finance law. It’s unclear if anyone has ever filed that complaint because it likely isn’t included on Trump’s campaign finance documents as an in-kind contribution.

In Memphis, the police department said that they hadn’t been contacted about providing security. Memphis City Councilman Martavius Jones doesn’t want Memphis Police to fork over the time, manpower and costs.

“He’s notorious for not paying,” said Jones, “When you talk about these rallies, there are huge expenses that various jurisdictions have to pay, and these expenditures are not being reimbursed by the Trump campaign or Trump organization.”

Councilman Jones and Councilman JB Smiley Jr will introduce a resolution to the council next week, that asks the Memphis Police to stay out of the rally.

“He’s no longer the president. He has a Secret Service detail, I think that’s sufficient,” said Smiley.

Trump’s campaign spokesperson for the American Freedom Tour went on the attack against the council saying, it is “mean-spirited, partisan, preposterous and penurious.”

“Perhaps,” said Ward, “the Memphis City Council should consult with the good members of the Memphis Police Department about withholding security for President Donald J. Trump, the 45th President of the United States. I am not sure they would agree with the proposal, as protecting presidents is and has always been an unambiguous national security priority.”

Public Information Officer Major Karen Rudolph said that if federal partners ask them to help that they would. That would mean that the Secret Service would have to ask for security. It’s possible that the MPD officers could work for free and bring their own equipment.

“When asked if the American Freedom Tour paid in advance or had outstanding bills, Landers Center Executive Director Todd Mastry replied, ‘The American Freedom Tour is in compliance with the contract,'” said the report.

Read the full report.

“I’m not jumping in after you”: Video shows Arizona cops refuse to save drowning Black man

The videos and transcripts have been released showing the last few moments of Sean Bickings’ life as he struggled to stay afloat.

Fox29 explained that the police were called to handle a domestic violence situation, but both Bickings and his wife said that they didn’t make a call and nothing violent was happening.

Bickings tried to run away and jump into the lake nearby. It was then, unable to get out of the water, he drowned. Local firefighters pulled him out after he was dead.

Police said that Bickings was identified as an “unsheltered Tempe community member.” Both Bickings told police that there were no problems and neither was going to be detained.

The officer then said he was running their names through a database to see if they had any warrants. That’s when Bickings took off.

“That check had not yet been completed when Bickings decided to slowly climb over a 4-foot metal fence and enter the water. Officers informed him swimming is not allowed in the lake,” a statement from the department reads. “He swam about 30-40 yards before repeatedly indicating he was in distress. He soon went under and did not resurface.”

The transcript cites cops shouting back and forth.

“I’m drowning,” Bickings said.

“Come back over to the pylon,” replied an officer, noted as “Officer 2.”

“I can’t. I can’t (inaudible),” said Bickings.

“OK, I’m not jumping in after you,” said Officer 1.

Bickings’ wife started to panic. An officer told her, “If you don’t calm down, I’m going to put you in my car.”

She continued to beg the police to help him. “I’m just distraught because he’s drowning right in front of us and you won’t help,” she said.

The police then claimed that another officer was getting a boat.

“The three Tempe police officers who responded to the call and witnessed the drowning have been placed on non-disciplinary paid administrative leave pending the investigations, as is customary in critical incidents,” the statement also said.

See the video below:

Jan. 6 hearings will feature “disturbing” new evidence, House Democrat previews

Rep. David Cicilline, D-R.I., on Thursday said that he expects “disturbing” new evidence to emerge from the House’s upcoming Capitol riot hearings, where dozens of witnesses will be publicly questioned over their connection to and knowledge of January 6. 

“This is our democracy,” the Rhode Island Democrat told CNN. “This was the greatest assault on American democracy in my lifetime. The world is watching to see how we respond to this.”

By Cicilline’s account, the nine-member committee charged with investigating the Capitol riot has already taken testimony from more than 1,000 people and collected over 135,000 documents related to the insurrection. 

“There will be, I think, substantial evidence that really demonstrates the coordination and the planning and the effort, despite the fact that they understood that Donald Trump lost the election and even once the insurrection began and the violence began, there were ongoing efforts to persuade the former President to stop the violence and call on folks to go home, and he refused to do it,” the lawmaker said. 

RELATED: The Jan. 6 committee hearings are finally here — and Republicans are running scared

“I think the American people are going to learn facts about the planning and execution of this that will be very disturbing,” Cicilline added. 


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This week, the January 6 panel is set to hold at least half a dozen televised hearings designed to lay bare much of the evidence it has collected since the committee’s inception last July. The panel has said that it will proffer “previously unseen material.” Details around the committee’s schedule have yet to be released. According to CNN, the committee may interview two men with ties to former Vice President Mike Pence, including former Pence chief counsel Greg Jacob and former federal Judge J. Michael Lutti. The outlet also reported that Pence chief of staff Marc Short might provide testimony. 

Thus far, the committee has issued subpoenas against numerous allies of Donald Trump, including former White House chief of staff Mark Meadows, former White House Chief Strategist Steve Bannon, former White House Deputy Chief of Staff Dan Scavino, and most recently, Peter Navarro, one of Trump’s former trade advisors. 

This week would not mark the first time that the January 6 panel has held hearings in relation to the Capitol riot. 

RELATED: Jan. 6 committee says Mark Meadows’ “hokey pokey” has slowed down plan for primetime hearings

Last July, the committee asked for testimony from four Capitol police officers who were tasked with defending the Capitol building during the insurrection. The proceedings offered a clearer glimpse into brutality of the insurgency, which reportedly left numerous officers with physical and emotional trauma.

Draft Trump executive order called for armed private contractors to “seize” voting machines

Allies of former President Donald Trump sought to have voting machines seized by armed private contractors in the weeks after the 2020 election, according to new reporting.

As the Los Angeles Times reported Saturday, draft executive orders dated December 16 and 17, 2020 regarding the seizure of voting machines appear to have started as an “authorizing letter” written on November 21.

The letter was written by “supporters on the fringes” of Trump’s circle to three people who were involved in the former president’s numerous failed attempts to find evidence that President Joe Biden’s victory in the election was fraudulent.

The document sought to grant authority to three companies—including two which were also involved in auditing the election results—to send armed workers to seize all voting machines and election data at will.

The letter called for the U.S. Marshals to be involved in the effort and for people involved to be armed “since most of the operations would be conducted under hostile conditions.”

The request “implies that whoever drafted this… views this as some sort of warlike event,” Christopher Krebs, the former U.S. Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency Director who Trump fired for affirming that the election had been secure, told the Times.

The Times reported on the previously undisclosed letter less than a week before the congressional committee investigating the January 6, 2021 insurrection at the U.S. Capitol is scheduled to begin public hearings.

The document is likely to be among the previously unseen material that will be revealed in the primetime hearings, according to the Times.

The draft executive order which was ultimately presented to Trump on December 18, 2020 by attorney Sidney Powell, former national security advisor Michael Flynn, and former Overstock.com CEO Patrick Byrne shocked government watchdogs when it was reported earlier this year.

That draft did not include language regarding armed workers from private companies seizing the machines and election data, but did call for assistance from the military.

Trump ultimately did not sign the executive order.

Still, the existence of the letter showing how the former president’s allies approached their efforts to circumvent the democratic process was called “chilling” by Krebs.

“You’re talking about issuing letters of marque effectively to a private sector organization to go do some sort of activity on behalf of that executive office of the president,” Krebs told the Times. “A private sector organization has no authority to go and seize state government equipment. The federal government doesn’t even have that authority, particularly in the context of administering elections. And we are looking at a document that says that’s okay.”

Aimee Allison, founder of pro-democracy group She the People, said the letter is new evidence that the January 6 attack on the U.S. Capitol when lawmakers were certifying the 2020 election results, was “a failed coup.”

 

“And these people are still plotting,” she said.

“We can’t even get background checks”: Democrats already “caved” in gun bill negotiations with GOP

While warning that lawmakers’ continued inaction on gun control legislation will have “significant consequences” for democracy in the U.S., Sen. Chris Murphy on Sunday also tempered expectations regarding the ongoing bipartisan negotiations that began in the wake of the school shooting in Uvalde, Texas late last month.

The Connecticut Democrat, a longtime advocate for gun control reform, told Jake Tapper on CNN‘s “State of the Union” that lawmakers have been discussing laws that were passed in Florida in 2018 following the Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School shooting, after which young survivors of the attack mobilized to demand action from policymakers.

The laws passed in Florida raised the age to purchase long guns, including AR-15s, from 18 to 21; required a three-day waiting period for purchases; allowed law enforcement to take firearms away from people who may pose a threat to themselves or others; and made investments in mental health and school security.

They also created a program allowing trained school staff to carry firearms, something Republicans have pushed for after a number of recent school shootings, including the one that killed 19 children and two adults on May 24 in Uvalde.

The laws have been credited with removing guns from the possession of thousands of people deemed a threat.

“The template for Florida is the right one. Which is do some significant mental health investment, some school safety money and some modest, but impactful, changes in gun laws,” Murphy said. “That’s the kind of package we’re putting together right now. That’s the kind of package I think can pass the Senate.”

Notably, the proposals Democrats and Republicans are discussing do not appear to include expanded background checks for gun buyers, despite the fact that 88% of Americans support universal background checks.

Last week Murphy suggested an expansion of background checks could be included in a package, while an assault weapons ban—which has existed in the U.S. in the past, has been linked to a reduction in mass shootings, and is backed by 67% of Americans—was said to be left out of the discussions, prompting outcry from gun control advocates.

President Joe Biden urged lawmakers to pass a ban on assault weapons last week in an address to the nation, asking “how much more carnage are we willing to accept?” as he also called for strengthened background checks and other reforms.

On Sunday, Murphy suggested expanded background checks may be taken off the table, but said “changes to our background check system, to improve the existing system” may still be discussed.

“We’re not going to do everything I want,” Murphy told Tapper. “We’re not going to put a piece of legislation on the table that’s going to ban assault weapons, or we’re not going to pass comprehensive background checks. But right now, people in this country want us to make progress.”

Political strategist Murshed Zaheed denounced Democratic lawmakers who have apparently “caved” on universal background checks—not long ago “considered a milquetoast, moderate position on gun control.”

“They gave up even before there was going to be a modicum of legislative fight or advocacy,” Zaheed said.

The U.S. House has already passed a bill expanding background checks to nearly all gun sales.

As senators met to discuss gun control on Saturday, Murphy noted on social media that since the shooting in Uvalde less than two weeks ago, there have been more than 20 mass shootings in the U.S. with more than 90 people injured and at least 19 killed.

On Saturday night three people were killed and 11 were injured in a shooting in an entertainment district in downtown Philadelphia, and early Sunday morning at least three people were shot to death and 14 were injured by gunfire near a nightclub in Chattanooga, Tennessee.

“Twenty-eight mass shootings in less than two weeks since Uvalde and we can’t even get background checks included in a bipartisan gun reform package,” said progressive political strategist Sawyer Hackett.

The ghost of Watergate looms over Jan. 6 hearings: Will there be accountability this time?

In a couple of weeks, the United States will “celebrate” one of the most shameful political events in its history: the 50th anniversary of Watergate.

The infamous break-in started out as what the Nixon White House dismissively called a “third rate burglary,” but over the course of the following two years an incredible story of crude criminality, corruption, and even possible treason unfolded before the public, resulting in dozens of jail sentences and the only presidential resignation in American history. It may seem odd to commemorate such a notorious event but it could not be more relevant to our modern times.

This week begins the first public hearings aiming to unravel an equally serious White House scandal, featuring another corrupt president and all his men and women, that could have even more far-reaching consequences for the country than the first one. The original gumshoe reporters on Watergate, Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein, who became the most famous journalists in the country, have reported on both events. Unsurprisingly, they both draw some predictable parallels between the two. Writing in the Washington Post over the weekend, the two veterans made this observation:

As reporters, we had studied Nixon and written about him for nearly half a century, during which we believed with great conviction that never again would America have a president who would trample the national interest and undermine democracy through the audacious pursuit of personal and political self-interest.

And then along came Trump.

RELATED: The Jan. 6 committee hearings are finally here — and Republicans are running scared

Their column recapitulates all of the highlights of Watergate (and it’s always shocking to see it again in narrative form) and draws the parallels with Trump, showing where he crossed similar lines — and went beyond even Nixon. Woodward and Bernstein call Trump “the first seditious president in American history” and characterize Nixon and him this way:

Both Nixon and Trump created a conspiratorial world in which the U.S. Constitution, laws and fragile democratic traditions were to be manipulated or ignored, political opponents and the media were “enemies,” and there were few or no restraints on the powers entrusted to presidents. […] Both Nixon and Trump have been willing prisoners of their compulsions to dominate, and to gain and hold political power through virtually any means. In leaning so heavily on these dark impulses, they defined two of the most dangerous and troubling eras in American history.

As Washington warned in his Farewell Address more than 225 years ago, unprincipled leaders could create “permanent despotism,” “the ruins of public liberty,” and “riot and insurrection.”

Watergate caused a lot of damage to the United States. It created a new layer of cynicism and distrust that never quite went away and the pardon of Richard Nixon was probably the biggest error in political judgment. While many of his accomplices did face serious prison terms, the man himself — the mastermind — was never held to account legally. That sent Richard Nixon’s own message to a whole generation of conservative legal minds: “When the president does it, it’s not illegal.” In fact, they fully embraced a doctrine around it called the Unitary Executive Theory, which they then whispered in Donald Trump’s ears as he smashed every rule and norm of the Executive branch. He did this publicly rather than surreptitiously as Nixon had done because he didn’t know any better. Recall his oft-repeated insistence on his power to “do anything I want”:


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There were a number of instances in which both presidents issued insane and illegal orders with some functionaries eagerly signing on while others blocked and tackled to prevent anyone from carrying it out. Recall that Nixon ordered a break-in of the Brookings Institute (which G. Gordon Liddy then proposed should be firebombed) and Trump wanted to launch missiles into Mexico to “take out the drug labs” and then deny it. They both wanted protesters shot and considered the free press the enemy. But it is not comforting to know that the only thing standing between America being a democratic nation and a fully formed tyranny is a few functionaries failing to follow his orders.

It’s fair to wonder if Nixon had been fully held to account for his crimes if there would have been a Donald Trump. You can certainly bet that the lesson Trump took from Nixon was that he would never have to pay a price for what he did as president. And it looks more and more as if he was right. In fact, it may be that he won’t even have to pay a political price much less a legal one.

RELATED: House coup plotters stand firm — but DOJ and the Jan. 6 committee are closing in

Congresswoman Liz Cheney, R-Wy., told Robert Costa of CBS on Sunday that the January 6th Committee has evidence of an “extremely broad and “extremely well-organized” conspiracy to overturn the 2020 election. When asked if she thinks people will watch the hearings, she said:

“We are, in fact, in a situation where he continues to use even more extreme language, frankly, than the language that caused the attack. And so, people must pay attention. People must watch, and they must understand how easily our democratic system can unravel if we don’t defend it.”

Saying they must is not the same as saying they will. I certainly hope they will but I don’t think we can count on Republicans tuning in. As Cheney herself said, many Republicans have “pledged their allegiance” to Trump over country although she also thinks “the majority of Republicans across the country don’t want to see our system unravel.” I’m not so sure about that.

It’s worrying that the right is going to ignore, lie, obfuscate, distract, whatever it takes to keep people believing that Trump’s lawbreaking was simply a presidential prerogative instead of a coup attempt by the greatest sore loser in history. They certainly do not expect that Trump will be held legally responsible for what he did. After all, he had his “Article II” that says it’s not illegal if the president does it.

Last week we found out that the Department of Justice has declined to prosecute former White House Chief of Staff Mark Meadows and former adviser Dan Scavino for contempt of congress. They didn’t specify why, and there might be good reasons for it if they are investigating White House involvement, including the president, in the coup attempt. If that’s the case, it’s one of the most tight-lipped DOJ investigations in history.

In one of the big Watergate cases concerning the cover-up of the burglary, in which John Mitchell the former Attorney General and top White House staffers H. R. Haldeman, John D. Ehrlichman among others were convicted, the president was named an unindicted co-conspirator. It remains to be seen if Trump’s attempt to overturn the election will merit comparable accountability, however tepid it might be.

This week begins a new phase in this ongoing crisis of democracy. Let’s hope the Jan. 6 committee can lay out the story in such stark terms that at the very least there will be political fall-out for Donald Trump that shakes loose a few of his cult followers. I’m afraid that may be the best we can hope for. 

“Targeted act”: Militia member kills ex-judge, had “hit list” targeting Whitmer, officials say

A reported militia member accused of killing a retired Wisconsin judge was found with a “hit list” containing the names of 13 people, including Michigan Gov. Gretchen Whitmer, Wisconsin Gov. Tony Evers and Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, officials say.

SWAT officers found former Juneau County Judge John Roemer, 68, zip-tied to a chair and fatally shot in his home in New Lisbon on Friday, law enforcement officials told WISN-TV. The state’s Justice Department said officers found 56-year-old Douglas Uhde in the basement with a self-inflicted gunshot wound and took him to a hospital in critical condition. Local news outlets reported that Uhde was a member of an unidentified militia group. Uhde has an extensive criminal history dating back 20 years, including a conviction for armed burglary and gun charges that at one point came before Roemer, according to CNN.

Wisconsin Attorney General Josh Kaul said in a news conference that the killing “does appear to be a targeted act and the individual is a suspect who appears to have had other targets as well.”

Uhde has not been formally charged but was found with a “hit list” of 13 names that included Whitmer, Evers and McConnell. Kaul said many of the other targets were “part of the judicial system.”

“The information that’s been gathered indicated that it was a targeted act and that the targeting was based on some sort of court case or court cases,” Kaul said.


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The attorney general said investigators were not aware of additional threats to those on the list.

“Those who may have been other targets have been notified of that, but we are not aware of any active threat to individuals,” he said. “If we become aware of any specific ongoing threat, we will certainly notify people when we are aware of that.”

Zack Pohl, Whitmer’s deputy chief of staff, told The Detroit News that her office was notified on Friday.

“While the news reports are deeply troubling, we will not comment further on an ongoing criminal investigation,” Pohl said. “Gov. Whitmer has demonstrated repeatedly that she is tough, and she will not be bullied or intimidated from doing her job and working across the aisle to get things done for the people of Michigan.”

Whitmer has been the target of numerous threats, including an alleged plot by Michigan militia members to kidnap and kill her in response to COVID-related lockdowns she ordered earlier in the pandemic. A jury acquitted two defendants in the plot in April while prosecutors plan to retry two other defendants after a judge declared a mistrial in their cases.

RELATED: Two men accused of Gretchen Whitmer kidnapping plot found not guilty

Evers declined to say whether he was on the list.

“I’m not going to comment whether I was on that list or not on that list. Nothing is stopping me from doing this job,” he told reporters on Saturday.

The governor called the killing a “horrible situation.”

“It makes me feel ill that somebody who devoted his life, shared his life to being a jurist in rural Wisconsin, and that’s hard work, to be targeted like that, it makes me, frankly, sick to my stomach,” Evers said. “I mean, the idea that, as I said before, a judge from a rural county is targeted and murdered. It’s abhorrent to our judiciary, and to leadership in our state and our country. We can do better than this in Wisconsin.”

Law enforcement officials told WISN they are investigating the killing as a possible case of domestic terrorism.

Roemer sentenced Uhde to six years in prison in 2005 on a charge of armed burglary with a dangerous weapon, according to NBC News. Uhde pleaded guilty to the charge, as well as to charges of carrying a concealed weapon, possessing a short-barreled shotgun rifle and being a felon in possession of a firearm.

Roemer was first elected in 2004 and re-elected in 2010 and 2016. He retired in 2017. He also served as an assistant district attorney for Juneau County and as an assistant state public defender.

Wisconsin Supreme Court Chief Justice Annette Kingsland Ziegler said the court was “shocked and saddened” by his death.

“Judge Roemer dedicated much of his career to public service in the law,” she said in a statement. “He was known by colleagues for his sharp legal mind and his willingness to share his time and knowledge with others. His work made a tremendous difference in the lives of many people in Juneau County and elsewhere in the state. Our deepest sympathy goes to Judge Roemer’s family at this time.”

Read more:

How dark money fueled the Jan. 6 insurrection — and why we can’t find it

In September 2020, a dark-money group called the Rule of Law Defense Fund convened a meeting in Atlanta of staffers from the fund’s corporate sibling, the Republican Attorneys General Association (RAGA). Their purpose was to run “war games,” to be ready in the event Donald Trump lost reelection in November. A little over three months later, the same group would help to assemble the mob before the White House on Jan. 6, 2021.

This wasn’t an isolated incident. Shadowy preparations like these began long before the violence of Jan. 6. As the House Select Committee investigating those events begins hearings this week, we may learn much more about those preparations and the people behind them. 

RELATED: The Jan. 6 committee hearings are finally here — and Republicans are running scared

But it will be difficult to see the full picture, because much of the preparation is shrouded in dark-money secrecy, with funds channeled through front groups that don’t have to disclose who controls them. 

For now, we’re left with mysteries, like Georgia. It was Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger whom Trump personally pressured to “find” the 11,779 votes necessary to flip the state in Trump’s favor. Georgia was ground zero for some of Trump’s lawyers’ most desperate and ridiculous legal claims about the election results — like the “Kraken” suit alleging a role by the deceased Venezuelan dictator Hugo Chávez in rigging Dominion voting machines. Georgia is where the Rule of Law Defense Fund hatched its scheme. Georgia also saw efforts to create an alternative slate of Trump electors.

Then came the attempt to wield the power of the Justice Department to attack Georgia’s election results. For this mission, someone cranked up Jeffrey Clark, a relative unknown who was acting chief of the Department’s Civil Division as a result of pre-election DOJ vacancies. Clark prepared a draft letter alleging, falsely, that the department was investigating accusations of voter fraud in Georgia. Of course, we don’t know if Clark actually wrote that letter himself; he had no expertise in this area, and evidence suggests the White House communications office was involved. Either way, on New Year’s Eve 2020, Trump tried to install Clark as acting attorney general, until then-acting Attorney General Jeffrey Rosen and his deputies threatened mass resignation.

As the Georgia maneuvers foundered, the effort shifted to Washington. The Rule of Law Defense Fund — the same group convened in Atlanta months earlier — made robocalls hours before Jan. 6 urging followers to “march to the Capitol building and call on Congress to stop the steal.” President Trump whipped up insurrectionists at the rally and sent them down Pennsylvania Avenue to the Capitol. Violence ensued. 

In the aftermath, many of these actors were quick to close ranks. RAGA’s leader, Alabama Attorney General Steve Marshall, claims to have had no knowledge of the robocall, but he also refuses — to this day — to admit that Joe Biden is the “duly elected and lawfully serving” president of the United States. At the end of the Trump administration, Clark landed a job at a right-wing dark money group.


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Given the anonymity dark money affords, we likely cannot connect all the dots between these dark-money groups, Trump’s Georgia obsession and the Jan. 6 riots. We don’t know who paid for the planning of the Rule of Law Defense Fund‘s “war games”; we don’t know how Jeffrey Clark nearly vaulted into the attorney general’s office to attack Georgia’s election results, where his letter came from or who paid his salary when he was gone; we don’t know who was behind groups like Women for America First, which footed much of the bill for the Jan. 6 rally. 

We don’t know who was behind secret pro-Trump “war games” or how Jeffrey Clark nearly vaulted into the attorney general’s office or who was behind the groups that paid for the Jan. 6 rally.

Successful investigations often “follow the money.” But when the money flows through anonymizing channels, investigators hit impenetrable dead ends. The select committee must rely instead on texts, emails, testimony and other documents to make its case. It doesn’t have to be this way. Our political system doesn’t need to aid and abet the destruction of our democracy.

For starters, we could enforce the rules on the books. Groups like the Rule of Law Defense Fund and Women for America First are 501(c)(4) nonprofit organizations. As such, they do not have to disclose their donors, but they are also not allowed to spend more than half their funds on political activity. Is anyone checking compliance with those rules? 

Spending reports from 501(c)(4) groups to the IRS can differ markedly from what they report to the Federal Elections Commission. Filing conflicting reports to two federal agencies meets the prima facie definition of a criminal false statement. There is adequate predication for the Treasury Department, the FEC and the Department of Justice to take a look. Have they?

Although dark-money groups can hide their influence apparatus from the IRS and the public, nothing says that grand juries can’t get access to that information. In the Watergate investigation, courts decided that even executive privilege had to yield to grand jury investigative subpoenas. But investigators won’t get what they don’t ask for — or don’t subpoena. 

The strongest solution is to require disclosure of who spends to influence our politics. My DISCLOSE Act would require groups that spend money in elections — including super PACs and 501(c)(4) dark-money groups — to disclose donors who gave $10,000 or more during an election cycle. Pass this law and the American people might find out who funded the Jan. 6 insurrection.

The dark channels of influence that have corrupted our politics for years were used to plan and execute the Jan. 6 coup attempt. The American people ought to know who the planners are and what they wanted — and we ought to help them find out.

Read more on the Jan. 6 House committee and its upcoming hearings:

Michigan’s GOP push to fight fake “voter fraud” gets upended by actual fraud

Organizers of a Republican-backed Michigan petition to enact voter restrictions to combat would-be voter fraud missed the state’s filing deadline on Wednesday after discovering tens of thousands of fraudulent signatures.

Michigan Republicans are backing the citizen initiative petition known as Secure MI Vote​​​​, which would impose strict voter ID requirements, restrict absentee voting and ban private donations that help keep polling places open. The petition drive was launched after Gov. Gretchen Whitmer, a Democrat, vetoed a slew of voting restrictions passed by the Republican-led legislature. Though the petition is ostensibly a citizen initiative, voters are not expected to see the measure appear on the ballot. Republicans have openly plotted all along to exploit a bizarre provision in the state constitution that allows the legislature to adopt a citizen initiative and pass it with a simple majority that the governor cannot veto.

This latest fake-signature scandal comes only days after the two leading Republican candidates for governor were booted off the ballot.

Organizers had planned to submit the petition to the state by Wednesday’s deadline but abruptly backed down after discovering that around 20,000 signatures were fraudulent. Organizer Jamie Roe insisted that the effort had gathered 435,000 signatures, more than the 340,047 required, but said the group did not submit the petition out of an “abundance of caution.”

“The fact of the matter is our volunteers, our supporters had put in too much hard work for us to end up getting bounced off the ballot due to some technicality,” he told reporters at a press conference on Wednesday.

The announcement came just days after the state’s Bureau of Elections and Board of Canvassers disqualified five of the 10 Republicans running for governor, including frontrunners James Craig and Perry Johnson, after discovering that thousands of the signatures on the petitions they circulated to qualify for the ballot were fraudulent. The Bureau of Elections identified 36 petition circulators who submitted at least 68,000 fraudulent signatures in the gubernatorial primary, as well as in nine other nominating contests. Craig and Johnson argued they were victims of the fraud, not its perpetrators, but a court upheld both of their disqualifications this week.

RELATED: “Embarrassing”: Even Republicans fume at Michigan GOP for defending candidates busted for fraud

Roe similarly argued that petition circulators victimized the Secure MI Vote effort.

“We would also be filing today if it weren’t for some people who tried to defraud the process,” Roe said while standing beside boxes of petitions. “This is all fraud – what we believe is fraudulent petitions. Petitions that were circulated by fraudsters similar to those who have victimized some of the gubernatorial campaigns in the state.”

Roe said he was not sure whether fraudulent circulators caught by the campaign are the same ones that were caught in the gubernatorial primary but said “I would bet that they are.”

Roe said the committee would turn over the petitions to law enforcement.

“There’s just a huge financial incentive to participate in fraud,” Roe said, “which is why it has to be punished.”

Other organizers who have led petition drives in the state took issue with Roe’s explanation.

“At the end of the day, you have to take responsibility for who you hired to collect your signatures,” said Nancy Wang, executive director of Voters Not Politicians, a nonpartisan advocacy group that successfully backed a citizen initiative to reform redistricting.

Wang accused the campaign of trying to “abuse” the citizen initiative process.

“They’re trying to use it as a way to do an end-run around the voters,” she said. “In fact, they’re supposed to be using it to demonstrate that they have a level of support, that they have the right to be on the ballot. They haven’t been able to do that.”

RELATED: Michigan GOP launches not-so-secret plan to undo Whitmer’s veto on voting bill

Roe suggested that the petition circulators had faked the signatures. But long before Wednesday’s announcement, the Secure MI Vote drive was plagued by allegations that petition circulators were misleading voters. Numerous reports on social media and in local news outlets alleged that petition circulators made blatantly false statements to Black voters while trying to convince them to sign a petition that could “risk their own disenfranchisement.”

State Rep. Amos O’Neal recalled his own run-in with a Secure MI Vote petition circulator at a Saginaw County barbershop.

“All he said was, ‘Hey, can you guys sign my petition? It’s going to help improve voting.’ When I asked him exactly what it was he was petitioning for, he couldn’t articulate,” O’Neal told MLive.

When O’Neal urged others in the barbershop not to sign, the petition circulator “became irate,” he said.

“He said — and these are his exact words — ‘You’re messing with my money.’ I took that as meaning, he’s being paid to go around — particularly in Black communities — to get signatures,” he told the outlet.

Voters Not Politicians launched a tool allowing voters to report deception or misinformation by Secure MI Vote circulators, and heard many similar complaints.

“We’ve been collecting stories from people who really have signer’s remorse,” Wang told Salon. “The accounts we’ve been getting are sort of consistent: Petition circulators have been saying, for example, ‘However you think about voting rights, this is just to put the question to the voters.'”

When one voter pressed circulators on what was in the actual petition, “they refused to say anything else about the petition, about what’s in it,” one account said, according to Wang.

“It just illustrates the fact that they don’t have any policies in there that they can publicly and openly and proudly discuss, even with the people they’re trying to get to sign. They’re playing this game where they’re trying to mislead voters into signing the petition.”

This trend has played out in several other petition drives as well in the Mitten State. The 2020 Unlock Michigan petition, which aimed at repealing Whitmer’s powers to lock down businesses, was plagued by allegations of forged signatures and misleading language. Petition circulators for the Let MI Kids Learn petition, a Betsy DeVos-linked initiative aimed at boosting funding for private schools, were also accused of misleading voters. Fred Wszolek, a spokesman for the Let MI Kids Learn campaign, told Axios that the group also did not plan to submit its petition to the secretary of state and would instead rely on the legislature to pass the proposal, “which was going to happen anyway.”

RELATED: Battleground Michigan: GOP joins with militant far right in campaign against democracy

Wang said Wednesday’s announcement drops the pretense that Secure MI Vote is actually a citizen initiative.

“It’s never been their plan to qualify for the ballot. The reason they were collecting signatures was to give these voter-suppression measures to the legislature, which would pass them and do an end-run around both the voters and the governor,” she said. “This legislature has already passed a number of measures that are on the Secure MI Vote petition, and they’ve been very clear that they’re willing to use their power in an anti-democratic way to keep themselves in power at the expense of our democracy.”

Roe on Wednesday insisted that the group plans to submit the signatures to the Bureau of Elections “within a couple of weeks,” although since the filing deadline was missed, the bureau may delay the review of the petition until 2024.

“We hope that we can count on the professionalism of the Bureau of Elections to — when we do submit it — promptly go through and certify the results,” Roe said, adding that the extra time will help ensure “they are going to have no choice but to approve us and move on to the next step of the process,” which would be submission to the state legislature.

Despite mounting allegations of misleading or fraudulent practices by petition circulators, lying to get petition signatures is not illegal in Michigan. State officials have increasingly warned voters to be careful about what they’re signing.

State Attorney General Dana Nessel urged “anyone who is approached by a petitioner to carefully read and make every best effort to understand what you are agreeing to sign.”

Secretary of State Jocelyn Benson called on the legislature to ban petition circulators from lying.

“For decades we’ve seen Michigan citizens intentionally deceived about ballot petitions, particularly our most vulnerable populations.”

“For decades we’ve seen Michigan citizens intentionally deceived about ballot petitions, and particularly our most vulnerable populations,” Benson said in a statement. “The recent increase in complaints demonstrates it’s high time for the Legislature to act to make it a crime to intentionally mislead a voter into signing a petition.”

Democrats in the state Senate have pushed to enact new restrictions on petitions, but have been blocked in the GOP-led legislature. Democrats previously introduced a package of bills that would hold ballot organizations liable if their circulators intentionally mislead voters, ban groups from paying per signature and allow voters to remove their name from a petition.

“Ballot proposals are critical for citizens to have a say in how our democracy operates, but the process is sullied when bad actors use deception as a tool to obtain signatures,” state Sen. Jeremy Moss, a Democrat who led the legislative package, said in a statement. “Petition gatherers should not be lying to the public to promote their cause.”

Those kinds of measures have drawn pushback from groups like the ACLU over free speech concerns, however, and Wang also expressed worries about the “ramifications” of legislation cracking down on petition gatherers.

“I think the solution is that campaigns shouldn’t be putting petitions out there trying to get signatures based on misleading statements,” she said. 

Read more:

America needs its own Jubilee: We are a nation in profound crisis

The horrifying mass murder of 18 school children and two teachers in Uvalde, Texas, occurred at the same time as the funeral of Celestine Chaney, grandmother of six and Buffalo mass shooting victim, was taking place. Only two of the 10 Black Americans killed in Buffalo by an avowed white supremacist had been yet laid to rest when that tragedy was pushed out of the headlines to make room for yet another gruesome mass shooting.

The Buffalo and Uvalde shootings, which took place only 10 days apart, were strikingly similar in that they both left gaping holes in minority communities and exemplify much of what is broken in American society. A profound response is needed. 

White supremacist mass shootings aside, Black children and teens in America are 14 times more likely to die from a gun homicide than their white counterparts. With more than 20,000 gun-related deaths, not counting gun suicides, having occurred in 2021 alone, the disproportionate impact on people of color is staggering.

RELATED: I haven’t gotten jaded or cynical about mass shootings — but it’s getting harder

Like the Buffalo massacre, the Uvalde school shooting stole precious life from a minority community. Uvalde is a town of about 16,000 people located about an hour’s drive from the U.S.-Mexico border. It has 140 Border Patrol officers assigned to it, but when it came to protecting the town’s most precious asset, its children, the town’s law enforcement was either woefully unprepared or unwilling to act. 

In the wake of the shooting, during which law enforcement was slow to enter the building, mistreated parents and opted for almost 45 minutes not even to try rescue children trapped with the shooter, rumors circulated that undocumented parents and family members should take caution to avoid being taken into ICE custody. The Department of Homeland Security attempted to reassure the community that “to the fullest extent possible,” immigration actions would not be taken.

But there was good reason to fear. In 2021, two years after the Walmart mass shooting in El Paso, an undocumented survivor of that shooting, who I’ll call “Rosa,” was deported following a traffic stop, even though she had despite assisted law enforcement in their investigation of the white supremacist shooter who had intentionally targeted Latinos.


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Amid the Buffalo and Uvalde tragedies, compounded by racism and anti-immigration policies, perhaps the most heartbreaking thing is that despite strong popular support for such things as background checks, the likelihood of substantial federal gun control legislation being enacted is next to nil.

From gun violence to systemic racism, anti-immigration sentiment, poverty, homelessness, the climate crisis, the pandemic and the war in Ukraine risking nuclear annihilation, humanity right now could use a reset. For a model of what such respite and restoration could look like, we need to look no further than the Jewish, Christian and Muslim concept of Jubilee. 

Leviticus 25:9–36, from the first five books of the Old Testament — the Torah in Judaism, Pentateuch in Christianity and Tawrat in Islam — offers perhaps the world’s earliest written social justice and welfare document. It reads: 

… on the Day of Atonement, you shall sound the shofar throughout your land. And you shall sanctify the fiftieth year, and proclaim freedom [for slaves] throughout the land for all who live on it. It shall be a Jubilee for you… If your brother becomes destitute and his hand falters beside you, you shall support him [whether] a convert or a resident, so that he can live with you. You shall not take from him interest…

So what might a true Jubilee look like today? 

Return of land — and to the land

“You cannot sell the land in perpetuity, for the land belongs to me, and you are strangers and squatters alongside me.” — Leviticus 25:23

A Jubilee year would return indigenous stewardship of lands, and ensure safe settlement for all refugees and migrants. It would see the enacting of such legislation as the Dream Act to secure citizenship for undocumented Americans, and ensure the right of refugees, worldwide. 

Wealth redistribution

While more than a third of Uvalde’s residents live at or barely above the federal poverty line, weapons manufacturers’ profits are soaring, gun violence death rates are staggering and the same company that manufactured the weapon used in Uvalde recently secured a $9.1 million Pentagon contract. Last year the U.S. spent $277 billion on policing and prisons and $700 billion on its military, but the FY2022 allocation for mental health programs is only $4.6 billion

A Jubilee would end corporate welfare, impose strong taxation on the rich, redistribute wealth and resources to the bottom half of the population and redesign the U.S. federal budget to prioritize human needs rather than military and policing might. 

The freeing of slaves

The Emancipation Proclamation was issued in 1863. But, due to economic and opportunity inequality, police murders and brutality, gun violence that disproportionately affects people of color and a U.S. penal system that acts as a modern-day Jim Crow system, a Jubilee edict to free all slaves remains essential.

Restorative justice, reparations and the reallocation of funds from racist police departments to youth programs and public services that help communities to thrive would give us all reason to celebrate.

Debt forgiveness

In 1999, the Catholic Church called for the following year to be a “Great Jubilee” to right past old wrongs and support impoverished nations through international debt forgiveness.

“In the spirit of the book of Leviticus (25:8-12), Christians will have to raise their voice on behalf of all the poor of the world proposing the Jubilee as an appropriate time to give thought, among other things, to reducing substantially, if not canceling outright, the international debt which seriously threatens the future of many nations,” Pope John Paul II wrote.

This, along with student loan forgiveness far beyond President Biden’s proposed $10,000, is needed even more today than it was at the beginning of the century.

A Sabbath for the Earth

While modern life can hardly allow for farmland to be left to lie fallow in order to rejuvenate, substantial environmental action is within our grasp. Last month, Sen. Bernie Sanders and Reps. Cori Bush and Jason Crow introduced the Energy Security and Independence Act of 2022, which calls for invoking the Defense Production Act to invest $100 billion in clean energy as part of a rapid transition to renewable energy, while also protecting vulnerable communities from the energy disconnections and price swings that are the trademarks of fossil-fuel utilities.

*  *  *

Ringing in a Jubilee won’t happen on its own. It is up to all of us to manifest it. On June 18, the Poor People’s Campaign will converge on Washington for a march and assembly to “fully address the interlocking injustices of systemic racism, poverty, ecological devastation, and the denial of health care, militarism, and the war economy and the false moral narrative of religious nationalism.” 

The scriptures of Judaism, Christianity and Islam, instruct us to “proclaim liberty throughout the land for all its inhabitants.” In memory of the 30 victims of the Buffalo and Uvalde mass murders, we shouldn’t waste a moment before acting to bring about a Jubilee. 

Read more on gun violence and America’s crisis:

Trump says our country is going to hell

Donald Trump used his Truth Social social media platform to attack former Speaker Paul Ryan on Saturday.

The former president took aim at Ryan, who receives $334,992 a year in total compensation as a member of the board of directors at Fox Corp.

“Did anyone notice that Fox News went lame (bad!) when weak RINO Paul Ryan, who is despised in the Great State of Wisconsin for being ‘a pathetic loser,’ went on the Fox Board,” Trump said, even though Ryan won 10 straight elections before retiring and Trump lost his most recent campaign.

“They won’t even talk about an obviously Rigged 2020 Presidential Election, not even a mention,” the former president stated.

“That’s why our Country is going to HELL – Elections have consequences. Get Ryan off your Board and report the News as it should be reported…And stop taking negative ads from the perverts, and others!!!” Trump posted, without clarifying which Fox News ads were purchased by perverts.

Trump’s comments come as Ryan criticized the former president while campaigning to re-elect Rep. Tom Rice (R-SC), who voted to impeach Trump for inciting the Jan. 6 attack on the U.S. Capitol.

“There were a lot of people who wanted to vote like Tom but who just didn’t have the guts to do it,” Ryan said. “There are a lot of people who say they’re going to vote their conscience, they’re going to vote for the Constitution, they’re going to vote for their convictions but when it gets hard to do that they don’t do it.”

“This is just such a crystal clear case where you have a hard-working, effective, senior member of Congress who deserves reelection vs. people who are just trying to be celebrities who may be trying to help Trump with his vengeance,” Ryan said. “That’s not who voters want, voters want people focused on their solutions not on Trump’s vengeance and that to me is a really clear cut case here.”

Liz Cheney calls Jan. 6 attack a well-organized conspiracy

Rep. Liz Cheney (R-WY) has called the Jan. 6 attack on the U.S. Capitol a “well-organized” conspiracy.

During an interview with Robert Costa on CBS Sunday Morning, Cheney was asked if she believed that the events of Jan. 6 amounted to a conspiracy.

“I do,” Cheney revealed. “It is extremely broad. It’s extremely well-organized. It’s really chilling.”

She added that she was troubled by “how broad this multi-pronged effort was.”

Cheney said that parts of the Republican Party had become a cult of personality surrounding former President Donald Trump.

Costa wondered why House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy (R-CA) continues to support Trump after he incited a riot at the Capitol.

“What keeps Kevin McCarthy close to Trump? Fear? Or something else?” Costa asked.

“I think some of it is fear,” Cheney remarked. “I think it’s also craven political calculation. I think that he has decided that, you know, the most important thing to him is to attempt to be Speaker of the House. And therefore he is embracing those in our party who are anti-Semitic; he is embracing those in our party who are white nationalists; he is lying about what happened on January 6; and he’s turned his back on the Constitution.”

Watch the entire interview below:

George R.R. Martin on the importance of death in storytelling

Game of Thrones” was famous for a lot of things: popularizing long-form storytelling, pushing the limits of TV budgets, and killing off characters like it was going out of style. From Ned Stark to Stannis Baratheon to Daenerys Targaryen, there was no character who was safe. The shock audiences felt while watching these characters get bumped off is a sign of how few shows are actually willing to go there, but “A Song of Ice and Fire” author George R.R. Martin has always made this a part of his storytelling.

As Martin explained to The Independent, his distaste for low-stakes storytelling started back in his childhood, when he was unsatisfied with the superhero comics he was reading. “The stories never went anywhere,” the author said. “Superman would be there, and his girlfriend Lois Lane, Jimmy Olsen his best friend, Perry White the editor of the Daily Planet, and something would happen. At the end of the story, everything would be exactly the way it was at the beginning of the story, for issue after issue, year after year.”

But then Stan Lee started to publish stories at Marvel, and everything changed. “Stan Lee’s writing was so much better than what you’d been getting,” Martin recalled. “Things happened. Spider-Man was progressing. It was so refreshing.”

That’s all Stan Lee, and you can see it all over my work! Unexpectedly killing characters, characters who are not what they seem, characters who are partly good and partly bad. Grey characters. You don’t know which way they’re going to jump when the moment of crisis comes. Stan Lee’s fingerprints are all over that.

George R.R. Martin: “If you’re going to write about death, you should feel it”

Of course, the most famous instance where Martin brutally kills off characters is in the Red Wedding, where both Robb and Catelyn Stark are unexpectedly cleared from the board after we’d been following them for three books (or three seasons, if you’re talking about the TV show.) “I finished the entire book, except for the Red Wedding,” Martin recalled about writing “A Storm of Swords. “”That was such a painful chapter for me to write, losing some characters that I had come to know and love. Nine years I’d been with these characters, and now I was going to kill them horribly! That was difficult.”

It’s a horrible chapter, and it upsets people. It makes people angry, it makes people sad. People throw the book against the wall or into the fireplace. When it was on TV, it had the same effect on tens of thousands, if not millions, of people. To my mind, that’s good. We’re talking about death here!

I find this all very refreshing to hear, and honestly wish more writers would take cues from Martin and kill their characters; even letting them stay dead would be an improvement. “We all in our real lives have experienced death,” Martin continued. “Your parents die. Your best friend dies. Sometimes, in a really tragic situation, your children die or your wife or husband dies. It’s terrible. It affects you. It makes you angry, it makes you sad. In our entertainment, television, film, books, over the centuries as it’s evolved, death is often treated very cavalierly. Somebody is dead, we’ve got a mystery, and the detective has to figure out who did it. We never consider who the corpse is, or what his life was like… what it’s going to be like without him. If I’m going to write a death scene, particularly for major characters, I want to make the reader feel it. That’s what the Red Wedding, I think, successfully accomplished. People felt that death.”

That said, Martin does think his reputation as a fictional mass murderer has been exaggerated. “Star Wars kills more characters than I do!” he said. “In the very first Star Wars movie they blow up the entire planet of Alderaan, which has, like, 20 billion people on it, and they’re all dead. But you know what? Nobody cares. Everybody on Alderaan is dead. Oh, OK. But we don’t know the people on Alderaan. We don’t feel their deaths. It’s just a statistic. If you’re going to write about death, you should feel it.”

Martin will have another chance to put that philosophy into practice when the “Game of Thrones” prequel show “House of the Dragon” premieres on HBO and HBO Max on August 21.

“110 Percent”: The 10 most hated business buzzwords and jargon

If you’ve ever tried to give “110 percent” to a task, chances are you’ve worked in an office. In the workplace, employees and supervisors tend to speak a distinctive kind of corporate jargon that can sound like a lot while meaning very little. These buzzwords can appear in emails, in meetings, and in conversations.

Recently, language learning site Preply.com surveyed more than 1,500 Americans who worked in an office setting either in-person or remotely to find out which words and phrases most rankled them. See if you agree.

1. New Normal

The phrase, which typically tasks the listener with coming to grips with an unpleasant new reality, topped the list. 43% of respondents declared it their least-liked term in a business setting.

2. Culture

Specifically, company culture, which usually denotes a company M.O. or motto employees are expected to adhere to.

3. Circle Back

Revisiting a topic you probably didn’t want to address in the first place makes this phrase unwelcome in the workspace.

4. Boots on the Ground

Military lingo for putting people on a task is an eye-roller for many.

5. Give 110 Percent

It’s mathematically impossible. Everyone knows it. People use it anyway.

6. Low-Hanging Fruit

Aspire to achieve an easy objective? You’re reaching far below your capabilities.

7. Win-Win

When something has no obvious downside, it’s a win all the way around.

8. Move the Needle

When you want to make progress or create enthusiasm, you probably don’t need to be using this tired phrase in the process.

9. Growth Hacking

Setting new goals doesn’t necessarily need to involve invoking any kind of “hacking” reference.

10. Think Outside the Box

Thinking outside the box would require you not to use the phrase “think outside the box.”

Preply.com found that respondents didn’t particularly mind “at the end of the day,” “table this,” or “game changer” when it came to tired clichés. Be assured the website gave 110% in tabulating these results. For more buzzword intel, circle back to Preply’s site.

ADHD doesn’t just affect young people — and it’s not something that’s just caused by technology

When you think about Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD), what sort of person do you picture in your head? Do imagine a child or a teenager, a vision no doubt informed by the spike in diagnoses in kids these past few years? Do you picture a boy, perhaps intuiting that males are four times more likely than females to be diagnosed with the disorder? Or do you picture a woman in the bucolic English countryside, raising her children along with an assortment of animals and vegetables? Why not?

Rebecca Schiller’s life, in theory, sounds like the the antithesis of an ADHD story. She and her family had left the bustle of London for fresh air and freshly laid eggs. Yet as she describes it, “I was spinning through space; except space was my desk, the plot, and the inside of my head.” She was clumsy and distressed. She wondered if she was bipolar. Instead, eventually, she was diagnosed with severe ADHD.

In “A Thousand Ways to Pay Attention: A Memoir of Coming Home to My Neurodivergent Mind,” the author and activist invites us to expand our understanding of ADHD — a term that is too often as flippantly and incorrectly tossed around as OCD is. Entwining her own experience with the recorded histories of the women who tended the same land for generations before her, Schiller shows a different side of the condition, and makes a persuasive plea to view it “not as a necessarily an illness that needs to be fixed.” 

Salon talked to Schiller via Zoom recently, as she chatted amiably underneath her “Farage In Prison” poster, about what she wishes she’d known about ADHD, and what advice she has for others who feel they may meet the description we call “neurodivergent.” 

This conversation has been lightly edited and condensed.


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Many of us here in the US picture a person with ADHD as a teenage boy. We think about technology. We think about gaming. We think about masculinity. We don’t think about how you can be in nature with it. You can be gathering eggs and gardening and still have this very busy mind, still have this condition that was not invented by Steve jobs or Mark Zuckerberg. What am I getting wrong, as someone who is outside of that experience, about this condition?

“We’re characterizing it from the outset as a lack of attention. My experience is not a lack.”

Of course it’s different for everybody, which is one of the things that we as humans get wrong about everything, don’t we? We assume the way that we feel and think is the way that everybody feels and thinks. For me, it starts with the words and the acronym, Attention Deficit Disorder. We’re characterizing it from the outset as a lack of attention. My experience is not a lack. It’s an abundance, sometimes an overabundance.

When you look at the science and when you talk to doctors, particularly those who are a little bit more forward thinking, they will talk about how attention is differently regulated. That assumption that ADHD people can’t pay attention just isn’t born out by the intense, hyper focus that lots of ADHD people can put to the things that switch their brains on. There’s the assumption also that even when something is a condition or a disorder — neither of which are words I particularly like — that there’s a taint of laziness. If you just tried harder, you could learn to find ways to pay attention to this thing.

For me, when it’s something that I struggle with, it’s not that I’m not trying. I’m probably trying a hundred times as hard as the person sitting next to me. It’s that unless there is a way for me to make my brain find it engaging, my brain won’t work. It’s white noise and fuzz. I write in the book about doing this in math lessons, trying to get the bit of my brain that wanted to work with the numbers to make the connection. Those two sides of it are where I would start.

You say early on in the book, it felt like “an interior pile on.” And you were displaying symptoms that I would never have associated with ADHD The dyspraxia, the clumsiness, the thoughts of self-harm. The intrusive thoughts. You knew something was wrong, How did you feel when you got that diagnosis? It did not come easily, efficiently, or necessarily entirely accurately, as we know from modern psychiatry.

After an instant level of shock of confirmation, even though I had pieced it together and felt pre-certain that’s what it was, my first reaction was relief. The quest to work out what it was and get someone to help me with it was over. I had a reason, and therefore I could perhaps receive some treatment.

Something that I have found pretty common talking to late diagnosed people — not just ADHD, but autistic people too — is that then there’s layers. There’s the looking back at the rest of your life and your childhood, unpacking things and realizing that this was because of this. If like me you have the privilege and ability to be a very effective masker — hiding all your ADHD stuff by never being late, always being tidy, sitting very still, never interrupting — then there’s the working out which bits of you are the masks, which bits of you are the ADHD, which bits of you are the negative reaction to doing all the masking for so long and not realizing why you felt pulled in two directions.

That is quite a challenging process to go through. Rewarding, hopefully in the end, but quite challenging to look at the various layers of yourself and try and work out which bits are going to stay and you’re comfortable with, and which bits of the behavior or feelings you can challenge and change.

You contextualized your experience in this book by tying it to the land, the history, the other women who have occupied the same space in time. It all comes full circle when you get that insight that ADHD is something that exists kind of out of time. Why was that such an important part of the storytelling for you?

I don’t think I knew the answer to that when I started writing. I started writing this book before I knew ADHD would be part of the story. I didn’t plan to include any stories of the women of the land either. It evolved out of trying to find a way to talk about where I was and how I was feeling, in a way that reflected the way that my brain works. This is very much is a neurodivergent trait, the spidering out naturally in lots of directions, putting things together, looking for links and pattern spotting.

I was being diagnosed as the pandemic was happening. I felt like I might as well do it the way that follows my instincts, write it the way that appeared to me. I now realize that meant showing the layers of time in the land, bringing out the stories of women who had been erased, who had been here having experiences, living lives that because of the way society was and sometimes still is, wouldn’t be found.

You talked about that masculinization of a whole condition, but that’s just a replication of the masculinization of the whole world. I was finding these women, bringing them out, listening to them, and through that, finding a way back to myself and finding other ways of looking at time. I was looking at other places and cultures and times, and the way that we think about time working and what’s important and what isn’t. Showing it not as a monolith, not as actually true and concrete. It’s sort of disruptive, and also a way to bring readers who might not have the kind of brain I have into that multiplicitous thinking. I also find it very comforting. I genuinely find the thought of those women very comforting and helpful. And I think about them all the time.


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There is this sense that we don’t feel those ties to the past. We don’t feel those ties to the other people who occupied this space and who may have actually gone through very similar struggles, and didn’t have words for them.

We’re very good at shutting ourselves, I am as well, in our very contemporary 2022 box with our own view of how things are. It’s quite difficult to face up to what you see if you look outside of that, if you realize that there’s all those layers of time beneath you. There’s some difficult stuff there, some amazing stuff. Some things that challenge the beliefs that we have grown up with or are conditioned to or have at our hearts. I am trying to write about neurodivergence not as a necessarily an illness that needs to be fixed, but as a way that brains work and have always worked.

A lot of the issues are about trying to constrain and tame and force people out of the ways of doing things. What would we do to little kids? “Sit still, fold your arms, face front, hands to yourself, don’t get up, don’t interrupt.” That’s a lot. I realize now, I learn with my hands. I touch things. I would never have done that at school as a kid. I don’t remember ever doing that, but I would’ve found it so much easier to learn had I been able to get up and touch things. Making people look at different times in different ways, in different views is a way of challenging them to step out of their own prison and paradigm of thought.

The idea that sitting still is the way to learn is a very modern one. It’s based in modern education and modern schooling. It is not based in anything other than the convenience of a system. It is not the way that humans have always learned things. It’s not the way that humans have always done things, but we have pathologized certain types of behaviors and said, “Now they are abnormal because they are abnormal for this present moment in history.”

“If you read the DSM ADHD criteria, it’s a list of things about me that annoy other people.”

They’re inconvenient. They affect other people negatively. If you read the DSM ADHD criteria, it’s a list of things about me that annoy other people, that make other people’s lives difficult rather than any of the internal struggles. I would hate to be someone saying, “ADHD, neurodeficiency is just a superpower and it’s fantastic.” There are loads of really difficult and complex things about it. People really, really struggle, can’t magic that away. But that disconnect between how you want to be and how you think and how the world tells you have to be and think is profoundly complicit in that distress.

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You talk about the relief of a diagnosis and yet there is also that ambiguity to it. There is also that imperfection of it. You talk about your own ambivalence with the words, “ADHD and extreme hyperactivity.”

But “neurodivergent” is also an imperfect label. We need labels, and yet once you have a label, it does sort of cut off all the other words. How do you describe yourself now, and what do you want people to know about that description?

I’m still evolving in how I think about it. If I’m going to talk about ADHD, I will say “I am” rather than “I have.” It wasn’t set up to be conjugated that way. The writer in me hated saying it, it sounds clumsy. I prefer “a neuro divergent” partly because the more research I do, the more I spot autistic traits in myself. I see the blurriness between those two definitions anyway. I like the term that I talk about in the book, “neuro emergent.” It’s not one that you can trip off the tongue because it requires a lot of explanations, but that feels spiritually like the right place because it’s an evolving term. It’s emerging itself.

There is so much about neurodivergence and ADHD that is not understood because no one’s been trying to understand it. I wonder if in fifty years this will all look very different. There will be more labels, or less labels. I suppose ultimately what I would like to tell people is that, “I am me. This is it.” This is all part of me, just like for many people, the things they love and hate about themselves are all tangled up. The labels are useful, but they need to, like all words, be able to evolve in order to contain the truth which expands.

If someone reading this is feeling uneasy about themselves and feeling that something is wrong, what do you wish somebody had said to you?

What helps me now is that when I have that, “Oh God, I’m wrong. What am I doing wrong?” feeling, I now, instead of just listening to the voice that says, “It’s because you terrible person were five minutes late,” I ask, is there actually a moral problem with this thing? Tidiness, for example. Logically, is it morally bad to be untidy? Is there anything evil about untidiness? Is there anything good about untidiness? If you think about nature, untidiness is actually wildly beneficial.

That really helps me to be like, “Okay. I see why I feel like this. Perhaps this is just a complete nonsense message that I’ve been getting. Maybe being untidy doesn’t mean you’re a bad person, because untidiness is not something which logically you can put a moral judgment against.” Then I get to remind myself that internal voice isn’t made of sense and it isn’t made of me. It still upsets me, but I can keep it over there. Things that upset you aren’t necessarily true. The things you think that are bad about yourself are not necessarily real. And if you can find a way to access another perspective, it can allow you to see beyond the messaging that we’ve all been very well fed.

Let me ask you about that, because it’s very intentional that you put in that moment in the book when you are told, “Well, you could think of this as a gift.” How do you feel about that kind of narrative?

I think it is true and untrue. That’s another systems thinking issue, that things have to be one thing or the other. Something is bad or good, right or wrong, happy or sad.

Gift or a curse.

Lots of the ways that I am and the things that I’m good at are because of these traits. They are gifts. They enable me to see things in different ways, to think of stories and to go, “Something’s broken outside, give me five minutes in the shed and I can find three bottle caps in a pipe and I can stick them together and make something to fix it.” It is also a curse, as I hope that demonstrates. That’s true of lots of things in our lives. Sometimes they’re good, sometimes they’re bad, sometimes they’re bit of both. Sometimes you get to choose and sometimes you don’t.

I don’t like to do media bashing, having done quite a lot of journalism myself, but the way that we’re encouraged to write up our stories as journalists is, “We really like this. It’s fantastic. It’s the best thing ever. Everyone should do it,” or, “This thing is evil.” But the way that my brain operates is that I tend to see across things. I will see the various, “This is good; this is bad and this relates to that.” Struggling to present everything as one thing or the other has been another thing that has caused me to question my own judgment and decisions, and feel quite disorientated. I accept that it’s a gift, but it’s a gift that also bite. It stings. It’s like a really fluffy, sweet animal, that occasionally savages you and bites your neck.

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