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Vance and Trump alternate low blows aimed at Harris on eve of election

Just one day after Chris Pratt penned a rambling op-ed for his mother-in-law's paper about the importance of sportsmanship this election, Donald Trump and JD Vance spent their last night on the campaign trail slinging insults and threats at Kamala Harris while at separate rallies on Monday night.

During a last-minute rally in Atlanta, Vance recycled a popular diss with the MAGA circuit, equating Harris with something that his running mate should take to the curb in that garbage truck he used as a photo op in Wisconsin last week. 

“So here’s the request that I’m going to make of every single person here. I want every single one of you again to get out there and vote for Donald J. Trump 10 times," Vance said to the crowd, ramping up to his big slam. "In two days, we are going to take out the trash in Washington, DC, and the trash is named Kamala Harris."

Meanwhile, revving up the crowd at a rally in Reading, Pa., Trump took an even less subtle approach, wishing physical violence against his opponent.

After hearing a suggestion from a rally-goer that Mike Tyson should be “put in the ring with Kamala,” Trump ran with the prompt, saying, “Mike’s been through a lot, but he could fight, let me tell you that guy could fight. Can you imagine Mike . . . Oh, he says ‘put Mike in the ring with Kamala.’ That would be interesting.”

Chris Pratt writes about sports and helping an old lady move in fumbled election op-ed

Chris Pratt has never publicly supported Donald Trump, but the sports analogy-laden op-ed he wrote for his mother-in-law Maria Shriver's Sunday Paper ramping up to the election reads like something Trump could have written himself — in that it rambles and wedges in self-praise throughout.

Titled, "Win or lose, my hope is we show up for each other," Pratt's opinion piece opens with an attempt to endear himself to readers as being not just a Guardian of the Galaxy, but a father and a husband who comes from a humble upbringing and has been "doomscrolling" his way through this election like everyone else. But then, like a sportsball person trying to carry their sportsball to the winning whatever, he takes some zigs and zags.

A few highlights:

"I was an incredibly sensitive kid, so when I lost on the football field or got pinned on the wrestling mat, I cried. Like, a lot. Even well into my high school years. I didn’t lose all that often but when I did, it devastated me."

"I’m a son. I’m a dad. I love this country. I’m looking for ways to stay connected to my fellow Americans. I also think there are millions out there like me looking to do the same—to find a way to come together after the election, no matter who wins or loses. And I believe sports gives us a playbook to help us get there."

"I write this now because about half of the voting population is going to be incredibly disappointed on November 6th. But for me, the question is not, “Did your candidate win or lose?” but rather, “Will you wake up the next morning and help an old lady move?”' 

Pick up what he was throwing down there? Well, for some, it wasn't a touchdown. Following the publication of Pratt's article, he was called out online for his "Friday Night Lights" approach to an election that threatens to rob many non-millionaires of their rights and freedoms.

"I wanted to comment on this piece by Chris Pratt because it hurt me to read as a trans woman who has looked up to the characters he portrays," writes @gotgarchive in a post to X. "My life is at stake, the bodily autonomy of my fellow trans siblings and people who can get pregnant in general, of Black people and immigrants, of anyone who disagrees with Trump’s policies, and watching Chris Pratt say 'I see both sides' and 'it’s not about who wins and loses' I can not in good conscience believe he truly understands that people’s rights are on the line and still play both sides."

In The Daily Beast's coverage of Pratt's op-ed, they point out that the actor was "conspicuously missing when his fellow Avengers assembled for democracy in an ad supporting Kamala Harris."  A reason for his absence was left out of his op-ed. 

How and where to watch the 2024 election (and Steve Kornacki)

The clock is counting down the hours until the highly anticipated results of the 2024 presidential election are revealed.

While a near 75 million Americans have already voted across the country, millions more are expected to vote on Tuesday, Nov. 5, choosing between Vice President Kamala Harris and former President Donald Trump. The race is already being featured across numerous channels and streaming services.

With countless options to gather all your Election Day updates, where is the best place to gather all the news throughout the day and evening? For your Election Day needs, Salon narrows down your options. (Although only one place can boast having Steve Kornacki and his big board.)

Here are some of the places you should keep an eye on for round-the-clock coverage of the results. Down below is how and where to watch election coverage on Tuesday: 

ABC News, Disney+ and Hulu

The broadcaster ABC will be a home for 24/7 election coverage on network television and through the live stream ABC News Live and streamers like Disney+ and Hulu. Viewers can also receive live updates through the ABC News app.

ABC News Live will begin its Election Day coverage at 8 a.m. ET. Throughout the day, journalist David Muir will lead coverage. As polls close, he will be joined by Linsey Davis, Martha Raddatz, Jonathan Karl, Mary Bruce, Rachel Scott, Terry Moran and Rick Klein, ABC News said.

Peacock

NBC's coverage of the evening will begin at 5 p.m. ET on the NBC News NOW live stream. On Peacock, the nightly coverage will include a multiview streaming experience which will begin at 6 p.m. ET on Tuesday. It will be a curated three-view experience featuring "breaking news, data analysis and real-time results," Peacock said in a statement. Also, the multiview streaming will allow views to "move around the screens, switch the audio, and click through to watch full screen."

Also, Peacock is offering viewers three different programs. NBC News NOW will offer viewers breaking news and real-time election coverage from journalists like Lester Holt and Savannah Guthrie. Election night analysis will be spearheaded by Steve Kornacki's "Kornacki Cam." Lastly, the streamer will have an Election Results and Balance of Power Map, which will share projected electoral college results and other results from "NBC News Decision Desk."

Max

The streamer will provide an extensive array of live streams from CNN on their CNN Max homepage. Coverage will also be available with an account on CNN Live. Election coverage begins swiftly at midnight on Tuesday for CNN with reporters Boris Sanchez and Jessica Dean. During the morning, various reporters will deliver updates, leading to Omar Jimenez at the "Voting Desk" with early risers on the East Coast at 5 a.m. ET, CNN said in a statement.

In real-time throughout the day, Phil Mattingly will be at the magic wall breaking down incoming election data. Other notable faces working the day will be Anderson Cooper with Paula Reid reporting updates from the "Voting Desk." In the channel's "Election Day in America," coverage will also be joined by Wolf Blitzer and Erin Burnett.

Paramount+ 

The streamer will broadcast news from CBS News and the CBS News' local channels. This will include CBS local affiliate stations for Paramount+ premium subscribers.

CBS' election coverage will begin at 4 p.m. ET on "CBS News 24/7" and primetime coverage with Norah O'Donnell will continue at 7 p.m. ET on CBS. O'Donnell will be joined by CBS News’ team, Margaret Brennan, John Dickerson, Gayle King, Cecilia Vega, Robert Costa and Ed O’Keefe, Paramount said in a statement.

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Pluto TV 

The free streaming service owned by Paramount is also offering 20 free streaming channels for the election. It will include coverage from Bloomberg TV, ABC News Live, BBC News and more. Pluto TV will also allow viewers to watch the news from local NBC, FOX, and CBS affiliates.

Prime Video

The Amazon streaming service is also jumping into live election coverage. Its live streaming offers channels like CNN, ABC News Live, LiveNow from FOX, BBC News and local ABC, NBC, FOX and CBS affiliates.

However, on Tuesday, the streamer will provide a special election special with results and analysis starting at 5 p.m. ET with former NBC anchor Brian WIlliams. The company said it will be a “non-partisan presentation." Williams is said to lead the special with interviews with analysts across the political spectrum. Viewers will not need a Prime subscription to access the stream.

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Elon Musk’s lawyers now say his election giveaway isn’t random, claim winners are his employees

The winners of Elon Musk’s lottery are not chosen at random, but rather selected based on whether they’d be a good spokesperson for Musk’s super PAC, the billionaire’s lawyer claimed in a court hearing on Monday.

Last week, Philadelphia District Attorney Larry Krasner sued to halt the X CEO’s lottery, in which he’s been giving away $1 million a day to a registered voter in battleground states who sign a petition supporting free speech put out by Musk’s “America PAC.” Krasner, in his filing, called the giveaway an “illegal lottery."

But in a hearing on Monday, Musk’s lawyer Chris Gober tried to defend the giveaway’s legality, revealing that recipients are not chosen at random. 

"There is no prize to be won, instead recipients must fulfill contractual obligations to serve as a spokesperson for the PAC," Gober said at the hearing, which occurred just a day before the 2024 presidential election.

“The $1 million recipients are not chosen by chance. We know exactly who will be announced as the $1 million recipient today and tomorrow,” Gober claimed.

Since Oct. 19, Musk, who did not attend the hearing, has given a $1 million dollar check to 16 registered voters in Arizona, Georgia, Michigan, Nevada, North Carolina, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin. The South African businessman has been an outspoken supporter of former President Donald Trump and has donated over $70 million to America PAC in support of his presidential campaign.

At the hearing, the Philadelphia district attorney asked Judge Common Pleas Court Judge Angelo Foglietta to shut Musk’s lottery down.

“This was all a political marketing masquerading as a lottery. That’s what it is. A grift,” Krasner testified. He added that he would seek financial penalties against Musk and America PAC, but would not go after the recipients of Musk's giveaway. 

ā€˜Safe route’ or ā€˜sushi route’ āˆ’ 2 strategies to turn yuck to yum

What will the diets of the future look like? The answer depends in part on what foods Westerners can be persuaded to eat.

These consumers are increasingly being told their diets need to change. Current eating habits are unsustainable, and the global demand for meat is growing.

Recent years have seen increased interest and investment in what are called alternative proteins – products that can replace typical meats with more sustainable alternatives. One option is cultivated, or cultured, meat and seafood: muscle tissue grown in labs in bioreactors, using animal stem cells. Another approach involves replacing standard meat with such options as insects or plant-based imitation meats. All of these products promise a more sustainable alternative to factory-farmed meat. The question is, will consumers accept them?

I'm a philosopher who studies food and disgust, and I'm interested in how people react to new foods such as lab-grown meat, bugs and other so-called alternative proteins. Disgust and food neophobia – a fear of new foods – are often cited as obstacles to adopting new, more sustainable food choices, but I believe that recent history offers a more complicated picture. Past shifts in food habits suggest there are two paths to the adoption of new foods: One relies on familiarity and safety, the other on novelty and excitement.

Disgust and the yuck factor

Disgust is a strong feeling of revulsion in response to objects perceived to be contaminating, polluting or unclean. Scientists believe that it evolved to protect human beings from invisible contaminants such as pathogens and parasites. Some causes of disgust are widely shared, such as feces or vomit. Others, including foods, are more culturally variable.

So it's not surprising that self-reported willingness to eat insects varies across nationalities. Insects have been an important part of traditional diets of cultures around the world for thousands of years, including the ancient Greeks.

Many articles about the possibility of introducing insects to Western or American diners have emphasized the challenges posed by neophobia and "the yuck factor." People won't accept these new foods, the thinking goes, because they're too different or even downright disgusting.

If that's right, then the best approach to win space on the plate for new foods might be to try to make them seem similar to familiar menu items.

The safe route to food acceptance

            Poster from 1940s with photo of soldier and civilians saluting with heading 'Sure – We'll 'Share the Meat''

During World War II, the government worked to make it seem patriotic to not pig out on the usual meat. U.S. National Archives/Flickr, CC BY
           

         

During World War II, the United States government wanted to redirect its limited meat supply to troops on the front lines. So it needed to convince home cooks to give up their steaks, chops and roasts in favor of what it called variety meats: kidneys, liver, tongue and so on.

To figure out how to shift consumer habits, a team of psychologists and anthropologists was charged with studying how food habits and preferences were formed – and how they could be changed.

The Committee on Food Habits recommended stressing these organ meats' similarity to available, familiar, existing foods. This approach – call it the "safe route" – focuses on individual attitudes and choices. It tries to remove psychological and practical barriers to individual choice and counteracts beliefs or values that might dissuade people from adopting new foods.

As the name suggests, the safe route tries to downplay novelty, using familiar forms and tastes. For example, it would incorporate unfamiliar cuts of meats into meatloaf or meatballs or grind crickets into flour for cookies or protein bars.

The sushi route

But more recent history suggests something different: Foods such as sushi, offal and even lobster became desirable not despite but because of their novelty and difference.

Sushi's arrival in the postwar U.S. coincided with the rise of consumer culture. Dining out was gaining traction as a leisure activity, and people were increasingly open to new experiences as a sign of status and sophistication. Rather than appealing to the housewife preparing comfort foods, sushi gained popularity by appealing to the desire for new and exciting experiences.

By 1966, The New York Times reported that New Yorkers were dining on "raw fish dishes, sushi and sashimi, with a gusto once reserved for corn flakes." Now, of course, sushi is widely consumed, available even in grocery stores nationwide. In fact, the grocery chain Kroger sells more than 40 million pieces of sushi a year. Whereas the safe route suggests sneaking new foods into our diets, the sushi route suggests embracing their novelty and using that as a selling point.

Sushi is just one example of a food adopted via this route. After the turn of the millennium, a new generation of diners rediscovered offal as high-end restaurants and chefs offered "nose to tail" dining. Rather than positioning foods like tongue and pigs' ears as familiar and comforting, a willingness to embrace the yuck factor became a sign of adventurousness, even masculinity. This framing is the exact opposite of the safe route recommended by the Committee on Food Habits.

         

The future of alternative proteins

What lessons can be drawn from these examples? For dietary shifts to last, they should be framed positively. Persuading customers that variety meats were a necessary wartime substitution worked temporarily but ultimately led to the perception that they were subpar choices. If cultivated meat and insects are pitched as necessary sacrifices, any gains they make may be temporary at best.

Instead, producers could appeal to consumers' desire for healthier, more sustainable and more exciting foods.

Cultivated meat may be "safe-ly" marketed as nuggets and burgers, but, in principle, the options are endless: Curious consumers could sample lab-grown whale or turtle meat guilt-free, or even find out what woolly mammoth tasted like.

Ultimately, the chefs, consumers and entrepreneurs seeking to remake our food systems don't need to choose just one route. While we can grind insects into protein powders, we can also look to chefs cooking traditional cuisines that use insects to broaden our culinary horizons.

 

Alexandra Plakias, Associate Professor of Philosophy, Hamilton College

 

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Spain reeling from deadly floods that killed over 200 people

Unexpected flash floods overwhelmed residents of eastern Spain on late Tuesday and early Wednesday last week, with more than 217 bodies having been recovered so far, the majority from the eastern Valencia region. As Spain staggers from the recent natural disaster, scientists point to climate change as the culprit — and locals vent their frustration at government authorities.

Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez, King Felipe, Queen Letizia and regional president Carlos Mazón were pelted with mud by angry crowds while visiting the hard-hit Valencian town of Paiporta on Sunday. During this time, thousands of soldiers are working alongside hundreds of civil and military emergency workers to rescue as many people as possible.

Sánchez, who had two of bodyguards injured during the public outcry, said that the government’s priority is “saving lives, finding the bodies of the people who have died, and rebuilding the affected areas.”

He added, “The violence carried out by a few people won’t deflect the collective interest. It’s time to look ahead and to keep on working with all the means and coordination needed to get through this emergency together.”

The unexpected flash floods originated from the Magro and Turia river basins and the Poyo riverbed, which suddenly swelled with water that overwhelmed nearby populations. Although residents assert that poor infrastructure and low-quality government responses caused unnecessary casualties, a climatologist and co-founder of World Weather Attribution Frederike Otto says that climate change is also a major culprit.

“A quick analysis following the floods in Spain found that the climate emergency made the extreme rainfall about 12% more intense and twice as likely,” Otto wrote in a commentary for The Guardian. “Despite this, in Paiporta, where at least 62 people have died, the mayor said floods were not common and ‘people are not afraid.’ But the changing climate is making once-rare events more common.”

NBC files an Equal Time notice after Kamala Harris’ “SNL” appearance sparks FCC pushback

NBC has filed for an Equal Time notice with the Federal Comunications Commission after Vice President Kamala Harris' surprise appearance on "Saturday Night Live" caused issue with the organization.

On Saturday evening, Harris appeared on the show in a sketch alongside Maya Rudolph impersonating Harris. However, the appearance was met with pushback from FCC Commissioner Brendan Carr, who argued that that stint violated the “equal time” rule. The FCC's rule requires American radio and television broadcast stations to give equal access to opposing political candidates.

In the filing, NBC stated that Harris appeared on "Saturday Night Live" "without charge" for 1 minute and 30 seconds. Following Harris on "Saturday Night Live," CNN reporter Stelter said that the broadcaster did provide Donald Trump airtime to address viewers Sunday during the NASCAR 2024 Cup playoff race.

Carr posted on X that Harris's appearance was a "clear and blatant effort to evade the FCC's Equal Time rule." According to USA Today, Carr is a Republican on the commission appointed by former President Trump. In a series of posts, Carr implied that NBC should offer equal time to Trump.

Carr explained, "The purpose of the rule is to avoid exactly this type of biased and partisan conduct – a licensed broadcaster using the public airwaves to exert its influence for one candidate on the eve of an election. Unless the broadcaster offered Equal Time to other qualifying campaigns."

“Island of garbage”: Racist joke hurts Trump among Pennsylvania Latinos, poll finds

More than 60% of Latino voters in Pennsylvania support Vice President Kamala Harris after a right-wing comedian called Puerto Rico an "island of garbage" at Donald Trump's Madison Square Garden rally last week, a new YouGov/Univision poll found

Outrage and offence rippled through the battleground state's Puerto Rican population after comedian Tony Hinchcliffe’s joke about the U.S. territory. Some 69% of poll respondents considered the comments to be "more racist than humorous," while 71% of of Puerto Ricans felt the comments pointed to racism within Trump's campaign. 

“This was just like a gift from the gods,” Victor Martinez, a Spanish-language radio host in Allentown, Pennsylvania told Politico last week. “If we weren’t engaged before, we’re all paying attention now."

The comment was a reminder of Trump’s already fraught and hostile history with Puerto Rico. Though the former president's campaign has tried to distance him from Hinchcliffe's joke, The Bulwark suggests the campaign vetted the comedian's remarks.

Pennsylvania is home to 472,000 Puerto Ricans. For Harris, Hinchcliffe’s remark was an opportunity to gain support among a constituency she has struggled with throughout her campaign. Though Latino voters have historically aligned with Democrats, Trump has made headway with the group this year, according to polling, particularly among Puerto Rican men. 

Democrats spent the election homestretch targeting Puerto Rican and Latino voters in the swing state. Rep. Alexandria Ocasio Cortex, D-N.Y., who is of Puerto Rican descent, reminded voters of Trump’s racist history at an event in Philadelphia on Sunday. 

“This is not just about Puerto Ricans. This is about how Trump treats everybody. It’s about how he treats Black Americans, about how he treats women, about how he treats working-class people,” she told the majority Latino crowd.

On Monday afternoon, Harris will host a rally in Allentown. Trump too will spend the final day of his campaign in Pennsylvania, holding a rally in the city of Reading.

MSNBC’s Lawrence O’Donnell: Not knowing how to cover Donald Trump is still the news’ biggest problem

While hosting MSNBC's "The Last Word,"  Lawrence O’Donnell has never held back about the danger Donald Trump poses to our democracy, or how he feels about him. Several times on his broadcast, O'Donnell has referred to Trump as the stupidest person to ever run for president.

But it’s another matter entirely to scrutinize one’s industry in full view of the TV audience, which O’Donnell has done regularly. For those wondering why most campaign reporting doesn't yield much light or information, O’Donnell is a sanity check. It's because both candidates have been covered by some terrific reporters, he tells his audience, and a lot of terrible ones too.

“This is my least favorite subject,” O’Donnell told me on Friday, referring to his criticisms of his peers in journalism. “When I do it, I'm trying not to be holier than thou in every way that I can. And I fail at that a fair amount.”

“I just don't want to pretend that I'm, you know, smarter than other people about how to handle this,” he said. “I just kind of have publicly embraced and acknowledged the difficulty of doing it.”

He added, “And I try to always say there are brilliant reporters out there.” 

Election night is when the coverage mission is clearer and gets easier. On Tuesday, O’Donnell will be contributing to a team led by Rachel Maddow that includes Nicolle WallaceAri MelberJoy Reid, Alex Wagner, Stephanie Ruhle, Chris Hayes, and Jen Psaki, with Steve Kornacki piloting the channel’s iconic “big board” as the vote counts roll in.

Nevertheless, in the months leading up to the election he’s joined us in watching establishment media outlets make the same mistakes as they did in 2016 and 2020, including trafficking in false equivalencies, sane-washing Trump, and failing to construct useful questions for candidates and their surrogates. We can all see the stumbles. O’Donnell is simply one of the few bothering to call them out. 

“It's a field that I would say lacks imagination and lacks real perception about human beings, about characters,” he said. “You know, I know many dramatists who understand Donald Trump in this moment far better than people working at newspapers and news organizations do.” 

O'Donnell's career spans entertainment, journalism and politics. Before working in cable news, he was the senior advisor to Sen. Daniel Patrick Moynihan and served as the chief of staff on two Senate committees. He joined MSNBC in 1996 as a political analyst, and was a writer and executive producer for “The West Wing," which won the 2001 Emmy for best drama series. O'Donnell went on to create the TV drama “Mister Sterling” as well as playing a recurring role in HBO's “Big Love.”

He has hosted “The Last Word” since 2010 and has had a role in MSNBC's election coverage since 2000. In that time, and certainly since Trump came on the scene, he’s drawn some conclusions about what’s ailing TV news. In the final days of an election season that has felt interminable, he shared a number of them with Salon in a wide-ranging interview.

The following interview transcript has been edited for length and clarity.

What do you feel are the main reasons that the media hasn't changed the quality and insightfulness of its political coverage since 2016?

So, when I do criticize the coverage on my show, you are seeing something on the order of 1% of my dissatisfaction with the coverage . . . it's just in the most egregious moments that I just feel compelled to say something. What I don't like about it is the notion that I have somehow figured out how to cover Donald Trump. No one has. That's the problem. And the only distinction that exists within the political media is those who know they haven't figured out how to cover Donald Trump and those who don't know. Unfortunately, the profession is dominated by people who think they've figured it out. And that's really the problem.

It's a challenge unlike anything this field has ever seen in its history. It's worthy of complete, “stop everything meetings” in news organizations nine years ago to say, “Wait a minute, how do we cover this? This is just outright lying. We've never actually had to cover this kind of lying before. Do we have tools for this?” And those meetings never happened.

"The mindset of every interviewer now in politics is not illumination. It is prosecution."

. . . Look, I don't think anything illustrates the lag time, just how far behind the established news media has been in what they're dealing with than this, and it's personal. The first time I called Donald Trump a liar and said the word “lie” about what he was saying was in 2011, the very first time he opened his mouth about Barack Obama's birth certificate.

The first time The New York Times used the word lie in relation to Donald Trump was five years later in September 2016, when he was already the Republican nominee for president, and it appeared on the front page of The New York Times in the lower left corner with the word “lie” in the headline. And the lie they were referring to five years later was Donald Trump's lie about Barack Obama's birth certificate.

And the idea of lying was discussed in many newsrooms and many media columns: Should it be called a lie? Defining a lie. That's very frustrating.

Yeah, and because I grew up in reality, and I didn't grow up in a news organization like that, I knew what a lie was, and I also knew legally, yes, I can call it a lie, because it is a lie. Other people were encumbered by concerns at the time, possibly about, you know, is that libelous? Can you get in legal trouble for saying that word? And I understood all that stuff, and it took a full understanding of all that stuff to do that. And a real understanding of guys like Trump. I mean, I grew up with idiots like that, you know.

And I think unfortunately, and I say unfortunately for the current purposes, more than 90% of the news media was never around idiots like Trump. They didn't grow up in those kinds of streets, in those kinds of urban sectors where those guys are all over the place. You know that idiot at the bar, that stupid racist. If you didn't grow up around a lot of stupid racists, it's going to take you a long time to figure out what Trump is.

I just want to segue into this idea of this being the podcast coverage campaign. It was very educational to watch how Joe Rogan handled Donald Trump because it was not just a matter of not knowing how to deal with him. He was fascinated by him. There's this tenor of conversation that's leaked into the interview that has tainted the quality of coverage, or the ability to cover him.

I realize that when we look at what podcasters are doing versus what mainstream journalists are doing, we should be considering those approaches very differently. But the public does not. Is that frustrating for you to witness?

Well, yeah, and I think your piece about the Trump Rogan interview is so important because, of course, I didn't listen to the three hours. I didn't listen to any of it. The only bits of what I heard are the pieces that were clipped for television. And what your piece shows is how much television fails when it does that. The classroom example of it, especially the bit that they used, you know, where Rogan chuckles about Trump, you know, saying that he won the election. And then it turns out in your reporting, if you extend that conversation long enough, you're going to find that Rogan is not contradicting him.

Nope.

In fact, he's kind of on board with it. There's not a moment in what I read of your reporting of it where Rogan departs from that. It's an incredible challenge trying to deal with that. And TV news is always, by definition, presenting a limited version of whatever we're talking about. And the best recommendation that exists for anyone is to go, check the original sources. .. it's worth bringing your own scholarship to this kind of coverage because we're all limiting it in some ways.

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Let’s talk about the contrast between what Bill Whitaker did on “60 Minutes” in interviewing Kamala Harris versus what happened with Brett Baier. On the one hand, my frustration with Bill Whitaker was that he kept going at the same questions that Harris was prepared to answer and pivot from. On the other, you have Baier trying to show he's tough by antagonizing and talking over her.

There's this misinterpretation of what it means to do insightful, tough journalism that has turned interviews into an argument that serves no one. My question to you is whether an unfair assessment of what it means to kind of conduct is not necessarily an antagonistic interview, but something that's probing. I don't see enough in this election cycle, if any, that have served to answer the public's questions.

Political interviewers now are not in the business of illumination. They are in the business of impressing the other people who do political interviews. That's the most important audience to them. They don't care about the two or three million who might see it on TV. They care primarily about other people who do this for a living because those are the people who issue their report cards within the business. The biggest compliment you can get after doing an interview with any politician is that you asked tough questions. And there is this religious belief that the tough question is somehow the important way to get at some kind of truth.

The mindset of every interviewer now in politics is not illumination. It is prosecution. You are judged by how good a prosecutor you were, and you must be a fair prosecutor. Brett Baier was judged to be an unfair prosecutor who cheated the unwritten rules of how you do this. And of course, Brett Baier is a totally partisan Republican who was embarrassed his network did accurate coverage during the last presidential election when they called Arizona, and he wanted them to retract the call. We've seen all the texts of his.

But even if you're not doing it Brett Baier style, the only way you will be judged by your peers to have done a good job was, “How good a prosecutor were you? Not, “How good an illuminator were you?" That is not what they are trying to do, and that's the gap between them and the voter. Because the voter invariably comes back and tells you, yeah, “I wasn't interested in that part. I'd like to know this.” And oh, well, they didn't cover that.

Going back to the original problem of how to interview Trump, there's been so much of this demand that you call out his lies while not providing any meaningful information about policy and relevant facts, and I think that has bled into journalism in such a way that I’m not sure we know how to find our way back. To me, I think that's been the defining issue of campaign coverage. I don't know whether you agree with that, or if you see something else.

"More than 90% of the news media was never around idiots like Trump. They didn't grow up in those kinds of streets, in those kinds of urban sectors where those guys are all over the place."

No, I do, and I would point out another characteristic of the profession that's a problem, and it goes to this point of every interviewer trying to impress other people in their field. That's the first thing they're trying to do. And I don't mean the Rogan types. I mean the Washington press corps.

That's why they never ask a simple question, because if their question is too simple, that would indicate their minds are too simple.

. . . The one I've proposed that none of them have ever asked Donald Trump is: What is a tariff?

Yes. Thank you.

They have never asked that question. And my feeling is — and I could be wrong, but having studied the way the Trump interview goes — if you ask that question, you're going to actually get at something so much more important than any of these other questions that you might ask, including that Trump doesn't know what a tariff is.

That's a very distinct possibility. And if you just were to stay with it and the ramifications of that question —  because you know, or you're supposed to know, that he's lying about who pays the tariffs. So don't begin with the lie. Don't start there. Start before the lie. Start with, “What is a tariff,” and you'll get to the lie soon enough. But no one will ever ask the question, because that question will sound too simple and it won't sound like something that was workshopped by all the network executives who came up with the question for you, or whoever it was.

And so I think that's one of the big issues that comes out of the fact that interviewers are all trying to impress other interviewers. If you could correct one thing, it would be to get that out of the psyche of the interviewers.


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I'm going to ask this next question which, in the spirit of what you just said, is very simple . . . What do you feel that MSNBC is doing differently in all this?

I'll say one thing that I'm doing differently, and it's the only thing that I know I'm doing differently. And I mean this with the utmost humility because I know how tiny this is.

There came a time — I'm not sure when, sometime in the last year — where I found it so dispiriting to put Donald Trump's lies on the screen that I came up with this idea of saying, "Okay, we're not going to give them our entire screen." We're going to give them half of the screen, and I will occupy the other half of the screen, as a way of saying to the audience, “This is not the same as any other politician speaking clip that we show you. This is a pathological liar. This is a madman, and he's going to be treated differently here, and I'm not going to leave you alone with him. You will not be alone in your living room with him. I won’t do that to you."

And that's it. That's why he gets half the screen. And it's tiny. It's literally next to nothing, but it's me just sitting there trying to think of, "What do we need to do that's different? What does your TV frame need to include for you to say to you, “This is different”?

I come from a world where I care about every single thing in that frame. It's actually the worst way to come to this line of work. I came to it from filmmaking, you know, drama series  . . . there's not a thing in that screen that you do not care about, because it is all part of what's going to happen to that audience and what the audience is going to feel. I may be the only one who cares about every single thing that's on our screen. And, in thinking about that, that's just the little adjustment that I came up with.

I offer it not as a cure for anything. I offer it as an example of one person desperately trying to figure out how to cover this horrible thing that we have to cover, which is this candidate who actively wants to destroy everything that we have all wanted for this country. And what's laughable about it is how tiny a thing that is.

"The Last Word with Lawrence O'Donnell" airs weeknights at 7 p.m. PT/ 10 p.m. ET on MSNBC.

FBI: Ex-Disney World employee accused of hacking menus, altering peanut allergen warnings

A former Disney employee, Michael Scheuer, has been accused of hacking into software used by Disney restaurants to falsely indicate that certain food items were peanut-free, according to NBC’s Minyvonne Burke and Austin Mullen

A federal criminal complaint filed in Florida states that Scheuer "knowingly [caused] the transmission of a program to a protected computer and intentionally caused damage without authorization." Scheuer, who worked as a menu production manager at Walt Disney World before being terminated in June for alleged misconduct, was responsible for creating and publishing menus for Disney’s entire restaurant portfolio, Burke and Mullen report.

After his termination, Scheuer allegedly continued to access the menu software from a personal device. He is accused of changing menu prices, adding profanity and making “several menu changes that threatened public health and safety,” particularly by altering allergen information. The complaint alleges that Scheuer manipulated allergen notifications to indicate that certain items were safe for people with peanut allergies when they were not. Disney identified the changes before customers viewed or ordered from the affected menus, according to NBC.

His arrest Oct. 23 followed an FBI investigation that concluded he breached the company’s software several times over the course of three months. 

Scheuer denied any wrongdoing and claimed Disney was trying to frame him due to concerns surrounding the conditions of his termination, according to the complaint. His attorney, David Haas, stated, “The allegations acknowledge that no one was injured or harmed. I look forward to vigorously presenting my client’s side of the story.” Haas added that Scheuer has a “disability that he believes impacted his termination from Disney.” 

Disney has not yet commented on the case.

“Freedom” transforms “Emily in Paris” star Lucas Bravo from heartthrob to heist master

Lucas Bravo may be charming as Gabriel, the chef who steals Emily’s (Lily Collins) heart in the series, “Emily in Paris,” but in the new film “Freedom,” the actor uses his charisma and good looks to steal money and jewels. An amusing scene has two women he robbed remembering little more than how handsome he was when questioned by the police. 

Directed by Mélanie Laurant, this nimble caper film is based on the real-life exploits of Bruno Sulak. Bravo is well cast as Bruno, a risk-taker who robs supermarkets with his pal (Steve Tientcheu) while his girlfriend Annie (Léa Luce Busato) drives the getaway car. The thieves steal but they don’t kill. Eventually, they target jewelry stores—because banks are too dangerous. 

However, they do get caught by George (Yvan Attal), a cop who has been tracking their exploits. But Bruno is crafty, and he manages to escape from prison, well, more than once. The cat-and-mouse game between Bruno and George provides the fun as each man always thinks they have the upper hand.

“Freedom” gives Bravo an opportunity to shine in his first starring role after supporting parts in films ranging from “Mrs. Harris Goes to Paris,” and “Ticket to Paradise” with Julia Roberts and George Clooney. The actor shows he has movie star chops, carrying the film with his suaveness. He may be lying when he claims the expensive watch he bought was his father’s, but he comes across as irresistible because Bravo effortlessly sells it. 

The actor chatted with Salon about playing Bruno Sulak and making “Freedom.”

What did you know about Bruno before you made this film? Why did this charming rogue appeal to you as a character?

I didn’t know him before Mélanie brought him to my attention. She brought me the book by Philippe Jaenada. Once I read it, I asked her if there was anything made about him, and she said, “No. that is why I sent you the book, because I think this story needed to be told.” There may have been some weird, old documentary made in the '80s. Mélanie hates injustice and she saw him as a hero, or a symbol, who thought differently. She wanted to render justice to Bruno, and she wanted me to be Bruno. That was a lot to take in. I didn’t know If I was ready to be a leading man. I’m still in the learning stage of my career. She gave me all the confidence I needed to feel legitimate — to feel that it was my place and that I could be the one to do Bruno justice. I was grateful she saw Bruno in me and gave me the opportunity to explore things I did not know I could do. 

Can you talk about how you created Bruno’s charm? He is suave and irresistible. What’s the secret to playing that? 

That means we succeeded in finding that nuance with him. The way Mélanie filmed me allowed me to be natural. For me, love is in the details and less is more. She came close [with her camera] to observe me and film me in a way I’ve never been filmed before. It allowed me to show something that is not forced, or pushy, or, “Hey, I’m charming.” It allowed me to bring a vulnerable, feminine charm that is organic, and humble and apologetic. It was interesting that Bruno has a [interior anxiety] while also having a dark, dangerousness.

He is not arrogant. He doesn’t have a cocky swagger where he is pretending to be this bigger-than-life character. What did you think of his character? Is he just an adrenaline junkie and thrill seeker? 

He wasn’t an adrenaline junkie until the end. He didn’t need more money, but he kept on going, even when Annie told him to stop. Mostly, what made him who he is, is his ability to contemplate nature. He was reaIly grounded. I was reading a journal he kept in prison, and I was mesmerized by the quality of his writing and the precision of his observations. There was poetry and intention in everything he would do. 

I have a passion for Japan, and samurais who put intention in pouring the tea and drawing the sword — which is the opposite of modern civilization. I wanted to bring that to Bruno’s character. Part of his charm is that it is not selfless — it is inviting charm through intentions. Even if he’s doing something illegal or dangerous, everything else about him is inviting because it is rooted in nature and life.


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What observations do you have about Bruno’s relationship with Annie? He loves her, he sacrifices for her, and he frustrates her when he gets caught. What are your thoughts about their dynamic?

It was very interesting to play that. Léa Luce and I found our chemistry early on. With him being an adrenaline junkie, there is something that goes with this lifestyle — robbing, and driving away, and being pursued, and going into hiding, and feeling all the pressure that comes with that. It also comes with a need for release. Their relationship was very passionate. When you rob a bank and you go home, you don’t get [food] delivered and watch TV. You have sex. It was like they were 16 and in their first passionate relationship. It was interesting to be this man and with Annie, play this couple that doesn’t think about anything else, or care about tomorrow.

Likewise, how did you read Bruno’s bromance with George? They tease each other almost like lovers. Do you think Bruno wanted to get caught? 

I agree. First, I met the real George for lunch, and he was fascinating. He is like from another era. He was talking about the '70s and '80s and he made me realize how much has changed. When weapons became a tool for arresting people, he didn’t want to be part of [the police] because it changed the rules of the game. There had been respect, and a code. When Bruno’s story ended, George didn’t want to be [a cop] anymore. He has such a sparkle in his eye, and a joyful face, but he had a lot of melancholia. Talking about Bruno, he was very deliberate with his words. He was chasing Bruno for over a decade, and even if he says something nice about him, Bruno was a criminal. That was my first step in this relationship, Yves Attal brought something so alive to it, and he did a lot of improv. I agree, it is the main love story in the movie. They respected each other because Bruno was in the military and became a criminal and George messed up in his youth and then he became a cop. They needed each other That’s why Bruno would call George after every heist — not to brag, but to be like, “Here’s the life you could have had.” It justifies his line, “I could have shown you how to live life.”

When Bruno was in jail, he planned to escape. What do you think of his experience with catch and release? Was this part of his game, to take risks?  He is impudent in court, which probably did him no favors. He is rubbing it in their face. 

We played it a bit presumptuous. I don’t think he was that presumptuous when he was in court. You could not leave him in a box for too long. He’s too free, too wild. He started his career as a skydiver. He was a magician at some point. Prison is unfit for him. It would kill his soul. He didn’t want to be tamed or reduced by the carceral system. He was escaping because he had no other option. He needed to be in fresh air. He needed to be free. 

Bruno does not like being told what to do. He enjoys his freedom, and claims when he is in prison, he is still free. What are your thoughts on his philosophy? 

I’m a bit like that as well. I grew up with a very tough mother — in the best way — but she raised me tough so when I cleaned my room of my own will, I’d enjoy it, but if she asked me to clean my room, I wouldn’t want to do it anymore. When people would ask me things, it turned into me never asking anyone for anything. But that’s a problem. You need to reach out to your friends for things from time to time. Asking others for help feels good. I recognized that in Bruno. I will be here for you, but I don’t know everyone. It is a form of rebellion.

On what occasions do you take risks? 

[Laughs.] Lately, when there is something that I fear, I run towards it. Fear is an indicator of where you need to go. We need to fail more. We need to accept that failure is OK. I feel society is telling us that there are no second chances, but we need to not take ourselves too seriously and learn from our mistakes. For a long time, I didn’t want to fail or face failure, so now that is the risk I take. 

Are you doing things like parachuting?
I have parachuted. It wasn’t a scary experience, because compared to jumping with a rope, you don’t feel the ground; it is like you are floating. But I can’t talk on stage without feeling every single person staring at me, and if I see a face that is disengaged, I lose the script and think he saw through me and that I’m a fraud. Talking on stage in front of an audience really stimulates all my childhood traumas and the [lack of] confidence thing. I was invited to speak at the United Nations about deep-sea mining, which is something I am passionate about. Just the text itself gave me a heart attack. Fear is a great motivator. I wrote the script, and I did it. But I lost my sight, my throat was dry. Those are the tiny risks I am taking. 

Recently, I have been scared of heights and have vertigo, and as we were fighting [against] deep sea mining, I went on an activist’s friend’s boat in Norway. It is a three-mast boat, and we were cruising towards the North Pole. Everyone has to participate — you steer, you make food, but you also have the bring the sails up and down. I was part of the shift that had to do that, and you climb up 30 meters and at the top, you lean back, and everything is shaking. There is nothing holding you, you just balance with your feet and the boat is moving. That was the scariest experience I ever had, but I just want to go back!

Lastly, can you say anything about “Emily in Paris”?
It was a nice journey, and I will always be grateful for it. We have no news on Season 5 yet. We probably will know more in June. 

“Freedom” was released globally on Prime Video November 1.

“We won’t hold our breath”: Trump rallies leave over a dozen cities with unpaid bills

Former President Donald Trump’s rallies have left over a dozen cities with unpaid debts after his campaign failed to cover the full costs of hosting his events, ABC News reported.

In 2019, Trump visited Albuquerque, New Mexico, and left an unpaid bill of $211,176 in public safety costs after a rally at the Santa Ana Star Center. That bill has nearly doubled in the last five years, with Trump now owing the city $444,986 including interest.

The Republican nominee visited the Democratic city for the first time in five years on Thursday. 

"Still waiting for Trump to pay the half million he owes. Maybe he's making a special Halloween delivery to the Duke City? We won't hold our breath," Albuquerque Mayor Tim Keller posted on X alongside a photo of a skeleton. 

Keller's office sent bills to Trump's New York and Mar-a-Logo residences and a collection agency is working to recover the debt, the mayor's office told ABC. 

Trump’s rallies often bring thousands of people to small cities and towns with limited resources to begin with. They have to securely set-up and staff temporary infrastructure to host the rallies.

Albuquerque is one of a dozen cities the Trump campaign has left with unpaid bills, the majority pertaining to overtime pay for first responders who worked the rallies, ABC reported after interviewing city officials. A previous analysis from NBC News found Trump owes municipalities a combined $750,000 since 2016.

The unpaid costs range from tens of thousands to hundreds of dollars. Green Bay, Wisconsin, was left with more than $33,000 in public safety costs after a Trump rally in April, while the city of Erie, Pennsylvania, has yet to be paid by the Trump campaign after submitting an invoice for $63,190. 

Al Jazeera released a similar report in October, finding that the Trump campaign owes the The city of Prescott Valley in Arizona $25,737.32 after he failed to pay the full costs of his rally in 2022. The city of Mesa unsuccessfully invoiced the campaign $64,477.56 for an October 2018 rally.

“Once we learned about the nighttime event at Gateway Airport [in 2018], we took it upon ourselves to implement every measure necessary to secure the area surrounding the airport to keep everyone safe,” a Mesa spokesperson told Al Jazeera. "That included setting up temporary parking infrastructure for over 12,000 people, setting up barricades, setting up temporary lighting and hiring a towing company. The invoice we sent the campaign reflects that."

When asked about  the unpaid bills, a Trump campaign spokesperson redirected ABC to a U.S. Secret Service spokesperson, who acknowledged the "critical need" for a mechanism to reimburse cities for public safety costs and first responder overtime pay.

"We are grateful for the additional funding provided in the continuing resolution, and we will continue to work with Congress to advocate for the necessary resources to support the city, county, and state law enforcement agencies that assist us every day," the spokesperson told ABC.

 

Trump says “he never should’ve left” the White House after losing the 2020 election

Just three days before election day, former President Donald Trump said at a rally in Pennsylvania on Sunday that he “never should’ve left” the White House after he lost the 2020 election, adding darkly that he “wouldn’t mind” if reporters were shot.

Speaking from the battleground state, anticipated to be crucial in deciding Tuesday’s results, Trump reminded undecided voters of what has defined his past campaigns: violence and a refusal to adhere to the democratic process. 

​​“I shouldn’t have left, I mean honestly, we did so well, we had such a great —,” the 78-year-old said before cutting himself off. It was a stark and bold admission given his previous refusal to cede power led to an attack on the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021.

Trump has repeatedly suggested he will claim victory regardless of this year's election results.

“If everything’s honest, I’ll gladly accept the results. I don’t change on that. If it’s not, you have to fight for the right of the country,” he told the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel in May. 

On Sunday, the former president couldn’t resist bringing up 2020 again, calling Democrats "demonic" and falsely blaming fraud for his previous loss. He brought up a wealth of debunked conspiracies from four years ago and speculated on how this year’s election would be similarly sabotaged, including that voting machines would be hacked and extended poll hours would lead to fraud. 

Towards the end of the rally, Trump criticized a number of polls, most notably a new Des Moines Register/Mediacom poll that showed him trailing Vice President Kamala Harris in Iowa. 

He concluded his speech by attacking the media, suggesting he would be okay if reporters were killed in an attempt on his own life.

“To get to me, somebody would have to shoot through fake news, and I don’t mind that much, because, I don’t mind. I don’t mind,” Trump said.

A brief but exciting history of “Stop the Steal”: Past as prologue?

In the four years since the last presidential election, national and world events have given the American politi-sphere plenty of reasons to forget some of the many, many details of the days that immediately followed that election. Between then and now, Russia launched the largest European land invasion since World War II. The fight against COVID became the fight about COVID, from its origins to relevant treatments and vaccines. The Middle East is closer to full-scale war than it has been in decades. We finally beat Medicare

Compared to major issues such as these, one could hardly be blamed for not continuing to ponder the failed electoral investigations in Arizona or failed electoral lawsuits in … just about everywhere. Donald Trump’s extraordinary efforts to prove that he didn’t lose in 2020, perpetually hampered by the fact that he did, slowly faded into the background. But with the next moment when America Decides now upon us, looking back upon the particulars of those efforts is also, very likely, also a method of looking forward, as the Trump campaign and its affiliates have spent months laying the groundwork for the argument that the only way Trump can lose another term in the White House is if the election is stolen from him. You know, againsort of.

As they say, past is prologue, history rhymes, all of this has happened before and all of it will happen again, etc. Many Americans may not realize just how much they’re living through a replay of 2020, when Trump used the exact same playbook to sow doubts about the election long before any votes were cast. Thus, without further ado, a refresher on just some of the assertions that were made in 2020 and could very well be mimicked if Kamala Harris breaks the 270 electoral-vote mark at some point in the next week.

Hugo Chávez reaches out from the grave

The primary target of Team Trump’s 2020 ire was Dominion Voting Systems, the company that provided voting machines to all or parts of 28 states that year. But, for reasons that have never been adequately explained, it was not enough to merely claim that Dominion was inherently corrupt, or that its machines were easy to hack — rather, Trump’s lawyers stated that Dominion was secretly owned by another company, Smartmatic (it was not), that Smartmatic and Dominion were both founded by the late Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez (they were not), and that Smartmatic developed software to rig Venezuelan elections before Chávez’s death in 2013, software that was subsequently installed on Dominion machines (it was not) in order to shift the 2020 results in favor of Joe Biden.

Oh, and Cuba and China were also involved. Somehow. Don’t ask for details.

Italian space lasers rig the vote

Have you ever suspected that a prisoner in a mid-tier European nation had always wanted to determine the outcome of an American election, but could only do so from space? Well, you’re not alone, as members of both the executive and legislative branches pressed for (and got) the Department of Defense to investigate the theory that an Italian hacker who was already behind bars for other crimes had managed to access his country’s military satellites, then used the intricate connections those satellites would obviously have had with U.S. voting machines to change the counts in places like Lancaster County, Pennsylvania. It’s surprising that anyone even demanded evidence to support the claim, as it simply made too much sense. But quite a few “anyones” did, and despite the fact that two unidentified American officials somehow managed to sneak into the prison where the alleged hacker was being held and interrogate him about the plot (yes, what you just read is part of a real sentence about something that really happened), the prisoner staunchly refused to admit his part in handing the election to Biden, and the trail went cold from there.

The great Sharpie plot

In one of the earliest tales to come out of Arizona, Trump supporters alleged that Republican voters were given Sharpie pens for the purpose of filling out ballots, and those ballots were subsequently tossed out because machine counters couldn’t read Sharpie ink. Despite state officials from both parties explaining that machines could indeed read such ballots, a woman named Staci Burk quickly filed a lawsuit regarding the issue. Unfortunately for Burk, the Republican-dominated state Supreme Court ultimately determined that she lacked standing to file such a suit, because she hadn’t even bothered to register to vote in the election she supposedly cared so much about.

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Mighty Morphin Cyber Ninjas 

While they may sound like a lame competitor to the Power Rangers, the Cyber Ninjas were actually a company hired by Arizona Republicans to conduct a “forensic audit” of the state’s ballots after standard recount practices were deemed to be insufficient, likely because those practices didn’t find any evidence of widespread fraud. What qualified these masters of digital martial arts to perform such a task? Well… nothing. Cyber Ninjas had, up until the audit, done occasional work providing security measures for random individual apps, offering this service through a website that featured people wearing actual ninja costumes and wielding katanas. The company had never been involved in any election, in any capacity. It was based two time zones away in Sarasota, Florida, although nobody in Florida politics had ever heard of the Ninjas.

Have you ever suspected that a prisoner in a mid-tier European nation had always wanted to determine the outcome of an American election, but could only do so from space?

The strangeness extended to the corporate “structure,” if you could call it that, for a business hired for such an important and complex task. According to CNN, “Cyber Ninjas exists mostly in virtual reality, with its chief executive, Doug Logan, also serving as, well, pretty much everything. On recent calls to the company’s automated answer line, pressing ‘3’ for sales led to the answering message for Logan. So did pressing ‘4’ for human resources. And pressing ‘5’ for purchasing. And ‘6’ for the general mailbox. Go to the address for Cyber Ninjas’ Legal Department, listed on its audit contract with the Arizona Senate, and you’ll wind up at a rented mailbox in a UPS Store in Sarasota, Florida. The company’s business address registered with Florida’s Secretary of State, also in Sarasota, was sold last December, and now sits empty.”

The most significant qualification that Cyber Ninjas had with respect to this particular job seemed to be the fact that their CEO was already convinced of the outcome: “I’m tired of hearing people say there was no fraud. It happened, it’s real, and people better get wise fast,” Logan tweeted in December of 2020. Still, after months upon months of overtly seeking out any possible justification for declaring Arizona’s election results to be falsified, the Ninjas ultimately found … no evidence whatsoever. Nada. Zilch. In fact, the final report stated that Biden had actually won Arizona by several hundred more votes than initially tallied, an outcome that can only be described as illegally ironic.

The bamboo-ballot switcheroo 

One of the more bizarre rabbit holes the Ninjas fell into (which is saying a lot) was the theory that Arizona’s numbers were thrown off by the clandestine inclusion of tens of thousands of fake ballots that were created in China, smuggled into the U.S. and strategically placed by undercover operatives in election centers around the state. Leaving aside the fact that the details of this method would have made it so egregiously complicated that it would have been rejected by the writers of “Ocean’s Eleven,” the Cyber Ninjas announced that they could hunt for these fake ballots by looking for paper containing bamboo fibers — because if paper was printed in China, it must, of course, be made of bamboo. (Except most of it isn’t.)

This should go without saying, but no bamboo was ever found.


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Decease the Kraken

In late November of 2020, Trump lawyer Sidney Powell announced that she would "release the Kraken," in the form of lawsuits across the country that would (according to Powell) definitively overturn Biden’s victory. Unfortunately for Powell, the barrage of suits turned out to be less of the mythical sea monster and more of the mythical Leeroy Jenkins, with the not-exactly-official presidential attorney rushing headfirst into conflicts she clearly had not prepared for and had no chance of winning. Among the many, many glaring problems with her efforts were the inclusion of congressional candidate Derrick Van Orden in a Wisconsin suit without his consent or even knowledge (he heard about it from social media), a reference in another filing to a nonexistent county in Michigan, and a different reference within a Wisconsin case to severe voting irregularities that had supposedly occurred in … Detroit. Every “Kraken” suit eventually failed, including numerous appeals rejected by the U.S. Supreme Court, which, with its 6-3 conservative advantage and three Trump-appointed justices, was nevertheless described by Powell as ”the rubble of a sinkhole of corruption.”

*  *  *

This list could go on for pages and pages, but examining all the questionable actions taken by Trumpworld in 2020 is not the point here. The point is to highlight the fact that there really is no barrier to entry once a critical mass of people believe that an election was stolen, egged on by figures such as Kraken-custodian Sidney Powell herself, who say one thing in press conferences and very different things in court. Any theory, no matter how absurd, can fly when given the green light by those who should know better.

Gird your loins, everybody. This week — and perhaps next week too — could be a nightmare.

Trump says he loves farmers. His tariff plans suggest otherwise

After last minute polling out of Iowa revealed Donald Trump may not win the deep-red state, the presidential nominee took to his social media platform, Truth Social, over the weekend to declare that no president has ever done more for the agricultural community than he has, dismissing the numbers as fake news from a “Trump hater.” 

“No President has done more for FARMERS, and the Great State of Iowa, than Donald J. Trump,” he wrote. “In fact, it’s not even close! All polls, except for one heavily skewed toward the Democrats by a Trump hater who called it totally wrong the last time, have me up, BY A LOT.

He concluded: “I LOVE THE FARMERS, AND THEY LOVE ME.”

However, a recent economic study suggests a renewed U.S.-China trade war — something Trump has hinted at if re-elected — could impact “hundreds of thousands of farmers and rural communities,” potentially challenging the former president’s claim.

The study, which was commissioned by the American Soybean Associated and the National Corn Growers Association and conducted by the World Agricultural Economic and Environmental Services, shows American-imposed tariffs would come at a steep cost to U.S. producers, all while benefiting South American farmers from countries like Brazil and Argentina. 

According to the American Soybean Association, many of the tariffs China imposed on U.S. agricultural products from Trump’s 2018 trade war remain in place, but have been granted a waiver that has been renewed annually. 

These tariffs could easily be reinstated by China and, if that happens, U.S. soybean exports to China could drop by 14 to 16 million metric tons per year — a decline of over 50% from expected levels. Corn exports face a similarly stark fate, with a potential annual drop of 2.2 million metric tons, an 84% decrease from baseline projections. Although corn represents a smaller share of overall U.S. exports to China compared to soybeans, the magnitude of this reduction remains significant.

Experts suggest that while the U.S. could redirect some of its exports to other countries, global demand is insufficient to absorb the anticipated loss. Meanwhile, Brazil and Argentina stand to benefit, expanding their foothold in global markets as they increase exports to fill the gap left by American goods. Brazil, in particular, may see a pronounced uptick in soybean and corn production, as favorable conditions allow Brazilian farmers to harvest both crops within a single year. 

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In a scenario where China imposes a steep 60% retaliatory tariff, the impact intensifies. American soybean exports to China could drop by over 25 million metric tons, with corn exports to China nearing a 90% reduction. Under these conditions, the U.S. would lose between 2.9 and 4.6 million metric tons of combined soybean and corn exports annually, while Brazil’s exports could swell by nearly 9 million metric tons each year. 

For American farmers, this represents not just a temporary blow to pricing but a potential reordering of global agricultural markets for the long term.

Economists have been warning of this probability for many months, which was even referenced in the lone September presidential debate between Trump and Vice President Kamala Harris

“Let’s drill down on this because your plan is what [Harris calls] a national sales tax,” moderator David Muir said at the time. “Your proposal calls for tariffs, as you pointed out here, on foreign imports across the board. You recently said you might double your plan, imposing tariffs up to 20% on goods coming into this country.” 

"While launching widespread tariffs may seem like an effective tool, they can boomerang and cause unintended consequences."

Muir continued, saying many economists predict that tariffs at that level would pass increased costs onto the consumer. “Vice President Harris has argued it'll mean higher prices on gas, food, clothing medication arguing it costs the typical family nearly $4,000 a year,” Muir said. “Do you believe Americans can afford higher prices because of tariffs?” 

Trump responded by saying there wouldn’t be higher prices for Americans. “Who's gonna have higher prices is China and all of the countries that have been ripping us off for years,” he said. “[In] charge, I was the only president ever — China was paying us hundreds of billions of dollars and so were other countries.” 

However, as reported by CNBC, Trump’s first-term trade war with China actually cost Americans over $190 billion, according to numbers from the conservative think tank American Action Forum, and also led to the loss of more than 245,500 U.S. Jobs, per the U.S.-China Business Council. 

As a result of the new study, the American Soybean Association (ASA) and National Corn Growers Association (NCGA) have both cautioned against a renewed trade war. 

 “The U.S. agriculture sector is going through a significant economic downturn,” ASA Chief Economist Scott Gerlt said in a written statement. “This work shows that a trade war would easily compound the adverse conditions that are placing financial stress on farmers. Even when a trade war officially ends, the loss of market share can be permanent.”

NCGA Lead Economist Krista Swanson said the study highlights the dangers that come with broad tariffs on imports. 

“While launching widespread tariffs may seem like an effective tool, they can boomerang and cause unintended consequences,” Swanson said. “Our first goal should be to avoid unnecessary harm.”

Music powerhouse Quincy Jones dead at 91

Quincy Jones, the pioneering, award-winning music producer and musician who worked with artists like Michael Jackson and Frank Sinatra, died on Sunday at the age of 91.

Jones’ publicist, Arnold Robinson, told the Associated Press that the star died in his home in Los Angeles surrounded by his family.

Jones' family said in a statement Sunday evening, “Tonight, with full but broken hearts, we must share the news of our father and brother Quincy Jones’ passing. And although this is an incredible loss for our family, we celebrate the great life that he lived and know there will never be another like him.”

The 28-time Grammy winner was a titan of American music and culture, hopping through genres R&B, pop, jazz and rap in his plethora of work. However, Jones was best known for bolstering Jackson's career by producing albums like "Off the Wall," "Thriller" and "Bad." The multi-talented musician and producer rose to success after graduating from Berklee College of Music, in Boston, and becoming a trumpet player in bands for the jazz titans Lionel Hampton and Dizzy Gillespie in the '50s. He went on to work with Sinatra, Paul Simon, Ray Charles and Aretha Franklin and many other musicians.

The Chicago-born musician would also transform music in other mediums by creating film and television scores, including "The Color Purple" which earned him seven Academy Award nominations. According to Pitchfork, Jones scored 40 films and hundreds of television shows. He would also work on solo projects like his albums "Body Heat" and "The Dude." He was also tapped to music supervise on the musical "The Wiz." Through his music, Jones became a philanthropist and activist, co-writing the star-studded charity single "We Are the World" with Lionel Richie.

This year, Jones was set to receive an honorary Oscar from Academy’s Board of Governors for his contributions to the art of film.

Jones is survived by his brother, Richard Jones, his two sisters, Margie Jay and Theresa Frank and his seven children: Jolie, Kidada, Kenya, Martina, Rachel, actress Rashida Jones and Quincy III.

As Trump brags “every rally is full,” cameraman pans over empty arena

Former President Donald Trump got called out mid-boast on Saturday as he claimed his rallies are always full, right before a cameraman panned to a number of empty seats across the stadium.

“We have had the biggest rallies in the history of any country, and every rally is full. You do not have any seats that are empty. You did not have anything,” Trump told the crowd in Greensboro, North Carolina.

An NTD.com cameraman then zoomed in on sections of empty seats as people left the already sparsely populated stadium. The video quickly went viral and was reposted by the Harris-Walz X account: “Trump: ‘Every rally is full. You do not have any seats that are empty,'" the post reads. "Cameraperson: Hold my beer."

Crowd size has long been a fixation for Trump. He's repeatedly bragged about how big his rallies are compared to those of Vice President Kamala Harris and even falsely claimed that she used AI to generate images of a massive crowd at one of her campaign stops.

The two candidates have gone back and forth on whose rallies’ draw more people. Just last week the Harris campaign said the crowd of 75,000 who attended her speech at the Ellipse in Washington, DC, crushed the size of Trump’s Jan. 6 rally in the same spot nearly four years ago. 

A September analysis from The New York Times found Harris’ and Trump’s rallies drew similar crowd sizes, though experts told the newspaper that rally size is irrelevant to the outcome of an election.

“Obviously something going on here”: Iowa shocker suggests Trump and pollsters underestimated women

Donald Trump would have his supporters believe that he could win California, along with the 49 other states, if election officials only counted votes the way he wanted (in 2020 as now, that means tossing out ballots for his opponent). At the end of his third run for the White House, however, the former president was busy not expanding the electoral map but trying to hold on in a place once thought safely red.

“Look, if I don’t win this thing after all this talk, I’m in trouble — will you please go and vote,” the Republican growled to an audience Sunday in Greensboro, North Carolina, where polls show him in a statistical dead-heat with the Democratic nominee. “I mean, I came here, whatever the hell time it is, who the hell knows. I’ve given you the full board. You wouldn’t let me leave at half an hour. I could have run up here, done it, start screaming, ‘Make America Great Again’ for five or six times and then leave to the cheers of the crowd. I would have been home sleeping by now.”

By his next stop in the Tar Heel state, the 78-year-old appeared even more exhausted, turning in what local outlet NC Newsline described as a “disjointed” appeal for votes in the small city of Kinston. There, Trump forgot who was on the ballot, praising a hedge fund manager running for the U.S. Senate in Pennsylvania before appearing to realize his mistake.

“You have one of the best of all right here, David McCormick. You know, that …. David is here someplace. You know, we just left him. He’s a great guy,” Trump said. In an indication of how he’s feeling about the race, perhaps, the Republican then moved on to praising Mike Lindell, the businessman and conspiracy theorist who claims Democrats only win through fraud.

Trump has good reason to be unsettled. Over the weekend, the Des Moines Register published a survey finding that Vice President Kamala Harris now leads Trump by three percentage points in Iowa, “a ruby-red state he has won twice.” That lead, in a state last won by Democrats in 2012, is driven by Harris 28% advantage with independent women and 35% margin with all women over 65.

“There’s obviously something going on here,” pollster J. Ann Selzer, a legend in her field, explained to the BBC. “Older people is who you want to appeal to because they are the most reliable voters. And Kamala Harris is doing very well with that group.”

One thing that is going on is that women in Iowa, in 2024, have fewer rights than they did in 2020. In July, the state imposed a near-total ban on abortion; November’s general election is the first chance voters will have to respond — and, perhaps, punish the man who boasts that it was his right-wing justices who tipped the scales and overturned Roe v. Wade two years ago.

Ultimately, Iowa may not turn blue; other polls suggest Trump may well be on track to a comfortable victory in a state neither candidate has bothered to campaign in. But other polls are not the Selzer poll: The New York Times’ Nate Cohn recently conceded that most pollsters are desperate not to underestimate Trump a third time and are fiddling with their numbers in potentially problematic ways to avoid that humiliation. Selzer, by contrast, basically got it right: In 2020, her final survey had Trump up by seven points (he ultimately won by 8, compared to an average lead in the polls of 1.3%) and seven points in 2016 (he won by 9, compared to an average lead of 2.9%).

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One poll does not an election make, nor is a blue Iowa anything like a sure thing. But Trump, who has never won the popular vote, cannot afford to bleed support if he wants a repeat of his 2016 shock win — and Iowa even being a little less red could portend disaster elsewhere, with the latest New York Times/Siena College poll showing late-deciding voters breaking for Harris by double digits. Georgia, recall, was decided by 0.23% in 2020, or fewer than 12,000 votes.

Nate Silver, the professional gambler and election forecaster who has been bullish for Trump this cycle, said Harris supporters were right to be “rejoicing” over Selzer’s polling. The vice president, he noted, was appearing to surge at just the right time, resulting in “the race being truly a toss-up.”

“If Trump had ‘momentum’ in October, it has now petered out in November,” Silver wrote.

Momentum, like the polling industry, may well be fake. But the Trump campaign is certainly not acting like one that is confident of victory. Indeed, the candidate has returned to his 2020 playbook, crying fraud and accusing Democrats of “cheating” before most votes have been cast, much less counted. In Pennsylvania — the state where David McCormick is actually running — Trump falsely claimed that authorities had already found hundreds of fraudulent, filled-out ballots (in reality, they had flagged suspicious voter registrations).

If election night does not go the way Trump likes, it is all but guaranteed that he’ll declare victory anyway. Millions of people will believe him. He won’t have the presidency or control of the military, as he did in 2020, but he will have the power of Truth Social, Fox News and X.

“You can imagine the shock that some Trump supporters might feel if it turns out that he loses,” David Becker, head of the nonprofit Center for Election Innovation and Research, told The Washington Post, “and how that shock could be leveraged into anger and even potentially violence in the post-election period.”

The election will be on Tuesday, then, but the true test of America’s democracy will likely come in the days that follow.

Democrats say “all eyes are on this district” to stop Trump and Mike Johnson’s “little secret”

BINGHAMTON, N.Y. — Democrats signaled confidence in the final days of the campaign in New York’s 19th Congressional District, with House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, D-N.Y., seeking to assuage worries about former President’s Donald Trump’s “little secret” with Speaker Mike Johnson, R-La. because he expects New York to deliver the Democrats a House majority.

Voters lined up down the block in anticipation of Josh Riley's Binghamton event with Jeffries. Riley had run against Rep. Marc Molinaro, R-NY., in 2022 and lost by just about 4,500 votes in the final tally. This year, the race is just as close and, on November 1, was considered the closest House race in the country in FiveThirtyEight’s forecast.

The race's importance was demonstrated on Friday, as Jeffries and Johnson held dueling events in the district. Johnson was in the district for Molinaro’s “Pasta and Politics” dinner, where tickets ranged from $25 to $3,3000, while Jeffries was there for two get-out-the-vote rallies for Riley, one in Binghamton and one in Ithaca.

While The Daily Gazette reports that about 400 people attended Molinaro’s dinner with Johnson, hundreds of Democrats showed up to the packed event at Binghamton’s American Legion hall on Main Street, with volunteers needing to bring in extra seating to accommodate the crowd. 

Outside the event, attendees discussed the closeness of both the district's congressional race and presidential race. Some self-described “dyed in the wool” Democrats suggested that the GOP’s division on Ukraine aid might hurt Molinaro in the Binghamton area, which is home to a significant Ukrainian and Polish American population.

Even more Democrats turned out for the 6 pm rally at Ithaca’s State Theatre, an early 20th-century gothic auditorium in the college town's center. The event was filled past capacity, with all of the venue’s 1,600 seats filled and many standing in the back of the room for the combination bluegrass concert and political rally.

The crowd was fired up, delivering cheers for songwriter Natalie Merchant’s rendition of “Put a Woman in Charge” and boos for billionaire tax cuts in equal measure. The scale and energy of the event surpassed the typical congressional campaign stop and put a fine point on the Democrat’s appeal to optimism this year.

In his speech, Riley focused squarely on reproductive rights and the threat that a Republican majority in the House could pose to popular programs like Medicare and Social Security as well as protections created by the Affordable Care Act.

“He's campaigning with the chief architect of the plan to kill Medicare and Social Security," Riley said. "My opponent has also put out a plan in every single expert that has looked at it, every single one who has looked at it knows that it would kill Medicare and Social Security."

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Riley, as he has throughout his campaign, touched on anti-elite and anti-corporate notes, railing against the influence of corporate money in politics and career politicians, a term he frequently uses to describe Molinaro, who entered politics at 19 years old running for mayor of Tivoli, New York. 

“After Citizens United, our politics got flooded with a whole bunch of dark and dirty money, and now you've got these politicians who are doing what's best for the bottom line of the special interests instead of what's best for all of you,” Riley said. “So when I get to Congress, one of the first things I'm going to do, and I'm going to fight like hell, to do, is overturn Citizens United.”

In his remarks, Riley also acknowledged that “we're not a swing state in the presidential race” and that “we’re not going to decide who controls the Senate,” but that, in the House “all eyes are on this district.” 

“There’s a reason Mike Johnson is in town," he said.

After the event, Riley attacked Molinaro for his record, telling reporters that “he voted to kill investments from the inflation reduction and to build those jobs here, he had two years to do something about the crisis at the border, and instead of solving the problem, he decided to continue the problem so that he has something to campaign on.”

Jeffries expressed confidence in Democrats' chances in the House, saying that “we’re going to eradicate MAGA extremism in the United States House of Representatives” and attacking the outgoing Republican majority.


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“You can't point to a single thing that House Republicans have done to make your life better or to make the lives of the American people better during this Congress, not a single thing, nothing but chaos, dysfunction and extremism," he said. 

Jeffries outlined legislative priorities for a potential Democratic majority, saying that they would pass the John Roberts Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act and the Women’s Health Protection Act. His closing message, however, was focused on January 6 and the threat that Trump poses to democracy.

“The most important thing that happened that night, which is what is so reflective of you and your strength and your resilience and your commitment to our democracy, is that we came back to the Capitol,” Jeffries said. “We fulfilled our work, we certified the election.”

When asked by Salon whether he was concerned whether Johnson would use his position to attempt to deliver the presidency to Trump, regardless of the election’s results, Jeffries said that “if we do our job and then put it into the hands of the American people, the outcome will be one where we have a Democratic house that will certify the election, and we believe certify the election of Kamala Harris as the 47th President.”

“We're working as hard as we can to make sure that Josh Riley is successful and that we have other successes here in the state of New York and in California and in other parts of the country,” Jeffries said.

“Women are not without electoral or political power”: Samuel Alito’s words come back to haunt Trump

Tomorrow is Election Day, the last day of voting in this tumultuous 2024 campaign. What a long, strange trip it's been. Just a year ago, Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis was challenging former president Trump for the GOP nomination by saying the word "woke" at least a hundred times a day while former South Carolina Gov. Nikki Haley competed for what's left of the "normie" Republican vote. A clown car full of grifters and kooks, meanwhile, used the primaries as an opportunity to suck up to Trump, whom everyone knew would inevitably be the nominee. After all, he'd been running non-stop since 2015.

Is anyone surprised that women of all ages are refusing to vote for these people?

Meanwhile on the Democratic side, incumbent president Joe Biden was an unchallenged shoo-in for the Democratic nomination. Most people felt he'd probably be able to replicate his 2020 win despite being unpopular due to a lingering hangover from the pandemic. After all, Trump had incited an insurrection and was facing lawsuits and felony trials in federal court and two different states stemming from a variety of alleged crimes. Surely, he couldn't possibly win after all that?

In the year since, Biden was revealed to be just too old to run for president again and was replaced by his younger vice president, Kamala Harris, who sparked a massive rise in enthusiasm among Democrats. Trump, meanwhile, has shown that his millions-strong cult of personality is fully intact and they are ecstatic about putting him back in the White House in spite of his many flaws (maybe even because of them.) We could find out the winner as soon as tomorrow night — or maybe not.

If it's as close as many of the pollsters say it is it could take a while before we know the final results. And it goes without saying that unless they call the race for him right away, Trump is planning to cry "fraud" and will do everything in his power to create the illusion that he won regardless of the count. So we can expect chaos. He's made that very clear.

The polls have more or less shown a tied race nationally and in the swing states for the past couple of months. Whether that's correct or not, we don't know. Because they missed some Trump voters in 2016 and 2020, everyone is on edge that the same thing has happened again despite the pollsters' going out of their way to correct the problem this time. With the polls this close that error could translate to a repeat of 2016 which has a whole lot of people losing sleep these last few weeks.

But something unexpected happened this past weekend that may have called those assumptions into question. The Des Moines Register poll, considered one of the best in all of politics due to pollster J. Ann Selzer's excellent track record, dropped its final poll of the cycle and it landed like a nuclear bomb. Iowa is a solid red state and the previous poll had Trump winning the state handily as expected. Now the numbers showed Harris beating Trump 47 – 44. Boom.

Iowa is one of the whitest states in the union, so race isn't a factor which makes it an interesting proxy for white voters in other swing states with similar populations (like Wisconsin, Michigan and Pennsylvania, for instance.) While Trump has maintained his base of men, evangelical voters, rural residents and non-college-educated voters, the poll found that women, specifically older and politically independent women, have swung in large numbers to Harris. And just as surprising, Harris is winning voters over 65, which has been a GOP base vote for decades. What in the world does this mean?

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First, it's pretty clear that reproductive rights are driving this race for a whole lot of people. Iowa, in particular, is now living under a draconian six-week abortion ban that was upheld by its far-right Supreme Court last summer. Justice Samuel Alito wrote in his notorious opinion that "women are not without electoral or political power." It appears we may be about to find out the truth of that.

People expected that younger women would vote in large numbers on this issue but there seems to be some surprise that older women would be motivated to do so. Ohio Senate candidate Bernie Moreno was caught on video bemoaning the "single issue" women voters and wondering why women over 50 would care about it.

I guess it's hard for right-wingers to understand why anyone would care about someone other than themselves. But it's more than that. The reversal of Roe v. Wade was deeply offensive to many women of all ages, something we could only see as a direct attack on our basic human rights by a group of men (and one very conservative woman) determined to turn back the clock to a time when women were literally second class citizens. Women can see where this is leading and it isn't toward freedom and equality — for any of us.


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The Republican Party and its leader, a predator found legally liable for sexual assault, is running for election on a platform of flagrant misogyny. Donald Trump literally said, 'I was able to kill Roe v. Wade' until he belatedly realized it wasn't popular, at which point he came up with his fatuous rationale that "everyone wanted it to go back to the states." That is utterly absurd and most people know it. He's lately taken to saying that he'll be women's "protector" which, coming from him, is more of a threat. In fact, in recent days he's said that he'll  do it "whether the women like it or not."

Then you have his choice for running mate, JD Vance, who thinks that women should stay in abusive marriages, thinks abortion should be banned nationally even in cases of rape and incest and wants to prevent women from traveling out of state to obtain them (he now denies knowing about such efforts). And he famously believes that "childless cat ladies" are the cause of everything wrong in our culture and agrees that "the whole purpose of the post-menopausal female is child care."

And people are surprised that women of all ages are refusing to vote for these people?

This Iowa poll may be an outlier and all the chatter about this remarkable result will end up being nothing more than election year lore. Most analysts still seem to think that it's nearly impossible to believe that Harris will actually win Iowa. But this poll is one of the very few that caught the hidden angry non-college-educated Trump vote in 2016 and 2020. There is every reason to believe that it may be catching the hidden pissed-off college-educated and independent women Harris vote in 2024. Nothing would be more satisfying than for this voting block to be the one to spell the end of Donald Trump's political career. 

The most common money fears, according to financial therapists

Money is one of the leading causes of stress across age groups and people have a lot of feelings about it. Some people love money, some people hate money, but most people have fear and anxiety about money.  Four in five Americans have anxiety about their financial situation, according to a 2024 survey by Discover® Personal Loans

Though money fears are pervasive, they’re not talked about often because talking about money is still seen as taboo. A survey by the American Psychological Association found that only 52% of adults feel comfortable talking about money, while 45% said they feel embarrassed talking about money. Secrecy can be a breeding ground for shame and only exacerbate money fears, which can arise from personal experiences, family, culture and capitalism. 

As money fears have become ubiquitous, a relatively new field has emerged to help people tackle these complicated feelings: financial therapy. 

Its inception came on the heels of The Great Recession in 2008. More than a decade later, the field has grown alongside people’s money fears. Here are four common anxieties financial therapists consistently see pop up in their practice:

1. Making a financial mistake 

Though we all have to deal with money, not everyone is taught about money or how to manage it. There’s a lot of jargon in personal finance that can be off-putting and confusing. Regardless of your level of financial literacy, a common fear is making a financial mistake. 

“I would say the very first one and the one that tends to come up again and again really falls under this umbrella of making a mistake. And the reason I say making a mistake is because it's pretty broad, this fear of making a financial mistake can be both general or the fear that they will make a mistake that they can't bounce back from,” said Lindsay Bryan-Podvin, LMSW, financial therapist and founder of Mind Money Balance

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Financial mistakes can range from forgetting to make a credit card payment, choosing the wrong financial product or not saving at all to not having your money actually invested and just sitting in cash, not getting the necessary insurance products, or not designating beneficiaries on your accounts. 

Take action: Consider signing up for autopay, do your research and comparison shop, start a savings habit, check your investment accounts, add beneficiaries to your accounts, and look into life insurance and disability insurance.

2. Running out of money 

One of the most chilling yet very common fears is running out of money. In fact, the 2024 Annual Retirement Study from Allianz Life Insurance Company of North America found that 63% worry more about running out of money than death. 

Even millionaires aren’t immune to this fear. Fears aren’t always rational and also can be rooted in things outside of our control. 

“The fear of not having enough is very heavily influenced by capitalism,” said Jillian Knight, LMFT and owner of Her Financial Therapy. “It is also important to note that everyone I work with has fears about money regardless of their financial situation.”

Take action: Use a retirement calculator to see how much you might need. Create an account with the Social Security Administration (SSA) to see your estimated Social Security benefits. Continue to invest to counteract the effects of inflation. If you have children, get a term life insurance policy.  

3. Facing a current financial situation

Whether it’s due to systemic factors, bad luck or foolish or naive choices, people often don’t want to face their current financial situation if it’s perceived as negative. We’re designed to seek pleasure and avoid pain, so maintaining the status quo is easier than facing the pain head-on.  

Denial is a coping mechanism that can help deal with the money fear, but it only lasts so long until life forces a change. People may avoid paying taxes, opening bills or paying down debt. While this can assuage the immediate negative feelings, it can lead to a shame spiral that grows into something bigger. 

Financial therapist Amanda Clayman said people “fear that they will ruin their life and die of shame if they don't fix dysregulated financial behavior patterns like avoidance, impulsive spending, underearning or paying off debt then running it up again.”

In extreme cases, the burden of debt can lead to suicidal ideation. For a decade, I’ve received many comments and emails from people suicidal over their debt after writing about the topic. They feel trapped, exhausted, hopeless, and entirely alone. They have no idea where to start. 

"Learn to face pain and not run away from it"

“Take avoidance patterns seriously. Learn to face pain and not run away from it. Learn to work with what's happening in your body and incorporate re-regulation into your plan for how to "do money,” said Clayman.

Take action: Identify the issue. Get support from a non-profit credit counselor and build tiny habits. Open bills right away. Make minimum payments (or more). Talk to a financial therapist who can help you work through the feelings of overwhelm.

4. Being judged in relationships 

We are social creatures and most of us do care what other people think about us, at least to a certain extent. This can carry over into the money realm with a fear of being judged in your relationships. 

“We know that money impacts our relationships with our friends, our partners, our colleagues, our family, and this fear of not knowing how to talk to somebody about money because they're worried about being judged or being embarrassed. Or, 'If I set a financial boundary, will I be excluded? Or will I be thought of poorly?,'” said Bryan-Podvin.

For example, not wanting to split things down the middle if you only ordered an appetizer while everyone ordered entrees and drinks. Letting your friends know that you can’t really afford that girls' trip you’ve been talking about for years. 

In the case of many people who reach out to me, they’re terrified of coming clean to their family or children about the debt situation they’re in. They fear being disowned or divorced and changing other people’s perceptions of them, which can threaten the feeling of belonging. 

It’s not just the awkward or heavy money stuff that people fear. People fear how others will react if they have good money news.  

“Maybe I share with someone I got a bonus. Am I allowed to talk about it? Or is that going to look like bragging?” said Bryan-Podvin. 

Take action: If you can’t afford something, consider declining but inviting your friends to a free or low-cost activity in your budget as an alternative. Try to have discussions ahead of time and be honest. “Hey, I’m paying off debt right now so I’m only going to get something small and pay for myself.” Ask your friends and family for help if the situation is dire and let them know you want to talk about something important. 

How therapy can help

Financial therapy can provide a safe space to deal with these money fears. If you feel you can’t talk to anyone about money, this is a place to start. 

Financial therapy can provide a safe space to deal with money fears

“I help people see money as a holistic experience that incorporates processing feelings in the body, understanding money's place in our relationships, and exploring identity issues related to money,” said Clayman.

Financial therapy can help you navigate the sometimes murky and complex relationship with money and provide clarity. 

“Working with a financial therapist helps people shift their thoughts, feelings, beliefs and behaviors with money to be neutral or positive. A financial therapist can help you feel your feelings about money, unpack the underlying sources of the fear and move toward making decisions based on what you want instead of what you are afraid is going to happen. Having a financial therapist listen to your fears with empathy and validation helps people to feel seen and less alone,” said Knight.  

If you want to move forward, find someone to work with on the Financial Therapy Association website.

Trump claims he’ll fight for working-class Americans. His first presidency suggests he won’t

ProPublica is a Pulitzer Prize-winning investigative newsroom. Sign up for The Big Story newsletter to receive stories like this one in your inbox.

When Donald Trump was president, he repeatedly tried to raise the rent on at least 4 million of the poorest people in this country, many of them elderly or disabled. He proposed to cut the federal disability benefits of a quarter-million low-income children, on the grounds that someone else in their family was already receiving benefits. He attempted to put in place a requirement that poor parents cooperate with child support enforcement, including by having single mothers disclose their sexual histories, before they and their children could receive food assistance.

He tried to enact a rule allowing employers to pocket workers’ tips. And he did enact a rule denying overtime pay to millions of low-wage workers if they made more than $35,568 a year.

Trump and his vice presidential pick JD Vance have been running a campaign that they say puts the working class first, vowing to protect everyday Americans from an influx of immigrant labor, to return manufacturing jobs to the U.S., to support rural areas and families with children and, generally, to stick it to the elites.

Critics reply by citing Project 2025, a potential blueprint for a second Trump presidency that proposes deep cuts to the social safety net for lower-income families alongside more large tax breaks for the wealthy. But Trump, despite his clear ties to its authors, has said that Project 2025 doesn’t represent him.

Still, his views on working-class and poor people can be found in specific actions that he tried to take when, as president, he had the power to make public policy.

ProPublica reviewed Trump’s proposed budgets from 2018 to 2021, as well as regulations that he attempted to enact or revise via his cabinet agencies, including the departments of Labor, Housing and Urban Development, and Health and Human Services, and also quasi-independent agencies like the National Labor Relations Board and the Social Security Administration.

We found that while Trump was in the White House, he advanced an agenda across his administration that was designed to cut health care, food and housing programs and labor protections for poor and working-class Americans.

“Trump proposed significantly deeper cuts to programs for low- and modest-income people than any other president ever has, including Reagan, by far,” said Robert Greenstein, a longtime federal poverty policy expert who recently published a paper for the Brookings Institution on Trump’s first-term budgets.

Trump was stymied in reaching many of these goals largely because he was inefficient about pursuing them until the second half of his term. According to reporters covering him at the time, he’d been unprepared to win the presidency in 2016, let alone to fill key positions and develop a legislative and regulatory strategy on poverty issues.

He did have control of both the House and Senate during his first two years in office, but he used his only shots at budget reconciliation (annual budget bills that can’t be filibustered by the opposing party) to cut taxes for the rich and to try to repeal Obamacare. By 2019, there wasn’t much time left for his cabinet agencies to develop new regulations, get them through the long federal rulemaking process and deal with any legal challenges.

Trump and his allies appear focused on not repeating such mistakes should he win the White House again. Republican leaders in Congress have said that this time, if they retake majorities in both chambers, they’ll use their reconciliation bills to combine renewed tax cuts with aggressive cuts to social spending. Meanwhile, Trump would likely put forward new regulations earlier in his term, in part so that legal challenges to them get a chance to be heard before a Supreme Court with a solid conservative majority he created.

If he relies on his first-term proposals, that would mean:

  • Cutting the Children’s Health Insurance Program, known as CHIP, by billions of dollars.
  • Rescinding nearly a million kids’ eligibility for free school lunches.
  • Freezing Pell grants for lower-income college students so that they’re not adjusted for inflation.
  • Overhauling and substantially cutting the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, colloquially known as food stamps, in part by defining people with assets exceeding $2,250 as not being poor enough to receive aid and reducing the minimum monthly food stamp amount from $23 to zero.
  • Eliminating multiple programs designed to increase the supply of and investment in affordable housing in lower-income communities.
  • Eliminating a program that helps poor families heat their homes and be prepared for power outages and other energy crises.
  • Shrinking Job Corps and cutting funding for work-training programs — which help people get off of government assistance — nearly in half.
  • Restricting the collective bargaining rights of unions, through which workers fight for better wages and working conditions.

 

Trump also never gave up on his goal of dismantling the Affordable Care Act, which disproportionately serves lower-income Americans. He cut in half the open-enrollment windows during which people can sign up for health insurance under the ACA, and he cut over 80% of the funding for efforts to help lower-income people and others navigate the system. This especially affected those with special needs or who have limited access to or comfort with the internet.

As a result of these and other changes, the number of uninsured people in the U.S. increased in 2017 for the first time since the law was enacted, then increased again in 2018 and in 2019. By that year, 2.3 million fewer Americans had health insurance than when Trump came into power, including 700,000 fewer children.

President Joe Biden has reversed many of these changes. But Trump could reverse them back, especially if he has majorities in Congress.

Perhaps the main thing that Trump did with his administrative power during his first term — that he openly wants to do more of — is reduce the civil service, meaning the nonpolitical federal employees whom he collectively calls “the Deep State.”

This, too, would have a disproportionately negative impact on programs serving poor and working Americans. Agencies like the Social Security Administration and the Department of Housing and Urban Development, which provide disability and survivor benefits and housing assistance to lower-income families in times of need, rely heavily on midlevel staff in Washington, D.C., and local offices to process claims and get help to people.

Trump campaign national press secretary Karoline Leavitt did not respond to a detailed list of questions from ProPublica about whether Trump wants to distance himself from his first-term record on issues affecting working-class people or whether his second-term agenda would be different.

Instead, she focused on Social Security and Medicare, saying that Trump protected those programs in his first term and would do so again. “By unleashing American energy, slashing job-killing regulations, and adopting pro-growth America First tax and trade policies, President Trump will quickly rebuild the greatest economy in history,” Leavitt said.

One new ostensibly pro-worker policy that Trump, as well as his opponent, Vice President Kamala Harris, have proposed: ending taxes on tips.

Trump officials and Republican politicians have long said that more federal spending on safety net programs is not the solution to poverty and that poor people need to be less dependent on government aid and exercise more personal responsibility.

And working-class voters — especially white men without a college degree who feel that their economic standing has diminished relative to other demographic groups — have joined the Trump movement in increasing numbers. What’s more, some counties that have seen large upticks in food stamp usage in recent years continue to vote for him, despite his attempts to shrink that program and others that people in these places rely on. (All that said, Trump’s supporters are better off on average than the media often portrays them to be.)

Meanwhile, pandemic relief, including stimulus checks, did start during the Trump administration and helped reduce poverty rates. But those efforts were temporary responses to a crisis and were mostly proposed by Democrats in Congress; they were hardly part of Trump’s governing agenda.

Amid a presidential race that has at times focused on forgotten, high-poverty communities — with Vance repeatedly touting his Appalachian-adjacent roots — it is surprising that journalists haven’t applied more scrutiny to Trump’s first-term budgets and proposals on these issues, said Greenstein, the poverty policy expert.

Would Trump, given a second term, continue the Biden administration’s efforts to make sure that the IRS isn’t disproportionately auditing the taxes of poor people? Would he defend Biden’s reforms to welfare, aimed at making sure that states actually use welfare money to help lower-income families?

Trump hasn’t faced many of these questions on the campaign trail or in debates or interviews, as the candidates and reporters covering them tend to focus more on the middle class.

No time for fatalism: The left must unite to fight fascism

The conclusion that Donald Trump is a fascist has gone mainstream, gaining wide publicity and affirmation in recent weeks. Such understanding is a problem for Trump and his boosters. At the same time, potentially pivotal in this close election, a small proportion of people who consider themselves to be progressive still assert that any differences between Trump and Kamala Harris are not significant enough to vote for Harris in swing states.

Opposition to fascism has long been a guiding light in movements against racism and for social justice.

Speaking to a conference of the African National Congress in 1951, Nelson Mandela warned that “South African capitalism has developed [into] monopolism and is now reaching the final stage of monopoly capitalism gone mad, namely, fascism.”

Trump has pledged to be even more directly complicit in Israel’s mass murder of Palestinian people in Gaza than President Biden has been.

Before Fred Hampton was murdered by local police officers colluding with the FBI in 1969, the visionary young Illinois Black Panther Party leader said: “Nothing is more important than stopping fascism, because fascism will stop us all.”

But now, for some who lay claim to being on the left, stopping fascism is not a priority. Disconnected from the magnitude of this fateful moment, the danger of a fascist president leading a fanatical movement becomes an abstraction.

One cogent critic of capitalism ended a column in mid-October this way: “Pick your poison. Destruction by corporate power or destruction by oligarchy. The end result is the same. That is what the two ruling parties offer in November. Nothing else.”

The difference between a woman’s right to an abortion vs. abortion being illegal is nothing?

“The end result is the same” — so it shouldn’t matter to us whether Trump becomes president after campaigning with a continuous barrage against immigrants, calling them “vermin,” “stone-cold killers,” and “animals,” while warning against the “bad genes” of immigrants who aren’t white, and raising bigoted alarms about immigration of “blood thirty criminals” who “prey upon innocent American citizens” and will “cut your throat”?

If “the end result is the same,” a mishmash of ideology and fatalism can ignore the foreseeable results of a Republican Party gaining control of the federal government with a 2024 platform that pledges to “carry out the largest deportation operation in American history.” Or getting a second Trump term after the first one allowed him to put three right-wing extremists on the Supreme Court.

Will the end result be the same if Trump fulfills his apparent threat to deploy the U.S. military against his political opponents, whom he describes as “radical left lunatics” and “the enemy from within”?

Capacities to protect civil liberties matter. So do savage Republican cuts in programs for minimal health care, nutrition and other vital aspects of a frayed social safety net. But those cuts are less likely to matter to the polemicists who will not experience the institutionalized cruelties firsthand. 

Rather than being for personal absolution, voting is a tool in the political toolbox — if the goal is to avert the worst and improve the chances for constructing a future worthy of humanity.

Trump has pledged to be even more directly complicit in Israel’s mass murder of Palestinian people in Gaza than President Biden has been. No wonder, as the Washington Post reports, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu “has shown a clear preference for Trump in this election.” During a call this month, Trump told Netanyahu: “Do what you have to do.”

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Palestinians, Muslim leaders and other activists in the swing state of Arizona issued an open letter days ago that makes a case for defeating Trump. “We know that many in our communities are resistant to vote for Kamala Harris because of the Biden administration’s complicity in the genocide,” the letter says. “We understand this sentiment. Many of us have felt that way ourselves, even until very recently. Some of us have lost many family members in Gaza and Lebanon. We respect those who feel they simply can’t vote for a member of the administration that sent the bombs that may have killed their loved ones.”

The letter goes on:

 As we consider the full situation carefully, however, we conclude that voting for Kamala Harris is the best option for the Palestinian cause and all of our communities. We know that some will strongly disagree. We only ask that you consider our case with an open mind and heart, respecting that we are doing what we believe is right in an awful situation where only flawed choices are available.

In our view, it is crystal clear that allowing the fascist Donald Trump to become President again would be the worst possible outcome for the Palestinian people. A Trump win would be an extreme danger to Muslims in our country, all immigrants, and the American pro-Palestine movement. It would be an existential threat to our democracy and our whole planet. 

Exercising conscience in the most humane sense isn’t about feeling personal virtue. It’s about concern for impacts on the well-being of other people. It’s about collective solidarity.

The consequences of declining to help stop fascism are not confined to the individual voter. In the process, vast numbers of people can pay the price for individuals’ self-focused concept of conscience. 

Last week, the insightful article “7 Strategic Axioms for the Anxious Progressive Voter” offered a forward-looking way to put this presidential election in a future context: “Vote for the candidate you want to organize against!”

Do we want to be organizing against a fascistic militaristic President Trump, with no realistic hope of changing policies . . . or against a neoliberal militaristic President Harris, with the possibility of changing policies?

For the left, the answer should be clear.

Florida, Dakotas rejects marijuana legalization measure, Massachussetts rejects psychedelic reform

On Nov. 5, voters in four red states will cast their ballots for legalizing cannabis and marijuana, the extracts from the plant. Meanwhile, Massachusetts voters will decide whether it will become the third state to legalize psychedelics.

In the 2023 UC Berkeley Psychedelics Survey, 61% of voters said they support the therapeutic use of psychedelics under regulation. Similarly, the vast majority of Americans support legalizing marijuana, with 88% of respondents in a 2024 Pew Research Poll saying they supported legalization that permitted its medical and/or recreational use. Of 24 states that have legalized recreational marijuana, just four of them voted Republican in the last presidential election, although support is increasingly bipartisan, especially among young people. 

In fact, this presidential election, Donald Trump expressed support for decriminalizing marijuana in certain circumstances, and Kamala Harris promised to federally legalize it. This support coming from both sides led some to declare marijuana legalization a newly bipartisan issue. 

Here are the ballot initiatives involving marijuana and psychedelic legalization this Election Day:

Massachusetts: Question 4

Results: FAIL 43% YES / 57% NO

On the Massachusetts ballot, voting yes in Question 4 would allow adults to use limited quantities of dimethyltryptamine (DMT), mescaline, ibogaine, psilocybin (the ingredient in "magic" mushrooms), and psilocin at home. It also creates a “natural psychedelic substances commission" to oversee the licensing of psychedelic therapy centers where people can go to take psychedelics under the supervision of licensed facilitators. 

Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-MA) has backed the measure, and advocates supporting it argue the initiative could increase access to substances that have shown promising results in treating post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and depression. Opponents, on the other hand, argue that the amount of home growth permitted — up to 144 square feet — is excessive and could create a gray market. 

"We're not creating a retail model here that is at all comparable to cannabis legalization."

"To put that perspective, 144 square feet is the average size of the bedroom here in Massachusetts, and you can grow an astronomical amount of psilocybin in a room that big," said Chris Keohan, a spokesperson for the Coalition for Safe Communities, which is against the measure.

Psilocybin, which has been at the center of a resurgence of medical research into psychedelic therapies, has been legalized in Oregon and Colorado in recent years, although like cannabis it remains illegal at the federal level. Unlike the marijuana industry, the psychedelic market is smaller and costs more for people to access, with sessions at treatment centers in Oregon running thousands of dollars. Oregon restricts use to treatment centers, while Colorado also allows for home cultivation, similar to the proposed measure in Massachusetts. 

"We're not creating a retail model here that is at all comparable to cannabis legalization," said Taylor West, the executive director of the Healing Advocacy Fund, a non-profit that helps programs in states where psilocybin has been legalized. 

Florida: Amendment 3

Results: FAIL — 55.7% YES / 44.3% NO

Cannabis legalization advocates have their eye on Florida’s Amendment 3, which puts forth a constitutional amendment to possess and purchase adult-use cannabis in the state, where medical marijuana is already legal. At the federal level, marijuana is currently listed as a Schedule I drug and carries the same criminal penalties as heroin. 


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During the presidential race, Trump, who is a resident of Florida, expressed his support for Amendment 3 along with President Joe Biden's efforts to downgrade marijuana to a Schedule III drug. However, throughout the election cycle, Gov. Ron DeSantis vehemently opposed the measure, even trying to get it removed from the ballot.

Eyes are on Florida this year because it has such a large population and tends to be a trendsetter for Southern states, said Daniel Mallinson, a public-policy professor at Penn State Harrisburg. 

“We do see recreational very much following in the footsteps of medical,” Mallinson told Salon in a phone interview. “It’s certainly not crazy to think you might see some other very conservative Southern states follow along, if Florida adopts it.”

North Dakota: Measure 5

Results: FAIL 47.5% YES / 52.6% NO

In North Dakota, advocates are hoping the third time's a charm in legalizing recreational marijuana after similar ballot measures failed in 2018 and 2022. This year, if passed, Measure 5 will allow for the adult production, sale, possession and use of cannabis.

The state legalized medical marijuana in 2016, and surrounding states — namely, Montana and Minnesota — recently voted to legalize adult-use cannabis. In polls leading up to the election, 45% of voters said they supported the measure and 40% did not, while the remaining 15% were undecided, leaving the race neck-and-neck.

South Dakota: Initiated Measure 29

Results: FAIL 44.2% YES / 55.8% NO

South Dakota will also vote this year for the third time to legalize adult-use cannabis, but its voting record with legalization hasn’t been as straightforward as its northern sibling. In 2020, South Dakota voted to approve medical and adult-use cannabis at the same time in a historic vote, but the measure was ultimately challenged by the state’s highway patrol and tossed out by the Supreme Court. 

If passed, Initiated Measure 29 would allow for each household to have up to 12 marijuana plants with restricted home cultivation permissions in addition to legalizing the possession and distribution of cannabis. 

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Nebraska: Initiative Measures 437 and 438

Results: Initiative 437 PASS 70.7% YES / 29.3% NO

Initiative 438 PASS 67% YES / 33.1% NO

Prior to this election, Nebraska was one of just 12 states that had not legalized medical marijuana. In 2020, an initiative to legalize medical marijuana won enough signatures to make it on the ballot but was removed by the state Supreme Court, A similar movement in 2022 didn’t get enough signatures to be put up for a vote. With Initiative Measures 437 and 438 this year, Nebraska voters will decide if the state will join the other 38 states in legalizing medical marijuana.

Two separate measures related to legalizing medical marijuana are on the ballot: A majority of votes in favor of Initiative Measure 437 would legalize medical marijuana possession up to five ounces and a majority of ballots cast for Initiative Measure 438 would regulate medical marijuana through the Nebraska Medical Cannabis Commission.