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“Fun, right?”: Trump executive orders mocked on “Saturday Night Live”

President Donald Trump signed nearly as many executive orders in his first 100 days as Joe Biden did in his entire term. Given that breakneck pace, it's fair for "Saturday Night Live" to imagine what it would be like if he did a silly one. 

The cold open of the sketch series focused on Trump (played by James Austin Johnson) and Stephen Miller (played by Mikey Day) running through a series of increasingly ridiculous executive orders. 

After introducing Trump's aggressive opening act as "FDR in reverse," Trump appeared to say that "Elmo has been apprehended by ICE."

"Brought to you by the letter L for El Salvador. He's not coming back," Johnson's Trump said. 

Miller appeared to kick off the signing ceremony, entering to Bach's "Toccata and Fugue in D Minor" and looking suitably vampiric. The set-up gave "SNL" the chance to try out several riffs, with Miller handing over executive orders to bring back Columbus Day, pardon JK Rowling and normalize large age gap relationships. 

The latter was a piss-take of former New England Patriots head coach Bill Belichick. The legendary coach made headlines recently when he appeared for an interview with CBS in the company of his much younger girlfriend. 

"We're going to make girlfriends young again," Trump said. "Old men can now date far younger women…But in reverse, it's quite disgusting."

Elsewhere in the skit, Trump banned ghosts and mandated that the word recession be shortened to "recess."

"Fun, right?" Trump said. "America, get ready for a historically long recess. I call tetherball."

Watch the sketch below:

MAGA foreign policy: So much losing!

Here’s a conspiracy theory for you: Mainstream political parties of the center-right and center-left, across a wide range of self-described democratic nations, were in big trouble as we neared the midpoint of the 2020s. They were beset on all sides by anti-immigrant sentiment, worsening economic inequality and widespread mistrust in government. The proto-fascist (and actually fascist) far right was on the rise; to a lesser extent, so was the socialist left.

But they had a plan! Install a vicious, undisciplined sociopath as would-be dictator of the United States, unleashing a worldwide reaction of anti-American loathing. (Which, if we’re being honest, was not far under the surface anyway.) In effect, the world’s most powerful nation would abruptly subtract itself from the international equation, compelling an entirely new set of global alliances — and the struggling neoliberal centrist parties would look far more appetizing, as the proverbial adults in the room. 

No, that isn’t really what happened — or at least I don’t think so. (No rational person would or should discount the civilization-scale Russian roulette factor of the second Trump presidency.) But the global effects of neo-Trumpism, considered in total, have been so uniformly self-destructive that it might as well be true. Do your own research!

Within just the last week, this tendency only gained momentum: The Trump factor was clearly decisive in returning Canada’s Liberal Party to power, under new Prime Minister Mark Carney, in an election that a few months back it appeared certain to lose. As this column was being written, it became clear that Australia’s center-left Labor Party, under Prime Minister Anthony Albanese, had won an even more decisive victory “in a remarkable turnaround driven partly by anger over President Donald Trump’s disruptive trade war,” to quote the Washington Post

The Trump factor was clearly decisive in both Canada and Australia: Voters rejected not just right-wing parties, but candidates who reminded them of America's oddly-hued leader.

If anything, you could argue that anti-Trump sentiment in those two countries was focused and personal: Voters specifically rejected candidates who reminded them of America's oddly-hued leader. Canada’s opposition Conservative Party actually gained 23 seats in last week’s election, but its youthful hard-right leader, Pierre Poilievre, who has frequently been described as a Trump-style or Trump-curious populist, lost his own seat to a Liberal in Ontario. (Another right-wing lawmaker has resigned his seat in Alberta, presumably allowing Poilievre to worm his way back into Parliament via a special election.) 

In a striking coincidence on the other side of the world, the same fate befell Australian opposition leader Peter Dutton, an ex-cop with hard-line views on crime and immigration who was damaged "by his perceived ideological closeness" to Trump, in the judicious language of a Reuters report. Dutton lost his Queensland seat to a Labor candidate, which was a major upset but consistent with the Liberals’ sweeping defeat. (If you’re keeping score at home, the Liberal Party in Canada is the mainstream center-left, while the Liberal Party in Australia is staunchly conservative. Stick around for my three-hour TED talk on the contradictory history of partisan labels.) 

There is literally no positive spin available here for those who advocate the pseudo-Leninist MAGAphile vision of a far-right populist upsurge that will sweep away the failing remnants of liberal democracy and replace it with … well, something else, something more masculine but also more technocratic and that involves what we might generously call a contested notion of “freedom.” (There’s a reason these guys don’t talk about the future too much, beyond Donald Trump’s increasingly unhinged promises that his tariff war will somehow lower the price of everything and eliminate income tax.) 

There can be no doubt that Trump’s threats or fantasies about annexing Canada as the 51st state fueled an unprecedented wave of Maple Leaf patriotism — not generally among the universe’s stronger forces — and rescued Carney and the Liberals from what seemed certain electoral doom. Trump is of course personally too ignorant to understand that Canadians have historical reasons to fear the ginormous superpower to the south, and too stupid to care. Australia is too far away to be the focus of MAGA territorial lust, but the verdict Down Under was still striking; the U.S. and Australia are broadly similar societies with related histories, and no country in the world (other than Canada, perhaps) has been a more reliable American ally.

Don’t get me wrong; we’ve had dumb guys in the Oval Office before. But in any previous presidential administration — including the first Trump term! — someone would have emerged from the bowels of the State Department with a briefing paper explaining why folks in the Great White North might be a little touchy about this 51st-state business. I hardly need to explain why that didn’t happen, and it isn’t just because no one in this administration is willing to challenge or contradict Trump’s cascading brain-farts. It’s worse than that: Like Stalin’s inner circle or a Bourbon king’s courtiers, Trump’s factotums seek to outdo each other in embracing absurd, impossible, offensive and dangerous ideas.

It's not easy to interpret the impulsive, reckless and willfully self-sabotaging character of Team Trump's foreign policy — except, that is, by referring it back to the damaged ego at the heart of the fortress.

With the Canadian result still making headlines and Australian voters going to the polls, JD Vance and Marco Rubio — who seem to be competing to add “propaganda minister” to their existing titles, which in Rubio’s case are numerous — decided it was a good moment to go after Germany, the most reliable U.S. ally in mainland Europe. Last Friday, the German domestic intelligence service (roughly cognate to the FBI) designated the far-right Alternative for Germany party, or AfD, as a “confirmed right-wing extremist” group that is “incompatible with the free democratic basic order” defined by the nation’s constitution. 

No one expects the fash-friendly cultists of MAGA-world to welcome that decision; you may recall that Elon Musk did his utmost to push the AfD to victory in Germany’s federal elections earlier this year (and failed). Even so, for the vice president and the secretary of state to directly attack a longtime ally over internal legal and political affairs is not merely a violation of diplomatic norms but also immensely stupid. Vance made the nonsensical claim that AfD is “the most popular party in Germany” (it’s not) while Rubio called the decision “tyranny in disguise” and concluded: “What is truly extremist is not the popular AfD — which took second in the recent election — but rather the establishment’s deadly open border immigration policies that the AfD opposes.”

Oh, snap? Except that Rubio’s troll drew vigorous return fire from the German foreign ministry, which was of course widely celebrated in more liberal quarters of the internet:

As Rubio and Vance must understand at some level, this stuff isn’t likely to shift German public opinion in their direction, and will be no help at all to the AfD (unless the sorta-neo-Nazis just needed a transatlantic hug). As I’ve observed here recently, MAGA-adjacent European leaders like Viktor Orbán, Giorgia Meloni and Marine Le Pen are discreetly backing away from the widening debris field of Trump chaos, not because they have experienced an ideological awakening but because they can see the writing on the wall. Incoming German chancellor Friedrich Merz, an old-line conservative once described as that nation’s most pro-American politician, has become a born-again European, calling for “full independence from the U.S.,” which he says has become “largely indifferent to the fate of Europe.”  


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Honestly, Fred, “indifferent” is way too polite, which I guess is your job: They’re just messing with you, although we could substitute a different verb for “messing.” It’s difficult to interpret the impulsive, reckless and willfully self-sabotaging character of Team Trump’s foreign policy — except, that is, by referring it back to the damaged ego at the heart of the fortress. Global affairs are not supposed to be driven by individual personalities; we are trained to look beyond them to larger structural explanations. In this case, the structural explanation is that the governing party in the United States has fully and even gleefully subjugated itself to a pathological narcissist who does not believe the rest of the world is real or has any independent agency: He is free, he believes, to redraw it as he pleases with Sharpies and tariffs and social media threats and the most beautiful, amazing deals with so many countries, more than can be found on any map.  

Maybe all this can be read as an ironic coda to the last 80 years of U.S. global domination, the reductio ad absurdum of American exceptionalism. In any event, the world now seems prepared to assert its own existence, to the bafflement and displeasure of our president. Resolving this contradiction will not be any fun. 

Trump wants us to have more kids — but it’s more expensive than ever

There are few policies that attract bipartisan support, and the child tax credit is one of them.

Since the late 1990s, both Democratic and Republican administrations saw the measure as a way to support middle-income and lower-income families. 

This year, the discussion is a little different.

Along with a potential increase of the credit, the Trump administration is considering a one-time, $5,000 baby bonus and other incentives, according to The New York Times. A “National Medal of Motherhood” medal would honor those with six kids or more, and quotas for married couples or applicants with children for programs like the Fulbright fellowship are being considered, according to The Times report last month.

The issue of boosting fertility rates, rather than just supporting American families, has entered the chat.

“The fact that the [Trump] administration jumped straight to motherhood medals and not something like paid leave or child care solutions shows just how out of touch they are with what parents in America are experiencing right now,” said Julie Kashen, a director for women’s economic justice at The Century Foundation.

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After embarking on an ambitious tariff policy that faces economic headwinds, the Trump administration now will be tested on its commitment to American families. The administration will set the scope and size of the child tax credit, consider additional incentives and suggest how these are structured when it comes to defining the income of eligible families.

The administration will have to balance its embrace of pro-family values with widespread concerns about the economy and the growing deficit.

"The expectations of a recession have gone up, so I think it winds up being pretty important for the administration to deliver some tangible family policy wins,” said Leah Sargeant, author of a recent report published by Niskanen Center that highlights the potential benefits of a baby bonus. 

The Trump administration has issued no executive orders on a child tax credit, and Congress is still deliberating the future of the American Rescue Plan Act that includes the credit provision.

The child tax credit that temporarily increased benefits and broadened eligibility during the Biden administration expired in 2023.

The current credit provides $2,000 per child for eligible individuals making up to $200,000 and up to $400,000 for married couples filing jointly.

Without a congressional extension, the credit would revert to $1,000 per child in 2026 if the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act provisions expire at the end of this year.

Even though the child tax credit has been popular with both parties for decades, some experts suggest it excludes poor families because they don’t make enough money to qualify for it.

"In fact, 25% of American children are left out of any or part of the credit because the credit has been so skewed away from the poor"

“It's for American families who are not among the poorest,” said Kathryn Edin, director of Bendheim-Thoman Center for Research on Child and Family Wellbeing at Princeton University. “In fact, 25% of American children are left out of any or part of the credit because the credit has been so skewed away from the poor — it's remarkable the degree to which it is ignored by the poor." 

Fertility focus

The baby bonus discussion has struck a different tone.

"It's a very different logic, this is really about boosting fertility — this is pronatalist,” Edin said. “It's not about helping families with kids, it's literally paying people to have kids."

Trump appears to be open to the pronatalist ideas. “We will support baby booms and we will support baby bonuses for a new baby boom,” he said at the Conservative Political Action Conference in 2023, as quoted by The New York Times.

Even supporters of the baby bonus say that it’s a temporary measure that could help, but will not automatically incentivize more Americans to have kids.

“A $2,000 baby bonus would cost a modest $5.3-$7.7 billion per year, depending on whether it was a universal program or phased in at a 20 percent rate to be fully claimable at $10,000 of earnings,” Niskanen Center’s Leah Sargeant argues in the report. 

"It's clear that families are struggling, that families can't and shouldn't be left out of this reconciliation package, and that there's a pretty broad menu of ways to help from catching up the child tax credit to inflation and instituting a baby bonus that'll work for a lot of American families," Sergeant said in an interview, noting there is an appetite for pro-family legislation. "And I also think just communicating that supporting families is a priority of this administration."

Even before the start of Trump’s second term, American families had been struggling. And it’s not clear his administration would be able to convince Americans to have more kids while the economy is headed for a recession.

The proposed baby bonus wouldn’t even cover the average cost of delivery for most parents. The average total cost for vaginal births is $14,768 and for cesarean sections is about $26,280

The proposed baby bonus wouldn’t even cover the average cost of delivery for most parents. The average total cost for vaginal births is $14,768 and for cesarean sections is about $26,280, according to UW Health data.

An average middle-income family with two children spends about $310,605 to raise a child, according to recent data compiled by the Brookings Institution.

Child care costs have also risen. Daycare and preschool costs are up 22% between January 2020 and September 2024, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics.

In the U.S., the burden of early childhood care falls on parents, which makes it an outlier compared to other developed economies. This takes a toll on parents’ ability to keep working as well as care for their children. 

“The labor force participation of parents with young children is weaker in the United States than in many of our peer nations, likely because of our lack of paid parental leave policies as well as the high cost of child care,” according to analysts at the Economic Policy Institute.

With the addition of tariffs, there are now early indications that it will become even costlier and more challenging to afford baby products and raise children.

While it’s still early to determine whether things will get a lot worse for parents, it’s clear that Trump will have to balance the shaky economy, fears about the deficit, tangible economic relief for families who are struggling and commitment to pronatalist beliefs. 

"A lot of American data have indicated that one of the reasons they don't want to grow their family is because they are not sure that economically they will be able to in the coming years,” said Courtney Joslin, who leads R Street’s project for women and families. “When you start from there, that's a different policy conversation than if you're starting with, ‘Well, if we give an increased child tax credit, a baby bonus, that will suddenly boost Americans' willingness to have more children.’ ”

Joslin is doubtful these policies will dramatically boost the fertility rate. None of the broader issues are currently addressed in a systemic way by the Trump administration, according to experts. Ultimately, no amount of incentives will convince people to have kids if they feel financially insecure.

“It’s time to move away from the DIY system we have — where it’s every family for themselves,” said Julie Kashen. “Instead, we need robust investments in child care, paid leave, maternal and reproductive care, sick leave and health care for all to strengthen the financial health and well-being of parents in America and make it easier for women to have families on their own terms.”

More people are permanently changing their eye color. How risky is it?

When CassieAnn learned there was a procedure that could permanently change the color of her eyes, she decided to fly to New York City to get it done. She had always wanted blue eyes and had been wearing colored contact lenses to change her appearance for years.

"I always wanted to have a little bit of change when it comes to the eyes," CassieAnn, who is using her first name only for privacy reasons, told Salon in a phone interview. "For people that are family, or a significant other, I didn't want to have to take my contacts out and then look different."

CassieAnn got her operation done at Keratopigmentation New York by Dr. Kevin Niksarli, who has been performing these surgeries since 2023. Originally introduced in Europe, this 20-minute cosmetic procedure involves using a laser to create a channel in the cornea, where colored pigment is deposited to change the color of the eye. Slight changes in color can occur within the first six months after surgery, but the surgery is permanent.

Although it has been referred to as "eye tattooing," doctors performing it said that the procedure is more like popular corrective surgeries like laser-assisted in situ keratomileusis (LASIK) or small incision lenticule extraction (SMILE). These surgeries improve vision, however — they aren't cosmetic.

Keratopigmentation is not to be confused with scleral tattooing, which involves tattooing the white part of the eye and carries a risk for infection and vision loss. Other procedures like laser depigmentation and iris implants have also been used to change the eye color, but may result in corneal damage or vision loss as well. These procedures also carry a risk of glaucoma and cataracts.

“If you put an implant, or if you remove the pigment of the iris, you have to go into the eye,” said Dr. Francis Ferrari, an ophthalmologist in France credited as being the first to start doing these procedures cosmetically in 2013.  “We just remain on the eye’s surface, so it is less invasive.”

"While every surgery has inherent risks, those that are not carefully studied, and regulated, in the U.S. may carry even greater risks."

As it stands, research following patients who underwent keratopigmentation shows the procedure to be relatively safe. Since the 1990s, doctors have been performing medical keratopigmentation for people born without irises and certain other eye conditions.

However, in one 2020 study of 40 patients who underwent the procedure, one patient who had undergone LASIK developed corneal ectasia, an elongation of the cornea. As a result, a 2022 review on various eye color-changing procedures concluded that “LASIK might represent a contraindication” to keratopigmentation given the available evidence. 

In another study of 204 patients who underwent keratopigmentation, a small portion of patients experienced complications when they went into an MRI machine, and one patient also experienced corneal ectasia after going into an MRI machine in another case report.

Ferrari said this was because some older versions of the pigments used in this procedure contained iron, but those are no longer used. The Conformite Europeenne in Europe regulates these micronized mineral pigments to make sure they meet certain standards, but the U.S. Food and Drug Administration does not.


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As keratopigmentation is getting more popular, Dr. Alexander Movshovich, an ophthalmologist performing it at KERATO clinic in New York, said he is planning a talk for an upcoming scientific meeting about keratopigmentation to share some of the challenges of performing the procedure with his peers in order to reduce the risks of them happening.

"Usually people … see that something is interesting, they start to jump on it, and it's everywhere," Movshovich told Salon in an interview. If safety measures are not put in place, this could lead to mistakes in the procedures that impact patients, he added.

Ferrari estimates that about 30 doctors are performing this procedure worldwide, and just a handful offer this cosmetic procedure in the U.S. “off-label,” meaning it is not approved by the FDA as a medical treatment. Some have expressed concern that the procedure could have unknown long-term risks that are not being detected, and in a statement issued last year, the American Academy of Ophthalmology warned that the procedure could “carry serious risks.”

“While every surgery has inherent risks, those that are not carefully studied, and regulated, in the U.S. may carry even greater risks, especially when performed purely for cosmetic reasons on otherwise healthy eyes,” said Dr. Christopher Starr, an ophthalmologist at Weill Cornell and AAO spokesperson.

Many procedures, and particularly cosmetic ones, are performed off-label. Even though it does not fall under the same regulations as something that is FDA-approved, the agency is still required to act when medical safety concerns arise. 

Doctors performing the procedure said that side effects are minor and short-lasting after the surgery. Patients may experience light sensitivity, watery eyes, blurry vision or irritation in their eyes for a few days after the procedure, Niksarli said. CassieAnn said it felt like she had a "small eyelash" on her eye the next day after the procedure, but it disappeared within a day.

“Some people have no real side effects and others get all of these side effects, but they are transient in our experience,” Niksarli told Salon in a phone interview. “We have had no one with long, lasting visual or other kinds of side effects following the procedure.”

Because it is performed off-label, insurance doesn't cover the procedure and patients must pay out-of-pocket for keratopigmentation, with prices sometimes ranging upwards of $10,000 in the U.S. Dr. Cyril Maillon, an ophthalmologist who performs the surgery in France, said people opt for keratopigmentation for many of the same reasons people elect for other cosmetic procedures: to improve confidence or simply change their appearance.

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Some get the surgery to have their eye color more closely resemble their families if they are the only one born with a different eye color, he added. But nearly all patients choose to go from dark eyes to light ones, he said. 

“It's quite rare to have [a person with] bright eyes wanting to turn to brown or dark eyes,” Maillon told Salon in a phone interview. 

Although it has not been studied, social media may be influencing the desire to change eye colors. Social media filters have made it easier than ever to envision oneself with different eyes, which could be contributing to the rise in procedures like this as well as the increased use of colored contacts and eye drops. Recently, people have even been using technology to select embryos and choose their unborn baby’s eye color, among other traits.

Yet, while people elect for keratopigmentation for many of the same reasons as other forms of cosmetic procedures, there is something unique about changing the eyes, Maillon said. 

“With the eyes, it can be a little more significant, because when you change the eyes, you also change the appearance quite a lot,” Maillon said. “The eyes are the first thing you see when you [look] at someone.”

Today’s job market is tough — but these industries are hiring

Today’s job market can be a confusing and frustrating place for job seekers. News headlines often warn of layoffs and hiring slowdowns, while many applicants report long waits and low response rates. But those headlines only tell a portion of the story. According to a recent report from Resume Now based on insights from Talroo’s Frontline Worker Index, there is currently growing demand for workers in fields that often go overlooked.

The report, which analyzes data from the first quarter of 2025, highlights labor shortages across key sectors like warehousing, allied health care and customer service. Even as employers in these industries are raising wages and offering incentives, they’re still struggling to attract and retain talent. For job seekers open to a career pivot, or simply looking for greater stability, these shortages could represent a meaningful opportunity. 

“Despite continued uncertainty across sectors and broader economic concerns, the need for skilled frontline workers remains strong — and in many industries, it’s growing,” said Thad Price, CEO of Talroo. “From trucking to health care, employers are still struggling to fill essential roles that keep our communities running.”

So, which industries are most impacted by these shortages, and what could be driving the growing talent gap? More importantly, how can you, as a job seeker, use this moment to your advantage? Let’s explore where the greatest demand lies, and examine how to position yourself for success in these high-need roles. 

Industries impacted by labor shortages

The Q1 2025 Frontline Worker Index from Talroo reveals that some of the most severe labor shortages are occurring in industries that keep essential services running. While these roles may not always dominate headlines, they form the backbone of our daily life. 

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An analysis of resumes per job post, year over year, shows some notable trends. For instance, hospitals, nursing homes and health care agencies are struggling to fill roles like medical assistants, caregivers and patient care technicians. In the customer service and retail sectors, the number of qualified applicants has dropped significantly compared to last year, even as wages have grown by 10% and 7%, respectively. For job seekers with relevant experience, or those willing to pivot and pursue training, these fields may offer promising opportunities.

“Employers are doing more than just raising wages — they’re actively rethinking how they recruit, onboard and support frontline talent,” said Price. “But they can’t do it alone. Workers who bring curiosity, adaptability and a desire to learn will find that there are more pathways than ever to grow a meaningful career.”

Administrative roles in data entry, scheduling and general support have seen a steadier balance of job openings and applicants. While these positions aren’t facing the same acute shortages, they remain in demand and saw about 10% wage growth in Q1 2025 compared to the same period in 2024. For job seekers prioritizing stability, this sector continues to be a reliable option. 

Sales and hospitality are also facing hiring challenges. Although wages in these areas haven’t surged as significantly, job seekers may find increased leverage when negotiating pay or flexible scheduling, especially in states or regions where staffing remains tight. 

Fields like trucking, warehousing and manufacturing all saw strong demand, with trucking and warehousing, in particular, experiencing substantial wage growth in the first quarter. However, future shifts in policy and economic conditions could influence hiring trends moving forward. Still, seasonal demand and ongoing attrition suggest that staffing gaps in these sectors may persist. 

Why it's happening 

Several forces are contributing to the labor shortages affecting frontline industries, with a major factor being the aging workforce. Many experienced workers are retiring without enough younger workers stepping in to replace them. Burnout is another significant driver, particularly in roles with high emotional or physical demands, like caregiving, nursing and customer service, where the day-to-day toll is pushing workers to seek less stressful alternatives.

"Workers who bring curiosity, adaptability and a desire to learn will find that there are more pathways than ever to grow a meaningful career."

Shifting worker preferences are also impacting labor shortages, with many workers prioritizing flexibility and upward mobility — features not always associated with frontline positions. Regulatory and policy changes in certain states are further shaping employer behavior and wage growth which, in turn, impacts where workers apply. 

While these changes have created challenges for employers, they’ve also opened up new doors for job seekers. 

How job seekers can take advantage

For job seekers willing to pivot or position themselves strategically, these shortages offer unique opportunities in an otherwise challenging job market. If you’re open to exploring new options, here are a few ways to take advantage of growing demand across frontline industries:

Refresh and target your resume. Whenever you start a job search, it’s important to update your resume to reflect your most recent experience. But just as important is tailoring it to your intended audience — recruiters and hiring managers trying to quickly identify qualified candidates. By using job descriptions and researching your target industry, you can align your resume to emphasize the most relevant skills, experience and accomplishments. The more clearly you connect your background to the role, the more likely you are to stand out.

Upskill in targeted, practical ways. Employers facing labor shortages are eager to hire but they still expect a baseline level of preparation. Adding a few high-impact credentials to your resume can significantly improve your chances of breaking into a new field. For administrative roles, consider certifications like the Certified Associate in Project Management, Certified Data Entry Specialist or training in tools like Google Sheets, Microsoft Excel or QuickBooks. Those interested in health care might pursue CPR/First Aid certification or CNA training. These credentials are often affordable, widely recognized and can boost your candidacy quickly.

"Even a short training course or a new certification can give candidates a competitive edge and help hiring managers feel confident about their potential"

“One of the most powerful ways to stand out right now is by showing a commitment to learning,” Price explained. “Even a short training course or a new certification can give candidates a competitive edge and help hiring managers feel confident about their potential.”

Know when to negotiate. With demand outpacing supply in fields like customer service and allied health care, employers may be more flexible than usual. If you’re offered a position, review the compensation package carefully and ask whether there is room to discuss pay, schedule flexibility or other benefits. Wages are growing in certain high-demand fields, so it’s worth taking the time to research market value for your target roles so you have an accurate understanding of your worth. 

Stay flexible and open-minded. Many of these in-demand fields offer varied roles, from behind-the-scenes logistics to people-facing support work. Consider applying for roles that might not seem like a perfect fit, but where you can learn on the job and grow over time. Employers are often willing to train the right person, especially if you bring a good attitude and reliability to the table. 

Closing thoughts

While headlines often paint a bleak picture of the job market, the reality is more nuanced. Across many frontline industries, employers are actively hiring, raising wages and looking for candidates who are ready to show up and grow. If you’re open to a pivot or simply looking for greater stability, now may be the perfect time to explore new opportunities. With a refreshed resume, a few targeted credentials and a willingness to adapt, you can position yourself to take advantage of the labor shortages and potentially build a more resilient, fulfilling career in the process. 

Blake Lively’s latest crime against humanity? Having the most fun of her career

The moment Blake Lively’s Savile Row-by-way-of-Forever 21-clad homicidal schemer Emily beckons Anna Kendrick’s Stephanie to a cliffside in “Another Simple Favor,” the sequel to Paul Feig’s 2018 camp caper, the movie might as well broadcast a flashing sign in the corner of the screen that says, “REMEMBER THIS.” The scene’s staging makes it so obvious that this picturesque sight will reappear later that it’s almost comical. Successful foreshadowing should be subtle; viewers shouldn’t know where the story will go, but be able to appreciate how the tool was used when considering the film as a whole. But hoping for nuance in this franchise is a fool’s errand. Nothing about “Another Simple Favor” or its equally cuckoo bananas predecessor, “A Simple Favor,” is subtle. These are movies designed to be a good time at the expense of the audience’s sanity. The more outrageous and soapy they are, the better.

It’s just ironic that, by the time that blustery seaside bluff comes back into play later in the film, "Another Simple Favor” has already hurled itself off a cliff. As if the movie weren’t strange enough as it is, Feig takes a sharp left turn in the final act that’s both jaw-dropping and head-scratching. The writer-director yanks a new tone out of oblivion to join the other 26 he’s already established throughout the first 90 minutes of this two-hour adventure, one so truly shocking that I was surprised no one at my screening leapt to their feet. In retrospect, I would’ve cheered, but I feel that might’ve interrupted the uncomfortable silence that fell upon the auditorium, maybe even sparked a citizen’s arrest, considering the scene's subject matter. The headline writes itself: “Critic detained by influencers at screening of perverse Prime Video film.”

Stepping into Emily’s bespoke suits for the second time lets Lively play the bad guy that Baldoni’s narrative paints her as. Even if the film is horrendous, its timing couldn’t be better; a real-life soap opera blown up to catastrophic, delectable results. I hope it’s the second film of 40.

But you’ll have to hear me out first. “Another Simple Favor” pushes the limits of mainstream filmmaking every chance it gets, in ways so cringeworthy and stupefying that it’s difficult not to, at the very least, respect Feig’s chutzpah. We are, after all, in an era of movie maximalism, and Feig’s film fits right in with the six different endings and two post-credits scenes in “Sinners” and the manic jump cuts in “Drop.” And just like those cases, such an overstuffed film would not work without the right star to reduce the cinematic clutter. 

Here, Lively capably wears each piece of Feig’s loony story as elegantly as she does Emily’s increasingly absurd outfits. Though “Another Simple Favor” was shot before Lively’s legal battle with “It Ends with Us” costar Justin Baldoni, she arrives here with an almost knowing wink. Stepping into Emily’s bespoke suits for the second time lets Lively play the bad guy that Baldoni’s narrative paints her as. Even if the film is horrendous, its timing couldn’t be better; a real-life soap opera blown up to catastrophic, delectable results. I hope it’s the second film of 40.

To explain why production needs to begin on another sequel — tentatively titled “Pleeeeeaasse, Just One More Simple Favor, Last Time I Promise,” a title I will sell to Prime Video and Paul Feig for a paltry $1 million — you’ll first need a bit of context for what makes this one so “great.” (Read: Truly terrible.) In the first film, Stephanie, a mommy vlogger, meets the high-powered, high-fashion Emily, a mom whose son goes to the same school as Stephanie’s. Before long, the two become friends, which leads Emily to request the titular uncomplicated courtesy. Emily’s got business out of town, and she needs Stephanie to watch her son for a few days. Long story short: Emily goes missing, her body is found and Stephanie embarks on a search for answers. After some impressive amateur sleuthing, Stephanie learns that Emily didn’t die after all; she drowned her twin sister, Faith, and intended to collect the insurance money. Naturally, things go awry and Emily almost succeeds in offing Stephanie to keep her secret, only to be foiled at the last minute and hauled off to the clink.

Blake Lively in "Another Simple Favor" (Lorenzo Sisti). The first “Simple Favor” was already a dishy delight — and if that summary intrigues you, it’s worth a watch to take in all of the preposterous twists and turns I’ve left out for expediency. But instead of worrying about giving the audience too much of a good thing with a sequel, Feig plops another heaping scoop of melodrama onto the viewer’s plate. In “Another Simple Favor,” Stephanie has parlayed her detective work into a career as a true crime novelist. But with her most famous story already losing steam, books are not exactly flying off the shelves. That is until Emily reappears at one of Stephanie’s readings, appropriately clad in a terrycloth suit patterned with jail stripes. She’s got new lawyers, a new life and a new fiancé, and Stephanie’s invited to the lavish Italian nuptials.

Stephanie, of course, assumes this is all a ruse for Emily to exact her revenge in international waters. But Emily assures her she hasn’t been studiously researching criminal extradition laws, she’s simply fallen head over heels for an old beau named Dante (Michele Morrone). Stephanie’s suspicions aren’t helped by the fact that Dante is part of an Italian crime family, but hey, the publishing market is in dire straits, and this story could make a terrific follow-up to her flagging first effort. Anything to sell a few books!


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By now, Feig, Lively and Kendrick have all reaffirmed their expertise at this game. Kendrick and Lively toss barbs like volleyballs, occasionally landing a good spike that makes the other one speechless. Their chemistry is as natural as ever, and Feig’s script is at its best when he’s writing for these two women. 

However, things get a little shaky when it comes to plotting and tertiary characters. “Another Simple Favor” has difficulty settling into a rhythm; any film balancing this many plot lines would. The movie trips over its own narrative threads so often that it might as well star Buster Keaton. But Feig has always been better at crafting characters and comedy than he has mysteries. In “The Heat” and “Spy,” he kept things trucking with a steady stream of punchlines to distract from thinly written central mysteries. Throw the audience off with a whole lot of silliness and nonsense, and there’s a good chance they’ll forget that a whodunit like this should be building intrigue as it goes. But that’s tough to do when the body count rises as quickly as it does in “Another Simple Favor.” When we’re constantly reminded there’s supposed to be trouble afoot, not even a healthy dose of folly can make dead air feel more energetic, and it often seems like Feig is biding his time until the finale.

Blake Lively, Michele Morrone, Alex Newell and Anna Kendrick in "Another Simple Favor" (Lorenzo Sisti). But oh, what a splendid finale it is. Know that, despite the spoilers you’re about to read, I encourage you to fire up this movie on the biggest screen you can find the moment you’ve finished this piece. You will not regret it, just as I have not regretted paying $2.90 for a 50-minute subway ride to and from my screening. 

Amid the deluge of dead bodies popping up around Emily’s wedding ceremony, Stephanie is caught in police crosshairs. She’s the perfect suspect, but it’s a clear frame job. The only question is: Was this Emily’s doing? It initially seems that way, given Emily has been skulking around Italy with her weird Aunt Linda (Allison Janney), who shows up to the party uninvited. But when Emily visits Stephanie, who’s locked away in her hotel room on house arrest like a twee Rapunzel, it becomes clear that the players have been miscounted. The woman who’s appeared in her room is acting strange — weirder and hornier than Emily usually is, and that’s a high bar. It’s not Emily at all, but a third sister: the assumed-to-be-dead-at-birth triplet, Charity. 

But one measly little triplet reveal? That’s small-time for Feig, who has built a career on taking a gag as far as it can go. Charity isn’t just a long-lost sister, she was taken by Aunt Linda at birth and raised as a con artist, one who’s got an obsession with Emily that’s more than just sibling affection. Charity has felt a connection to Emily her whole life, pulling her from afar. And she’ll do anything to make sure the two of them end up together. And I do not mean platonically.

While I don’t think playing two roles says anything about Lively’s character, I do think playing these roles in this film continues to speak to an admirable level of fearlessness, which Lively had to have to enter into a huge, public legal battle knowing that the court of public opinion rarely, if ever, favors a woman.

For someone who was weaned on afternoon soap operas at his daycare provider’s house and later raised on the scandals of “Gossip Girl,” a triplet twist followed by an incest subplot feels like manna from heaven. Lively has made some interesting strides into legitimate dramatic territory in recent years; “The Age of Adaline” and “The Shallows” remain underrated — something I can’t attribute to most of her filmography. But this is proper Serena van der Woodsen stuff, the kind of pulpy insanity that Lively cut her teeth on. So it should be no surprise to anyone that she’s stellar at grounding this twist with enough performing weight to keep “Another Simple Favor” from flying away into the sky. 

In 2025 alone, there has already been a surprising number of mainstream actors tackling double roles. “The Monkey,” “Sinners” and “Alto Knights” all boast two characters played by the same person. But none of those films feature someone who has been dogged in the press for six months. And while I don’t think playing two roles says anything about Lively’s character, I do think playing these roles in this film continues to speak to an admirable level of fearlessness, which Lively had to have to enter into a huge, public legal battle knowing that the court of public opinion rarely, if ever, favors a woman. Lively’s career and life have been packed with bold choices — many of which are either not great or flat-out terrible — but this one is particularly inspired. 

If this subplot weren’t wacky enough, Feig shoehorns in some light, suggested sexual assault. (For those keeping track, that’s the film’s 28th tonal shift.) Charity drugs Emily and sidles up to her sister in bed, talking about how they can be together and “make each other feel good” forever. It’s nauseating, but nothing compared to the far more graphic and intentionally titillating incest we watched in the third season of “The White Lotus.” Feig cuts the scene before things get too gnarly, eventually landing on a far more tame climax on the seaside escarpment after the movie has made a swan dive off the cliff with some twisted sister surprises. 

But does a film like “Another Simple Favor” need the peak of its action to be the best part when so many zany, outrageous things have left us gawking and in awe? Like a cream cheese frosting slathered onto a tasty but conventional chocolate cake, the unexpected flourishes are the best part of this delicious treat. The irony of the “Simple Favor” movies is that nothing that makes life exciting is ever truly simple. Sometimes, we need to drive over the speed limit or consume some empty calories to feel alive. Whether these things are “good,” or “lawful,” or “right in the eyes of God or your mother” doesn’t really matter. They make for an exhilarating time at the movies. So what if “Another Simple Favor” is ultimately a lousy film? Watching it is unforgettable, and that’s a good enough reason to keep churning them out like candy on a factory line.

Cher in the rearview: The outfit that launched a thousand gasps

When an opportunity arose to write a book about the greatness of Cher, my biggest challenge was narrowing down the topics to cover. After all, she’s a decorated actress who (among other things) won an Oscar for her tough-but-tender performance in 1987’s “Moonstruck.” This honor came after she spent the '70s starring in multiple TV shows and becoming a cultural icon due to a succession of fashion-forward Bob Mackie outfits. And these things don’t count her musical achievements: Cher’s now the only solo artist ever to earn a No. 1 hit on a Billboard chart for the last seven decades.

She’s achieved such success due to her tenacity and resilience. When you look at her career, Cher has reinvented herself over and over again, picking herself up after trauma or setbacks and pivoting in savvy ways. Her generosity also stands out; she does extensive charity work and is hands-on with philanthropic causes she champions. And she doesn’t know the meaning of resting on her laurels. When she decided to record and release 2023’s holiday-themed “Christmas,” she rang up her 96-year-old vocal coach, Adrienne Angel, and trained every day to get her voice in tip-top shape. In other words, Cher’s work ethic, ambition and confidence have ensured her status as a Goddess of Pop.

For some background on the below excerpt: Cher sported her most iconic outfit in the music video for 1989’s “If I Could Turn Back Time” and continued to wear a variation on this look throughout her career. In fact, a stage-worn take on this outfit, which Cher rocked at the 2010 MTV Video Music Awards while presenting an award to Lady Gaga — who happened to be wearing her famed meat dress at the time — sold for $115,200 in 2021. Just a few weeks ago, that same outfit sold at auction again for a whopping $162,500. 

"I Got You Babe: A Celebration of Cher" (Courtesy of Running Press)

Cher dares to bare with her “If I Could Turn Back Time” outfit(s)

Her most controversial outfit became her signature look—and an enduring fashion inspiration.

Cher knows how to make an entrance. Case in point: the music video for her 1989 smash hit “If I Could Turn Back Time.” The clip, which was filmed on the USS Missouri, begins with footage of handsome Navy sailors waving their hats around and cheering wildly. A radiant Cher then emerges from the pack wearing a costume Bob Mackie later called “the seatbelt outfit”: a leather jacket thrown over a sheer fishnet body stocking with matching thigh-high tights and a leather G-string/thong that resembled a skimpy swimsuit. Later in the video, she turns around to reveal her bare backside, inked with a butterfly tattoo.

Cher was no stranger to wearing eye-catching outfits—but the combination of a tough leather jacket and the delicate lingerie hit a nerve. Although the Navy approved the video treatment in advance, it wasn’t thrilled with the final product. “There were some costume changes which, quite frankly, caught us by surprise,” said spokesperson, Lt. Bruce Cole. Darcy Meyers, a video production specialist with Geffen Records, had this to say in response: “We showed them the storyboards, and there’s one there where Cher’s wearing a jumpsuit and looks naked. It’s hard to tell what the Navy thought when they looked at that, but they never said anything.”

As it turns out, the outfit also ended up being too risqué for MTV. The channel programmed Cher’s video to appear between the hours of 9:00 p.m. and 6:00 a.m. after hearing “a great deal of negative feedback” from viewers in response to daytime airings. Abbey Konowitch, MTV’s then–vice president for programming said, “The video has a little too much tush for a Saturday morning.” Cher wasn’t offended by the banishment; in fact, she clarified her fashion intentions with impeccable logic. “I wasn’t really looking to shock anybody out of their mind with that outfit,” she said. “It’s the same kind of stuff you can see on the beach. You don’t see anything more.”

Cher weathered any criticism, however: The skin-baring outfit became a signature look, one she visited time and time again. Unbothered by any controversy, she wore the outfit while performing “If I Could Turn Back Time” at the 1989 MTV Video Music Awards. A decade or so later, Bob Mackie designed a slightly different version of the look—“We call [it] her ‘Swiss cheese’ bodysuit,” he explained—for Cher’s early 2000s Farewell Tour: a shimmering black catsuit with mesh-backed cutouts (including a striking midriff-exposing one) studded with pink and white iridescent glass.


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Cher wore this outfit several more times, including at the 2010 MTV Video Music Awards when she awarded Video of the Year to Lady Gaga. “So far I’m the oldest chick with the biggest hair and the littlest costume,” Cher quipped from the stage. “Back in the day, I used to get thrown off MTV for wearing things like that, which seems so tame now.” Indeed, Gaga accepted the honor while wearing a dress fashioned from raw meat.

Don’t call this exchange any sort of sartorial baton pass, however. A day after turning seventy-one, Cher dominated headlines from the 2017 Billboard Music Awards by wearing a nearly identical, Mackie-designed version of the outfit while performing “If I Could Turn Back Time.”

Excerpted from "I Got You Babe: A Celebration of Cher" by Annie Zaleski. Copyright © 2025. Available from Running Press, an imprint of Hachette Book Group, Inc.

The cult of the Costco food court

When asked what places they’d like to visit before they die, most people are quick to name an array of scenic spots, whether that’s a natural excursion around the Grand Canyon, an island getaway in the Maldives or a simple trip to a bustling metropolis like Tokyo or London. For me, it was the Costco food court.

I stepped inside my very first Costco store last summer. After spending hours getting lost in the vast aisles and nibbling on free samples, I ended my trip with a visit to the famed food court. There, I was enticed by menu items I had only heard about but never had the pleasure of trying: chicken bake, double chocolate chunk cookie, whole pepperoni pizza and, of course, the famous $1.50 hot dog and soda combo.

The Costco food court is undoubtedly the big-box retailer’s greatest asset. So much so that in recent years, the food court has reached cult status. It’s more than just a place for grabbing a snack post-shopping; it’s a must-visit destination for fans and foodies alike. There are devoted food influencers and Costco-holics who religiously track and review new menu items. Some run Costco fan sites and even sell Costco-themed swag.

“Costco’s food court is a distinct, beloved, earnest slice of discount, faster-than-fast food. It’s basically like upscale microwave food. Like a latchkey kid somehow got hold of industrial kitchen equipment,” Thrillist wrote back in 2018.

The food court is best known for three main traits: simplicity, reliability and affordability. Its menu includes commonplace, mass-produced items that deliver on taste and convenience. Take, for example, the humble cheese pizza, which is deliciously greasy with a generous layer of caramelized mozzarella cheese. Or the rotisserie chicken Caesar salad, which includes Costco's low-cost rotisserie chicken; and the chicken and bacon sandwich, which provides sustenance rather than anything gourmet. On the sweet front, there are offerings like the vanilla ice cream sundae, chocolate ice cream cup and cold brew mocha freeze — sweet treats that aren’t overly fancy.

“It’s a very controlled business model aimed at streamlined service,” explained a 2009 story in Costco Connection, the company’s official magazine. “It’s much like the warehouse: the most popular and best-quality items instead of a wide range of choices.”

When it comes to price, the food court menu has remained incredibly cheap, with all items ringing in at less than $10. The most expensive item is the whole 18-inch pepperoni or cheese pizza, which is available for $9.95 each. Inflation, however, has caused several food court staples to hike up in price, namely the chicken bake. The savory pastry, which previously cost $2.99, is now priced at $3.99. The price of a 20-ounce fountain drink (with refill) also increased by 20 cents from $0.59 to $0.79. And on store aisles, 40-packs of Kirkland-branded water bottles increased from $1.89 to $4.

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Costco’s bestseller is its signature hot dog and soda combo. With such a low price point, the combo itself isn’t lucrative, but a part of Costco’s “broader strategy to distinguish its warehouses,” CNN reported. It’s “one of the perks that helps persuade shoppers to dish out $60 or $120 for a membership every year,” the outlet added.

The hot dog and soda combo has remained beloved since its introduction in 1984. Although changes have been made to it (like increasing the size of the soda from 12 to 20 ounces or switching between Coca-Cola and Pepsi products), none of them have affected its price. In fact, there’s an unspoken rule that the combo is immune to price hikes, even in the face of rising food costs. As Costco co-founder Jim Singal infamously told Costco CEO Craig Jelinek in what has become a now-viral exchange, “If you raise the [price of the] effing hot dog, I will kill you. Figure it out.”


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To keep costs low, Costco built its own hot-dog-manufacturing plant in Los Angeles and another in Chicago to produce Kirkland Signature hot dogs. “By having the discipline to say, 'You are not going to be able to raise your price. You have to figure it out,' we took it over and started manufacturing our hot dogs,” Jelinek said. “We keep it at $1.50 and make enough money to get a fair return.”

Costco’s food courts generate about one billion in sales for warehouses nationwide, according to CNN. That’s not surprising, considering that the food court is famous across social media, thanks to Costco “influencers” on TikTok and Instagram. The warehouse also has its very own subreddit where Redditors frequently hype up the food court. “I crave it. It makes me happy. The cheap price means I don’t have to think about money when I get it, so it’s like a pure positive experience,” said one user when asked if they genuinely like the food court menu.

Last March, Costco announced that starting in April, locations with outside food courts will require membership cards to purchase menu items. “One of the challenges is that some of the food courts have gotten so busy, particularly if it’s near some office buildings or construction sites,” Costco’s chief financial officer Richard Galanti told Axios in an interview. “We were getting member complaints.” The crackdown on its food court came after the warehouse introduced new card scanners in January, requiring members to scan their cards at select store entrances to prohibit membership sharing and keep non-members out of Costco stores.

Despite the strict membership enforcement, Costco’s food court is still going strong. After all, it’s what makes Costco, well, Costco.

“A big mistake”: Warren Buffett criticizes Trump tariffs at Berkshire meeting

Warren Buffett used his annual address to Berkshire Hathaway shareholders Saturday to warn against the use of tariffs as a tool of U.S. foreign policy, calling President Donald Trump’s trade tactics “a big mistake,” according to the Associated Press

“It’s a big mistake,” said Buffet, 94, speaking to tens of thousands gathered in Omaha. “When you have 7.5 billion people who don’t like you very well and you have 300 million who are crowing about how they have done.”

While acknowledging the need for balanced trade, he emphasized the benefits of global prosperity: “We should be looking to trade with the rest of the world. We should do what we do best and they should do what they do best.”

Tariffs dominated the pre-submitted questions Buffett fielded alongside vice chairmen Greg Abel and Ajit Jain, in a meeting broadcast live by CNBC. But shareholders were also eager for insight into the firm’s $347.7 billion cash reserves. Buffett said he’s waiting for investments “we understand” and expects future opportunities to justify the current stockpile.

The event, often dubbed “Woodstock for Capitalists,” drew a crowd of 40,000 including celebrities and longtime loyalists. 

Buffett, who’s led Berkshire for six decades, shortened the Q&A session but showed no intention of stepping down. He also maintained he is optimistic about the future of America. “If I were being born today, I would just keep negotiating in the womb until they said, ‘You could be in the United States,’” he quipped.

George Carlin warned us: When we ban words, we surrender freedom

In 1972, comedian George Carlin delivered one of the most iconic bits in stand-up history: “Seven Dirty Words You Can’t Say on Television.” It was a profanity-laced masterclass in satire, pointing out the absurdity of a society obsessed with policing language. The words in question were crass, sure, and some people undoubtedly found them offensive — but they weren’t dangerous, by any reasonable standard. Banning them from the airwaves, as Carlin observed, gave them power they wouldn’t have had otherwise.

Fast-forward to today, and the list of forbidden words has changed, but the game hasn’t. The U.S. government is once again policing language, this time on the websites of federal agencies. But the new “dirty words” aren’t profane. They’re words like "diversity," "equity" and "inclusion." Words like “women,” "LGBTQ," "immigrants" and "disability." They are basic, real-world terms used every single day by ordinary people, in everything from education to health care to workplace policy. Now, suddenly, they are deemed too controversial to say out loud.

According to recent reporting from The New York Times, federal departments under the current administration are being quietly instructed to remove or replace this language. There are no detailed press releases laying out these changes. There are no official bans. Just a slow erasure of the vocabulary that recognizes inequity, and those impacted by it. 

But just as with Carlin’s original list, banning these words doesn’t make them go away. It only proves their power.

And that’s exactly why they’re being targeted.

The Ridiculous: Common-sense words that somehow made the naughty list

These are the ones that make you laugh until you realize they’re serious.

  • Women: That’s right. Half the population. A basic demographic. Too controversial, apparently.
  • Disability: A term protected by law (thanks, ADA). Now also too edgy for a government webpage.
  • Immigrants: You mean the people most of us citizens descended from, and the group that built much of our country? Also out.
  • Sex: Not in the risqué, baby-making way, just the standard biological data point used in everything from medicine to surveys. Too messy, apparently.
  • Tribal: Try writing about Native sovereignty or federal treaty obligations without this one. Good luck.

The Insidious: Erasing problems — by erasing words

These are the words that make it easier to name and fix what’s broken. Which, of course, is why they’re under attack.

  • Systemic Racism: If you can’t name it, you don’t have to address it. That’s the whole point.
  • Equity: Not “equality,” which is aspirational. Equity is about meeting people where they are. That scares people who benefit from the imbalance.
  • Underserved: It’s hard to justify budget cuts to public health and education if you’re forced to acknowledge that some communities lack access.
  • Inclusion: Heaven forbid we try to create cultures where everyone gets to participate and feels like they play an important role.
  • Justice: Perhaps this is the most revealing of all. If the word “justice” is too political, ask yourself who benefits when it disappears.

The Powerful: Language that challenges the status quo

And then there are the words they fear most: the ones that empower people, organize movements or point out the imbalance of power. These words aren’t controversial because they’re confusing or unclear — quite the opposite. They are controversial because they carry weight, demand change and acknowledge lived realities.

  • LGBTQ: It says “you exist, and you matter” to a community of millions. And that is somehow too controversial.
  • Diversity: Once a word embraced by corporations and government alike, based on empirical evidence that  more diverse teams make smarter decisions. Now labeled a threat.
  • Antiracism: If racism is bad, then antiracism must be… also bad? The logic doesn’t hold, but the fearmongering works.
  • Cultural Competency: A foundational concept in health care, education and law enforcement. This term is meant to describe  understanding and dealing with people from all kinds of different backgrounds — and that’s a direct threat to willful ignorance.
  • Allyship: You don’t have to fall within one of these groups to care about what happens to them and use your privilege to advocate for them. Perhaps it isn’t surprising to learn that makes some people squirm. 

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This isn't semantics — it's strategy

History tells us that the first step toward controlling thought is controlling language. In totalitarian regimes, censored vocabularies create the illusion of consensus and the impossibility of dissent. No words, no resistance.

This isn’t a conspiracy theory; it’s a tactic.

If you remove the words that describe injustice, you are attempting to make injustice invisible. If you silence the terms used to advocate for equity, then the concept itself becomes suspect. If you erase identity from public policy, then the people who hold those identities lose visibility — and power.

Why it matters now

Company leaders are watching this language shift closely. Many have already pulled back on inclusion efforts, often citing potentially real legal concerns. Some are clearly responding to genuine regulatory risk — especially those with federal contracts.

But let’s be honest: Many such companies and their leaders are also reacting to noise, and reacting out of fear. In a society where many leaders are risk-averse, conservative and conflict-shy by nature, the temptation to “just drop the language” is strong.

But such instincts have consequences. When we avoid speaking or writing certain  words, it becomes much easier to avoid the work behind the words. And when institutions abandon shared vocabulary, they abandon shared purpose.

There's a difference between evolving and erasing

Some argue that the left has censored language too, by pushing too hard for “woke” terms that are understood as more accurate, inclusive or respectful. And yes, language evolves. “Handicapped” became “people with disabilities.” “Indian” shifted to “Native American” or “Indigenous.” These aren’t bans; they’re cultural corrections rooted in empathy and dignity. You are free to choose whether you use these terms or not, although you can’t control how other people may view you for those choices.


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Here’s the difference: Choosing kinder language isn’t enforced by law. Use an older term and you may offend someone, or even be called out for it. But banning words that give voice to the marginalized from official language is an attempt to silence opposition and, literally, to control the narrative. 

Behind the words are the people

Let’s not forget what this is really about. These aren’t abstract concepts. These words represent real people, employees, clients, neighbors, citizens. When we erase the language of inclusion, we take a crucial step toward erasing the people that language is meant to protect. We’re telling those people, in no uncertain terms, that they’re not worth naming.

We can’t let that slide. Not in public policy, not in the workplace, not in daily conversation.

Say the words. Say them loudly. Say them with clarity and care — not because they’re fashionable or polite, but because they’re real. Because they describe who we are, what we face and what we hope to build.

As Carlin reminded us: Words are all we have. Let’s not let them disappear.

“Medicaid has saved my life multiple times”: Patients explain how GOP cuts could impact their health

With congressional Republicans scheming up ways to slash hundreds of billions of dollars n in federal funding for Medicaid, those who have relied on the program are now sharing their stories, highlighting how the program fills critical gaps in the United States’ social safety net and saves lives.

Earlier this year, House Republicans committed to cutting $880 billion from programs managed by the House Energy and Commerce Committee. Even if Republicans eliminated all non-mandatory spending from programs managed by the committee, they would still need to cut some $700 billion from Medicaid and the Children’s Health Insurance Program, according to one KFF analysis

Republicans have played coy with their plans to gut the program, with many telling constituents that they don’t plan to cut benefits for anyone who legitimately qualifies. As it stands, Republicans are debating ways to adjust how federal funding for the program is allocated. This would, in turn, push the decision of whether or not to cut benefits to state lawmakers, who don’t have access to anywhere near the same resources as the federal government. Many states already have trigger laws in place that will automatically cut the program if there is any reduction in federal funding.

As Republicans hold town halls to convince their constituents they’re not going to cut Medicaid, despite their previous votes, activists like Tim Faust and his organization, Citizen Action of Wisconsin, have been holding their own competing public events, rallying people behind support for the program and sharing stories about how  Medicaid has impacted their lives. Three of those town hall attendees have agreed to share their stories with Salon.

Dana Horstman’s Medicaid story starts around 12 years ago, when she suffered a major spinal cord injury. She told Salon that, after her injury, “I was in the hospital for about five weeks, and then I had outpatient rehab for eight months. Without Medicaid, I wouldn't be where I am today.”

Prior to her injury, Horstman said that she was her household’s breadwinner. During a training at her job in event photography, a supervisor noticed something was wrong and asked her to get cleared by a doctor before returning to work. After about two weeks, Horstman was able to get an MRI and doctors found a bone spur.

“I lost my job, my partner actually stayed home with our children, and so now she's taking care of me. We have no income. We have no Medicaid or Social Security yet, you know, because I'm newly injured, and she couldn't go get a job because she had to take care of me. It was terrible. It was scary. And we lived on my kids' part-time job paychecks, yeah, so that's what we lived on for many months, until I finally got disability coming in,” Horstman explained. “It was about nine months after my injury and surgery and everything that I got into Long Term Care through Medicaid in the state of Wisconsin… Then she, my partner, became my caregiver, my paid caregiver through Medicaid dollars, through the Long Term Care program.”

Given that she lives in one of the few states that hasn’t expanded Medicaid under the ACA, Horstman said that she doesn’t trust the state legislature to fund the program if congressional Republicans pull back federal dollars. She said that she didn’t believe her congressman, Rep. Derrick Van Orden, R-Wis., when he told his constituents that “No American citizen who is legally receiving benefits from the Federal Government will see their support cut..” 

“Well, I just, I don't believe them. I mean, there's just no way that they cannot cut people who still legally deserve it if they have to cut it by the $880 billion,” Horston said. “It’s not easy being on Medicaid. You have to reapply every year. You give up your autonomy. It’s like ‘Here’s all my medical records, ’ and you have to jump through all the red tape and the hoops.”

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Max, who declined to give his last name for fear of retaliation, told Salon that he lost his job as an adjunct professor at the University of Wisconsin during the pandemic. In 2022, he decided to start his own business renovating the exterior of buildings.

"At some point, I had noticed, you know, in the shower that there was an odd lump on my lower abdomen. I thought, you know, 'Huh, that's weird. I didn't see that before.'”

He said he applied for Medicaid and went in to see a doctor, who diagnosed the condition as a hernia, likely related to the heavy lifting he does at work. Because of Medicaid, he was able to get the surgery he needed as treatment.

“Flash forward to now, I've had, you know, a variety of other issues, including recently, just the other day — I just turned 50 in February, and so my bones are getting a bit creaky and I have, apparently, some arthritis in my right hip, and I guess… they called it a bursitis,” Max said. “It's causing issues, most likely as a result of, you know, continued use. I'm a painter, and I'm currently working as a painter and handyman.”

Max said that if he had not been able to get a cortisone shot, which was covered by Medicaid, he wouldn’t be able to work with his right arm.

“I think at this point that the doctor bill would probably consume all of my income, if not more than that,” Max said. “So I could be working just to simply pay a doctor bill and not rent, food, you know, child support, etc, etc. So it wouldn’t make sense to be doing what I’m doing.”

Max said that, despite their insistence that they won't technically cut Medicaid benefits, he doesn’t trust congressional Republicans. He also said that he would expect state Republicans in Wisconsin to cut the program if the decision is pushed from the federal level to the states.

Oliver Winn told Salon that he’s been on and off Medicaid throughout his entire life as a “chronically ill individual and the child of two disabled parents.” Winn’s mother lost an eye in an accident and Winn’s father was exposed to Agent Orange in the Vietnam War. 

Winn said that towards the end of his father’s life “he had both Medicaid and VA insurance, and towards the end of his life, he started having heart issues, and we found hospitals, they wouldn't take his VA insurance, but they would take Medicaid, and they were able to prolong his life a little bit longer.”


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“My mother's disability through Medicaid and stuff is what made sure that we could eat at all and pay bills, and Medicaid has saved my life multiple times. At one point, I had pneumonia for six months because I didn't have Medicaid. At the time, I was waiting for the application time, and unfortunately, I was sent by my work to the hospital because I got too sick waiting too long, and they told me that if I would have waited much longer, I would’ve died,” Winn said. “The visit cost me $4,500 and change. The next time I got pneumonia I was able to go to the hospital right away and my medication was free. The first time I wasn't able to pay rent and I cried in the checkout lane, and the next time I didn't have I didn't have to worry about that.”

Winn said that, in his own life, he suffers from chronic pain and hypermobile Ehlers-Danlos syndrome, which made it difficult to hold down a job and, on some days, even get out of bed. However, Winn said, he’s not legally considered disabled and Medicaid has been the only reason he’s been able to access the treatment needed to retain some “semblance of quality of life.” Social Security Disability Insurance denies the majority of applications: in 2024, only around 38% of initial applications were approved. Even when applicants decide to appeal their initial rejection, just 16% are accepted..

“Because the application process has been too arduous, and because I've managed to hold down a job a couple of times for a few months, you don't consider me disabled enough to qualify for disability despite the fact that I have almost no quality of life,” Winn said. “You have to get testimonies from physicians. You have to get testimonies from family and friends, and collect all this data to prove that you can't do stuff, which is really hard when you can't do stuff.”

Winn said that Medicaid fills in a gap for people who don’t qualify for disability insurance but also can’t work. Current policy dictates that Americans who are able to do substantial work, defined as earning more than $1,550 in a month, are ineligible for disability benefits. The application process itself is long and arduous, and often results in rejection. 

“I became homeless for a time when I was trying to pay off the medical debt that I accrued when I didn't have Medicaid. I was homeless for six months while working full time to try and pay off those bills,” Winn said. “I got sick while I was homeless, but thankfully, I had Medicaid at that point. Otherwise, I wouldn't have gone to the hospital. I would have just died to be honest.”

This might be the year of the layoff — but there are ways you can survive

After two years of working as a writer at a prominent personal finance website, Tiffany Lashai Curtis was laid off in July 2024. Thrown back into the job market, Curtis only received a handful of interviews from her 200 applications and ended up seeking public assistance like SNAP, Medicaid and unemployment benefits. 

“Being unemployed and having to search for a job in such a cruel job market has definitely deepened my anxiety and depression that I've been navigating for a while,” Curtis said.

She recently found a job — but as is the case for many Americans, the search was exhausting, frustrating and longer than expected. According to the latest Bureau of Labor Statistics data, as of February it took an average of 21.3 weeks to find a job. However, nearly 21% of people were unemployed for at least 27 weeks. 

Year of the layoff? 

As economic uncertainty rises and companies worry about the effect of President Trump's tariffs, major companies are letting go of employees. Starbucks, Southwest Airlines and Google have all laid off employees this year. UPS said it will cut 20,000 jobs as it trims its Amazon business and increases its use of technology.

The federal government is quickly becoming the biggest offender. The Small Business Administration is reducing its workforce by 43%. The Department of Education is initiating cuts to its workforce by 50%. The U.S. Department of Health and Human Services plans to cut 10,000 jobs

Since the start of the second Trump administration, 24,000 federal employees have been laid off across 18 agencies, according to NPR. While many of those employees were reinstated due to court orders, the majority were also placed on administrative leave. 

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“The current administration has many people feeling uncertain about the future of their jobs and entire industries as a whole. Some companies feel hesitant to hire with all of the change, which is leading to fewer open roles for candidates,” said Kyle Elliott, tech career coach at CaffeinatedKyle.com

The impact of AI 

Artificial intelligence is improving at a rate that’s hard for the human mind to comprehend. Along with that, AI anxiety is on the rise as people wonder about the future of their jobs and industry as a whole. Bill Gates’ sentiments aren’t reassuring — he projects humans won’t be needed for most tasks within the next decade

“Many companies are eliminating roles that can be filled by AI. The truth is, if your job can be done by a bot, your job may be in jeopardy of being cut,” Elliott said. 

“That said, the proliferation of AI is leading to the creation of new jobs to strategize and manage the technology. AI is not sentient, and people must facilitate all of this,” Elliott added.

What to do after a layoff 

If you’ve been laid off, it can be a shock to your system and a mix of feelings. If you didn’t particularly like your job, you might feel a little relieved. If you enjoyed your job and found purpose in it, the loss can be devastating and bring a grief-filled identity crisis. 

For everyone in a capitalistic economy, it’s natural to worry about the financial aspect of having your primary income cut off. After all, we have to pay for housing and food to survive. To help you navigate your finances and maintain your sanity, here’s what to do after a layoff. 

Take a moment. Maybe you heard rumors of imminent layoffs, or maybe you were completely blindsided. Either way, the end result can be far more impactful than you realize. 

“Getting laid off is a traumatic event, so begin by prioritizing your mental health,” Elliott said. That can mean sticking to the basics — getting enough sleep, drinking enough water and eating enough food, and talking with friends. 

Elliott recommends taking some time to process the layoff, whether that’s a day, a week or longer. You might feel like you need to get back to the grind right away, but Elliott notes that taking time off to process your layoff  “isn’t going to dramatically impact your job search in the long term.” 

Having a reset can help clear your head and help you prepare for your job search. It can also give you much-needed time to think about what’s next. 

"You can also use this time to reflect on your short- and long-term career goals. Make a list of what you need and want in your next job, as well as any potential deal-breakers"

“You can also use this time to reflect on your short- and long-term career goals. Make a list of what you need and want in your next job, as well as any potential deal-breakers,” Elliott said.

Calculate your financial runway. In an ideal world, you receive a severance package after a layoff. However, it’s important to note that the U.S. Department of Labor states there is no requirement for employers to offer severance pay. If you do get severance pay, be aware that the amount you receive is taxable.

It's key to calculate your financial runway: How long can you survive without an income? Add up your severance and emergency savings and divide it by your basic monthly budget to see how long it will last. 

“Consider your ability to meet monthly cash flow obligations for the next three to six months. Review a monthly budget and ensure you are comfortable with your current expenses. Eliminate any discretionary spending until you have secured a new job/monthly income,” said Jason Fannon, certified financial planner and senior partner of Cornerstone Financial Services

During this time, you may need to cut back on the “extras” and get down to a bare-bones budget, despite how awful it can be cutting back on creature comforts and reducing your lifestyle. When it comes to reducing your expenses, you don’t have to cut everything. 

You’ll see the biggest impact if you can lower your housing, food and transportation costs, which tend to be the bulk of people’s budgets. Go through your expenses and cancel subscriptions you may not need or enjoy anymore. 

Review your debt obligations. Whether you have credit card debt, student loans, an auto loan or other types of debt, review your monthly payments and obligations after a layoff. How much are your total monthly payments? Is that within your budget? If not, you’ll want to contact your lender or creditor right away to learn about your options. 

Federal student loan borrowers may apply for an income-driven repayment plan. Without an income, you may qualify for $0 payments. If necessary, you can also look into deferment and forbearance options. Credit card issuers may offer a financial hardship program, which may offer more flexible and favorable repayment terms. 

It might feel awkward or embarrassing to ask about these options. But during this challenging time, you want to keep your credit score and try to keep up with your payments. 

Apply for unemployment benefits. One thing that can help provide a cushion after a layoff is unemployment benefits. You must meet certain eligibility requirements, such as looking for a job and having been employed and earning a certain threshold of income for the past 12 to 24 months. 

If you’re eligible, you’ll need to apply for benefits through your state’s specific website. You can click on your state on this map to find out where to apply. 

Unemployment benefits typically replace less than 40% of your income, according to the National Employment Law Project. Additionally, you can typically get benefits for up to 26 weeks, though it can vary by state. Unemployment benefits are also taxable. 

Roll over your 401(k). If you have an employer-sponsored retirement plan like a 401(k) with more than $5,000, you may be able to keep your funds where they are. But Fannon recommends an IRA rollover, which allows you to transfer your retirement funds from one eligible plan to another within 60 days. Typically, moving your retirement funds isn’t taxable unless you opt for a Roth IRA, which uses after-tax dollars, whereas a 401(k) uses pre-tax dollars. 

An IRA rollover can also give you more options. “The menu of options at Schwab, Fidelity or Vanguard is going to be substantially larger than the pre-selected menu of options with the work plan. This can result in more customization and potentially lower costs relative to the current 401(k),” Fannon said.

You might think cashing out is a good option to help you during this time. But if you withdraw the funds in your 401(k) before age 59 ½ and don’t roll them over, you could face income taxes and a 10% early withdrawal tax unless you meet one of the IRS’ exceptions

Get health insurance. One of the most stressful parts of a layoff is losing your health insurance coverage. To stay covered, you can secure health insurance through:

  • The Health Insurance Marketplace: Go to Healthcare.gov and choose your state from the drop-down menu. Your state may have a different marketplace, like Covered California or NY State of Health. Losing your job is a qualifying event, so you can sign up for health coverage through the exchange during a special enrollment period. You must apply within 60 days of losing your coverage. Shop around and review premiums, deductibles, co-pays and out-of-pocket maximums. You can also see if you qualify for premium tax credits. 
  • Your partner: If you’re married or in a partnership that qualifies, you may be eligible to get health insurance coverage through your partner’s workplace plan. This can be a cost-effective way of getting health insurance, if applicable. 
  • COBRA: You may be able to keep your health coverage through your employer, thanks to COBRA. This can come at a steep cost and you must sign up within 60 days. Generally, you can stay on COBRA for up to 18 to 36 months. 

When comparing COBRA to other health insurance options, there are some key considerations. 

“The former employee pays the total premium and any administration costs. These tend to be more expensive than marketplace plans; however, they can provide better coverage. Reviewing the coverage, monthly premium and deductibles are critical in evaluating which service is correct for you," Fannon said.

Update your LinkedIn. After experiencing a blow like a layoff, you might not want to go anywhere near your LinkedIn — and you don’t have to right away. But eventually, you’ll need to update your profile when you’re back on the job search: Employers can and will review your profile. 

“You’ll also want to optimize your LinkedIn profile. Make it easy for recruiters to find you on the platform, as many employers use it to source talent. You can pull language directly from the job posting and weave it throughout your profile, including in the headline, 'About' section and 'Experience' section,” Elliott said.

While LinkedIn is often seen as the go-to social media platform for professionals and a place to find jobs, don’t avoid other sites that could also be helpful. 

"What I most want job seekers to know right now is that they need to be looking for jobs outside of LinkedIn and not just relying on 'Easy Apply' and LinkedIn postings"

“What I most want job seekers to know right now is that they need to be looking for jobs outside of LinkedIn and not just relying on 'Easy Apply' and LinkedIn postings,” said Sam Wright, head of partnerships and operations at Huntr, an AI Resume Builder and job search management platform.  

The company analyzed 401,800 jobs tracked from LinkedIn and found that only 1.1%, or 4,626, converted to an interview. On the site Indeed, there was a 2.65% conversion rate from 26,000 jobs tracked. 

There may be better conversion rates on smaller job sites, so it's important to diversify your job search and not focus on one place when it comes to submitting applications. 

Take care of your mental health. As difficult as it might be, try not to not obsess over your job search and put a limit on the number of hours you look for a job per day. Additionally, be mindful of what you’re consuming online that can send you down a rabbit hole or keep you in a doom-scrolling loop. 

“Consider limiting your consumption of social media and news as you seek your next role,” Elliott said.

Ask for what you need. While unemployed, Curtis was vocal about looking for work on LinkedIn. Receiving support and referrals from others helped her cope.

“I think that there's a culture of shame and silence around being laid off and being unemployed for a long time,” Curtis said. “Be loud about your situation and the kinds of help you need."

Trump restores Title X funding for two anti-abortion states — while wiping it out elsewhere

The Trump administration quietly restored federal family planning money to Tennessee and Oklahoma, despite court rulings that the states weren’t entitled to funds because they refused to provide women information about terminating pregnancies or abortion referrals on request.

The decision by the Department of Health and Human Services to restore millions of dollars for the two states came as it simultaneously withheld nearly $66 million from clinics in the Title X program elsewhere. Title X for more than 50 years has provided sexual and reproductive health services especially to low-income, hard-to-reach people, including minors.

The Biden administration in 2023 cut off funding to Tennessee and Oklahoma, saying they violated federal rules by not offering counseling to patients about abortion. The states sued federal health officials. And courts ruled against the states.

On March 31, HHS restored $3.1 million in family planning funds for the Tennessee Department of Health and nearly $2 million for the Oklahoma State Department of Health, according to court filings. In the notices, HHS said family planning funds were sent to the two states “pursuant to a settlement agreement with the recipient.”

Yet “there has been no agreement with Tennessee to settle this litigation,” Department of Justice lawyers wrote in an April 23 court filing.

Zach West, an official with the Office of the Oklahoma Attorney General, separately wrote on April 17 that the state’s grant notice “wrongly indicated that a settlement agreement had been reached. No agreement has yet been entertained or discussed in any substantial manner in this case.”

“To our knowledge no settlement has been reached between the State of Oklahoma and HHS in the pending litigation,” Erica Rankin-Riley, public information officer for the Oklahoma State Department of Health, said in an email in response to questions. She said the state’s Title X clinics are not providing referrals for abortion or counseling pregnant women about terminating pregnancies.

“We are appreciative of all that has been involved in restoring Oklahoma’s long-standing and successful Title X grant,” Rankin-Riley said, “and look forward to continuing these important services throughout the state as we have done for over 50 years.”

Spokespeople for HHS and the Tennessee Department of Health did not respond to requests for comment.

At least seven states — California, Hawaii, Maine, Mississippi, Missouri, Montana and Utah — now do not have any Title X-funded family planning services.

Title X was established to reduce unintended pregnancies and provide related preventive health care. As of 2023, more than 3,800 clinics across the country used federal grants to supply free or low-cost contraception, testing for sexually transmitted infections, screening for breast and cervical cancer, and pregnancy-related counseling.

Nationwide, more than 4 in 5 people who use Title X’s services are women, according to HHS.

Federal law prohibits clinics from using Title X money to pay for abortions. However, HHS regulations issued in 2021 say participating clinics must offer pregnant women information about prenatal care and delivery, infant care, foster care, adoption, and pregnancy termination. That includes counseling patients about abortion and providing abortion referrals on request.

HHS under President Donald Trump has not yet revised the Biden-era regulations, which means participating clinics are still required to provide abortion counseling and abortion referrals for pregnant women who request them.

After the Supreme Court’s June 2022 decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, which ended the constitutional right to an abortion, Tennessee and Oklahoma enacted strict abortion bans with few exceptions. The states told their Title X clinics they could discuss or make referrals only for services that were legal in their states, effectively cutting off any talk about abortion.

“Continued funding is not in the best interest of the government,” two HHS officials wrote to Tennessee officials on March 20, 2023.

Tennessee and Oklahoma subsequently sued in federal court. A three-judge panel for the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 6th Circuit ruled against Tennessee, while Oklahoma asked the Supreme Court to review the case after that state lost in the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 10th Circuit.

State officials suggested even they weren’t sure why they got some of their funding back before the lawsuits were resolved. “If Oklahoma’s award is not being restored pursuant to a settlement agreement, then what is the reason for the partial restoration, and is it permanent?” West wrote.

“Tennessee has not yet ascertained the formal position of HHS with respect to whether HHS intends to fully restore Tennessee’s Title X funding,” Whitney Hermandorfer of the Office of the Tennessee Attorney General wrote in an April 7 letter.

A report from HHS’ Office of Population Affairs said 60% of roughly 2.8 million patients who received Title X services in 2023 had family incomes at or below the poverty line. Twenty-seven percent were uninsured, more than three times the national uninsured rate.

In fiscal 2024, the federal government awarded Title X grants to nearly 90 entities, a mix of state and local governments and private organizations. Those grantees distribute funds to public or private clinics.

The decision to restore some of Tennessee and Oklahoma’s funding diverges sharply from the approach HHS under Trump has taken with other Title X participants.

On March 31, HHS withheld family planning funds from 16 entities, including nine Planned Parenthood affiliates.

At least seven states — California, Hawaii, Maine, Mississippi, Missouri, Montana and Utah — now do not have any Title X-funded family planning services, according to a lawsuit filed in federal court by the ACLU and the National Family Planning and Reproductive Health Association, which lobbies for Title X clinics.

Overall, 865 family planning clinics are unable to provide services to roughly 842,000 people, the lawsuit states.

“We know what happens when health care providers cannot use Title X funding: People across the country suffer, cancers go undetected, access to birth control is severely reduced, and the nation’s STI crisis worsens,” Alexis McGill Johnson, president and CEO of Planned Parenthood Action Fund, said in a statement.

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

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This article first appeared on KFF Health News and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

The radically divine message of “Sinners”

To say a movie scene or performance gives us chills evokes something common, especially when we’re talking about a horror film, which “Sinners” is, according to the genre’s most basic definition. Rarer still are moments on par with what director and writer Ryan Coogler conjures at that movie’s spiritual peak, where music, dance, cultural reverence and natural sorcery coalesce.

If you’ve watched “Sinners,” you know which scene I’m talking about. (If you haven’t, stop reading this story right now.) The most accurate description I’ve seen in online forums captures its primal radiance: They call it the movie’s “holy s**t” moment.

In the way of all provocative works of art, the subtext of a story is where the treasure is.

It is exalted and sweaty, uplifted and earthy; it is many things at once. The scene is a stunning introduction to Miles Caton’s prodigious abilities, both as an actor playing the movie’s burgeoning Delta blues guitarist Sammie Moore, and as a musician. That man can play, alchemizing melody into a presence that brings together tribes from across time and space. All the while, the cinematography captures the sensation of floating on “the veil between life and death,” gazing down at the past and future coming together to party.

That glimpse of heaven on Earth also establishes the stakes, no pun intended. Once the notes die out, the vampires appear — first to mimic the living’s glory, then to claim their distinct power for themselves.

In the way of all provocative works of art, the subtext of a story is where the treasure is. A halftime Super Bowl performance can be a rap concert by a Pulitzer Prize-winner with a massive hit, or “a diss track to America,” as poet Tiana Clark described Kendrick Lamar‘s Feb. 9 performance in the New York Times. Either way, the audience tuned in to Lamar’s signal with a curiosity that inspired conversation for days.

“Sinners” may have people talking for weeks about what it’s supposed to mean, and what it means to them. Its runaway success is a product of feeling and meticulous messaging, some of it hiding in plain sight.

Take the title’s smirk at the idea of piety, and the way the script implicitly questions the legitimacy of that label. The story’s heroes are bootleggers named Smoke and Stack (Michael B. Jordan, in a dual performance), World War I veterans who struck out to find their fortune in Chicago only to return home to the Jim Crow South, and the devil they know.

You may recognize its reference to what’s been called the nation’s original sin and its primacy in 1932 Clarksdale, Mississippi, where the story takes place.

In the main, though, Coogler created “Sinners” as a celebration of the motivating joy, genius and fury of American Blackness in the face of trauma, and that is the siren call pulling people to multiplexes, sometimes twice or more. “Sinners” is culture vulture bait, laden with multiple meanings and dog-eared history pages, and who can resist a puzzle? Even within this lurks a subversiveness, since “Sinners” points to chronicles informing how we’ve arrived at this version of our present that those working to re-establish segregation want to bury or erase.

Miles Caton as Sammie Moore in “Sinners” (Courtesy Warner Bros. Pictures). Only this time, the threat isn’t wearing white hoods when they appear on our doorsteps. They sport toothy smiles and play Black music just fine, hitting every note correctly. And they want nothing more than to make everyone equal, which is to say, just like them. Because that’s what vampires do.

Reading “Sinners” as an allegory of cultural assimilation and appropriation is obvious, and it’s also simple enough to get a variety of folks to walk through the door. Of course, it operates perfectly well as a straight monster story, too.

But the expanding, deepening discourse surrounding the theatrical blockbuster invites us to do a little homework, if only to better enjoy the music.

Reading “Sinners” as an allegory of cultural assimilation and appropriation is obvious, and it’s also simple enough to get a variety of folks to walk through the door.

Coogler’s Mississippi Delta is ripe with beauty and painful memories. Cotton fields carpet the land to the horizon, and  Black sharecroppers labor just beyond the shadow of enslavement, subsisting on scrip that can’t be spent outside the plantations where they live and work, ensuring they’ll never build wealth. This is where Smoke left his long-estranged love Annie (Wunmi Mosaku), a root worker in the tradition of African shamans, channeling Earthly magic for the community’s healing and protection. Meanwhile, Stack is confronted by his ex-girlfriend Mary (Hailee Steinfeld) whom he somehow persuaded to pass for white, leaving her people behind, which she was never keen to do.

Mary isn’t the only person in Smoke and Stack’s extended family with one foot in the Black world and the other foot in the white one. They have a working relationship with Grace (Li Jun Li) and Bo Chow (Yao), Chinese-American grocers who do business on both sides of the color line, including patching up any injuries the two might cause.

Hailee Steinfeld as Mary in “Sinners” (Courtesy of Warner Bros. Pictures)Even within these hardscrabble circumstances, magic abides. The twins return to Clarksdale to open their own dance hall, Club Juke — a den of sin, to the church folk.  Annie’s voiceover during the movie’s cold open tells another story, about special people “born the gift of making music so true that it can pierce the veil between life and death, conjuring spirits from the past and the future.” This talent has the power to heal, we’re told, but it can also draw evil — it’s holy s**t, she’s saying.

Caton’s Sammie is one of those beings. The Mississippi Delta is the domain of the greats — Charlie Patton, Robert Johnson and local legends like Delta Slim (Delroy Lindo). Sammie, who adopts the stage name of Preacher Boy, is set on joining that pantheon, which Stack invites him to do by performing at Club Juke.

Sammie plays powerfully enough to touch that bridge between past, present and future that Annie spoke of. Caton’s molten voice makes that impossibility feel real. Once Coogler and cinematographer Autumn Cheyenne Durald Arkapaw add their creativity and instruments to the melody, however, we’re treated to a cosmic vision.

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As Sammie croons, he’s joined by an electric guitarist playing like Jimi Hendrix but dressed like a member of Parliament-Funkadelic. Then the camera whirls to capture a turntablist and rapper wearing a Kangol bucket hat. African dancers surround Sammie, while women twerk and men Crip dance in different sections of the dancefloor. And this experience isn’t culturally exclusive. When Grace and Bo Chow join in, a Xiqu dancer (from traditional Chinese opera) whirls nearby.

Like Delta Slim tells Sammie before his music links up with eternity, what they do is sacred; it is magic, and it is big. As Coogler proves with that signature scene, anyone can access that power. The only prerequisite is being alive and welcoming all versions in their natural purity.

Not long after Sammie returns us to Earth, the contrast to this dream state shows up at the juke joint’s door — three white strangers asking to join the party. Their leader, Remmick (Jack O’Connell), introduces himself and his companions, Joan and Bert (Lola Kirke and Peter Dreimanis), and claims to believe in equality. All they want to do, he says, is play music together.

Jack O’Connell as Remmick in “Sinners” (Courtesy of Warner Bros. Pictures)On cue, Remmick produces a banjo and launches into an arrangement of “Pick Poor Robin Clean” — popularized at that time by a Black woman, Geeshie Wiley — that Pat Boone would have envied for its corniness. It is purposely comical, and explains why Smoke denies them entry aside from their potential endangerment to their other patrons. All it takes is one misunderstanding between a member of this trio and someone inside to stir up a lynch mob.

Smoke’s instincts are right, but not for the visible reasons. We know Remmick doesn’t want to join the celebration. He wants to run it.

Where other vampires drain their victims’ blood, Remmick absorbs their memories and abilities, including their language and their magic. As Annie describes it, the victims’ souls are trapped. And that’s why Preacher Boy’s talent draws Remmick. He wants to connect to his ancestors, not the ancestors. That’s the difference.

In the two weeks since its opening, “Sinners” has become the fifth highest-grossing film worldwide this year so far, with the third highest domestic gross, according to Box Office Mojo. Its second-weekend sales decreased a mere 6%, the smallest second-weekend drop of any movie since 2009’s “Avatar.”

That success proves the market viability of original ideas and perhaps a willingness to engage in honest (if fleeting) discussions about the ways America’s tortured past haunts our present. But we already knew that to be the case; the Super Bowl wasn’t too long ago. Remember what Lamar did there? It was simple on its face, a medley of new and old hits leading up to his performance of “Not Like Us.” There was no distinctive bone-breaking choreography, no show-halting costumes or props.

The story of American music is really the story of Black music, especially the blues.

We should say, there was none of that if you didn’t know how to read Lamar’s stadium-sized messaging: the aerial shots of lighted gaming console icons; red, white and blue-clad dancers arranged to look like an American flag pulling together and falling apart; the interjections by Samuel L. Jackson as Uncle Sam playing Uncle Tom playing Uncle Ruckus. The imagery tells the story of a rigged game while Lamar’s lyrics confront the violence visited on, and America’s unkept promises to, the Black folks who built this country. “Forty acres and a mule, this is bigger than the music,” he rapped. ”Yeah, they tried to rig the game, but you can’t fake influence.”

Lamar’s performance received 125 complaints to the Federal Communications Commission, most of which fell into the “it was too Black” basket: “There wasn’t one white person in the whole show,” one of them read, as relayed by Billboard. “They get away with it, but if it was all white, it would be a different story . . . This was a disgrace, and it gets worse every year.”  It also became the most-watched Super Bowl Halftime Show in history, drawing some 133.5 million viewers.

“Lemonade,” Beyoncé’s video album released nearly a decade ago, can be appreciated as a musical masterpiece with an atmospheric video accompaniment. Combing the lyrics for clues substantiating Jay-Z’s infidelities became a popular hobby that spring, too. Remember when everyone obsessed over the identity of “Becky with the good hair”?

Black folks, and Black women especially, recognized certain homages on sight: the recurring suggestions of Yoruba deities, the purposeful insertion of certain Black stars in specific scenes, the tributes to mothers living and ancestral. Those deep nods were for us. Respecting that doesn’t preclude anyone from learning about what Beyoncé intended by stitching them throughout her work.

Yet it was common for white women to claim Beyoncé made “Lemonade” for all women, which, fine. All green money spends here. By that logic, anyone can wear cornrows, too. It takes a willingness to understand and honor the hairstyle’s origins and what that plaiting symbolizes to accept that not everybody should flaunt it.

This adds another subliminal layer to Coogler and his musical collaborator Ludwig Göransson’s choice to have Remmick cover “Pick Poor Robin Clean.”

Discussing race and cultural appropriation attracts the predictable insistence that we’re “seeing things,” that the malice we notice lurking behind innocuous-seeming language is imaginary.

The story of American music is really the story of Black music, especially the blues. This lesson is embedded in the official “Sinners” Spotify playlist curated by Göransson and Coogler, which travels from the soundtrack to the earliest Delta blues recordings through B.B. King’s and Muddy Waters’ greatest hits, eventually landing in a run of songs by Alice in Chains, Metallica and Young Dolph. There are Gaelic songs on the list too, including a tune by the Dubliners, none of which feels out of place or ruins the flow. It all belongs, in the same way the crash of Chinese cymbals in the remix of Sammie’s signature song “I Lied to You” only punches up that gumbo’s flavor.

That song was designed to move the audience, but it’s O’Connell’s soulless spectacle via “Pick Poor Robin Clean” that’s become a disturbing earworm.

Why Remmick’s song choice is so disquieting isn’t apparent, aside from the odd juxtaposition between the lyrics and his jaunty cheerfulness:

I picked poor Robin clean, picked poor Robin clean

I picked his head, I picked his feet

I woulda picked his body, but it wasn’t fit to eat

Oh, I picked poor Robin clean, picked poor Robin clean

And I’ll be satisfied having a family

Then again, sufficient bother tends to make us seek answers. Some interpretations say it’s a song about gambling, supported by Wiley and fellow musician L.V. Thomas’ conversational exchange about “trying to play these boys the new cock robin” – a cock robin reportedly being old English slang for “someone who’s easily persuaded to follow the will of another.” You don’t even have to pull that many strings on the conspiracy wall to suss out the plainer insult of Remmick and his white accompaniment unleashing a country-fried version of an arrangement by a Black woman to ingratiate himself to the oppressed folks he wants to devour.

“Can’t we just, for one night, just all be family?” he pleads, a bit too hungrily. But nobody wants Remmick at this fish fry, and the rules of vampirism, and the Culture, explain why he can’t force his way in. He must be invited.


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Coogler’s choice to make the head vampire Irish is specific while not being denigratory. This is clearest in his and Göransson’s inclusion of “Rocky Road to Dublin.” This Irish standard sings of a country boy who goes to Dublin to make his fortune, only to be robbed, then takes a ship to Liverpool, where he’s rejected and beaten. Remmick performs it in a field close enough for the survivors inside Club Juke to hear it, but not to see what he’s done with his victims. And O’Connell punches it into a banger, without question, calling forth an electricity that can only come from one man’s blood memory, Remmick’s.

The newly undead Mississippi folks dance along, but it’s different from Sammie’s juke joint rapture — unnatural and jerky, even as they keep the rhythm. This is not their dance but Remmick’s — he’s compelling them to dance his way.

But then, that move isn’t unique to one monster and certainly not to one people. It’s older than America, older than vampirism. It is the midnight blues of the human condition.

Discussing race and cultural appropriation attracts the predictable insistence that we’re “seeing things,” that the malice we notice lurking behind innocuous-seeming language is imaginary. A similar introduction of disbelief plays out across the horror genre, where someone glimpses the threat or the true deadly nature of the masked monster, only to have their fears doubted or dismissed.

In this respect, “Sinners” validates us, letting us know it’s OK to consider the notes playing within the surface melody and embrace the minor keys while comprehending that they sound ominous for a reason. Our struggle to survive until a new dawn breaks can only succeed by making room for everyone’s variety, both ancestral and present. That’s where the magic has always been.

“Sinners” is playing now in theaters.

“Whole Foods lost, the workers won”: NLRB officer sides with union in certification fight

A National Labor Relations Board report has dealt a setback to union-busting efforts by Amazon, a regional hearing officer rejecting the company's arguments that workers at a Whole Foods in Philadelphia should not be afforded the right to collectively bargain.

In January, a majority of employees at Whole Foods' flagship Philadelphia location voted to join a union. Prior to the vote, a spokesperson for Whole Foods Market, which Amazon acquired in 2017, had said the company "recognizes the rights of our Team Members to make an informed decision on whether union representation is right for them."

But Amazon soon after filed a slew of objections with the NLRB, claiming, among other things, that UFCW Local 1776 had unfairly offered to provide employees' transportation to the union polling site. It also argued that the NLRB cannot certify the union election because it lacks a quorum — a product of President Donald Trump's legally dubious attempt to fire one of the board's Democratic-appointed and Senate-confirmed members, Gwynne Wilcox.

In a decision issued May 1, Philadelphia-region Hearing Officer Deena E. Kobel rejected those arguments. The company's claim that the union had improperly provided transportation to workers on the day of the election, for example, was found legally lacking and practically irrelevant, Kobel pointing out that rides were offered to all employees, regardless of stated voting intentions — and that only nine workers utilized the option in an election that Amazon lost by 15 votes.

The decision, which recommends that the NLRB move forward with certification, is subject to appeal. But UFCW Local 1776 President Wendell Young IV urged the company to immediately enter into talks with its workers.

"This ruling is definitive—Whole Foods lost, the workers won, and it’s time for the company to respect the results,” Young said in a statement. “Amazon’s tired playbook of delay and obstruction has failed. We call on Whole Foods to stop wasting time and taxpayer resources with baseless legal challenges and sit down at the bargaining table to negotiate a fair contract.”

However, a Whole Foods Market spokesperson told Salon that the company has no intention of changing course just yet.

“This is a preliminary report, not a ruling on the objections we’ve filed, and we remain confident that our objections will ultimately be upheld as the full process plays out," the spokesperson said.

In “Bonjour Tristesse,” Chloë Sevigny and Lily McInerny try to capture beauty before it slips away

Less than five minutes into her debut feature, “Bonjour Tristesse,” as faultlessly framed shots of the rippling French seaside and all of its natural wonders cascade across the screen, director Durga Chew-Bose announces herself as one of the great contemporary image-makers. For anyone who’s fitfully torn through the pages of Chew-Bose’s 2017 essay collection, “Too Much and Not the Mood” — adored equally by critics, readers and a musician you might’ve heard of called Lorde — that’ll come as no surprise. She has a knack for holding a feeling so gently that it can be examined without corruption, a method of narrative writing that feels disarmingly intimate. But for those who know “Bonjour Tristesse” as a familiar title, Chew-Bose’s film might raise an eyebrow.

The movie is, after all, the second cinematic retelling of Françoise Sagan’s classic 1954 coming-of-age novel, about a teenage girl named Cécile, whose idyllic summer in the south of France is interrupted by her father’s rigid new lover, Anne. Sagan’s novel was adapted into a film four years later, where French New Wave icon Jean Seberg put a cherubic face to Cécile’s scheming. Both the book and the film have been adolescent media mainstays for decades, which makes attempting a new version all the more bold. But Chew-Bose’s sublimely fresh take on a familiar tale is unburdened by comparisons. Her “Bonjour Tristesse” brings viewers deeper into Anne and Cécile’s stilted relationship, noting how they quietly clash despite their villa being big enough for the two of them. Their power struggle represents a conflict as timeless as the story of “Bonjour Tristesse,” one where we push against change so stubbornly that our resistance turns to cruelty. The summer sun beats down on our skin so intensely that it feels like it could last forever, but admitting that it won’t is purely unreasonable. 

Every frame is constructed to look impossibly perfect, like that warm summer day you hope will go on forever. But alongside their director, Sevigny and McInerny carefully remind us that fantasy and tragedy are interlinked. 

Resistance was similarly futile for Chloë Sevigny, who stars in the film as Anne. When Sevigny first read the script, she was hesitant. “I was like, ‘Do we want to reinforce this kind of trope?’ she told Salon ahead of the film’s theatrical release. Sevigny was wary of repeating the oft-told story of a middle-aged man (Cécile’s father Raymond, played here by Claes Bang) falling vulnerable to his younger lover and Anne’s foil, Elsa (Nailia Harzoune). Working alongside Cécile (a haunting Lily McInerny), Anne and Raymond’s relationship is tested by youthful, liberated femininity — the antithesis to Anne’s mature stoicism and career-first mentality. “As a feminist, I was a little concerned with that,” Sevigny continues. “Even though being 50 and seeing that happen to friends over and over, it’s just a reality . . .  I have a lot of women in my life who are living that. I think it’s a profound thing to examine.”

Chew-Bose’s “Bonjour Tristesse” invites a close, crisp new look at classic ideas we think we know inside and out. She’s deeply interested in why Sagan’s story has maintained its relevance, even if parts of it feel outmoded. Far from a mere remake, her take is a gorgeously rendered, self-reflexive look at cycles as inevitable as the seasons. She wants to know why we repeat our mistakes and convince ourselves that things will be different this time, and why we resist the change that we know will come for us eventually. To do that, Chew-Bose has made a film so jaw-droppingly chic that viewers can’t help but want to live inside of it. Every frame is constructed to look impossibly perfect, like that warm summer day you hope will go on forever. But alongside their director, Sevigny and McInerny carefully remind us that fantasy and tragedy are interlinked. Come autumn, the sun-soaked July mornings will be long gone, and all that will be left are the memories we held onto before they slipped away. 

Chloë Sevigny as Anne in "Bonjour Tristesse" (Courtesy of Greenwich Entertainment). For McInerny, whose effusive grace is a noticeable contrast to Cécile’s boastful assuredness, time on location in Cassis before filming was essential for inhabiting her character’s demeanor. “A lot of the character work I was doing alongside Durga was in Cécile’s physicality,” McInerny says. “The way she moves through space with an almost genderless and childlike recklessness at the top of the film, and then the way her physicality changes once Anne arrives and becomes an aspirational figure as well as a threat to the version of myself I once was.” From the film’s opening frames, depicting Cécile coasting the crystal blue waters of the Mediterranean Sea alongside her summer fling, Cyril (Aliocha Schneider), Cécile is soaked in respite. Despite some low marks in her final years of high school, she’s unworried and unhurried, content to spend her days gazing at the water or dozing on the beach. 


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But these long, hot days are just mimicry. Like most teenagers, Cécile has no idea who she is or who she wants to be. She’s mirroring her father and Elsa, who spend their time lounging, cooking, reading, swimming and sleeping. It’s a charmed life, and as such, totally impractical, as Anne notes when she arrives at Raymond’s behest. An old friend of Cécile’s late mother, Anne’s days are spent designing couture for high-paying clients; sharp, angular garments that find beauty in the construction and hard work. Hers is a success that’s earned, but that doesn’t mean it’s not lonely. Creating such stunning clothing is demanding work that has left Anne little time for anyone else, something Sevigny — a modern bon vivant if there ever was one — says felt true to her life. “[I have] friends that are so committed to their art that, for some reason, they never found the right partner or never decided to commit to having a family,” she says. “Now that they’re older, they’re second-guessing their choices. Playing a character [who has both] strength and restraint, I didn’t feel like I had ever played before.”

Anne’s arrival at the villa is a crossroads, a rare opportunity to choose a new path toward something she hasn’t yet experienced: real, tender love. Though she doesn’t come to Cassis anticipating romance. “I can hold onto my loneliness and still love enormously,” she tells Raymond one afternoon. “I’m very good at doing both at the same time.” 

Chloë Sevigny as Anne in "Bonjour Tristesse" (Courtesy of Greenwich Entertainment)Even so, her appearance sends a ripple through the established unit of Raymond, Elsa and Cécile; not because Anne’s necessarily a competitor for Raymond’s affection at first, but because she reminds the trio that life is not all buttered toast and lazy mornings. The thing about eternally enjoying the spoils of life? It gets boring. Our brains crave an outlet for thinking and creativity, more than just the buzz we get from reading a novel while the sun sets over the sea. Anne is an early winter, and Raymond is taken with the idea of a stability that will last long after the summer has ended.

This all sounds like it might ramp up into some shocking explosion. In another filmmaker’s contemporary imagining of “Bonjour Tristesse,” it might. These are the days of Bravo cheating scandals and TikTok fight videos; audiences expect drama and devastation from an immediate and severe fallout. But Chew-Bose’s film is unencumbered by the expectations we’ve developed in modern life. “Bonjour Tristesse” is intentionally slow and quiet. “The pacing [feels like] the content and setting of the languid summer vacation and the time warp you enter,” McInerny says after Sevigny mentions their director's leisurely tempo. Chew-Bose directs viewers to settle into the film’s rhythm, which feels almost analog, recalling a time when our immediate references for human behavior weren’t 60-second vertical videos. Outside two brief shots of Cécile queuing up a song or taking a photo with her phone, Chew-Bose’s “Bonjour Tristesse” could be set outside of time entirely. 

This transcendence is one of the film’s greatest gifts, a chance to practice serenity and patience when there is little of either. Chew-Bose makes plenty of space for life’s mundanities. We watch as Anne sections a pineapple and pages through the morning paper, and as Cécile rests on the beaches and in her bed, letting the anxieties pour out of her. Under Chew-Bose’s direction and cinematographer Maximilian Pittner’s singular eye, we are allowed to appreciate the tranquility of existence. And yet, Chew-Bose innately understands how to weave meaning into each carefully crafted shot. Every frame is intentional. The camera blocking is acute and almost frustratingly perfect. Every meticulous detail — from Anne’s tailored pleats to how each woman eats an apple — is beguiling. How can anything look so magnificent? It’s consuming. No wonder Cécile wants to bask in it for as long as she possibly can. 

Lily McInerny as Cécile in "Bonjour Tristesse" (Courtesy of Greenwich Entertainment). But even all that beauty and precision can’t protect us; they can’t keep life from moving forward. Elsa knows that as well as Anne does, and she reluctantly accepts when Raymond tells her he’s engaged to Anne. The two women work out their differences like adults. Raymond’s drifting affections aren’t easy to grapple with, but the pain comes with life, and Cécile hasn’t lived enough of it to understand that. The breakup signals the end of her vacation before its natural conclusion. When you’re young, you’ll do anything to make summer last a little bit longer.

“The articulation of artistry is always a little cringey. It’s very hard to do," Sevigny says. "And I remember I kept fighting Durga on it, not really wanting to do it. ‘Can we maybe rewrite it, or how can we get around it?’ I just decided to commit and do an interpretation of Durga. That’s truly her.”

In trying to convey this feeling in the film’s centerpiece scene — newly written for her version of the story — Chew-Bose achieves something remarkable. She brings an intimacy out of her actors that acts as a mirror, reflecting their director’s soft, sweet manner for the viewer. The camera peers at Anne as she looks over sketches for her new collection. The drawings are lush and vivid, sketched with sharp lines and colored with deep red and yellow. Cécile joins her, and Anne asks her opinion. “I like this one,” Cécile says, pointing to a sketch of a woman whose arms are adorned in large fabric roses. “It feels…” Anne says, before Cécile chimes in. “…Free.” Anne corrects her: “Unthinking.”

Initially, it seems as though Chew-Bose is taking a surface-level approach to illustrate the differences between these two people, a departure from how cleverly she’s relayed these variations until now. But Anne continues, “I count on these unthinking gestures, otherwise the work becomes really boring, really bad. The moment things become forced, I question everything. Sometimes I think the point is to know less and less. If I’m creating clarity or meaning, I lose interest. There always has to be a third thing. I don’t know how to talk about it, it vanishes before I can grab hold of it.”

Claes Bang as Raymond in "Bonjour Tristesse" (Courtesy of Greenwich Entertainment). When I ask about their memories of shooting this scene together, McInerny and Sevigny recall that it was awkward, even difficult. “That was one of the harder pieces of dialogue,” Sevigny remembers. “The articulation of artistry is always a little cringey. It’s very hard to do. And I remember I kept fighting Durga on it, not really wanting to do it. ‘Can we maybe rewrite it, or how can we get around it?’ And I just decided to commit and do an interpretation of Durga. That’s truly her.”

"Our characters are at such different points in our lives,” McInerny adds. “But that was the closest we ever came in the film to being mother-daughter. It was a challenge, attempting to articulate this very abstract concept of creativity and unnameable inspiration."

But by just endeavoring to put a feeling to words, Chew-Bose, Sevigny and McInerny capture the essence of “Bonjour Tristesse,” and our human desire to characterize something inexplicable. The times change, but our struggle to give meaning to joy, love, heartache and eternity never will. We want every summer to be significant, to be the time we sweat out the rest of the year’s uncertainty and experience so much life that we can take it with us when the season’s over. Like Anne, we try to grasp this nameless, formless feeling before it drifts away. But it always does.

Tinned fish and cheese are a perfect match. Here’s how to pair them

I firmly believe that everyone should enjoy as much tinned fish as possible now that spring has officially sprung. That includes topping salads with tinned smoked salmon marinated in extra virgin olive oil, umami-fying pastas with anchovy fillets à la Alison Roman or topping toast with butter and rainbow trout.

My favorite way to enjoy tinned fish is in a seacuterie board. It’s a play on the traditional charcuterie board that swaps out cured meats for preserved seafood. The star of the board is, of course, tinned fish, which is paired with pieces of toasted sourdough bread, spreads, dips, fresh fruit, pickled vegetables and cheese.

In the same way that cured meats go hand in hand with cheese, so does tinned fish. The combination always varies, meaning certain fish are best enjoyed with creamy cheeses, while others go well with more nutty, hard fromage.

“There are so many different types [of fish and cheese] and it’s really fun when you go to a specialty store, see something you’ve never seen before and try it out,” said Shawn Matijevich, lead chef-instructor of Online Culinary Arts & Food Operations at the Institute of Culinary Education. “It's like the adult version of those little machines when you're a kid. You put a quarter in, and then out pops the capsule and you don't know what's inside. That's kind of how I look at it.”

I spoke with Matijevich, who’s a seacuterie and charcuterie expert, about his favorite fish and cheese pairings. When it comes to choosing the right cheese, Matijevich said it all depends on the specific flavors of each, individual tinned fish.  

Here’s a rundown of the best pairings:

01
Salmon
Because salmon is rich in fat, it works well with a crumbly cheese that has some bite to it. “I like to have a contrast in textures,” Matijevich said. He recommended crumbled feta or a mild blue cheese.
02
Tuna
“That’s a tough one because it’s so dang dry, so it’s got a lot of texture to it,” Matijevich said. He suggested a creamy cheese, like Brie, to complement the slightly sweet yet meaty flavors of tuna. Mozzarella and even cottage cheese are other great options.
03
Sardines
Creamy cheeses also pair exceptionally well with sardines, which are dense yet delicate in texture. Similar to tuna, sardines have a mild fishy taste but are more meaty in flavor. Ricotta salata, which is often referred to as the “Italian feta” due to its firm texture and tangy taste, is a great cheese to enjoy with sardines, per Matijevich. Same with Manchego, according to Antonelli's Cheese. The artisan cheese shop also recommended enjoying the cheese and sardines with Sauvignon Blanc: “The bright, zesty flavors of the Sauvignon Blanc complement the oily, slightly salty flavor of the sardines, while the nutty flavor of Manchego cheese adds a complimenting touch.”
04
Trout
“I would pair trout with a goat cheese or Brie because, usually, trout has a little smokiness to it,” Matijevich said. “That ‘goat-y’ kind of flavor would go really well with that.”
05
Mackerel
An oily fish that’s also buttery in texture, mackerel pairs great with smoked gouda or smoked mozzarella, according to Matijevich. Gruyere, Fontina and crème fraîche are also great pairings.
06
Herring
“Herring comes in a lot of different flavors,” Matijevich said. “I normally don't tell people to get those cheeses with a bunch of herbs and other flavorings in them. But for something like herring, it actually would probably be a really good idea to grab a Havarti that’s got a bunch of dill in it.”

Obsessed with getting good sleep? That could be making it worse

Omega Chen purchased a Garmin watch to track his heart rate and other metrics when he exercised, but it also measured things like his resting heart rate and “sleep score” every day and night. Yet no matter what he did to get a better night’s rest, he could not improve his numbers. Week after week, he watched them plummet.

“It was driving me crazy trying to isolate all of these variables and trying to get all of my recovery scores up, but nothing would happen,” Chen, a 37-year-old software engineer in San Diego, California, told Salon in a phone interview. “I was wigging out about it, and I realized this was not healthy and I needed to take a break from this watch for a few months and detach from the numbers.”

But Chen is far from alone in tracking these metrics. Roughly one-third of Americans have used an electronic sleep-tracking device and close to 70% of those people have changed behaviors because of the data they were presented with, according to a 2023 survey from the American Academy of Sleep Medicine. However, these devices are imperfect in their measurements, and a subset of people become so hyperfocused on them that they actually end up getting stressed out and sleeping worse.

In fact, there is even a newly proposed term to describe the phenomenon: “orthosomnia,” defined as an unhealthy preoccupation with achieving perfect sleep, often fueled by the use of sleep trackers, such as fitness rings or smart watches.

“In some cases, this can lead people to engage in behaviors that are not healthy for their sleep, like spending more than an hour laying in bed,” said Dr. Kelly Baron, a psychologist at the University of Utah who researches sleep. “When you have trouble sleeping one of the things we say is, don’t lay there and toss and turn, [but they are] trying to squeeze out more minutes of sleep.”

At least two dozen brands of sleep trackers are on the market, with some of the most commonly used products coming from companies like Oura, Apple, Fitbit and Garmin. These devices do help many people track patterns in their sleep and make changes that help them sleep better. Getting sufficient and quality sleep is considered the bedrock of health, having been associated with a host of positive health benefits ranging from boosting the immune system to reducing anxiety to improving memory. On the other hand, lack of sleep is an indicator of all-cause mortality — practically any illness or condition is made worse by poor sleep.

Tracking sleep can become a problem when people prioritize metrics instead of listening to how they feel.

Perhaps because of these benefits, people have been particularly galvanized to improve their sleep in recent years, and increasingly willing to sacrifice other things to get a better night’s rest.

“I think the enormous interest in sleep tracking and the explosion of interest in sleep-related products and services are indicators of this collective awakening to the importance of sleep,” said Rebecca Robbins, a sleep scientist at Brigham and Women's Hospital and an assistant professor of medicine at Harvard Medical School. 

However, tracking sleep can become a problem when people prioritize metrics instead of listening to how they feel, said Dr. Cathy Goldstein, a neurology professor at the University of Michigan who studies sleep. This preoccupation extends beyond sleep: People are increasingly tracking their steps, heart rate and other metrics sometimes to a point of obsession.

Baron published the first case reports on orthosomnia in 2017, in which patients essentially reported that if they didn’t get their seven hours of sleep recorded on their sleep tracker their day was “going to be horrible,” she said. In another report, people said that they missed outings with friends to watch TV at home so they didn’t lose “points” on their tracker and that they developed a dependence on the device. A third report found that some people found the numbers motivating, but others found it frustrating when the numbers didn’t match how they felt.


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“When we see these devices to be a potential risk of worsening sleep, particularly in people with insomnia or anxiety, is when they become overly focused on parameters that we know are not necessarily accurate or precise,” Goldstein told Salon in a phone interview. “That’s when we have people break up with their devices for a while."

Although the devices have become increasingly accurate, their reliability still varies, and many have not been validated against polysomnography, the gold standard for sleep measurement. 

One 2023 study comparing 11 different sleep trackers reported that most wearables generally overestimate sleep because they may not be able to distinguish between a person lying in bed at rest and a person sleeping. Still, most of the wearables tested were fairly accurate even at predicting various stages of sleep.

Most sleep trackers use an accelerometer to measure movement in sleep and track when the user is at rest. Some devices also include photoplethysmography sensors which use light to measure how the volume of blood vessels changes. From those data points, the device calculates your heart rate, which is used to estimate how much time you are spending in various parts of the sleep cycle.

However, these are proxy measurements. In medical settings, the sleep cycle is measured through electroencephalograms, which track people’s brain waves over the course of the night, Goldstein explained.

Because of this, sleep trackers are better at measuring when a person is asleep or awake rather than specific phases of sleep, like rapid-eye movement sleep, Goldstein said. A variety of metrics are typically used to measure REM sleep, including eye movement.

“People get really excited or upset about how much REM sleep they are getting or how much deep sleep they are getting and if that matches up to what they are ‘supposed’ to be getting,” Goldstein said. “Cardiac changes that mimic what typically happens in those stages is not the same thing [as what the ECG shows], so we can’t just extrapolate what we know from brain waves to sleep based on estimated motion and cardiac activity.”

Sleep trackers may also be less accurate when measuring data from people of color because the photoplethysmography sensors used have been shown to be less accurate on darker skin tones. They may also be less accurate for people with obesity because skin thickness impacts their readings as well. 

“We had a research subject who had a tattoo on your wrist that can mess these up,” Goldstein said. “And if you're not wearing a device securely and it's moving around, it's also another reason that these might not work very well.”

Still, with more than 100 million Americans having used these devices, they can provide sleep researchers with an unprecedented quantity of data to help them better understand how people sleep at home. Traditional sleep research is gathered in labs, where people with sleep problems are hooked up to machines. But sleep trackers provide data on people in a more naturalistic setting, and can even be used to study how things like earthquakes or the Super Bowl impact sleep at the population level, Baron said.

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“It has the potential to really be a treasure trove in really understanding how people sleep in their daily lives and in their home environment,” she told Salon in a phone interview.

Nevertheless, whether a sleep tracker helps improve sleep is ultimately up to how it's used by the individual.

“Overall, just wearing a device generally does not improve people’s sleep,” Baron said. “It’s really about whether people review the data and make changes.”

Chen returned to using his watch after a break and was able to detect long-term patterns in his energy levels after using the device for over three years. The declines in his scores he once thought were a result of not sleeping or exercising enough, he now recognizes as natural fluctuations of his body.

“I’m relatively detached from the outcomes,” Chen said. “I look at the scores out of curiosity, but I focus more on how I feel rather than what the watch is telling me.”

Your AI-powered credit card will shop for you now

We've already ditched our regular shopping trips in favor of home delivery. Why not go one step further and put an AI assistant in charge of running our errands? 

That's the premise behind AI-powered shopping, launched this week by two credit card giants. Visa's "Intelligent Commerce" allows AI agents to "find and buy." Mastercard's "Agent Pay" lets users to chat with AI agents to create a shopping list, make the purchases and recommend the best way to pay (the likely recommendation is your credit card).

Once you set your budget and your preferences, an AI agent does the rest — buying everything from a new pair of shoes and a weekly round of groceries to booking a trip and completing your holiday gift list. 

“We think this could be really important,” Jack Forestell, Visa’s chief product and strategy officer, told The Associated Press. “Transformational, on the order of magnitude of the advent of e-commerce itself.”

Other companies have announced similar services. Amazon is testing an AI agent called "Buy for Me." PayPal is jumping on the trend, too.

Consumer advocates aren't as eager. Ben Winters, director of AI and data privacy at the Consumer Federation of America, told NewsNation that AI companies running the services are "hungry for data."

“So, there’s multiple entities using that data for their own benefit in ways that you might not even know," he said. 

Visa told The Associated Press that consumers will still have control over their spending by giving their AI agents limits. After all, Americans' credit card balances totaled $1.21 trillion at the end of last year, according to the Federal Reserve of New York.

But in this economy, we might prefer letting an AI bot look at the bill.

Morgan Stanley, Charles Schwab Corp. to offer crypto trading

President Trump's turnaround on cryptocurrencies is moving them more into the mainstream, with two leading Wall Street brokerages now planning to introduce a wider range of customers to digital assets.

Morgan Stanley is preparing to let clients trade bitcoin and ether — two of the most popular tokens — through its E*Trade platform beginning next year, Bloomberg reports. The brokerage's competitor, Charles Schwab Corp., said Thursday it has similar plans.

Morgan Stanley has offered crypto trading to wealthy clients through ETFs and derivatives, but its new plan would allow everyday investors to directly buy and sell digital assets.

This would be a significant shift from previous years, when banks limited their relationship with crypto or avoided it altogether. 

Crypto critics say it's too unregulated, volatile and prone to security issues and fraud to be safe for users. In 2023, U.S. banking regulators warned traditional financial institutions of "key risks associated with crypto-assets." 

"Issuing or holding as principal crypto-assets that are issued, stored, or transferred on an open, public, and/or decentralized network, or similar system is highly likely to be inconsistent with safe and sound banking practices," according to the joint statement from the Federal Reserve, the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency and the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation.

The three regulators withdrew the guidance last week, in part "to further support innovation in the banking system," the Fed said.

Even Trump was a skeptic in his first term. "I am not a fan of Bitcoin and other Cryptocurrencies, which are not money, and whose value is highly volatile and based on thin air," he posted on X in 2019. "Unregulated Crypto Assets can facilitate unlawful behavior, including drug trade and other illegal activity."

He changed course during the 2024 campaign, accepting donations from the industry, selling digital trading cards and pledging to make America the "crypto capital of the planet." 

Since he took office in January, he has reversed a Biden-era crackdown on the industry and ratcheted up his own crypto business. 

Federal agencies charged with investigating crypto firms and enforcing rules have been stripped, and cases against top crypto firms including Coinbase, Ripple and others have been dropped.  

Trump has hawked meme coins featuring him and wife Melania, promoted a crypto business with his sons, proposed a U.S. "strategic crypto reserve," issued an executive order supporting crypto, created a task force to set up a regulatory framework and appointed a crypto advocate as head of the regulatory agency that oversees the industry.

Trump Media & Technology is looking to offer bitcoin exchange-traded funds as part of Truth.Fi, its new financial services firm. On Thursday, The New York Times reported that a fund backed by Abu Dhabi would be making a $2 billion business deal using digital coins from a separate Trump family crypto business.

And on Wednesday, Trump's son Eric, executive vice president of the Trump Organization, told CNBC the traditional banking system is "antiquated" — an opinion shared by many in the crypto community. 

"I’m telling you, if the banks don’t watch what’s coming, they’re going to be extinct in 10 years," Eric Trump said, per CNBC.

 

Trump-appointed judge foils Stephen Miller’s grand plan

Finally. Due process for the Trump administration's immigrant detainees has been the single most important issue for the courts to address. While it was a relief that the Supreme Court weighed in with an order that all detainees must be allowed the right of habeas corpus, until this week, no judge had ruled on the underlying applicability at the heart of the policy: Trump's invocation of the 1789 Alien Enemies Act. On Thursday, a Trump-appointed judge ordered all deportations in his district to stop. Fernando Rodriguez Jr., a federal judge in Texas and member of the Federalist Society, ruled that it's ridiculous to define the presence of Venezuelan gang members in the country as an “invasion” or “predatory incursion."

The judge admitted that he could not question the administration's contention that the Tren de Aragua gang is operating at the direction of the Venezuelan government (Trump's own intelligence community disputes this claim), so Rodriguez made the effort to delve into the archives to find how the law was meant to apply:

The historical record renders clear that the President’s invocation of the AEA through the Proclamation exceeds the scope of the statute and is contrary to the plain, ordinary meaning of the statute’s terms. As a result, the Court concludes that as a matter of law, the Executive Branch cannot rely on the AEA, based on the Proclamation, to detain the Named Petitioners and the certified class, or to remove them from the country.

The Proclamation to which he refers is the one that declared the Tren de Aragua gang to have invaded the country and was therefore subject to immediate deportation. The judge wrote:

The President cannot summarily declare that a foreign nation or government has threatened or perpetrated an invasion or predatory incursion of the United States, followed by the identification of the alien enemies subject to detention or removal.

Thank you, Judge Rodriguez. The use of this ancient wartime power, which was only used three times before, and grievously abused in the case of the Japanese and Italian American internment, is an attack on common sense. Of course, we are not at war with Venezuela; the entire assumption is absurd, and the fact that our legal system has been dancing around it for months now is frustrating. Knowing how quickly the Supreme Court can act when it wants to, one hopes they will take up Trump's appeal very quickly and put this nonsense to rest once and for all.

At least we have one judge, who nobody can claim is a biased lefty, finally saying the obvious.

At worst, these gang members are common criminals, something the United States justice and immigration system deal with every day. But, as we've found out, some of these alleged gang members are actually just ordinary immigrants in the country, either legally protected or waiting for their cases to run their course. Trump's "deal" with the president of El Salvador, Nayib Bukele, to lock these alleged gang members in a notorious gulag with no hope of a trial or any other due process makes the policy an even more grotesque assault on human rights.

It's worth taking a look back at how this thing got started. Unsurprisingly, it began with Trump's senior adviser Stephen Miller. The New York Times published a long piece a few days ago about the deportation agenda, noting:

Mr. Miller had long been interested in the Alien Enemies Act, a law passed in 1798 that allows the U.S. government to swiftly deport citizens of an invading nation. The authority has been invoked just three times in the past, all during times of war. He saw it as a powerful weapon to apply to immigration enforcement.

The law “allows you to instantaneously remove any noncitizen foreigner from an invading country, aged 14 or older,” Mr. Miller told the right-wing podcaster Charlie Kirk in a September 2023 interview, adding: “That allows you to suspend the due process that normally applies to a removal proceeding.”

You'll recall that as the campaign was heating up last year, Trump was having some trouble getting traction on his signature issue after he blew up the bipartisan border bill, making it clear that he did it purely for political purposes. President Biden had severely tightened up the border, so Trump was having to rant incoherently about numbers and statistics, but it just didn't have the juice it used to have. Until something happened that played right into Stephen Miller's plans.

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A video went viral via the Rupert Murdoch media empire in August, with Fox News and The New York Post hyping footage of armed men in the hallways of an apartment building in Aurora, Colorado. As New York Times reporter Jonathan Weissman recounts, it "metastasized into grandiose stories of whole buildings, whole sections of town and, in Mr. Trump’s telling, the whole city of Aurora being taken over by migrants carrying weapons of war." It turned out that the story was made up by the slumlord who owned the building to excuse his neglect and some of the locals who had pumped up the story later recanted.

But that idea of armed migrants carrying weapons of war was the hook Miller had been looking for and soon Trump was talking about the Alien Enemies Act at his campaign rallies, saying that the gang had “invaded and conquered” America, which he called an “occupied state." He spent the rest of the campaign building up this idea of America being invaded by criminals.

When Salvadoran president Bukele came to visit a couple of weeks ago, he made the case for the deportations by suggesting that the United States was comparable to his country back in 2022, when it was called the murder capital of the world. He said:

 [Y]ou have 350 million people to liberate. But to liberate 350 million people, you have to imprison some. That's the way it works, right? You cannot just free the criminals and think crime's going to go down magically. You have to imprison them, so you can liberate 350 million Americans that are asking for the end of crime and the end of terrorism.

The United States is not El Salvador, then or now. We are not at war with Venezuela or any country. Crime has been going down for years now, especially violent crime. (We do have a sickening amount of gun violence but that's the last thing Trump wants to curb, and it's hardly an immigrant problem.) 350 million Americans are not clamoring to be "liberated," at least not from some obscure street gang that nobody had heard of until Stephen Miller and Donald Trump made them into poster boys for their anti-immigrant crusade.

One would hope that the Supreme Court will rule that this misuse of the Alien Enemies Act is illegal, as anyone who can read English can see. If their past behavior is any guide, I'd guess it's going to be a while before they do it. But at least we have one judge, who nobody can claim is a biased lefty, finally saying the obvious. It's about time.

Trump’s crypto racket reaches into Americans’ wallets

Donald Trump was corrupt in his first term, using his various properties as cut-outs to collect money from foreign governments and businesses seeking favor. The properties also created opportunities to funnel money from the federal government and the GOP coffers into his bank account, forcing both to rent rooms and hold events at Mar-a-Lago and various Trump hotels. But all that is is a pittance compared to what Trump has set up in his second term. His crypto "firm" allows various actors to bribe Trump outside the normal banking system, making it hard to trace payments and hold people accountable.

Trump promised he'd bring manufacturing back to America, but he's just increasing the number of people out there trying to rip you off. 

Earlier this week, the New York Times published a mammoth report on World Liberty Financial, Trump's relatively new cryptocurrency firm, which greases the wheels for a level of corruption beyond anything ever seen in American politics. Crypto hucksters talk about their industry in deliberately confusing terms, so ordinary people tune it out, but it's not complicated. Trump sells digital "coins" online. Buying these coins is a way to write a check to Trump without going through the normal banking system, where federal regulators might interfere. The Times reporters carefully documented who is buying coins to "curry favor" with Trump: foreign governments, business owners who want federal investigations and/or criminal charges to go away and other crypto firms purchasing Trump's endorsement. The latter is no different than Elon Musk writing fat campaign checks to Trump in exchange for a line of Tesla vehicles trotted out on the White House lawn, except with the crypto grift, the money goes straight into Trump's wallet. 

Unfortunately, it's difficult to get the larger public interested in Trump selling the presidency for crypto coins (which he will convert to real cash). Trump's corruption is well known, but doesn't seem to hurt him politically. He was convicted of fraud just last year, leading to a half-billion-dollar civil judgment against his company, but he won the election anyway.  Many voters seem to believe that, as gross as the corruption is, it doesn't affect them or the price of eggs. In reality, however, Trump's con artistry is a big factor in the larger scammification of the American economy, which hurts everyone, even those of us who think we're smart enough not to fall for get-rich-quick schemes or snake oil cures being hawked from every corner. Trump promised he'd bring manufacturing back to America, but he's just increasing the number of people out there trying to rip you off. 


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World Liberty Financial's founder, Zachary Folkman, goes by the cringeworthy name "ZMoney" and got his start in a more pedestrian scam: pickup artistry. He founded a company called Date Hotter Girls that offered the usual array of so-called classes on getting laid to men frustrated that women have a legal right to say "no." This background is perfect, however, because pick-up artistry is the distillation of the ethos of MAGA grifting. The con artist promises his audience they're in on the con, and they will work together to cheat someone else. In reality, the mark is the audience. With pick-up artistry, men are told they can learn to trick women into unwanted sex, but more often than not, they're just fooled into spending a lot of money on useless "classes" — unlaid, but poorer. It mirrors how Trump promised his voters he'd make them all rich by screwing over foreign countries, but in reality tariffs will be paid by American consumers. Or how Trump sells his fans crypto coins at sky-high rates, with promises they'll get rich quick, and then collects the check while the value plummets on "investors." 

It would be one thing if the only people harmed by Trump's scams were his voters, but, because he's president, it's impacting everyone. His relentless corruption and apparent impunity send a message that cheaters prosper. Even many people who don't like Trump absorb this message, if only through a "if he gets to do it, why can't we?" mentality. This cultural shift is hard to measure, but it's no doubt a contributing factor to the seemingly exponential growth in scamming, especially on social media. It's impossible to get through the day without seeing influencers hyping shady schemes or ineffective supplements. That stuff increasingly creeps into the advertising streams of otherwise trustworthy personalities online, riding the "everyone else is doing it" mentality. 

This can be most keenly felt around the tech industry, whose leaders are cozying up to Trump even as their products get shadier. The scamification of Silicon Valley is most obvious with the widespread embrace of crypto, but the poison is everywhere. Tesla, for example, is a real car company, in that they make cars people buy, but experts largely agree that the stock is way overvalued because investors are being hustled by Musk, who pretends to be an engineering genius and is forever making false promises of robots and self-driving cars that never seem to manifest. "Artificial intelligence" was hyped as the next big thing, but it's increasingly clear it's not intelligent, and has, in fact, made writing and search software actively harder to use. (Though it does provide fake girlfriends to lonely men, so the money will keep flowing.) It's gotten so that once-respected tech billionaires sound like catfishing email scams, and no one bats an eye. 

Normalization is scary enough. It makes it much harder for even smart, skeptical people to avoid fraudsters. But Trump, both for himself and to help out all the shifty money grubbers who backed him financially, is taking a sledgehammer to every federal system put in place to make it harder for hustlers to steal your money. The most prominent move was the decimation of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB), an agency established after the 2008 crash to prevent banks and other financial institutions from defrauding customers. Without the CFPB as a watchdog, ordinary people are going to see billions snaked out of their pockets every year, and the problem will likely escalate as banks get more comfortable with this no-consequences order. 

Trump has also gone after the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) by firing its two Democratic commissioners. The FTC enforces anti-trust and "truth in advertising" laws, making it the enemy of an increasingly scam-dependent Silicon Valley. Politico reported earlier this week that Trump is interfering with the work of the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC), which regulates markets trading in stocks, bonds, and other investment products. Trump's personal interest is not mysterious — he's been accused of market manipulation with his erratic tariff policies, a crime that would fall under the SEC's jurisdiction. But he also has a lot of "friends" — who can now pay bribes through his crypto firm — who would like the SEC to overlook their illegal dealings. 

This stuff matters, even to people whose investment portfolio doesn't extend past a $500 savings account. The 2008 economic crash was caused by financial institutions engaging in shady and illegal behavior, from financing bad mortgages to selling artificially overvalued investments. One doesn't need to know all the intricate finance lingo about "subprime mortgages" and investment "bundles" to understand why we must keep regulators in power who will prevent such shenanigans in the future. But Trump is firing all the cops who keep fraudsters at bay. If the bottom falls out again, everyone will feel the impact of that money getting sucked out of the economy. Even if it doesn't affect the price of eggs, the cumulative loss of income will make life much harder for us all. 

“The courage to name what people are experiencing”: Abdul El-Sayed says Democrats need to get real

Abdul El-Sayed entered the race to be the next Democratic senator from Michigan earlier this month, earning an endorsement from Sen. Bernie Sanders, I-Vt., and promising to drive universal health care back into the national political discussion.

El-Sayed ran for governor of Michigan in 2018, losing in the Democratic primary against Gov. Gretchen Whitmer. A medical doctor, he served as the director of the Department of Health, Human, and Veterans Services for Wayne County from 2023 to 2025 and as a member of the Unity Task Force for Democrats following the 2020 presidential primary. He is the author of “Medicare for All: A Citizen's Guide,” alongside Micah Johnson.

In the race to replace the retiring Sen. Gary Peters, D-Mich., El-Sayed is currently facing state Sen. Mallory McMorrow and state Rep. Haley Stevens. In a conversation with Salon, he explained why he thinks he's the best candidate to take on American "oligarchy."

This interview has been edited for length and clarity.

You’ve talked about creating a politics of "buildings." I’d like to ask what your vision for American politics is and what it is that you’d like to see built.

I've been in an ongoing conversation with Michiganders since I jumped into public service, and they're very clear about the pain points in their lives. They're very clear about their frustration that they feel like their lives are simply a money grab for greedy big corporations. They're afraid of the insecurity of losing a job and then losing health care or watching as your employer gives you yet more deductible you have to pay to get the health care you already paid for, garnished out of your wages every two or four weeks. They're worried about PFAs plumes in their ground, poisoning their water, or whether or not their air is poisoned by sulfur dioxide from a smokestack next to them. They're worried about whether or not their kids are ever going to be able to afford a home because the quality of their schools seems like it's been deteriorating over a long period of time.

We are the richest, most powerful country in the world. The fact that those are shared frustrations of the vast majority of our people is, frankly, gobsmacking, and our politics needs to be about solving that. And I think there are three things we need to do if we’re serious about solving it.

Number one, we need to break the way that corporations have had a choke hold on our political system for a very long time, because the power of their money in our politics to dictate who gets elected and then what they do. And that means delivering our democracy up to people so that they have the say, rather than corporations who can pay for 30-second ads to miss and disinform the public.

Second thing is, I think we need to address the way that we’ve been limiting what we are able to do as a function of the interests of those corporations instead of rebuilding government to actually deliver on challenges. I'm somebody who believes that government can be a real part of the solution, and too often what's happened is that you've got a Republican — now MAGA — agenda that has been about deteriorating the power of government so that they can privatize out those services, and somebody can make a lot of money and then return some of that money back into campaign contributions.

I think government works best when government's doing that work in the public interest, and so I think we need to build government out so that it can actually deliver on broad mandates in the form of education, in the form of health care, and in the form of broad, sweeping public services like transit and and fundamental civic infrastructure.

And then the third thing is, I think we need to heal our politics so that we are having a conversation about who best delivers, rather than this kind of negative partisanship that has taken hold that leaves us more cynical, more frustrated, more angry and delivers points to the the party that can better insult the next one.

I think if we can do those three things, I think Americans are going to be happier, we're going to be healthier, we're going to be more secure in the communities in which we live, and we'll be wealthier for it.

I'd also like to ask you about your background in medicine. Specifically, I'm wondering how you make sense of RFK Jr. as a phenomenon and whether or not you think his rise and the real popular support for it is a result of Democrats backing away from health care as an issue. They've often positioned themselves saying, “We fixed health care with the Affordable Care Act, and now all we need to do is protect it.”

I really love that question. Look, I just want to use the pandemic as an example here. For a long time, corporatized medicine has pushed public health out of the conversation, and there was a time when public health was built around taking on big fights against corporate interests that were harming the public.

Go all the way back to meat packing or swill milk at the turn of the 20th century; go to the fight against big tobacco. But for a very long time, I think public health has become technocratic and it has become cowardly, and there are big fights that still need to be won.

You look at the role of ultra-processing in our food, and you take that back to the fact that you have a few very large corporations that manufacture our food in ways that are really built around profit rather than nutrition. You look at the way that Big Tech has fracked our attention space, literally monetizing our eyes in ways that leave us more anxious, more lonely, more angry and further apart from each other. These are big fights that we should be we should be fighting. And unfortunately, I think public health has been an agent, sometimes in its own marginalization.

And so you've got a situation where a guy like RFK Jr. can take the fact that we've left the playing field and then, in effect, monetize it off of conspiracies for himself. And there are things about RFK Jr. that I want to note he gets right, and that's his diagnosis of the problem. I think he recognizes that there is a serious opportunity for our country to be healthier that we are missing. 

Now you look at COVID-19 as an example, and this is where I was going with this. You have a pandemic in a moment where people are deeply afraid, and all of a sudden they hear from their public health officials about what they cannot do, and then a year later, we're out telling them to take a vaccine that didn't exist a year ago for a disease they don't yet have.

Meanwhile, for decades, you've watched as people have been struggling to pay for things like insulin. And so the logic here is, “Okay, I know I need my insulin to survive, and you all were MIA while I was struggling to be able to afford this critical medication, as the prices went up because corporations were monetizing me because of my disease, and now, all of a sudden, you all show up with a new vaccine that's completely free that didn't exist a year ago for a disease I don't have.”

You can understand now how our failure to show up on the issues that people know they face as undercut trust. And I think in that trust gap, you have somebody like an RFK Jr who tries to explain it all via a grand conspiracy theory about the scientists and everybody being in cahoots. So I worry because of the sort of marginalization and the technocracy of the public health infrastructure over the past several years, and the fact that Democrats haven't been willing to actually take on the big gaping issue in our health care system, which is that too few people have access to quality, affordable health care; that we have $225 billion in medical debt collectively; that hospitals keep buying each other up and raising their prices or shutting down hospitals in rural and some urban communities.

The fact that we haven't been able to take that on has created the space where somebody like an RFK can come and exploit it, naming the problems and then identifying, like, frankly, bat-shit crazy solutions, and we see what the consequences are. And so the thing we have to understand is that if we're not willing to be bold, if we're not willing to face down a lot of the ways that corporations have left us failing to solve real problems because they're interested in funding campaigns to keep us silent, if we're not willing to do that, it creates a trust gap and then you have charlatans who step in.

Frankly, RFK is just one example of a far broader team. I mean, it's exactly what Donald Trump did. He identified and exploited pain that was not being answered by the people who said that they wanted to actually address it, and then he was able to ride that all the way to the White House now twice, and his solutions have been 100% self serving, chaotic and ham handed. And it's the same thing with RFK Jr.

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I wanted to follow up on that. I know you've written a book about Medicare for All. I'm wondering what you think the leading policy should be for Democrats in 2026. I know Tim Walz, for example, has said that universal health care needs to be on the table. I'm wondering whether you think that the marquee policy for Democrats should be Medicare for All in these midterms and the next presidential election, and if not, what it should be.

So I just want to draw the obvious here, right? A guy commits a heinous crime by shooting a health insurance CEO in broad daylight, which is heinous and wrong and terrible, and the broad conversation isn't about condemning the murder, it's about how angry people are at the industry that that he targeted. That should tell you a lot about just how frustrated people are with health insurance. 

I wanna be absolutely clear: The murder of anybody is 100% wrong. And the fact that the broad populace brought up a conversation not about how terrible murder is but about how terrible the health care industry is — that should really focus our attention on addressing the underlying glacier of challenges that people face. 

I mean, you look at health insurance prices, they have gone up and up and up and up. We pay every two weeks, or every four weeks, and then they've created this cost-sharing mechanism, which means that you pay and then you have this deductible, which means you pay again at the point of care, which literally sends millions of people into debt. I mean, $225 billion medical debt that is greater than the GDP of the majority of U.S. states, like that is an insane thing in the richest, most powerful country in the world.

So the idea that you would run and ignore that foundational problem that everybody faces, it's either they're facing it directly right now, or they're at risk of facing it or their loved ones are at risk of facing it, [it's] like critical and essential to who we are, because we all have bodies that want to be able to heal if they get sick. That’s nuts to me — that it's a question that whether or not this should be on the table. The only reason that we would not lead on health care is because we know that the insurance industry and the hospital industry and the pharmaceutical industry have been writing checks to Democrats for a very long time to buy our silence.

So even when we do talk about health care, we talk about it in these vague terms, because nobody wants to dare piss off the insurance industry, lest they lose out those corporate checks to fund their campaigns. And so yes, we should be leading on health care, foundationally. We should be leading on the idea of guaranteeing health care for everybody.

Medicare for All does exactly that and it also makes our health care system more efficient. It also fights on behalf the public against the sort of tyranny of the healthcare corporations. It puts everybody in America on equal footing when it comes to being a patient and a consumer of health care. It solves a lot of problems, but politically, it's also an obvious solution to an obvious problem, which, if you're a Democrat right now, you really, really want to be about.

I also think, though, that it's an emblem of a broader problem. Like we cannot ignore the fact that our economy has been unstable for the majority of Americans for a very long time. And we point to average metrics to say, “Oh, well, it's performing extremely well.” Yes, when you average out the billionaires with everybody else who's just scraping two dimes together to try and afford their home and their groceries, yeah, it looks fine. 

The problem is, when you realize that it's a distribution problem, that you have billionaires doing amazingly well while everybody else is falling behind, you start to realize that affordability is critical, and health insurance is part of that, health care is part of that, but it's part of a broader theme.

The reason that our system is as broken as it is is because we've allowed the same kinds of corporate welfare policies to abound: whether it's in health care; whether it's in groceries; whether it's in food processing; whether it's in Big Tech and telecommunications. No matter where you turn, you've got a few very large corporations that get to set the rules for the rest of us.

They get to figure out how to monetize us on our needs and then everybody ends up poorer for it, except for the folks at the very top of those corporations. And to secure the politics that protect them, they write corporate checks to everybody on both sides of the aisle.

Do you think that the political infrastructure has changed enough since, you know, eight years ago when you ran for governor, or when Bernie Sanders ran for president? Are we at a moment where this could break through?

I believe so, but let's be clear. We sometimes talk about these things as if there's an invisible hand that dictates our politics, right? It's incumbent on people running for public office to drive a conversation that sources the best, the most important issues they're hearing from their constituents, and to speak publicly, openly, honestly and directly about the problems that they're hearing about.

Medicare for All, is it magically going to come back to the top of the conversation unless people are honest, politicians are honest, about what they're hearing from the public, and they're willing to say that openly and honestly? The problem, though, is that too few are willing to actually name the problem, because the problem sits downstream of corporations who are paying in part for those campaigns. And so, you know, I don't take corporate PAC money for a reason, because I want to be free to talk about the real problems I'm hearing about and to name them openly, honestly and directly. 

It's funny. When I'm out and about in Michigan, people are like, “It seems like you just say the thing.” I'm like, “Yes, I do say the thing.” And the bigger picture is not that I'm saying the thing, it’s that nobody else is saying the thing. The question is, why are they not saying the thing? They're not saying the thing because they're out knocking on the corporate PACs doors to ask for the money, which keeps them from saying the thing.

If we have the courage to name what people are experiencing, if we have the courage to name real solutions to solve it, I think it can break through. Again, just point to an example of the fact that, like the broad conversation that surfaced after a man killed another man in in cold blood, was about the insurance industry that should tell you something about how pissed off people are about this problem, and I think we have a responsibility, if we're serious about being public servants, to solve it.

The problem is that too many people cosplay as public servants and really they're just servants for private interests. And that is, in part, a corruption of our politics that we need to be good about solving as well.

I have two more questions for you. The first is in regards to something Sen. Elissa Slotkin, D-Mich., said. She recently advocated that Democrats don't talk about oligarchs and the way that they control the country and back Donald Trump so much.  And she also advocated that they once again try to “retake the flag” and called on the party to shed what she characterized as a "weak and woke" public image. I was hoping I could get your response to her description of the situation and her plan to fix it.

I try to be just to focus on what I'm for, and I certainly agree that anybody who's going to corrupt our Constitution, like Donald Trump has and all of the MAGA acolytes that have gone along with it — literally disappearing people for signing on op-eds or peaceably assembly — that is un-American, and so I think we need to retake the flag.

I love my country. I know 100% what my life would have looked like and my parents had not had the opportunity to come here. I love America. I love America so much that I constantly want her to be the best she can be. And so I think what we're doing here is true patriotism.

It is doing that thing that is so American, which is correcting, like the thing that America does better than any other place, that we constantly try to get better. And I think it's an amazingly American thing. And I think that we need to dress ourselves up in red, white and blue, because that's what America is. And I think sometimes when we criticize, rather than just saying what's wrong, we need to be all about saying what can be better, and demonstrating our belief. That is such an American ideal of recognizing what can be fixed and fixing it and then being better because of that.

At the same time, on the question of what we call Donald Trump and his acolytes, all of us got to go and call this what we believe it to be, and you see what resonates, right?

I try not to wade into a lot of these disagreements within the party, my job is to go out, listen to voters across my state and then articulate what I'm hearing from them in ways that capture their frustrations and seek to bring more people together to try and take them on and that’s what we’re going to be doing. I think oligarchy is a perfectly acceptable word to do that. I think calling Donald Trump, somebody who wants to be a king, is a perfectly acceptable way to do that.

I think, regardless of what words we use, we've got to be about naming just what is so broken and wrong about this administration, and probably more importantly, what we fight for to solve it. And I think you know, it's one thing to fight back against Trump and Trumpism and Musk and all of the cowards in Congress that have gone along with their agenda; it's another to tell people, here's what the alternative can be. And I'm really focused on doing that.

One more question, and this is specifically about campaigning in Michigan. Democrats did a number on their brand in the state, particularly with the Kamala Harris campaign in regards to her cleaving to the Biden administration's policy in Gaza. Many people have criticized the campaign for sending surrogates like Bill Clinton and Richie Torres to the state, and there has been some evidence that if she had broken with the Biden administration on just this one issue, it could have been the difference. I'm wondering what your approach is to campaigning in the state in light of this and repairing the brand, given the damage that has happened over the past year and a half there.

I can't tell you how damaging the failure to just campaign on common sense was. I endorsed Kamala Harris in July. I spent the next three months having very difficult conversations with two groups of people.

The first was the Harris campaign, trying to get them to see that there was so much pain in our communities in regard to the disastrous policy when it comes to Gaza. Every president in American history before this guy has agreed that we need a two-state solution. And what that means is that you believe in the possibility of the state of Palestine. Yet we were arming, aiding and abetting the very people who want to foreclose on that possibility. That was a disaster in terms of just public policy.

But what's even more disastrous is that people watch as their kids' schools are crumbling, and we're sending billions of dollars abroad to drop bombs on other kids and their schools. It just makes no sense. And Michiganders are particularly focused on the issue, because so many people see it on both sides.

They look at their kid's school, and then they look at their distant cousin's school, and both of them are crumbling… How about we don't send those tax dollars abroad to destroy other kids in their schools? Instead, we spend them here.

That should seem to be conventional wisdom, right? And for a long time, our party understood that. I remember voting for Barack Obama, who's the second president I ever voted for, because he was the guy who understood that war was fundamentally wrong in terms of American adventures, and that we were best when we obeyed the rules of the rules based international order that we helped to create after World War II.

I don't know what happened in the last 17 years where we became the party of war rather than the party of peace, but a lot of my conversations with the party were about trying to get them to see that that is a winning position, and then that means breaking with the disastrous Biden policy when it came to Gaza.

And at the same time, I was having really hard conversations with folks across my state about the fact that Donald Trump would simply be worse. About the fact that Donald Trump would try to foreclose on our democratic rights to advocacy, as he has, about the fact that Donald Trump would be worse for people in our state, but you'd also be worse for people living under war in Gaza. And both of those things have come to pass, and I remain deeply frustrated with all that transpired over the next three months… I think a lot of Michiganders could have been won over.

But I'll tell you, as I've crisscrossed my state, I'm running to be senator from Michigan, and in Michigan we believe that our kids deserve good schools, that we should have health care, and that sending our money to a foreign military to drop bombs on other people's kids probably isn't the best use of our money, considering all the challenges we should be solving here at home. I've been having that conversation with Michiganders. They agree with me, poll after poll shows that, and so I'm looking to have that conversation now. 

I know that there are a lot of folks who are looking to accept money from MAGA characters to try and rig our primary here so that MAGA doesn't have to run against somebody who's willing to say those conventional wisdoms out loud. And I just hope that every Democrat running in this primary is willing to step up and say that we should not be taking MAGA money to beat up on other Democrats and that we should be trying to win Democrats on the merits, rather than with Republican money.

MSNBC wants to host America’s “fun Saturday night dinner party”

Now that Donald Trump has surpassed the first 100 days of his second term, left-leaning MSNBC is rolling out the final phase of its major staff shakeup in hopes of winning back an audience dejected by the bloodletting at the ballot and cable boxes. Network star Rachel Maddow is stepping back from hosting a weeknight show to just one evening broadcast a week, and a host of fresh and familiar faces are getting rotated into a new lineup that looks to rely on expertise to guide deeper conversations about the Trump administration and beyond. 

“We will be able to actually sit with our guests, tell their stories and have really thoughtful conversations.”

I spoke with the hosts of MSNBC’s new Saturday and Sunday evening show, Antonia Hylton, Elise Jordan, Ayman Mohyeldin and Catherine Rampell, about their three-hour-long program’s planned mix of culture war, foreign policy, economic and political coverage. 

“We want to go beyond just the talking points,” Rampell, a Washington Post columnist, said of the new show, “The Weekend: Primetime.” To “get to conversations that were maybe bulldozed during the week,” Hylton, an Emmy-winning NBC News correspondent, added. 

“MSNBC viewers,” Hylton pointed out, “care about all of the things the four of us do. They like education stories. They are really worried about the economy. They are trying to understand our political moment day-in-and-day-out. And they are very engaged on foreign policy; very worried about what is happening in the Middle East.”

Featuring “healthy disagreements” with newsmakers, “comedians, creatives, film directors and actors,” Hylton, who previously worked for Vice, said the “The Weekend: Primetime” is meant to “feel like you are invited into a space with us, able to sit on the couch and a have a really good conversation about whatever else is happening in the culture that is just fun to talk about on a Saturday or Sunday.” Like a “fun Saturday night dinner party,” co-host Elise Jordan added. 

Hosts with a mix of professional and ideological backgrounds are part of a growing pattern on MSNBC. Jordan, who formerly served as a staffer to Sen. Rand Paul, R-Ky., said she hopes her connections to the Libertarian Party could provide rare moments of actual ideological debate that potentially lead to points of agreement. “It’s a good viewpoint for liberals to hear from.” 

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“How do we better understand those we disagree with and learn from them?” Rampell said the show seeks to answer that question “in good faith.”  

“It’s not that interesting to have a conversation among four people who all agree with each other,” Rampell argued, calling it a “much more engaging conversation.” But, the frequent CNN debate guest promised, “The Weekend: Primetime” will not devolve into a “boxing match like some other shows.”  

“All four of us are going to try to build this big tent together and lean on each other to do that,” Hylton said. “All coming at it from a place of wanting things to be better and wanting to be civil,” Jordan added, and “a strong belief in democracy and the importance of free press.”

Longtime MSNBC host Ayman Mohyeldin, who has hosted his own weekend program for years, said the weekend show also hopes to introduce MSNBC’s audience to alternative media content creators and activists, as the Trump White House hosted this week a “new media” press briefing for MAGA influencers. Hylton, who will continue reporting NBC News during the week, said she believes the way to “rebuild and repair” bridges of trust broken between the media and the audience is to get out into the field and give voice to the people. “We will be able to actually sit with our guests, tell their stories and have really thoughtful conversations.”

“Our hope is that when people sit with us on set or sit with us on their couch that they are able to talk about their lives, their work in a way that they can’t with two to five minutes on set or on Zoom during the work week.”

“The Weekend: Primetime” will air from 6:00 p.m. to 9:00 p.m. ET on Saturdays and Sundays.