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Georgia hits back: How an Atlanta jury could put Donald Trump behind bars for his election lies

On day two of former President Donald Trump’s historic second Senate impeachment trial, the New York Times revealed Wednesday that Fulton County prosecutors have launched a criminal investigation into a January 2 phone call in which Trump asked Georgia GOP Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger to “find” over 11,000 votes.

The Fulton County probe comes after Raffensperger’s office on Monday opened an administrative inquiry into the call and as the former president faces not only the Senate trial but also civil and criminal investigations of his business empire in New York state as well as lawsuits from two women who say he sexually assaulted them.

Trump could face legal trouble for his leaked call to Raffensperger as well as a December call to Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp in which Trump reportedly pressured the Republican to call a special election to reverse his electoral loss of the southern state to the Democratic candidate, President Joe Biden.

During the January call, the recording of which was obtained by The Washington Post, Trump said: “So look, all I want to do is this. I just want to find 11,780 votes, which is one more than we have. Because we won the state.”

At the time, as Common Dreams reported, the effort by the president was immediately seen by critics as attempted “criminal extortion” and demands went up for Trump to be prosecuted under state election statutes.

According to the Times:

On Wednesday, Fani Willis, the recently elected Democratic prosecutor in Fulton County, sent a letter to numerous officials in state government, including Mr. Raffensperger, requesting that they preserve documents related to Mr. Trump’s call, according to a state official with knowledge of the letter. The letter explicitly stated that the request was part of a criminal investigation, said the official, who insisted on anonymity to discuss internal matters.

[…] Former prosecutors said Mr. Trump’s calls might run afoul of at least three state laws. One is criminal solicitation to commit election fraud, which can be either a felony or a misdemeanor; as a felony, it is punishable by at least a year in prison. There is also a related conspiracy charge, which can be prosecuted either as a misdemeanor or a felony. A third law, a misdemeanor offense, bars “intentional interference” with another person’s “performance of election duties.”

The Fulton County investigation was welcomed by critics of Trump who have demanded accountability for his lies about election fraud in the wake of his November loss—which led to a violent mob storming the U.S. Capitol on January 6, the event that provoked Trump’s unprecedented second impeachment by the U.S. House.

In a statement, Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington (CREW) president Noah Bookbinder, a former federal corruption prosecutor, welcomed the Fulton County probe.

“Last month we sent a criminal complaint to the Fulton County district attorney laying out the multiple laws Donald Trump appeared to violate by pressuring Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger to overturn the results of Georgia’s presidential election, and called on prosecutors to begin a criminal investigation into Trump,” Bookbinder noted. “They are now doing exactly that.”

“Trump’s conduct violates not only the law, but the foundation on which our democracy is built,” Bookbinder said. “He may have been able to evade facing criminal charges as president, but he is no longer president. We applaud Fulton County District Attorney Willis for launching this investigation and showing that no one is above the law.”

As for the probe by the secretary of state’s office, The Atlanta Journal-Constitution noted Monday that “election investigations can take months or years before they’re referred to the State Election Board, where Raffensperger is the chairman. The board can dismiss cases, levy fines or refer cases to the attorney general’s office for potential criminal investigation.”

Walter Jones, a spokesperson for Raffensperger’s office, said Monday that “the secretary of state’s office investigates complaints it receives. The investigations are fact-finding and administrative in nature. Any further legal efforts will be left to the attorney general.”

Jones confirmed that investigation was prompted by a Monday complaint from George Washington University law professor John Banzhaf, who told Reuters that he had filed four complaints about Trump’s call to Raffensperger since January 2.

Trump adviser Jason Miller responded to the that probe by telling Reuters: “There was nothing improper or untoward about a scheduled call between President Trump, Secretary Raffensperger, and lawyers on both sides. If Mr. Raffensperger didn’t want to receive calls about the election, he shouldn’t have run for secretary of state.”

This post has been updated with comment from CREW.

Republicans doubt the GOP and flee their party following Capitol insurrection

Republican voters are leaving the party in droves after the Jan. 6 insurrection at the U.S. Capitol.

Tens of thousands of GOP voters switched their party affiliations in the days following the deadly riot aimed at keeping former president Donald Trump in office, and voting experts told the New York Times the shift was unusual after a presidential election and represented a dangerous pattern for the Republican Party.

“Since this is such a highly unusual activity, it probably is indicative of a larger undercurrent that’s happening, where there are other people who are likewise thinking that they no longer feel like they’re part of the Republican Party, but they just haven’t contacted election officials to tell them that they might change their party registration,” said Michael McDonald, a political science professor at the University of Florida. “So this is probably a tip of an iceberg.”

Nearly 140,000 Republicans quit the party in 25 states, according to readily available data, compared to 79,000 Democrats who left their party since early January, and the biggest spikes in GOP abandonment came in the days immediately following the insurrection, with most of those Republican voters changing their status to unaffiliated.

“What happened in D.C. that day, it broke my heart,” said Juan Nunez, a 56-year-old an Army veteran from Mechanicsburg, Pennsylvania. “It shook me to the core.” More than 10,000 Republicans have left the party in Arizona, where the state GOP has moved to censure Gov. Doug Ducey, former Senator Jeff Flake and Cindy McCain for perceived disloyalty to the former president.

“The Arizona GOP has just lost its mind,” said Heidi Ushinski, a 41-year-old Arizona voter who switched her affiliation to the Democratic Party.

Ushinski has switched her party affiliation twice in the past to vote against specific primary candidates, but she told the Times she feels out of place in the current GOP.

“I look up to the Jeffry Flakes and the Cindy McCains,” she said. “To see the GOP go after them, specifically, when they speak in ways that I resonate with just shows me that there’s nothing left in the GOP for me to stand for, and it’s really sad.”

Lifelong Republican Michael Taylor, the mayor of Sterling Heights, Michigan, had already voted for Joe Biden in the Nov. 3 election before changing his registration after the state GOP helped push conspiracy theories that fed the insurrection.

“There was enough before the election to swear off the GOP, but the incredible events since have made it clear to me that I don’t fit into this party,” Taylor said. “It wasn’t just complaining about election fraud anymore. They have taken control of the Capitol at the behest of the president of the United States, and if there was a clear break with the party in my mind, that was it.”

 

Trump’s costly impeachment defense strategy: Success comes at the price of the Senate GOP — at least

Day three of former President Donald Trump’s impeachment trial was not quite as harrowing as day two, with its never before seen security footage of officials and staff being evacuated just steps away from a frothing mob, but it was startling nonetheless. Having meticulously laid out the case that Trump spent months stoking the fury of his voters the day before, Thursday’s arguments took a look further back into his long history of violent rhetoric and drove home the point that if Trump is not held accountable and barred from running for office he will do it again.

Lead House Manager Jamie Raskin, D-Md, rested the case with encouraging words from Thomas Paine:

“Tyranny, like hell, is not easily conquered, yet we have this consolation with us: that the harder the conflict, the more glorious the triumph.”

If he was listening, no doubt Trump’s ears perked up at the words “glorious” and “triumph” and, in a way, you couldn’t blame him. The Impeachment managers delivered an irrefutable argument that proved the former president incited an insurrection which came horrifyingly close to causing death or injury to members of Congress, the Senate and the Vice President — and yet he is almost certain to be acquitted. A glorious triumph indeed.

Who but Donald Trump could get away with such a thing? Who but Donald Trump would even have the nerve to try?

He will be most pleased with those senators who boldly defend the Big Lie and say that he won the election and everything he did was perfect. There will be a few. There always are. Most, however, will quietly take the proverbial “off-ramp” offered by the discredited constitutional argument that the Senate has no jurisdiction to try a former president. It’s an easy way out that Trump will no doubt accept, but he won’t be particularly impressed and may require some more overt acts of loyalty if Republicans expect him not to call his Red Hat MAGA mob down on them.

There are also going to be a handful who will echo the defense team’s apparent argument that the House managers were “offensive” and divisive by presenting their case with the graphic videos and documents showing the Jan. 6th violence and Trump’s participation in it. This is apparently contrary to the need for “healing” which everyone knows is Donald Trump’s primary concern. Trump’s lead attorney Schoen went on Fox News to explain:

I think we know by now that if there’s one thing Trump cannot abide, it’s divisiveness.

Schoen’s insistence that the manager’s case is offensive has been echoed by Trump’s most loyal henchman Lindsey Graham, R-SC, and he, along with Sens. Mike Lee, R-Ut, and Ted Cruz, R-Tx, met with the impeachment managers on Thursday night to help them with a strategy in advance of their presentation today. One might think that’s a little bit unusual since they took an oath to be impartial but this is Donald Trump’s impeachment trial so oaths are obviously for suckers and losers.

As I write this, it’s unknown what their advice might be, but perhaps this is a clue:

That’s right. According to Graham, Nancy Pelosi has only herself to blame for the sacking of the Capitol, the mob hunting her down, breaking into her office, terrifying her staff and she really needs to pay for that. “Is this another diversionary operation?” Senator Ron Johnson, R-WI, recently asked about the impeachment trial. “Is this meant to deflect away from potentially what the speaker knew and when she knew it?” Johnson asked on Fox News. “I don’t know, but I’m suspicious.”

Graham and Schoen have been very derisive toward the House managers in general, but their opinion isn’t widely shared, even by the Senate Republicans, most of whom were unable to summon that level of gall and reluctantly had to admit that the case was very compelling.

Texas Senator John Cornyn told CNN’s Manu Raju, “I have to compliment the impeachment managers just in terms of their presentation preparation. I thought it was excellent. I don’t agree with everything. But I think they set the standard pretty high.” Of course he went on to say that the biggest concern he has is the moot constitutional question and “what that means to exact retribution on political opponents.” That’s pretty rich coming from the man who enthusiastically supported the president who led “lock her up” chants for four years and said “you’d be in jail” to his presidential opponent’s face in a televised presidential debate.

Trump’s lawyer Bruce Castor actually suggested on Tuesday that while the impeachment was illegitimate, there was no good reason not to have the former president arrested:

“[If you] actually think that President Trump committed a criminal offense…you go and arrest him…. The Department of Justice does know what to do with such people, and so far I haven’t seen any activity in that direction.”

I thought “so far” was a nice touch. Florida Senator Marco Rubio seemed to think it made sense as well, tweeting, “The 6 Jan attack on the Capitol was far more dangerous than most realize and we have a criminal justice system in place to address it.” It seems odd for Trump’s defenders to take this tack, but I have to say that it is the best idea they’ve had in a very long time. Lock him up. 

Whatever “strategy” they decide to go with, they know that it really doesn’t matter because their client has threatened and intimidated the jury and they will vote to acquit regardless of what they say. We already know how this ends and it’s profoundly depressing. After all, if what happened on Jan. 6th does not result in any consequences for the man who incited it, then it’s hard to imagine what would.

Donald Trump has been impeached twice, both times for gross abuse of power. He was the most corrupt, incompetent, demagogic, radicalizing president in US history. And the Republican party cannot quit him even when he’s no longer in power. Slate’s Dahlia Lithwick describes watching this trial as “excruciating” and not just because it’s painful to watch that rabid crowd descend into bloodlust and violent delusion, which it is. It’s excruciating because this terrifying event was real, we watched it happen, and yet it changed nothing. And that’s not even the worst of it:

[T]he same people refusing to contend with its factuality were witnesses and victims themselves, and they still don’t care. Rep. Eric Swalwell narrating in the second person what happened to United States senators was astounding. This happened. And it happened to you. A recitation of facts that were excruciating one month ago is worse today, as new details come out of colleagues, like Romney and Pence, who were closer to harm than they even realized at the time. None of this will change their minds, a fact that starts a spiral of hopeless despair as the back of one’s mind asks: What else will we have to live through before the Republican Party finds its way back to fact-based decision-making?

Watching these GOP senators flounce around like a gang of sullen teenagers, making excuses for Trump’s shameless attempt to overturn the election, it’s clear that we have a very long way to go before that happens. I don’t even want to think about what we will have to live through before we get there. 

Questions remain about Big Food’s influence on the new dietary guidelines

When the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) and Department of Agriculture (USDA), released new Dietary Guidelines for Americans on Dec. 29, 2020, they looked almost identical to the ones released five years earlier. There were new guidelines related to pregnancy, breastfeeding, and children under two, but to those who’d been paying attention to the process, what stood out was what had not changed.

Most glaringly, the guidelines failed to take up key recommendations from the 2020 Dietary Guidelines Advisory Committee, the group of experts responsible for preparing a detailed report intended to inform the final guidelines. This year, that document was 835 pages long and included recommendations for lowering the amount of recommended daily sugar from 10% of one’s daily calories to 6%, as well as limiting alcohol consumption to one drink a day for both men and women.

This marked a shift from the previous guidance of up to two alcoholic drinks for men a day. The committee also noted the need to consider the context of “sustainability of the food supply and food insecurity,” which is especially relevant in a time when food’s link to climate change has become increasingly clear and food insecurity is at a historic high due to the pandemic.

None of these recommendations made it into the final guidelines.

For years, food policy experts have been concerned that the “go-to source” on healthy eating has failed to keep pace with nutrition science, often to the benefit of major food and beverage companies that wield considerable influence over the guideline setting process.

“This is a movie we’ve seen before,” said Sarah Reinhardt, the lead food systems and health analyst at the Union of Concerned Scientists. “The scientific advisory committee publishes a fairly thorough, scientific report using rigorous methods. And when the final guidelines come out, suddenly the federal government has walked back some of the most significant recommendations.”

While the direct impact of corporate influence over the process is hard to quantify, it’s worth a look into the many points at which food companies — and the trade groups they pay to do their lobbying — may have impacted this latest process.

The power of the guidelines

Billed as “the nation’s go-to source for nutrition advice” by HHS, the dietary guidelines affect the entire food supply chain: what is produced, consumed, and eaten — especially by food-insecure Americans.

And while some food brands modify their products according to the recommendations, it’s not clear how the guidelines — or the education campaigns designed to show the makeup of the dinner plate—drive consumer decision making. Only one in 10 Americans eat the recommended allowance of fruit and vegetables, for instance.

But policymakers and educators all rely on these guidelines. And they help shape a wide array of food assistance programs including the National School Lunch Program, the Elderly Nutrition Program, the Food Distribution Program on Indian Reservations, the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), and the Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children (WIC). All this translates to dollars — and even if it’s not apparent to the average consumer, the guidelines play an enormous role impacting the bottom lines of many of the nation’s food companies.

The new guidelines also include for the first time advice on the entire lifecycle, from infancy to old age, which extends their impact — and potentially reach of corporations — even further.

A familiar playbook

There are two main avenues for corporations to influence the final guidelines: written and oral public comments, as well as lobbying and undocumented meetings or correspondences with members of Congress.

It’s the latter method that tend to have the biggest role in shaping the final guidelines, says Reinhardt. “When the final guidelines come out and you see recommendations that contradict science that’s not because someone wrote a compelling public comment. That’s because somebody went through the back door and influenced the process in the wrong way,” she said.

Case in point: Reinhardt points to a letter sent to Sonny Perdue and Alex Azar, former respective heads of the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) and HHS, in August, in which Congressmembers challenged the recommended daily alcohol limit for men.

“When 28 members of Congress, who are not nutritionists, who are not doctors, are writing to the USDA and HHS secretaries telling them they got the science wrong, you have a pretty good idea [that they’ve been talking to lobbyists or other industry representatives],” said Reinhardt. (HHS declined to comment for this article.)

In the three years leading up to the guidelines, alcohol industry trade groups and corporations spent an average of $27 million per year on lobbying. The largest donations came from the Distilled Spirits Council, Anheuser-Busch InBev, and the Beer Institute. Rep. Mike Thompson (D-California), one of the signatories on the letter asking for more laxed alcohol guidelines, was the top recipient from the alcohol industry in the 2019–2020 election cycle. Thompson’s campaign committee and leadership PAC collectively received over $184,000 from the beer, wine, and liquor industry.

Read more Civil Eats: Rodale Enlists Cargill in Unlikely Alliance to Increase Organic Farmland

Several of the politicians behind the August letter include outspoken climate deniers with a history of disavowing established science. For instance, Rep. Andy Harris (R-Maryland) told the Star Democrat in Maryland, “I believe the actual science is uncertain” on climate change. Rep. Doug LaMalfa (R-CA) said that there’s “a lot of bad science behind what people are calling global warming” in a town hall meeting. This industry strategy of arguing that established science lacks evidence has its origins in the tobacco industry’s downplaying of public health risks, as historian Naomi Oreskes has extensively documented.

The public comment period also offers a window into some of what the major food and beverage industries sought to influence. More than 70% of the public comments filed by May 2020 were from major food and beverage companies and trade groups, according to research by the international advocacy nonprofit Corporate Accountability. This includes the American Beverage Association, Coca-Cola, the Sugar Association, the Juice Products Association, the Beer Institute, SNAC International(representing the snack food industry), and the National Cattlemen’s Beef Association, which counts McDonald’s among its many members.

In an oral public comment in August, Samir Zakhari of the Distilled Spirits Council and Jim McGreevy of the Beer Institute both argued for more lax alcohol guidelines, claiming that the new recommended limit was not based on a “preponderance of evidence.” McGreevy also argued that the more stringent alcohol limit for men was a disregard of the advisory committee’s “charter.” The language in their testimonies is strikingly similar to the letter mentioned above, which was sent the very next day.

Potential for influence at every stage

Beyond public comments and lobbying members of Congress, corporations also have the opportunity to influence the guidelines throughout the process, from the selection of the advisory committee to the final guidelines. “At every stage, we are seeing such troubling influence by the industry,” said Ashka Naik, the research director at Corporate Accountability. “The process is vulnerable and the industry has been exploiting it for its own good for decades.”

Naik says the first point of vulnerability to corporate influence is the nomination process to the advisory committee. It is now commonplace for food industry trade groups to nominate potential members. And while the HHS and USDA secretaries have the final say in the selection process, they often have their own ties to industry. In this latest case, both Azar and Perdue had a legacy of catering to major industries.

As the American Prospect reported, nine out of 20 of the committee members were nominated by the American Society for Nutrition (ASN), which includes 32 corporations as “sustaining partners.” These include the Sugar Association, Nestlé Nutrition, Cargill, Kellogg Company, and the National Dairy Association. Trade groups, such as the American Beverage Association, the International Life Sciences Institute (ILSI), and SNAC International, also secured nominees.

As a result of this process, 75% of the participants on the advisory committee have ties to corporations or trade associations representing the food and beverage industries. In addition, Corporate Accountability found that more than 50% of the advisory committee members have ties to International Life Sciences Institute (ILSI), a shadow “pro-sugar” industry group described by the New York Times as “almost entirely funded by Goliaths of the agribusiness, food, and pharmaceutical industries,” including Coca-Cola (until earlier this month), DuPont, PepsiCo, General Mills and Danone. (ILSI declined to comment for this article.)

Dr. Elizabeth Mayer-Davis, a participant on advisory committee and the chair of the nutrition department at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, was not nominated by an industry group. And, like Reinhardt, she saw the process as a rigorous one.

“I was disappointed that the recommendations for both added sugar and alcohol were not carried forward in the guidelines,” said Mayer-Davis. “That was the best recommendation that we could come up with the data that we had.”

But she added that “there wasn’t any point in time when I felt like there was industry influence” over the committee’s process. And while the final recommendation to keep sugar intake at 10% of daily calories is higher than the committee’s recommended 6%, she sees it as a step in the right direction, given the fact that sugar currently makes up 13% the average American’s calories.

“The most important message for the public is to reduce intake of added sugar,” she said. “Obviously, the current recommendation and our recommendation are both lower than what the average intake is in the population. So, we’re consistently saying ‘eat less sugar.'”

Nutrients vs. Food

Despite the potential of corporate affiliations, experts say the advisory committee’s recent recommendations were nonetheless more scientifically rigorous than the final guidelines, which were shaped by Trump Administration officials. These include the USDA’s acting chief scientist Chavonda Jacobs-Young, a government liaison for the ILSI’s board of trustees. According to Corporate Accountability, other USDA officials who oversaw the process had ties to SNAC International, the National Grocers Association, and the Corn Refiners Association — all of which likely have a vested interest in seeing that sugar and high-fructose corn syrup remain a significant part of the American diet.

And for the first time, the USDA and HHS also set the research agenda, limiting the scope of what the advisory committee examines, further extending the agencies’ influence over the guidelines. Previously, the advisory committee set its own research agenda and prior to 2005, the committee wrote the final guidelines. The latest agenda excluded the health impacts of red and processed meat consumption, sodium, and ultra-processed food, the Washington Post reported. Of the 80 questions explored by the advisory committee, systemic racism’s impacts on nutrition were also excluded, despite advocates pushing for its inclusion for years.

Marion Nestle, author and professor of food studies and public health at New York University and a participant on the Dietary Guidelines Advisory Committee in 1995, notes that the exclusion of any recommendation to avoid ultra-processed foods in particular required the committee to overlook the large quantity of research into how “junk food increases body weight, increases risk for chronic disease, and makes people eat more.”

Sustainability and the environmental impacts of food production were also excluded from the research agenda. In 2015, the advisory committee recommended a plant-based diet for the first time, linking animal consumption to more greenhouse gas emissions, water, and energy use. Yet, after much pushback and lobbying from the meat industryUSDA and HHS determined that this is outside of the guideline’s scope. In 2016, this decision was codified in an appropriations bill limiting the scope of the guidelines to nutritional and dietary information — even as the body of research on the links between nutrition, climate change, environmental degradation, and human health has grown.

This more integrated approach to nutrition is the “current thinking about where nutrition ought to be and these guidelines don’t come anywhere close to that,” said Nestle. And as she sees it, industry influence over federal dietary guidelines can prevent “clear guidance about diet and health,” which makes it easier for industries to evade responsibility to human health.

Ensuring science-based guidelines moving forward

Advocates say there are ways to make the process behind the guidelines more accountable to science and public health. Prohibiting industry and trade groups from nominating participants to the advisory committee, establishing a more transparent process around the committee members’ disclosure of financial and industry ties — including speaking fees and research funding — could change the outcome, said Naik. But all that only makes a difference if the officials at HHS and USDA, who determine the final guidelines, are also free of industry ties, she added.

The guidelines can also move away from the narrow focus on specific nutrients such as fat, sugar, and salt to talk about food itself, which would make the information more accessible. “There’s a big difference between saying ‘eat less foods containing salts, sugar, and saturated fat,’ and ‘eat less meat, drink fewer soft drinks, and don’t eat snack foods,'” said Nestle.

This omission benefits the junk food industry by not singling out their products — and it isn’t an accident. Nestle traces this back to the Senate Select Committee on Nutrition and Human Needs’ 1977 report, the first dietary guidelines, which recommended eating less meat, less soda, and fewer foods with sugar and salt.

Read more Civil Eats: What Role Can Vineyards Play in Conserving California’s Biodiversity? 

“The food industry went nuts. There was an enormous pushback,” recalled Nestle. “Within a few months, they published a new report in which they switched all the recommendations for eating less to nutrient recommendations.” That approach continues to this day.

This myopic focus on nutrition can overlook other important elements of why we eat, including cultural and social relationships to food. “Just focusing on what sugar, salt, and fat one eats can be quite detrimental because you’re not looking at the holistic lens,” said Naik. This can also lead culturally relevant foods to be ineligible for food assistance, and a food system that often fails to support communities of color get the nutrition they need.

Where to go from here

Despite the degree of corporate influence, food policy experts broadly agree that the new guidelines offer critical nutrition advice and are vital for policymakers to fully implement. And because there has never been funding behind the guidelines beyond promotional materials, there’s no consistent way to implement them or ensure they are widely understood.

“They really could have so much more of an impact if we had better policies to help people follow the guidelines,” said Jessi Silverman, who works at the Center for Science in the Public Interest (CSPI). “There is a lot more the government can be doing to deliver on the dietary guidelines.” For instance, she says the Biden Administration can adopt these guidelines in all federal facilities, including prisons and Veterans hospitals.

The implementation is especially important now in a midst of the worst public health crisis in recent history. “If the public were able to follow these recommendations, that would have huge implications for public health,” said UCS’ Reinhardt. “We’d be talking billions of healthcare dollars saved every year from reduced cases of diabetes and other chronic diseases.”

And while it’s not clear how exactly the Biden administration will interact with the guidelines — since they’re released every five years — it’s possible that their approach will differ given the fact that it appears to be turning to nonprofit leaders to fill temporary appointments rather than former industry executives.

Take Stacy Dean, the USDA’s new Deputy Undersecretary for Food, Nutrition and Consumer Services. She comes to the agency after working as the vice president for food assistance policy for the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities. When contacted by Civil Eats, Dean underscored the agency’s commitment to “building inclusive dietary guidance that reflects personal and cultural diversity and traditions in a manner that is committed to public engagement, transparency and science-based evidence.”

Don Jr. alleges double standard on Newsmax: Democrats “insurrected” before Trump supporters

Donald Trump Jr. argued this week that his father’s impeachment trial is unfair because Democrats and their allies “insurrected” before Trump supporters did.

During a Wednesday appearance on Newsmax, Trump insisted that the Jan. 6 attack on the U.S. Capitol does not “tie back” to former President Donald Trump.

Trump ranted, “By that logic, we would take the last 10 months and you would take the billion dollars worth of damage in looting, in rioting, in arson, in murder that took place across the country with the [Black Lives Matter] riots and the antifa riots. And you have the words of Kamala Harris. You have the actions of their campaign bailing out criminals. You have the words of Maxine Waters. You know, get up in their face. Nancy Pelosi, everyone.”

“We’ve all denounced what happened on Jan. 6,” he continued. “No one hasn’t. OK? That doesn’t mean that then, by their rules, that they would be absolved of 10 months of Jan. 6 that happened across the entire country. Right?”

Trump claimed that federal buildings were “stormed” by supporters of former Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg.

“You had everything else,” he said. “All ‘insurrected’ by the Democrats and by their rhetoric on TV.”

The former president’s son said that he wasn’t advocating to punish Democrats.

“I don’t think that every time that someone says something that we should be able to tie it back to a couple of actions by lunatic players and say we’ve got to blame the person saying it,” Trump opined.

You can watch the video below via YouTube:

Why Biden must shut down U.S. support to the brutal el-Sissi regime in Egypt

Under Donald Trump’s presidency, Egypt, as well as Saudi Arabia, Israel, the United Arab Emirates and other repressive regimes had virtually free rein to commit unchecked human rights abuses without worry that they might be chastised or lose U.S. diplomatic and financial support. But when Joe Biden won the 2020 election, President Abdel-Fattah el-Sissi of Egypt started to worry. That’s when he contracted lobbying powerhouse Brownstein Hyatt Farber Schreck for $65,000 a month. 

The pro-Cairo lobby team includes a number of former politicians, including former Republican congressman Ed Royce, who chaired the influential House Foreign Affairs Committee from 2013 to 2018. The most shocking PR agent for the Egyptian regime, however, is Nadeam Elshami, former chief of staff for House Speaker Nancy Pelosi. “It’s inconceivable that a man who spent his younger years in Egypt, comes from a Muslim family that supported the 2011 Arab Spring and was a key Democratic staffer in the U.S. Congress would end up lobbying for a regime that jails, tortures and murders tens of thousands of Egyptians,” says Mohamed Ismail of  Egyptians Abroad for Democracy Worldwide.

Brownstein boasts many accomplishments, including pushing Congress to obtain compensation on behalf of the hostages held in Iran in 1979, recovering artifacts plundered during the Armenian genocide, securing compensation for housing developers who had to mitigate asbestos from former U.S. military sites, and securing increased funding for cancer research. Representing Egypt under el-Sissi is unlikely to be something Browstein Hyatt Schreck will brag about. 

In July 2013, el-Sissi seized control of Egypt in a military coup that removed Mohammed Morsi, the country’s first democratically elected leader. The following month, on Aug. 14, his military massacred approximately 1,000 civilians engaging in peaceful protest at Rabaa al-Adawiya Square. Human Rights Watch Executive Director Kenneth Roth called the Rabaa massacre “one of the worst killing of demonstrators in a single day in recent history,” pointing out that the violence was “intentionally planned at the highest levels of Egyptian society.” Between July 2013 and May 2014, Egyptian authorities detained, charged, or sentenced more than 40,000 people. Many of the detainees — demonstrators, dissenters and journalists — were held without trial. Others were tried without due process and sentenced to death

In 2015, el-Sissi governed without an elected parliament, giving himself almost total impunity for the attacks he carried out against civil and political rights. Effectively, all the human rights gains that had been achieved during the 2011 Arab Spring that ousted longtime Egyptian ruler Hosni Mubarak were lost when el-Sissi took over. His reign of power has continued in this fashion, with Egyptians experiencing surging human rights abuses and a large-scale breakdown of civil society. 

In April 2019, el-Sissi’s government passed constitutional amendments allowing the leader to remain in power until 2030. In the fall of 2019, Egyptian authorities launched their biggest crackdown since el-Sissi seized power in 2013. According to Amnesty International, over 2,300 people, including more than 111 children, were taken into custody in sweeping and targeted arrests of peaceful protesters, journalists, human rights attorneys, politicians and political activists. On Jan. 13, 2020, Egyptian-born U.S. citizen Mustafa Kassem died following more than six years of incarceration in Egypt. Kassem had been arrested in August 2013 in Cairo on claims that he had participated in protests against el-Sissi’s military regime. He suffered from beatings and was held in pretrial detention for over five years before finally, without due process, receiving a sentence of 15 years. 

The COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated the already abysmal prison conditions in Egypt and el-Sissi’s government has used the crisis as a pretext to further silence its critics and make use of pretrial detention without judicial review. 

Egypt’s North Sinai, a sparsely populated area bordering Israel and the Gaza Strip, is a particularly egregious example of the country’s human rights abuses. Attacks by armed groups, including ISIS affiliates, on Egyptian government installations began to rise after the 2011 Arab Spring uprising but increased dramatically following el-Sissi’s 2013 coup. Instead of protecting Sinai residents in their fight against militants, the Egyptian military has “shown utter contempt for residents’ lives, turning their daily life into a nonstop nightmare of abuses,” said Michael Page, Human Rights Watch’s deputy director for the Middle East and North Africa. 

The Egyptian military in the Sinai has been engaging in torture, disappearances (including of children as young as 12), mass arbitrary arrests, extrajudicial killings, home demolitions, severe curfews resulting in food shortages, and air and ground attacks against civilians. According to Human Rights Watch, these actions amount to war crimes and, according to a 2020 report by the U.S. Department of State, Egypt has repeatedly refused U.S. requests to observe how its military equipment is being used in the Sinai. 

The history of U.S. financial support for Egypt dates back to the 1978 Camp David Accords and the subsequent 1979 Egypt-Israel peace treaty, when the U.S. began to provide Egypt with aid at two-thirds the rate of U.S. aid to Israel. According to the U.S. Department of State, since 1978, Egypt has received more than $50 billion in military aid and $30 billion in economic assistance. Currently, the U.S. gives Egypt $1.3 billion per year in military aid — more than $3.5 million every single day — making Egypt the second largest recipient of U.S. military assistance after Israel. 

This largesse flowed during the reign of Mubarak and continues today, despite el-Sissi’s record of massive human rights abuses. Following the horrific 2014 Rabaa Square massacre, President Obama halted the delivery of U.S. tanks, missiles, fighter jets and attack helicopters to Egypt. By 2015, he relented and lifted the arms hold, however, citing the need “to address the shared challenges to U.S. and Egyptian interests in an unstable region.” Trump famously referred to el-Sissi as his “favorite dictator,” and praised the Egyptian leader for doing a  “fantastic job.” In August of 2017 the Trump administration did cut $96 million and delayed $195 million in military assistance to Egypt over the country’s failure to reduce its human rights abuses, a new law el-Sissi approved to restrict the activities of nongovernmental organizations, and Egypt’s relationship with North Korea. But these actions were not as tough on Egypt as they appeared to be. According to The New York Times, “by pausing the provision of $195 million in military funding, the Trump administration saved the money from expiring entirely on Sept. 30. This way, Egypt could eventually get the money if its record on human rights improves.” Indeed, the funding was later released without any change in Egypt’s policies.

Some members of Congress have tried to take action. In October 2020, 56 representatives — 55 Democrats and one independent — released a letter urging el-Sissi to release prisoners “unjustly detained for exercising their fundamental human rights.” The call was echoed by more than 220 European lawmakers. In 2014, Congress began implementing the “Leahy laws” on a portion of aid money to Egypt. These laws prevent U.S. security assistance to a foreign security force unit when there is credible information that the unit has committed a gross violation of human rights. 

In December 2020, Congress made $75 million (a small portion of the total $1.3 billion) conditional on human rights improvements, without the U.S. State Department being able to waive the conditions by citing U.S. national security interests.

Unlike Trump, Joe Biden has been quite critical of el-Sissi. Commenting on the release of an Egyptian-American medical student, then-candidate Biden wrote on Twitter: “Mohamed Amasha is finally at home, after 486 days in an Egyptian prison, for raising a protest banner. The arrest, torture, and exile of activists like Sarah Hegazy and Mohamed Soltan or threatening their families is unacceptable. No more blank cheques for Trump’s favorite dictator.” 

Shortly after it became apparent that Biden had won the 2020 U.S. election, Egypt began releasing some political prisoners, including three directors of the well-respected Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights — Gasser Abdel-Razek, Kareem Ennarah and Mohamed Basheer. On Feb. 6, the regime released Al Jazeera journalist Mahmoud Hussein, who had been in prison since December 2016 for  “publishing false information and belonging to a banned group.” After Hussein was arrested, el-Sissi banned Al Jazeera and other news outlets critical of his rule. Reporters Without Borders has called Egypt one of the world’s biggest and worst jailers of journalists.

Certainly President el-Sissi is afraid that his days of free rein to commit human rights abuses are over now that Trump is out of office. That’s why he is so desperate for the help of Brownstein Hyatt Farber Schreck to whitewash his image and keep U.S. military assistance flowing. But the Biden administration and Congress must not be swayed by Egypt’s release of a few select prisoners or the lobbying efforts of well-compensated Brownstein employees like Nadeam Elshami. They should put a “stop payment” on the U.S. taxpayer-funded check that has enabled el-Sissi to operate with impunity. 

Dr. Justin Frank on the trial: For Trump, Capitol riot was a source of “incredible pleasure”

On Thursday, House impeachment managers finished their presentation of the case against Donald Trump, arguing that he should be convicted for the crime of inciting an insurrectionist attack against the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6.

The video, photographic and other documentary evidence of Trump’s responsibility for the attack on the Capitol is overwhelming. He has no reasonable defense for his crimes, and his attorneys have not offered one. Instead they will lie, obfuscate, change the topic and present Trump and his followers as being the “real victims” of a dark plot centered on “political correctness” and denying “free speech” to “conservatives” (read: white, Christian and male). 

House impeachment manager Joe Neguse explained the importance of convicting Donald Trump: “We humbly, humbly, ask you to convict President Trump for the crime for which he is overwhelmingly guilty. Because if you don’t, if we pretend this didn’t happen, or worse, if we let it go unanswered, who’s to say it won’t happen again?”

For Trump to go unpunished is to ensure that there will be more right-wing coup attempts and terrorist attacks in the future. If history is a guide, at some point these inevitable right-wing assaults will be successful and American democracy will be permanently broken.

In a just world Trump’s second impeachment would end with a conviction and a permanent ban from any future public office. In that same world, Trump and his co-conspirators and other agents in his coup attempt would face criminal prosecution and imprisonment.

But in the world as it exists, Donald Trump will not be convicted for his obvious crimes against the American people, democracy, the rule of law, human decency and the Constitution. Only a handful of Senate Republicans will vote to convict Trump, and no possible evidence could convince the others to do so.

During the impeachment trial this week Senate Republicans repeatedly showed their disdain and disengagement from the crucial historical task of holding Donald Trump, the de facto leader of their party, accountable for his evil behavior.

On Thursday, 15 Republican senators did not even bother to attend the trial. Throughout the Senate trial Republicans have been seen drawing pictures, reading and in general acting contemptuous of the proceedings.

This is expected: Today’s Republicans Party endorses right-wing terrorism and other violence as a way of winning and keeping power.

Moreover, many Republicans in Congress provided aid and comfort to Trump and his coup plot and attack on the Capitol. Three senators (Ted Cruz, Lindsey Graham and Mike Lee) actually met with Trump’s defense attorneys on Thursday. This is the equivalent of a trial where the jurors are also co-conspirators and witnesses to the crime. In total, the Republicans have made a mockery of Trump’s impeachment and trial.

Writing at the Atlantic, David Frum summarizes this mockery of the rule of law and democracy: “There is no defense. There is only complicity, whether motivated by weakness and fear or by shared guilt. And the House managers forced every Republican senator to feel that complicity from the inside out.”

Most importantly, Trump’s second impeachment trial is not about one man and his crimes, or even how history will remember his time in office. Trump has given his followers permission to indulge in the worst aspects of human behavior. In that sense, Trump’s racism, misogyny, authoritarianism, fascism, love of violence and other anti-human and antisocial behavior function as an intoxicating drug for tens of millions of his followers and cult members.

Trumpism, like other examples of authoritarianism and fascism, is a form of self-immolating death cult.

Trump’s attempted insurrection and a growing wave of right-wing extremism constitute a national emergency that should be responded to accordingly by the country’s leaders and law enforcement.

A new poll from the American Enterprise Institute shows that 40 percent of Republicans believe it may be necessary to use violence to resolve political disputes in America. As a practical matter this means that if Republicans do not get what they want through “democratic” procedures, they now perceive violence as a legitimate means of achieving their goals.

Dr. Justin Frank is a former clinical professor of psychiatry at the George Washington University Medical Center and a physician with more than 40 years of experience in psychoanalysis. He is the author of the bestselling books “Bush on the Couch” and “Obama on the Couch.” His most recent book is “Trump on the Couch: Inside the Mind of the President.”

In our most recent conversation, Frank offers the view that Donald Trump may be so delusional as to believe that he is actually still president, and suggests that many of Trump’s followers believe the same thing. Frank says that Trump’s followers — such as those who attacked the Capitol — are possessed by a deep rage and feelings of betrayal and anger, emotions that the demagogue ex-president is uniquely capable of directing and controlling.

Frank also issues an ominous warning, saying that thousands of Trump’s most diehard followers are likely experiencing a form of dire psychological emergency which makes them a real and present danger to the public. One direct way to manage or limit this threat, he suggests, would be to try Donald Trump for treason and put him in prison.

You wrote a book on Trump’s personality and mind. How is Trump feeling right now as he watches his second impeachment trial?

Trump has what is known as a “grievance addiction.” Trump experiences it when he believes that he is being unfairly treated or the media is attacking him, or that Congress is attacking him. Trump is addicted to grievance and he wants to attack back. In one of Trump’s books, he talked about it. He said when somebody attacks you, you attack back 10 times harder. There is actually research about the human brain being addicted to grievance. The brain develops a type of craving and then need for relief. It is very similar to an alcoholic or a drug addict who needs relief because of the anxiety that the craving generates.

In that way Trump is like an alcoholic. He has these cravings for attention, revenge and destructiveness. I also believe that Trump’s craving for grievance has impacted his capacity to perceive reality. There is this narrative that Trump used the “big lie” and in fact knows that he was defeated by Biden during the election. But I have a deep intuition that Trump believes that he really won the election. Trump cannot believe that he lost because he went to so many rallies. He believes that everyone loves him.  

Trump’s followers, especially the ones who attacked the Capitol, also have a grievance addiction.

Yes, they do. Trump tapped into it. Trump understands narcissistic injury. He has instinctively tapped into it for political purposes. Being on “The Apprentice” was a gift to him because he could gratify this addiction on a daily basis. It made him more powerful. He could then tap into the feelings of narcissistic injury among his followers. In their minds they felt injured by the elites in Washington, or they felt injured by the immigration changes and believed they were going to lose their jobs to foreigners. They felt somehow injured that they were not getting what they wanted out of life even though they had white skin. In the minds of his followers, they had many reasons to hold a grudge. Trump understood their sense of grievance and tapped into it. There is also a great deal of anger in people who have been narcissistically injured. There is lots of hatred and resentment in such people which can be summoned.

Trump is now in Florida where he is scheming and plotting. He has established an “Office of the Former President” and is considering starting his own TV network. He still commands the support of a vast majority of Republicans. In fact, a recent poll shows that Republican voters are more loyal to Trump than to the party. I see this as evidence that Trump still believes he is president. His supporters do as well. It is a collective delusion.

It is in fact a collective delusion. Trump is the kind of person I would see when I was running the inpatient ward at Cambridge City Hospital and at Mass Mental Health Center. There are certain patients who have delusions of grandeur. You cannot reach them. In their minds they really do believe that they are Napoleon. They really do believe that they are the most powerful person on earth. They love the power they have. They also crave attention, even from other people on the inpatient unit. They demand to be paid attention to on the ward. Such patients are very hard to reach. They usually require medication to help calm their massive anxiety.

This is former President Trump. He is distorting the actual world in a way that is more crazy than not. I could not make a diagnosis from afar to determine whether Donald Trump is psychotic or not. Trump knows he’s in Florida. He can tie his shoes. He knows how to eat. He knows how to play golf. He can do all kinds of things, such as talking and bantering with people. But Trump has a fixed, focused delusion that he won the election.

Trump’s aides have been telling the news media that he is watching the impeachment trial and really doesn’t care. Trump does not believe that he did anything wrong. One of the aides reportedly told reporters that Trump loves seeing his followers in action and doing things for him as in the Capitol attack.

It is actually erotic for him. It turns him on. Trump’s supporters make him feel powerful. They are like an unconscious extension of himself. They’re doing the things that Trump was always afraid to do. For example, the one thing that he was always afraid to do was to stand up to his father. He never could do it. Then he was afraid to stand up to Robert Mueller and he got Bill Barr to do it. Trump is afraid to directly stand up to people. He can do it through tweets. He can do it by menacing people. He can do it in front of a large audience, but not face to face. He is afraid of Adam Schiff. He is afraid of the Democrats who are managing his impeachment. Donald Trump is a frightened man, which is the same person who had “bone spurs” to avoid going to Vietnam — because he was scared, not because he had principles.

Trump’s love of watching the people attack the Capitol is the equivalent of being at a rally where they all yell, “Trump! Trump!” and “Lock her up!”

With the attack on the Capitol and the coup attempt Trump is tearing down the foundations of this country, and it really is a source of powerful, deep and incredible pleasure for him. Trump’s followers are the extensions of his sense of self. Instead of his hands, they’re like artificial extensions of his power and they express it. Trump sees the men and women who stormed the Capitol as unconscious parts of himself, the extension of his own sense and need for power.

Throughout Trump’s presidency he encouraged violence by his followers. In the video of the Capitol attack his cult members are running amok in the Capitol building while they search for Mike Pence and Nancy Pelosi and others, perhaps to kill them. Some of Trump’s followers were literally screaming such things. That video is proof that Trump’s followers were doing what he commanded. What happened on Jan. 6 was just a crescendo of sorts.

In Trump’s mind, they are an unconscious part of himself. Trump is so identified with them that they are fused internally in his mind. Trump’s followers are extensions of him. Moreover, in Trump’s mind his followers are not actually real people. His crazy sense of power dehumanizes other people.

Would Trump have cared if Mike Pence had been murdered by the mob?

No. Donald Trump would not have cared if Pence were killed. What Trump cares about is that Mike Pence did not go along with him. He cares that Pence suddenly had a mind of his own and was no longer an extension of Trump. Everybody is required to be an extension of him. Once you show that you have a mind of your own, whatever it is, you are dead to Trump. You are just written off. You are evil, you are bad. He wants you out of his life.

Let us assume that Trump’s coup and attack on the Capitol had been successful and the Democrats and Pence had been massacred. What would Trump do after that?

It is very interesting that somebody can be that grandiose and also be paranoid. What Trump would want to do is have everybody obey him and agree with him. Trump would like to turn the country into one of his rallies. He would want to get rid of anybody who disagreed with him, who had a mind of their own. Donald Trump hates independent thinking. He is terrified of it. Therefore, Trump cannot stand autonomy and he must stop it.

The attack on the Capitol and the behavior of Trump’s most extreme and loyal followers, especially the QAnon believers and other right-wing extremists, is a type of psychiatric or psychological emergency. How does that concept help to explain what happened on Jan. 6?

They were high on an emotional drug. There’s a chemical change that takes place when a person is feeling overwhelming rage. People who are experiencing a psychological emergency, as you describe with the Capitol attack, are deranged and reinforced by rage. It’s a version of what the French call a “crime of passion.” The people in that mob were so overwhelmed with rage that they felt like a betrayed lover who wanted to kill the other person. That was all they can think of. Once the people who invaded the Capitol got going as a mob — again, that is why it is a psychiatric emergency — it became a group crime of passion. There was no way to stop them except with force.

If a person who was experiencing such a psychiatric emergency came to you for treatment, what would you do? And what if it is millions of people in such a state, as we are seeing with Trump’s followers?

If I were dealing with an individual, I would be afraid to see them alone in my office. I would have to see them with two or three other people in the room. I do not believe that millions of Trump followers are experiencing a psychiatric or psychological emergency. The number is likely in the thousands.

The Republicans in the Senate are in all likelihood not going to convict Donald Trump. They are protecting Trump, even though he commanded a crazed mob to attack the Capitol, which presumably would have hurt or killed some of them too. Why do they keep supporting him?

Why do people put up with being abused? Because they need the other person in some way. They’re afraid of the other person. Those are the two main motivating factors. Perhaps the abuser is a husband who brings home most of the money. People often tolerate abuse even though they hate it. It is also too common that victims will deny what is happening because they are afraid of retaliation by the abuser. They also need the abuser, in their mind, for their own survival. The Republicans who are not going to convict Trump feel they need him because otherwise they are going to lose their jobs and their prestige.

Perhaps a solution would be to decide the impeachment trial by a secret ballot. If the votes were secret, I am convinced that there would be a 90% conviction vote.

If Trump is convicted and then banned from public office, would that do anything to weaken or diminish his power over his followers?

It’s the first step towards helping stop the momentum and convicting a dangerous person. I would prefer that Trump be convicted, not for insurrection and incitement of a riot, but instead for treason. That would be much more powerful a conviction. He has committed treason against the United States. A treason conviction would diminish Trump’s influence, especially if he went to prison. A treason conviction would also force some of Trump’s followers to start becoming deprogrammed. They really believe what they hear from Trump. The people in the mob that attacked the Capitol really believed that they were saving the country at Trump’s command.

If you were called by the Democrats to testify in the impeachment trial, what would you say?

Trump needs to be convicted because he must be stopped. Trump will continue being dangerous even from his Florida White House. The American people also need to have their anxieties and fears contained and managed. They need to know that they are stronger than Trump’s destructive force. Convicting Trump will also help people to develop or reclaim a moral compass, a sense of right and wrong and that we are responsible for our actions.

Mike Pompeo is “absolutely” running in 2024, observers say — but financial questions linger

A recent filing with the Federal Election Commission suggests that former Secretary of State Mike Pompeo is preparing to reboot his old campaign committee and start raising money again. However, the report itself, which involves income from a Kansas bank tied to the former congressman and his wife, also raises questions about what experts say would likely be unknowable irregularities in the campaign’s accounting.

On Feb. 9, Pompeo for Kansas — Pompeo’s campaign committee from his days as a House Republican — amended its original 2020 year-end report by tacking on $13,665.85 in revenue from the campaign’s financial institution, Wichita-based Emprise Bank, and classifying it as a “bank adjustment.” The attached memo reads: “Adjusting transaction of $13,665.85 to correct cash on hand due to bank reconciliation.”

Multiple experts on FEC compliance and election law told Salon that the timing, coming weeks after the end of the Trump administration, suggests that Pompeo’s campaign, which has been dormant since he left Congress in 2017 to become CIA director under Trump (and later secretary of state), could be squaring up with the FEC before opening its wallet.

“The first thing you do when you revive a dormant campaign committee is to review all the bank statements for the period when the committee was dormant and reconcile them with the FEC reports,” a top campaign finance attorney told Salon. “The Pompeo campaign did that and found out that the figures didn’t match — the campaign committee had more money in the bank than it had reported to the FEC.”

Two campaign compliance directors agreed. “If a candidate is resuming fundraising efforts, then making sure the previous filings were reconciled is a proper first step,” one said in an email.

While candidates sometimes convert existing committees — Pompeo has changed his committee’s name before — another possibility is that the former top diplomat, whose alleged abuse of taxpayer funds for personal aides and lavish private dinners at the State Department triggered multiple internal investigations, is getting his finances straight before winding down this campaign committee and launching a new one.

“Pompeo is absolutely running for president. He’s kept his committee open — typical for a once-elected official — because otherwise he’d have to zero out a federal account with $1 million in hard dollars in it, which nobody would want to do,” Democratic campaign strategist Dave Hoffman said. “Those ‘Madison Dinners’ he held at State are more clear evidence of his ambitions, as they helped him make more introductions to major GOP donors and bundlers.”

If Pompeo does jump in the race early, the news wouldn’t surprise many observers: The Trump loyalist’s White House aspirations have been an open secret, although Pompeo quietly supported his former boss’ false claims of election fraud, refusing to acknowledge Joe Biden’s victory or engage with the presidential transition. Pompeo apparently shut the door last June to a bid for the U.S. Senate seat that fellow Kansas Republican Jerry Moran will defend in 2022 (although politicians have been known to change their minds about such things.) Still, this appears to be the first official move that Pompeo — or any other Republican not named Trump — has taken to prepare for what will undoubtedly be a fierce and costly 2024 GOP primary.

Pompeo’s campaign filing, however, struck several legal and compliance experts that Salon interviewed as puzzling. They remarked on the unusual “bank adjustment” explanation, which they said seemed design to obscures from the public, and possibly from federal regulators, what exactly went wrong with the campaign’s accounting. It also raises questions about Pompeo’s close personal and professional connections to the bank, and could be tied to an unexplained doubling in earned interest during a period when he held two positions in Trump’s Cabinet. 

“I would never report it that way,” said one campaign compliance official who analyzed the filing. “It invites speculation. It seems pretty clear that they’re matching their money in the bank against their books, but since they don’t say what the mistake was, that may trigger a letter from the FEC. It could be something like unreported interest or an uncashed check, but for all we know it could be anonymous donor money appearing out of nowhere.”

Without that explanation, the lump payment from Emprise Bank may indeed invite speculation, given the fact that Pompeo’s wife Susan, was senior vice president at the bank and Pompeo sat on the board of governors as recently as 2012, while he was in Congress. Mike Michaelis, Emprise’s chairman, president and CEO, worked on at least one of Pompeo’s early campaigns, and the bank ranks as one of his top 10 all-time donors, according to data compiled by Open Secrets. A political law attorney told Salon that was unusual, comparable only to Rep. Louie Gohmert, R-Texas, who gets contributions from officials at his campaign’s bank.

A second campaign compliance director agreed that the explanation was well out of the norm: “I’ve only used it once or twice, and I always spoke to the FEC analyst before going that route,” the official said. (Salon could find only three filings that use the term, one of them being from House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy.) But the compliance expert added that under certain rare conditions the FEC actually prefers the term, which can offer a shortcut: “Otherwise they have to go back and review all of your amended reports, and if the difference in cash on hand is nominal it’s not usually worth the work.”

When Salon showed the amendment’s language to an FEC official, withholding Pompeo’s name, and asked about the lack of specificity, the official replied: “If anything in a report requires further explanation, the relevant Reports Analysis Division analyst can send a Request for Additional Information to clarify the public record.”

Pompeo’s committee, which was never a fundraising juggernaut, had about a million dollars on hand after his last congressional race in 2016. Its only income since then has come through monthly interest payments from Emprise Bank. But over the course of 2018 those payments nearly tripled in amount. Further, that increase began the month after Pompeo moved from the CIA to the State Department, shooting from $302 a month in April to $892 by December 2018. The payments stayed level for more than a year, before increasing slightly in January 2020 and then ramping back down, ending the year at $340 in December.

One campaign finance expert noted that while the interest returns rose, the amount of money in the account did not change. While the campaign may have underreported its 2020 interest, the expert said, that differential clearly wouldn’t add up to $13,000.

“Pompeo’s campaign continued to file FEC reports throughout his tenure in the Trump administration, and continued to report payments to a compliance firm to manage the reporting, so it is not clear how it lost track of $13,000,” Brendan Fischer, Director of Federal Reform at the Campaign Legal Center, told Salon. “But there may be legitimate explanations for the financial discrepancies, and the amount in question is relatively minimal as compared to the total amount of cash-on-hand.”

Two experts suggested that the campaign may have moved some or all of its cash from a low-interest account to a higher-return instrument, such as a CD or money market account. If both accounts had been held with Emprise, it’s possible that the campaign could have overlooked reporting the shift, but that alone would not explain why it did not accurately report the income.

Of course, it’s also possible that the earned interest and the bank adjustment are not related at all, and present another two minor mysteries about Pompeo’s strange final year in the Trump administration.

Fauci says it will be “open season” for COVID-19 vaccine by April

On Thursday, Dr. Anthony Fauci, the longtime director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, delivered hopeful news about vaccine availability and the country’s lagging roll-out. On NBC’s “Today” show, echoing remarks from earlier in the day, Fauci said there could be an “open season” on available vaccine doses by April.

“By the time we get to April, that will be what I would call, for better wording, ‘open season,’ namely, virtually everybody and anybody in any category could start to get vaccinated,” Fauci said. “From then on, it would likely take several more months just logistically to get the vaccine into people’s arms, so that hopefully as we get into the middle and end of the summer, we could have accomplished the goal of what we’re talking about — namely the overwhelming majority of people in this country having gotten vaccinated.”

The news coincides with the Biden administration’s announcement that they’ve purchased another 200 million doses of the two coronavirus vaccines, increasing supply by 50 percent to a total of 600 million doses. Securing these additional vaccines means that by the end of July, everyone eligible for inoculation is covered. As previously reported by the New York Times, the Trump administration passed up an offer to purchase Pfizer’s coronavirus vaccine beyond the initial 100 million doses. President Joe Biden previously stated that a lack of vaccines was in part to blame for America’s slow vaccine roll-out. 

On Thursday, Fauci said Americans can expect vaccinations to “pick up” very soon. Currently, eligibility for the COVID-19 varies in each state and county, prioritizing frontline workers, and people over the age of 65 who are considered to have a higher risk of have severe disease outcomes. 

“If you look at what’s going to happen as we get into March and April the number of available doses will allow for much more of a mass vaccination approach, which is really much more accelerated than what you’re seeing now,” Fauci said. “If you compare now to what we were doing just literally a month ago, the escalation has really been considerable.”

According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), 46.3 million doses have been administered; 34.7 million Americans have received the first dose, and nearly 11.2 million people have received both doses. The population of the United States is about 331 million; experts believe that 80 to 90% of the population must be vaccinated, or immune to coronavirus due to prior infection, in order for herd immunity to be achieved. 

Notably, there’s no estimated timeline for when children under the age of 16 can receive a COVID-19 vaccine. The Pfizer/BioNTech vaccine is authorized for 16- to 17-year-olds as well as adults. The Moderna vaccine was authorized for people 18 and over, and is currently running clinical trials for 12 to 17-year-olds.

In an interview with Propublica, Fauci said he is hopeful children will be able to get the coronavirus vaccine by September 2021.

“We’re in the process of starting clinical trials in what we call age de-escalation, where you do a clinical trial with people 16 to 12, then 12 to 9, then 9 to 6,” Fauci said. “I would think by the time we get to school opening, we likely will be able to get people who come into the first grade.”

Meghan McCain suggests Black Lives Matter protests led to Capitol riot

On Thursday’s edition of ABC’s “The View,” co-host and conservative pundit Meghan McCain equated the insurrection with the protests against police violence during the summer of 2020.

“When I think of people doing things in the name of political violence, I just think of terrorists, I just think this is crap that happens in other countries,” McCain said of the insurrectionists and rioters who capitalized on Black Lives Matter protests last June. “I worry about this line that has been moving and moving and moving since last summer, and now we see this.” 

Comparing the Jan. 6 insurrection at the Capitol to last summer’s race riots is a concerted right-wing effort to defend Donald Trump during his second impeachment trial. 

McCain effectively downplayed the violent attack by delusional Trump supporters by insinuating that killing five people and destroying the U.S. capitol based on a baseless lie that the election was stolen is somehow similar to millions of Americans taking the street to protest the continual murder of innocent black bodies.

Race riots, however, are not a new phenomenon that 2020 miraculously uncovered. In fact, uprisings against the violence of white supremacy have been around since the inception of this country, spurred on first by the violence against Native American genocide and then African slaves.  

McCain’s ahistorical reference to political violence being terrorism fails to recognize that the point of BLM protests is to combat state-sponsored violence and terrorism against Americans.

“I’m just having a hard time watching this trauma and revisiting this trauma over and over again,” McCain said of the new video footage from the Senate trial. “It’s disgusting, it looks like something out of a third world country, or a horror movie, it’s unfathomable, it almost doesn’t look real.” 

“As an analyst, I understand that the argument from the Republican side is that we have to move on, we have to be focusing on Covid relief… I disagree,” she said. “I still think there should be a fine line and that there should be a standard that this cannot happen.”

She continued: “But that fine line, for me, isn’t only with the capitol riots, it’s also when you are standing as a journalist on TV and there is a city on fire behind you and things are being rioted and small businesses are being looted. There is no political cause that I justify violence, or looting, or burning things down, or attacking people across the board. And i think we need to hold that standard no matter what, as Sarah said, no matter what your political ideology is.” 

 

“Clarice” takes the extraordinary “Silence of the Lambs” agent and makes her network-ordinary

Sifting Clarice Starling through the CBS crimetime filter means we should know what to expect from “Clarice,” the network’s new take on the FBI agent made famous by “The Silence of the Lambs.”

Three decades have passed since Jonathan Demme’s multiple Oscar-winning film first hit theaters, and in the wake of its success the fear and fascination that movie’s cannibalistic antagonist struck in people gave rise to an entire subgenre of pop culture freakery.

We know CBS’s contribution to this. Entire drama franchises around lurid murders and the dedicated, complex men and women who solve them inform the look and execution of TV procedural to this day. “CSI: Crime Scene Investigation” kicked its popularity into high gear, leading to the eventual arrival of “Criminal Minds” and its endless parade of women in cages, freezers, boxes, hidden sheds, what have you.

Some may remember that inaugural “CSI” star William Petersen played Thomas Harris’ FBI profiler Will Graham in Michael Mann’s 1986 “Red Dragon” adaptation “Manhunter.” Once we add that to the equation the status of “Clarice” stands as something of an ouroboros both in popular culture and for CBS, cycling back to the start of it all.

Would the procedurals evocative of the CBS brand look as they do if Demme’s film hadn’t been such a runaway hit? We can’t know the answer to that question. We do know that close-ups on nibbled waterlogged corpses are no great shakes these days, and we encounter them in the premiere of “Clarice” . . . but not before flashbacks showing Buffalo Bill sewing what is supposed to be the lotioned skin of his victims. My brains registers these recurring images as, what, latex maybe?

Don’t mistake my meaning here – these are all disgusting sights, but we’ve seen them time and again on this network and elsewhere. Placing a new take on Clarice Starling (courtesy of Australian actor Rebecca Breeds) doesn’t make the imagery or the violence it illustrates any fresher, or illuminate anything we don’t already think we know about the young FBI agent herself.

Nevertheless series creator Alex Kurtzman and Jenny Lumet try their damndest to flesh out what we know about Clarice by digging into the lasting effects of the trauma she must have sustained while contending with the rank misogyny within the Bureau that a woman like Agent Starling would have to overcome. This aspect of the drama could give it some meat, if the series can persuade viewers to get past what “Clarice” isn’t, or what it’s missing.

The answer to both can be captured in a word that’s also a passionately adored TV title: “Hannibal.”

You will not hear Dr. Lecter’s name uttered in “Clarice,” nor will you see him. Welcome the world of rights issues: MGM, which produces “Clarice,” only has the rights to characters and storylines created for “The Silence of the Lambs.”  The De Laurentiis Company, which produced Bryan Fuller’s “Hannibal” series, owns the rights to the character of Hannibal Lecter.

So although Dr. Lecter wriggled inside of Clarice’s psyche and at this point in the story has escaped and is seeking out his next accompaniment to favas beans and a nice chianti, Clarice is haunted more by the image of Bill and the clouds of death’s-head hawkmoths infesting her brain.

The closest the three episodes flirt with referencing the famous connoisseur of human organs is when the therapist (Shawn Doyle) assigned to evaluate her fitness to serve impatiently accuses her of deflecting for a full year, “which is understandable, given your last therapist was an inmate in the Baltimore Hospital for the Criminally Insane – and, you know, ate his patients.”

“You let that relationship be intimate,” he says later, asking, “How do you carry that? How do you carry his rage? . . . I’ll put it another way. What do you do with all your rage?” Sustained efforts to answer these questions could eventually make “Clarice” interesting. But the three episodes provided for review mainly reveal a losing struggle against the past – not merely the character’s but that of the franchise.

“Clarice” picks up a year after the events of “Silence of the Lambs,” and the writers drop reminders throughout the script that this is indeed a period piece, mainly in the form of Clarice being designated famous by way of 1993-era tabloids.

Because of this she’s taken refuge in the FBI’s Behavioral Sciences Unit and would have happily remained nestled in its anonymity if not for the intercession of Ruth Martin (Jayne Atkinson), who is now a politically ambitious attorney general.

Martin, the senator whose daughter Catherine (Marnee Carpenter) Clarice saved from that infamous hole in Buffalo Bill’s basement, believes the young agent has a fresh perspective on a pair of homicides involving female (naturally) victims found stabbed to death and covered in bite marks. Clarice does develop a theory, just not one that her fellow agents expect or appreciate.

If not for the quotidian feel of “Clarice” the undercurrent of animosity Clarice faces on the violent crimes task force to which she’s assigned could have given the audience something to dig into. But even that feels network typical – her new boss Paul Krendler (Michael Cudlitz) can’t stand that she’s intelligent, capable and a young woman who rose in after being plucked from Quantico, while her fellow agents (played by Nick Sandow, Kal Penn and Lucca De Oliveira) begrudge the awe she inspires in the public despite only having worked one case.

Even the therapist behaves more like an enemy than a support, but this may be for any number of reasons . . . sexist resentment? Maybe he wants to eat her. Who can say. But his posturing takes up less mental bandwidth than a viewer’s internal struggle to refrain from comparing Breeds to Jodie Foster, or the very everyday “Clarice” to the artistically adventurous, visually intoxicating, seductive and disturbing “Hannibal.”

Everything about “Clarice” wrestles between the desire to evoke its direct predecessor and stand apart from it. Breeds cranks out a fine performance that doesn’t feel original to her, and that might not be entirely her fault since she’s swimming in the wake of a giant standard bearer for a franchise that’s been hit and miss.

The part she’s taken up is a hit though, and that means one can’t help thinking the Appalachian accent rolling around in her mouth sounds like something between Foster’s and Julianne Moore’s from the terrible 2001 version of “Hannibal.” (Fortunately for “Clarice” (and Special Agent Krendler) that’s set sometime down the road. )

A number of the parts that make the whole of “Clarice” feel like this is because this show is designed as a commonplace sequel to an extraordinary film. This only serves to make, say, the gray filter plunging the scenes into shadow look pancake flat or to rob familiar characters such as Cudlitz’s Krendler of possible depth and expansion.

At the same time Devyn Tyler picks up the role of Clarice’s Quantico friend Ardelia Mapp (played by Kasi Lemmons in “Silence”) and seems to have a good time with it, adding glimmers of levity into the bleakness. Both of these characters and actors could grow into something more than we’ve seen from them so far, mostly because we don’t know much about them.

But we know Clarice, or at least we think we do; so does Breed, whose efforts keep us from writing off “Clarice” entirely. Kurtzman and Lumet also chose to diverge from any serial killer of the week expectations by throwing us off that assumption straightaway, and putting it aside entirely in the second episode to have Agent Starling face off with a cult.

Turning away from past associations would be a fine choice for this character and the continuation of this franchise if it were airing anywhere else. Here it restricts a uniquely charismatic figure by placing her inside of a standard procedural, which is a shame because Clarice Starling isn’t your average agent. In this show, on this network, she might as well be.

“Clarice” premieres Thursday, Feb.11 at 10 p.m. on CBS.

“Judas and the Black Messiah” filmmakers on exposing how the FBI hunted 1960s Black activiststs

As a kid­­ I always felt like Black History Month could’ve been just been Black History Day. Now I know that African Americans are the heart soul of American innovation — creating everything from the three-light traffic signal and home security system to refrigerated trucks and automatic elevator doors. But as kid, we didn’t get any of that, and the lessons were all the same. Teachers would gloss over slavery, jump right to Dr. King, sprinkle in some Rosa Parks and close with Michael Jackson. Malcolm X was never mentioned. Neither were the Black Panthers.

But times are changing and children across the country are now getting more inclusive history lessons. Hollywood is adding to the narrative with multiple must-see films and shows defining the history of the Black experience in this county including, “Harriet,” “12 Years a Slave,” “black-ish” and “Self Made,” which tells the tale of haircare product mogul Madam C.J. Walker. “Judas and the Black Messiah,” directed by Shaka King, can now be added to that list. 

“Judas and the Black Messiah” stars Daniel Kaluuya, LaKeith Stanfield and Dominique Fishback and tells the story of Fred Hampton (Kaluuya), a young, brilliant revolutionary who unites Black activists, gang members and working-class whites with the purpose of fighting for justice, freedom, and liberation for all in the 1960s. Hampton was targeted by the FBI and murdered at the age of 21. I recently got a chance to talk with the multi-talented Keith and Kenny Lucas who co-wrote and co-produced the film, on an episode of “Salon Talks.” 

You can watch my “Salon Talks” episode with the Lucas brothers here, or read a Q&A of our conversation below to hear more about why they have been pursuing a project on Hampton since they started in Hollywood, how they feel about Twitter criticism, and what it’s like collaborating as twin brothers on everything from historical research, to stand-up comedy, to their forthcoming “Revenge of the Nerds” reboot.

The following conversation has been lightly edited for length and clarity.

How have you guys been surviving COVID, government insurrections, $600 stimulus checks and all of these crazy things that are happening in our world?

Kenny Lucas: I’ve been watching a lot of TV. I’ve been trying to read more, trying to write. Just keep my mind focused, but it’s been a challenge.

Keith Lucas: It’s been a weird few. Even the beginning of the year has been crazy with the storming of the Capitol. And COVID. It’s a lot of s**t happening, but ultimately  I read a lot of philosophy to keep my mind settled. We’re going to go through turbulent times, but I think you just have to power through it all.

 I’m not an optimistic person at all and I feel like we’re going to reach the end of this soon. One thing that is making it easier is great content and great films. Congratulations on “Judas and the Black Messiah.” You guys are going to educate a whole generation of people. How did you choose this particular project?

Kenny: It goes back to about 2014. We had already been familiar with Fred Hampton from college and once we got into the industry, one of our primary goals was to get a film made about him because we felt like he was such a pivotal historical figure during a transition from the civil rights movement to mass incarceration. I feel like he was a big factor in that, but he was sort of pushed to the margins. We were like, “Why hasn’t there been a film that allows for him to reach his message, to reach a national international audience?” In 2014, we started coming up with ways to shape the story into a film.

Keith: We started doing a bunch of research. We read this book, “The Assassination of Fred Hampton.” We read “Black against Empire.” We started watching a bunch of his speeches just trying to really absorb who Fred Hampton was. You hear a lot about the death, but you don’t really hear about how he lived. At a young age he was organizing. He brought people together. He was a pivotal force in the NAACP before he transitioned into the Black Panthers. This was a guy who, at a very young age, knew what he wanted to do. He’s a fully formed activist. We wanted to get a fuller picture.

As we did research, we also found out about William O’Neal, the guy who infiltrated the Black Panthers and helped the FBI execute him essentially. There wasn’t a lot of information on William O’Neal, but we were just like, it could be an interesting film if we came from his perspective because first and foremost, no one would expect that. And secondly, it’s a thriller, but it instantly becomes a crime thriller, which is more of a genre film. So we thought, well, perhaps we could use that as a genre, but also tell a more complete picture of Fred Hampton. That’s when we pieced together a story idea and went around town pitching it to various studios and production companies.

Kenny: We didn’t get any offers initially, but then we hooked up with [director] Shaka [King] in 2016 and we felt like he was a filmmaker that could help elevate our story to cinematic relevance.

Keith: He’s a student of ’70s cinema, basically crime thrillers. We just kind of nerded out on all of those films and we were like, oh man, he has a similar interest in ’70s cinema like we do and could bring his expertise along with his knowledge of ’70s cinema to help us shape this into a film.

When I was a kid, we didn’t learn anything about the Black Panthers or Malcolm X. I was born in the ’80s and raised in the ’90s and it went like this: There was this thing called slavery. That was a real long time ago. And then all of a sudden Dr. King had marched and then Michael Jackson’s hair, so you good, right? That’s what we got. It wasn’t until Spike Lee made “X” that we learned about Malcolm X. I feel like you guys are going to accomplish the same thing with telling the story of Fred Hampton. What special things did you pick up about the era or in general about him or William O’Neal during your research that you didn’t know before?

Kenny: There was actually a recent dump of FBI material that basically confirmed that Hoover and his third in command, William Sullivan, conspired with Roy Mitchell and William O’Neal to assassinate Fred Hampton. There’s direct evidence. We didn’t have that information before we wrote the movie. I would have loved to have that piece of information because I think we could have told an even more accurate description of what happened. That piece of information kind of sucks.

Keith: I wish we could have delved more deeply into Hampton’s initial phase with the NAACP and how he transitioned into Black radicalism. I think that’s an interesting story to tell too. Like what was his thinking behind switching from the more moderate NAACP to the more radical Black Panthers? I know he was young and Dr. King had just died, so perhaps that shaped his decision to be like, “This NAACP stuff isn’t working. We need to be a bit more radical in our approach.” I didn’t know he was a part of the NAACP, I just thought he was a Panther, so learning that was interesting. And what Will knew. He was an informant for a very long time, even after the assassination of Fred Hampton, he remained an informant. I always wondered what was that like too? Who else was he informing against? 

He’s a terrible person.

Kenny: But very relatable. I always say what would I have done in that situation? What would I have done if the state was like, you can either go to prison or you can infiltrate the Panthers. I’m like, would I choose prison or would I do what they want me to do?

Keith: As we delve more deeply into COINTELPRO and the “ghetto informant program,” as they called it, there were way more Black people snitching on people like Fred Hampton. Fred Hampton is a generational type of person, but if you do the research, there were over 5,000 members in the ghetto informant program. There were a lot of African Americans speaking on snitching on other African Americans.

Can you guys talk a little bit about creating together as a unit?

Kenny: The process that we have has been 10 years in the making, but I think we’ve reached a level of just comfort with one another where we can generate ideas. We can tag team them, or we can go off and work on them separately, come back together and just flesh it out. I think we have a very good working relationship.

Keith: We truly believe in the art of collaboration. I think it’s in large part because we grew up as twins. We’ve always had to share. We’ve always had to work. I’ve always had to work with him in everything that I’ve done. It was natural for me to just be okay with collaborating with others. I try to get creatives a space to do their own thing. He gives me my space to do my own thing. Our belief is we got to do what’s best for the project. Any project that we’re in, we want to do what’s best for it. We want to make it the best version that it can be. When we collaborated with Will [Berson] and Shaka [King], our thought was like, “What’s going to put this movie in the best position to be the best movie it can be?”

Kenny: You can’t have an ego. You know what I mean? So much goes into making a film that if you have an ego, it could usurp the efficiency of the process. I think that ultimately you have to put the art first. You have to put the subject matter first.

Keith: With Fred Hampton, it’s like you don’t want to be the mother f**kers who f**ked up his movie.

Kenny: You don’t want to be the mother f**ker that f**ked up a Fred Hampton movie during Black history Month.

Keith: It’s extra pressure. That’s why we were very, very cautious with how we went about in terms of making it. And it was important for us to find the right collaborators and Shaka and Will, they were flawless collaborators.

The whole team too. The cast is just brilliant. You guys mentioned the new FBI documents that recently came out, talking about the FBI’s involvement here. There’s a bigger piece to your art. There’s still a whole lot of people who think the FBI are here to help everybody. I think you guys are doing a great job at deconstructing that narrative. I still think a lot of people don’t understand that they’re capable of doing what they did to Fred Hampton or Dr. King.

Kenny: I want to say for the record that we’re not criticizing the CIA and its current iteration, so don’t bug us or anything like that. But no, I think we as African Americans, and as citizens of this country, I don’t think we’ve ever fully reckoned with what the FBI and the intelligence community did to Black activists in the 1960s. When we talk about reparations, we always go back to slavery and we’re like, oh, America was terrible to African Americans during slavery. We need to fix it. Or we go to the Jim Crow segregation and say America was terrible to Black people, but this COINTELPRO s**t was even more insidious because it was the federal resources were used to essentially target Black activists, harass them, spy on them, encroach on their basic civil liberties and in some cases execute them.

Now we’re talking about USSR-type s**t. We’re talking about police state, modern fascism, just encroaching on Black individuals. And then you see mass incarceration. And I believe that mass incarceration is a direct relative to COINTELPRO where you’re criminalizing Black activities even if they’re legal. Until we speak about the birth of COINTELPRO and what happened and how it happened, we’re going to ignore it and pretend like it never existed.

Keith: I think a way to combat that narrative is we need to tell more of these stories. I think this is just the tip of the iceberg with the Fred Hampton story. There’s still some stuff that went down with Dr. King that I think needs to be told. You have the Oakland chapter, Black Panthers, Angela Davis, who was harassed. There were so many of our people.

Kenny: It wasn’t even just African Americans who were harassed in the COINTELPRO. You had white radical liberals, musicians, actors. It was an entire government program.

Keith: We need studios to take chances on telling these stories and we got to market them as much as we can. And I think, again, this is just a start, but hopefully this will break open the ice and more people will feel compelled to write more stories about it.

I see you guys repping Newark. Any stories coming out of Newark?

Keith: Man, Newark is a fascinating place. I mean, you’re from Baltimore, so you understand the Rust Belt cities post-industrial. It’s one of those cities where there are so many compelling stories. When we tell our story of Newark, our father went to prison in 1993 and he was heavily involved in the drug game in Newark. But that’s just one side of Newark. You still have political corruption, you have mob activity, you have lawyers who are extremely corrupt. I mean, there’s just so much high-level corruption in Newark.

Kenny: It lends itself to storytelling.

Keith: We’re actually working on a TV show that will hopefully tackle a lot of these issues in Newark. And we’ll see what happens, but it’s just so much that goes down there.

That corruption is so bad in Baltimore that I couldn’t even do a drama. It can only be comedy.

Keith: For real though. It’s so comedic, man. It’s like the high-level of corruption is like it’s so surreal that you can’t even make it too dramatic. It’s just like a comedy of errors.

Speaking of comedy, any more stand-ups coming? Your Netflix special “War on Drugs” was brilliant.

Kenny: We are always tinkering with the idea of doing another special. I think we just have to make sure we have the right material and we got to get on the road. It’s hard to get on the road now, but we need to get back and hit hard.

Keith: Right before COVID we were going really hard. We were doing weekends. We were at The Cellar almost every night and I felt like we were in good shape to release another special, but then COVID hit and I haven’t been on stage in months. I would need to really spend a year on a road just making sure the material is where it needs to be.

We get to see the finished product of “Judas and the Black Messiah,” but we don’t really get to see everything that goes into making these products.

Keith: Yeah, that’s what’s crazy. We were there from the inception of the idea up until now. So we’ve seen the whole thing and it’s eye-opening just going through this whole process and dealing with financiers and dealing with major studios and pitching it around town and dealing with the on-set changes.

Kenny: Or dealing with Twitter activists who were already anti the movie because we have Daniel Kaluuya in there and he’s a British guy. It’s so funny to have to see these subsections on Twitter debate this stuff.

Twitter activism is the highest level of education, right? If you can make it to be a Twitter activist, it’s kind of like Oxford.

Kenny: That’s very true. I didn’t see it like that, but now I do.

These guys know their stuff. They get it.

Kenny: I never want to get into conflict with them.

I’ve had my bouts with them. I’m not woke, I’m asleep when it comes to the stuff they talking about. The weird thing is that a lot of people with these big online personalities, they have heavy opinions and these critiques about the world, but one, they’re not creating and then two, when they meet you they’re trying to be your best friend.

Keith: What I hate. It’s like your hands aren’t in the dirt. You don’t know what it’s like to be on the other side, trying to create this stuff. The work we have to put in to make a Fred Hampton story, it’s so much. There are so many obstacles and it’s like, they don’t care. They just think that we have a blank check and we can do whatever we want, but that’s not how it works.

Kenny: Well, you have people who live in the real world and then you have people who tweet. The internet is not reality. It’s a distortion and so sometimes you feel like what you’re doing on the internet actually comports to reality and then oftentimes it doesn’t.

Last thing, can you guys talk about the “Revenge of the Nerds” reboot?

Kenny: We’re writing the script. It’s been fun. It’s definitely not “Judas and the Black Messiah.” It’s a totally different story, but it’s been fun. We’re just working with our co-writer, getting the script ready and hopefully we’re looking to get into production by summer.

Keith: With COVID, it’s tough to be like we’re going to be filming in the summer. I want to make sure this thing is calmed down.

“Judas and the Black Messiah” opens in theaters and streams on HBO Max starting Friday, Feb. 12.

Our galactic neighbor may harbor a warm, gaseous planet in its habitable zone

A new planet has been discovered in the Alpha Centauri star system, a triple star system that happens to be closer to our solar system than any other in the universe. More interestingly, the planet, which orbits the star Alpha Centauri A, happens to sit in the habitable zone of its solar system — although, as a gaseous planet, it likely doesn’t have life as we know it. Even more remarkable, however, was how the planet was discovered: through direct observation of the planet’s light reflected from its parent sun.

To understand this significance of how it was discovered, it is important to note that we rarely discover exoplanets — that is, planets outside of our own solar system — by “directly” viewing them, as in the way one might just point a telescope directly at an object in the sky. Because they are so far away, so faint compared to stars, and so close to their parent stars, exoplanets are usually discernible to astronomers either because the slight gravitational wobbles that they cause in the stars they orbit, which shows up as a jerk in that star’s spectrum (or color); or because an exoplanet will briefly partially eclipse its star as it passes between that star and Earth, creating a cyclical blinking that can be picked up by certain types of telescopes.

In this case, researchers from a global organization known as Breakthrough Watch, which seeks to discover new worlds in other solar systems, published a paper in Nature Communications describing how new technology on the European Southern Observatory’s (ESO) Very Large Telescope (VLT) in Chile allowed them to glimpse light that they believe emanated directly from a planet orbiting Alpha Centauri A. The report adds the caveat that “an instrumental artifact of unknown origin cannot be ruled out.” Yet the authors speculate that the light could actually come from another world, which, if true, “demonstrates the feasibility of imaging rocky habitable-zone exoplanets with current and upcoming telescopes.”

Still, from this simple bit of data, researchers are able to discern the candidate planet’s mass, along with how long it takes to orbit its parent star. Perhaps more compellingly, the candidate planet would exist in its star’s “habitable zone,” meaning within the range of orbits around a star that would permit liquid water if the atmospheric pressures are correct.

That last piece of news, however, is not necessarily as promising as it sounds.

“A habitable zone around Alpha Centauri A is only so wide,” Kevin Wagner, a post-doctoral astronomy researcher at the University of Arizona and co-author of the paper, told Salon. “It’s about the same size as that around our own sun. So it’s centered at about an astronomical unit or about the same distance as the Earth is from the Sun. And there’s not too much room, if you go outside of that, where planets could still be habitable. So if there is an ice giant or gas giant planet, something like Saturn or Neptune, in the habitable zone of Alpha Centauri A, that would restrict the range in which another planet — possibly a smaller and rocky one — could exist in the first place.”

He added, “It wouldn’t completely rule it out, but it would limit that range by about 40%.”

Still, there are other properties of the candidate planet that make it an unlikely place to harbor life as we know it, unless it were exotic life. The candidate planet falls in a category of exoplanet known as “warm Neptunes,” which, as they sound, are gaseous worlds akin to Neptune, albeit closer to their parent stars and thus warmer. This planet is estimated to be five to seven times Earth’s size, and thus shrouded in gas as the gas giants of our solar system are. 

In other words, a “warm Neptune” is not a likely place to find life — at least not as we experience it on Earth, where liquid water is key. 

“Certainly people have envisioned life that doesn’t depend on water,” Wagner told Salon. “Probably the best example I can think of that we might actually go and look for is in the lakes of methane which are on a moon of Saturn. So this is another solvent that has some of the properties of water. It’s not exactly similar. And we don’t know for sure that life could exist in those pools or lakes and methane, but we can imagine it.” 

As the closest star system to our own, the Alpha Centauri system has long intrigued astronomers. It is also rather unique, as a trinary, or a system comprised of three different stars. To the naked eye, the system appears as a single star and is the third brightest star in the night sky to denizens of Earth, after Sirius and Canopus. Records of it trace back to ancient Egyptian and ancient Chinese astronomers.

As for the Alpha Centauri system, Wagner was cautiously optimistic that as technology advances, we may be able to visit it with space probes some day.

“I’m pretty excited that we might be able to send something there and have pictures returned back to us within the scale of decades,” Wagner told Salon.

A generation of kids has used social media their whole lives. Here’s how it’s changing them

In 2004, when Facebook was still known as “The Facebook,” very few people could imagine that the social media platform would hold as much power and influence as it does today. Similar to MySpace, people cast it off as a trend—something that would die with time, since only college students could use it. Now, Facebook is a misinformation tool that can sway elections, the company itself so powerful that many U.S. policymakers argue that it should be regulated by the government or broken up. And Facebook isn’t the only one.

Through Twitter, YouTube, Snapchat, TikTok, and others, humans have created entire worlds and different realities on the internet. Nearly 15 years of social media have been integrated into our lives, and a whole generation’s childhood. Now, Millennials and Gen Xers are raising the first generation of children whose entire lives have been subsumed by and through social media. Some of them have, with their parent’s behest, used social media since they were children; others have watched their parents transfixed by the medium. Their middle and high school lives have been mediated through the algorithms of tech corporations that have the ability to moderate and curate mass culture. 

Boomers were the first generation to be raised with phones and televisions completely normalized in their day-to-day lives. The same can be said for the youngest generation and social media. And no one is entirely sure yet what kinds of psychological and social effects this shift will have.

But the lack of clear answers stems from the nuances of the problem. Psychologists and pediatricians don’t know exactly how social media and screen time integrated into childhood affects how children become functioning adults. But what we do know is that children and teens are spending a tremendous amount of their time on social media. In 2018, a Pew Research Center survey of nearly 750 13- to 17-year-olds found that 45 percent are online almost constantly, and 97 percent use a social media platform — and that was before a pandemic.

“I think we still don’t have good long-term data on how exposure to social media and smartphones and being digital natives is affecting children as they get older,” said Erin Vogel, PhD, a social psychologist and postdoctoral fellow at Stanford University. “But I think we’ll have a better idea of the long-term effects over the next decade or so.”

Dr. Nusheen Ameenuddin, chair of The American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP) Council and an assistant professor of pediatrics at the Mayo Clinic, agreed that there are “knowns” and “unknowns” right now. That fact that there are so many unknowns, Ameenuddin said, is “absolutely” a concern for the pediatric community.

“We do know that if kids are spending a ton of time looking at a screen, it’s not really good for maintaining physical health because it’s a sedentary habit, and they are being exposed to ads that are not necessarily for healthy things,” Ameenuddin said. “But it really depends on not just how much, but how screens are being used; if they’re being used in moderation, and it’s a way for kids to relax or to connect with others, that can be a positive thing.”

Over the last decade, there’s been conflicting data around children and screen time use. Mostly, the negative effects have been reported in the media. One study showed that increased online use is associated with anxiety, depression, obesity and aggression. But then a separate study found that “there was little evidence of an effect of time spent texting or watching TV on risk of anxiety and depression,” which suggests there may be “a more complex relationship between screen time and mental health outcomes than simply more screen time increasing risk.”

In 2019, a longitudinal study of 2,441 mothers and children found that more screen time per week spent at ages 24 months and 36 months led to poorer performances on behavioral, cognitive and social development screenings tests at 36 months.

Both Ameenuddin and Vogel emphasized that in general there are both “positives” and “negatives” to children growing up with social media platforms and the internet.

“Definitely too much social media time can interfere with sleep — we see that a lot, where kids are connected to their smartphones at night and find it hard to unplug and that can cause issues when it interferes with sleep,” Vogel said. “It can also be a positive thing — especially now that we’re all more physically distant from each other, being able to connect on social media and other platforms can be a positive thing for kids, too.”

As Vogel noted, in this regard, social media and the Internet is a perquisite that is keeping many children from feeling totally disconnected and isolated from friends and family. Indeed, the mental health of children has been a major concern of the medical community during the pandemic, and for many children, online activities have helped with loneliness and the void of in-person school.

At the same time, some specialists fear what the rise in screen time will bring. One psychologist told the New York Times that there’s a fear there will be “a period of epic withdrawal” from technology after the pandemic. According to a separate New York Times report, a popular app among American tweens averaged 31.3 million users a day during the first nine months of the pandemic in 2020; an 82 percent increase from the previous year. The rise embodies the hopeless situation many parents are in as many people face job loss, a shift to working from home, and managing their children in some sort of Zoom school.

Clinical psychologist Catherine Steiner-Adair, who wrote “The Big Disconnect: Protecting Childhood and Family Relationships in the Digital Age,” said the nuance of the effects of screen time and internet usage in children depend on the age of a child, and the wiring of the child.  

“What we know is that social media per se, is based on the attention economy, and is designed to deprive kids of their capacity to engage in the real world by seducing them into being data, and economic sources of remuneration for people who develop apps and certain games,” Steiner-Adair said. “And what we do know is that smartphones aren’t phones, they’re very powerful stimulants to our brains, and they are designed to grab our attention.”

Steiner-Adair said that a childhood built on playing fast-paced games, that is not equalized by in-person play, is problematic. Steiner-Adair emphasized though that technology and social media has been “very helpful for kids to connect,” during the pandemic.

“For kids up to the age of 10, it is really important that kids play in the 3D world because when the magic of the iPad, which does everything for you, deletes the magic of the playground, that is not a good thing for kids,” Steiner-Adair said. “When you build something in real life, it breaks it, falls down, you have to deal with frustration, you develop resilience, you build it up again, you learn how to persevere — you have grit, which is the word that has gotten a lot of popularity right — when you play on the computer, the computer game just restarts automatically.”

Steiner-Adair said it’s important to think about if kids, when playing, are “developing the traits that we know that are necessary for success in life.”

“Perseverance, self-regulation, self-control, impulse control, empathy, active listening resilience, a moral compass,” Steiner-Adair said. “Sure, you can say that kids can develop those things online, of course they can, but depending on where they go.”

The pandemic has prompted a re-evaluation of children’s social media usage — and of screen time in general. That’s because this current moment is, clearly, a special case. Ameenuddin said during the pandemic, “mental health is key,” and advised that parents shouldn’t be too hard on themselves right now.

“If people need to turn off for a while, and if that’s a good way to relax, it’s okay to do that — it really depends on how you’re using devices and technology, as well as how much,” Ameenuddin said. “It is good to have some rules that we don’t expect to be enforced 100% of the time, but to have kind of guardrails up; I would recommend is that there is a time at night regardless where all devices are turned off, a ‘go dark period.'”

Ameenuddin said having a charging place that is outside the child’s room, where they have to physically plug in their phone — ideally overnight — is helpful so the children can have “uninterrupted sleep.”

But when it comes to what kids are doing on screens, Ameenuddin emphasized that “content matters.”

“Families have grandparents who are isolated because of the pandemic or neighbors who are isolated,” Ameenuddin said. “Maybe that’s actually a good time to use screen time productively to do some good to check in on the neighbor remotely.”

Giada De Laurentiis’ cheesy Italian onion soup is the ultimate winter comfort food

It’s cold outside, and amid this flurry of winter storms, few things provide more comfort than a warm bowl of soup. One of the ultimate comfort foods of all time is French Onion Soup, because it’s both cheesy and hearty (aka filling). 

As it turns out, there’s an Italian spin on this classic food from beloved chef Giada De Laurentiis, who once again reminds us that “good food doesn’t have to be complicated.”

In her version, Giada swaps the traditional cheese (Gruyere) for Fontina, which she praises for its buttery and nutty flavor. She also subs the typical French bread for Ciabatta, because it’s easier to sink your teeth into.

Making an authentic version of French Onion can be a process. Julia Child’s version takes about two hours, for example. If you’re snowed in and searching for a culinary distraction like Giada’s soup, you can slowly sauté your onions on the stove. (Or you could take the “quick & dirty” route and recruit the help of your slow cooker like Salon Food‘s MaryElizabeth Williams.)

But if you’re burnt out, cold, hungry or some combination of the above – meaning you need some comfort ASAP – Giada has you covered.

My secret is that I use sweet onions, such as Vidalia, because they have a lot more sugar and caramelize faster – you don’t even need to cook them down that much to get a great, sweet flavor,” she writes on her website.

That means you can be done sautéing in as little as 10 minutes, making this recipe an ideal weeknight meal. In total, you’ll spend little more than 30 minutes cooking this hearty soup. Because you’re going to want seconds, we recommend making a double batch to save for another snow day (when you don’t feel like getting off of the couch). 

Once your onions are sautéed to your liking in a medium saucepan — we like the Five Two Essential line from Food52 — it’s time to add beef broth and fresh thyme. After the onions are perfectly simmered, ladle your soup into four ramekins to be united with both bread and cheese. Your broiler does the rest of the work for you.

There’s few things bubbly Fontina and golden Ciabatta can’t fix. Take our word for it — and enjoy the full recipe here.

For more of our favorite recipes from Giada, check out: 

Salon Food writes about stuff we think you’ll like. Salon has affiliate partnerships, so we may get a share of the revenue from your purchase.

House Democrats make their case to Senate Republicans: Trump duped his rioters — and he’ll dump you

“His directive is Trump first,” House impeachment manager and Democratic Rep. David Cicilline of Rhode Island reminded the Senate during the second day of arguments in support of the singular article of impeachment filed against the former president. It’s a crucial takeaway that should be heeded by the Senate Republicans who plan to acquit Trump, caring not one bit about the overwhelming evidence of his guilt in inciting an insurrection on January 6. Senate Republicans are putting their loyalty to and fear of the sociopathic man-child from Mar-A-Lago over their patriotism and basic sense of decency. But as Cicilline pointed out, no matter what you do for Trump, no matter how much you debase yourself for Trump, no matter what risks you take for Trump, he will not hesitate to throw you under the bus. 

The impeachment trial of Donald Trump has been overshadowed by the fact that the majority of Senate Republicans plan to acquit Trump. So the only real question is whether or not the House Democrats who are arguing the case against Trump can maximally expose the cowardice and complicity of the Republicans. 

House Democrats kicked off arguments on Thursday with a compelling presentation by Rep. Diana DeGette of Colorado, focused on how the insurrectionists believed they were there on Trump’s orders. “They actually believed they would face no punishment,” DeGette explained, noting that the “mob screamed at officers that they were listening to President Trump” and “believed the commander-in-chief ordered this.”

The rioters were so dead certain that they were safe from consequences, DeGette pointed out, that they didn’t bother to hide their identities. On the contrary, as most commentators remarked on in the days after the attack, they were so unafraid that huge numbers of them livestreamed, photographed, or otherwise advertised their participation in the insurrection. 


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The reason these insurrectionists were sure that they’d be free of consequences isn’t mysterious. It’s because Trump promised them that they’d be safe. In the speech he gave sending the mob to storm the Capitol, Trump literally said, “When you catch somebody in a fraud, you’re allowed to go by very different rules.”

Even as the House managers argued their case, more evidence emerged proving it.

New court documents from the Department of Justice revealed, CNN reported, that the leader of the Ohio Oath Keepers, Jessica Watkins, “believed she was responding to the call from then-President Donald Trump himself.” The documents show that Watkins was deeply concerned “about taking action without his backing.” As federal prosecutors argued, this was “evident in a November 9, 2020, text in which she stated, ‘I am concerned this is an elaborate trap. Unless the POTUS himself activates us, it’s not legit.'”

Trump gave the order to “march” on the Capitol and instructed that there is “not going to be cheering so much for some of them.” The insurrectionists felt like they were shielded from consequences and free to ransack the building. After all, Trump promised the rules were now “very different.”

But they were not safe, as DeGette laid out.

Over 200 people have been arrested and charged so far, some on very serious charges. Some of the rioters, DeGette noted, have since said they were “duped” by Trump, including Jacob Chansley, the “QAnon shaman” who became the face of the riot with his weird buffalo headdress. On Wednesday, a lawyer for another one of the rioters released a statement complaining that his client, like many who heeded Trump’s call, “will be spending substantial portions if not the remainder of their lives in prison as a consequence. Meanwhile Donald Trump resumes his life of luxury and privilege.”


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The evidence does point to the long-standing truth grifters like Trump understand: The best marks are people who think they’re part of the conspiracy. That’s how Trump gets people. He lures them in by appealing to their ugliest impulses — like the growing Republican desire to unfairly seize power by undermining democracy — and then leaves his co-conspirators, who clearly followed Trump because they liked the idea of a fascist insurrection, holding the bag.

“He lied to his base, saying this was all okay,” Rep Ted Lieu of California said during his argument on Thursday. 

Democrats finished their case against Trump in a way that was just as impressive as they began it, meticulously laying out the facts while not shying away from the emotions brought on by these terrible events. Lieu was particularly hard-hitting, pointing out that, “When you or I make a mistake and something very bad happens, we would show remorse,” but Trump’s reaction to January 6 was to brag about how perfect his behavior was, showing how intentional this was from the beginning.

The Senate Republicans who are lining up to shield Trump should really think long and hard about why on Earth they want to protect a man who wouldn’t piss on them if they were on fire. A man who always repays loyalty with spit in the face. A man who thanked his vice president, Mike Pence, for years of loyal service by sending a mob to kill him. A man who, as the House managers amply demonstrated with court documents, didn’t care who he killed by inciting an insurrection, even if the victims were his most sycophantic supporters in Congress. 

But ultimately, the real question isn’t whether Trump is guilty. Everyone knows he is. The only question is whether Senate Republicans want to be complicit with an insurrection that directly threatened their own lives. Presumably, they think they’re playing 11th-level chess and will get some political advantage out of it. But in the end, they’re no better than the morons who stormed the Capitol because Trump told them it was “allowed.” And if they believe otherwise, it’s because Trump has successfully exploited their own overblown egos against them — as he does to all of his marks. 

House managers win opening round of Trump’s second impeachment trial

There probably is a good time before most contests to discuss the rules, whether in sports, chess or civil trials. Trying to do so in the middle of the game almost never works.

Holding a formal, if emotional, Constitutional debate to open the impeachment trial for Donald Trump’s inciting actions that built to the climax of a mob attack on the U.S. Capitol over whether the trial is exactly what envisioned 250 years ago only underscored that this contest is a baldly partisan political match. It is not anything regarding justice.

The Senate voted previously to proceed with the trial on a procedural vote, so replaying the same questions, this time with hours of precedent-citing debate and powerful video clips, was sure to come out the same way. Yes, the trial is Constitutional — as voted by a bare majority of the senators present.

Let’s face it. Almost along straight partisan party lines, 56-44, with six Republican defectors, the bulk of Republican senators doubled down yesterday toward insisting that by the rules alone, there should be no accounting for rioting insurrectionists, no chance to assess Trump’s responsibility. They foreshadow their inevitable vote against conviction when the trial comes to an end days from now.

Of course, the Republican bloc vote, a loser in this rules discussion, is likely to “win,” since conviction requires two-thirds of the Senate.

Republican senators wanted to look anywhere but at the events of Jan. 6.

Following the rules

On some level,  the Constitutional debate only helped prove that this whole impeachment trial is about following rules.

Had Trump followed the rules of the election, he would have conceded losing. We would have proceeded to a transition to Joe Biden without the daily spew of Big Lies about perceived election fraud and the rattling of militia weaponry and conspiracy theories. Had he accepted the rules that extended mail ballots during a pandemic, Trump would have had no beef with the outcome.

Waging a months-long bleat against the outcome, Trump, still president, whistled his followers to Washington for the Jan. 6 formal acceptance of certified Electoral College votes, heated them up and pointed them to the Capitol. As the mob violently stormed our center of democracy and hunted lawmakers, Trump retreated to the White House to watch television, declining to call in National Guardsmen to halt the chaos. The House voted to impeach while Trump was still president.

But because Senate Republican leader Mitch McConnell manipulated the Senate schedule to delay a trial until after the Trump departure from office, the trial raised Constitutional questions of whether a “former president” could be tried.

Thus, we witnessed a day of debate that included lawyers for Trump misstating the position of scholars on the question, a slew of legal opinions across the political landscape decrying the Trump position, senators who simply want to move on and endless discussion over a Constitutional ambiguity that was being settled by raw political power.

Actually, the House impeachment managers made clear, using arguments of conservative lawyers and judges, that they actually had done their homework to find that impeachment is an instrument to defend democracy. The Trump team, relatively speaking, had started with an opposite answer and looked for, or created, arguments to support their version. And then Rep. Jamie Raskin, D-Md., put the emotional cherry on top with his personal story of his family hiding beneath desks. Television reported that some Republican senators refused to even look at the video.

The prosecution case on the narrow Constitutional issue was smashing on all levels, and it undercut the whole of the Trump defense.

“The president of the United States sided with the insurrectionists,” Rep. David Cicilline (D-R.I.) argued. “He celebrated their cause. He validated their attack. He told them, ‘Remember this day forever,’ hours after they marched through these halls looking to assassinate Vice President Pence, the speaker of the House and any of us they could find.”

Winners?

Playing football, the game America so loves, depends on accepting rules and rulings from umpires. But yesterday showed a Trump argument that the rules apparently are for chumps, not champs. Trump would argue that maybe the Buccaneers didn’t win the Superbowl even though we all saw the game, that referee calls were biased; in that telling, the Chiefs just forgot to change the results of the game.

This trial is showing that Republicans want to start with the outcome in hand and work backward to what the rules should say.

In truth, there will be no “winners” from this impeachment. Based on the vote on the Constitutional question, it is easy to presume that there will be no conviction.

No conviction means Democrats will have lost time toward their now-majority agenda and any chance of working with Republicans in the Senate. No conviction will mean the return of a boastful Trump, who will loudly exclaim exoneration and who will refuse to leave the scene. No conviction will mean a Republican party still under the control of Team Trump, retribution against party defectors and a growing public move toward armed conspiracists and militia members.

We’ll have more Marjorie Taylor Greene and conspiracy theorists in office, more divisiveness, more attacks on the Biden agenda, deserved or not. We’ll see a spread of violent threats to the states. We’ll see more targeting of anything that happens not to comport with a streak of perceived “populism” that is increasingly racist, misogynistic and, strangely, anti-coronavirus masks.

Sure, there will be prosecutions against now 150 or so actual insurgents, many of whom are saying they entered the Capitol because Trump told them to do so. But once again, it is the “forgotten,” exactly those whom Trump had promised to represent, who are paying his bill at the Justice bar.

What we won’t do is stop the militaristic language of politics “fighting,” “combating,” “crushing” and the like for the opposition. There is a chance here to cool the rhetoric just a bit.

And, when we don’t like the outcome, we can always blame the rules.

You wouldn’t teach that to your kids.

When scientists become allergic to their research

Bryan Fry’s heart was pounding as he stepped back from the snake enclosure and examined the bite marks on his hand. He had just been bitten by a death adder, one of Australia’s most venomous snakes. Its neurotoxin-laced bite could cause vomiting, paralysis and — as the name suggests — death.

Fry, at the time a graduate student, had kept snakes for years. Oddly, the neurotoxins weren’t his biggest worry; the nearby hospital would have the antivenom he needed, and, although data is limited, people who receive treatment generally survive. Anaphylactic shock, on the other hand, might kill him within minutes.

“Anaphylactic shock is the single worst feeling you can possibly imagine,” recalled Fry, now a biologist at the University of Queensland in Australia. “It is just insane. Every cell in your body is screaming out in mortal terror.”

Fry, who had spent his life admiring and eventually studying venomous snakes, had become deathly allergic to them.

While most cases are not so extreme, anecdotal reports and expert analysis suggest that it is far from rare for scientists, students, and laboratory technicians to develop allergies to the organisms they study. Perversely, some allergy researchers say, it is the researchers’ passion for their subjects — the close observation, the long hours of work each day, and the years of commitment to a research project — that puts them at such high risk.

“It is true that some things cause allergies more often than others, but the biggest factor is the frequency of the interaction with the study organism,” said John Carlson, a physician and researcher at Tulane University who specializes in insect and dust mite allergies. “You probably have about a 30 percent chance of developing an allergy to whatever it is that you study.” While data is limited, that estimate is in line with research on occupational allergies, which studies suggest occur in as many as 44 percent of people who work with laboratory rodents, around 40 percent of veterinarians, and 25 to 60 percent of people who work with insects.

Federal guidelines suggest that laboratories have “well-designed air-handling systems” and that workers don appropriate personal protective equipment, or PPE, in order to reduce the risk of developing an allergy. However, interviews with researchers and experts suggest that there may be little awareness of — or adherence to — guidelines like these. For scientists working with less-common species and those engaged in fieldwork, information on what exactly constitutes appropriate PPE may be very limited.

Many researchers, perhaps especially those who do fieldwork, are used to being uncomfortable in service of their work, Carlson points out. “I think that a lot of researchers are so interested in the process of the research,” he said, “that they aren’t really considering the long-term effects that it could have on them.”

* * *

In general, allergies develop when the immune system overreacts to a substance that is usually harmless, or relatively harmless. The immune system monitors the body for potentially dangerous invaders like bacteria, fungi, and viruses. Sometimes, for reasons that are not well understood, the immune system identifies something benign, like pollen or animal dander, as dangerous. To help mark the intruder, a person who has become sensitized in this way produces antibodies, or types of proteins, to identify it.

When that person comes into contact with the substance again, the antibodies flag it as an invader. As part of the response, immune cells release compounds like histamine, which irritate and inflame the surrounding tissues, resulting in allergy symptoms.

Although some risk factors have been identified, researchers who study allergies are often unable to determine exactly why this overreaction occurs in some people but not others. But it’s clear that, for some substances, repeated exposures can increase the likelihood of an allergic response.

While anecdotes of allergic scientists abound, research into the issue is scant. The best documented are allergies to rodents, which are ubiquitous in biomedical research. But some scientists report allergies that are almost completely unstudied, potentially because relatively few people — at least in wealthy nations in which many allergy studies are conducted — regularly come into contact with the organisms that cause them.

For example, while most people avoid regular contact with leeches, University of Toronto doctoral student Danielle de Carle goes out looking for them. De Carle studies leech genetics in order to figure out how different species are related to one another and to understand how blood feeding evolved. To study the leeches, she first has to catch them, and like other researchers in her field, she uses her own body as bait.

“We wade into swamps and stuff, and we let them attach to us and feed from us,” she said. For most people, leech bites are relatively painless. When de Carle needed to keep the leeches alive in the lab, she would let them feed on her then as well.

After about a year and a half of this, she started to notice symptoms. At first, the bites became itchy, but the more she was exposed, the worse it got. “The last time I fed a leech — which I try not to do anymore — my entire hand swelled up so much that I could hardly make a fist,” she said. “It itched like crazy.” De Carle said that, when she’s out hunting leeches now, she can avoid an allergic reaction if she removes the leech after it attaches itself to her, but before it starts to feed. For the leeches she keeps in the lab, she’s switched to feeding them pig’s blood from a butcher shop instead of letting them feed on her.

Nia Walker, a Ph.D. student in biology at Stanford University, has also begun reacting to her research organism. Walker studies how genetics influence coral bleaching resistance and recovery. She began to notice rashes on her hands during her third trip to conduct fieldwork on corals in Palau, an island nation in the South Pacific. “And then each subsequent trip after that, it got more and more extreme,” she said. “It got to the point where my face would bloat and I’d get welts on my hands from touching them.”

While her symptoms are especially intense, Walker said she’s not the only member of her lab who has developed a sensitivity. By now, she said, everyone in the lab has “developed a slight irritation to corals.” Walker has been able to manage her allergy by using protective equipment and over-the-counter antihistamines. “It’s sad,” she said, “but it’s also pretty funny.”

Sometimes, allergies that scientists have picked up during lab work can spill over into daily life. More than a decade ago, evolutionary biologist Karl Grieshop worked in a fruit fly lab in which bananas were a key part of the flies’ diet. Ever since, he said, his throat gets itchy every time he eats a banana. Jon Giddens, a doctoral student in plant biology at the University of Oklahoma, said that he didn’t have any allergies before he started studying Eastern redcedar, a small evergreen tree that is widespread in some regions of the country. But now, even though it’s been more than a year since he last worked with the species in the field, he has year-round nasal allergy symptoms, he thinks from the redcedar pollen in the air.

Likewise, Brechann McGoey, who received her doctorate in ecology and evolutionary biology from the University of Toronto, said she didn’t experience hay fever before she started her graduate work. But after repeated exposure to ragweed pollen during experiments, she developed symptoms like post-nasal drip and persistent cough. Even though she no longer works with the species, she still gets hay fever every fall during ragweed season. “It’s a souvenir from my Ph.D.,” she joked.

Reflecting previous research on occupational allergies in veterinarians, most of the researchers who spoke with Undark did not seek medical attention or get a formal diagnosis for their allergies.

* * *

In many cases, scientists report that their allergies are annoying but manageable. But sometimes, the allergies force researchers to make major changes.

Entomologist Chip Taylor began his career studying sulphur butterflies as a Ph.D. student at the University of Connecticut. When he started his own lab at the University of Kansas in 1969, he had every intention of continuing to work with the species. But, he said, “by the time it rolled around to 1973, I realized I was so allergic to these butterflies.” Taylor began to experience asthma-like symptoms whenever he worked with them.

In the summer of that year, during a research trip to central Arizona, Taylor and a colleague rented a trailer to use as a workstation to process butterfly wing samples. “I could not go in the trailer,” he recalled. “I slept outside with my back up against a tree so my sinuses and my throat could drain.” To manage his symptoms, he was regularly taking prednisone, a powerful anti-inflammatory drug that can have serious side effects. “I decided that I had to get out of working with those butterflies,” Taylor said. “I had to readjust my career to work on something else.”

Taylor spent the next few decades studying killer bees. He returned to butterfly research in 1992, when he started the monarch butterfly conservation program Monarch Watch. Taylor said he’s never experienced any symptoms while working with monarchs — maybe, he guesses, because the two species produce different types of pigments.

Fry, the biologist who became allergic to snake venom, also said his allergy has shaped his career. The venoms of different snake species share similar components, Fry said, so someone who is allergic to one type of snake is likely allergic to many types. Because of this allergy, Fry also has to be extremely careful even around venomous snakes that are usually not dangerous to humans.

“Whenever I work with these animals now, I look like I’m going into the Hurt Locker,” he said, referencing the Oscar-winning movie about U.S. Army specialists who defused bombs in Iraq. “So, of course, in the tropical sun I’m absolutely melting.” Those limitations, he said, have made working with snakes less enjoyable. “I can’t just blithely interact with these animals that I find so absolutely fascinating, knowing that death is just around the corner at any given moment, even from a snake that normally wouldn’t be a medical problem.”

Fry survived his encounter with the death adder thanks to a snakebite kit containing injectable adrenaline and antihistamines, as well as a quick-thinking friend who raced him to the hospital. The allergy, he said, has caused him to redirect much of his research to studying venoms in other animals, including Komodo dragons, slow lorises (the world’s only venomous primates), funnel-web spiders, and box jellyfish. “I’ve managed to turn it into a good thing,” he said, “but it’s been nevertheless very frustrating.”

* * *

Allergy experts say that reducing exposure is the key to preventing allergy development. Exactly how much the exposure needs to be reduced is less clear, and increasing protection may be costly for institutions and inconvenient for researchers.

Some laboratories that use mice and rats have equipment and policies designed to reduce exposure to allergens. These labs install ventilation systems for the cages, use a robotic system to clean them out, house fewer animals per room, and provide an area for workers to change out of allergen-contaminated clothing. PPE such as masks, gloves, and gowns can also help researchers reduce their exposure.

But actually applying those preventative measures can be challenging, said Johanna Feary, who studies occupational lung disease as a senior clinical research fellow at Imperial College London.

In 2019, Feary and several colleagues published a study of seven research institutions in the United Kingdom that performed research on mice. They found that facilities that used individually ventilated cages, instead of open cages, had dramatically lower airborne allergen levels. But even that was not sufficient to prevent technicians from becoming sensitized to mouse allergens. The facilities with the lowest levels of sensitization were those where workers also wore properly fitted masks. The research, she said, demonstrated that, at least in the U.K., the development of allergies to lab animals “is probably preventable in almost all cases.”

But Feary said that lab animal allergies continue to be a problem for many people. “We should be getting better at it,” she said. “I’m not sure we are getting better at it.” The main reason, according to Feary, is that it can be costly to install equipment that reduces allergen exposure, such as those robotic cage cleaners, especially if it requires renovating older facilities.

It’s also hard to accurately assess the magnitude of the problem, she said, especially given that conditions and practices differ widely around the world. While well-run facilities will monitor workers’ exposure and health, “at the other end of the scale, you have filthy places with poor health and safety,” she said, where recordkeeping is patchy and people who develop allergies may simply feel compelled to seek work elsewhere. “So, it may look like everything’s fine, and nobody’s got any symptoms, but actually all the sick people have left,” Feary said.

It may also be the case that only the best-run facilities will report their data, she said, while the rest will simply not engage. Indeed, several years ago, when a group of Duke University researchers attempted a nationwide survey of the incidence of anaphylaxis associated with lab-animal bites in the U.S., only 16 percent of facilities even responded.

And with less well-studied allergies, there’s simply little information available regarding prevalence and what sorts of protections are sufficient to prevent their development. Several scientists living with allergies, though, said they think that more information and awareness could help increase the number of scientists taking precautions in their research.

Fry said there is more awareness of snake venom allergy than there was when he started formally studying snakes in the late 1990s. But, he added, “it’s still not as well-known as it should be.” Researchers in the field, he wrote in a follow-up email, can be reticent to talk about venom allergies. But, he said, “I’m quite candid about it because, you know, this is life-saving information.”

Walker, the coral biologist, said more research on allergies among researchers would be helpful. “A lot of these things can be addressed if you knew to look out for it,” she said.

Early-career scientists generally receive thorough training on proper handling of biohazards and harmful chemicals. Institutions often provide extensive safety plans for fieldwork to help researchers prepare for the various risks involved, from dehydration to hypothermia to bear attacks. But scientists may learn little about the potential for developing allergies to seemingly harmless organisms.

“I feel like maybe there’s a bit too much of a casual attitude about protective gear,” said McGoey, who developed an allergy after doing research on ragweed. “Maybe especially if you’re working with a plant or animal, where it’s like a natural thing, and you’re not in the lab with a chemical, maybe people are just not careful enough.”

“As silly as it sounds, just maybe having more emphasis on using PPE and the consequences of not doing it would be kind of nice,” said de Carle, the leech researcher. “It can be really easy to just think, like, ‘Oh, I don’t really need to wear gloves; I’m just touching flowers or whatever.'”

Carlson, the allergist, said that even well-informed researchers can get caught up in their enthusiasm for the work and rationalize not taking the proper precautions.

In 2009, Carlson worked on a project that involved collecting data on house dust mites, microscopic arthropods which cause nasal and respiratory issues in millions of people worldwide. Despite his expertise, he neglected PPE. “I know all this,” he said. “I know I should be wearing a mask, but it’s hot, and it’s sweaty, and I don’t have a boss telling me what to do.” As he worked, he developed a runny nose and itchy eyes — the first steps toward a full-fledged allergy. “I pushed through and I ended up hyper-sensitizing myself,” Carlson said, to the point that even getting down on the ground to play with his then-young children made him “absolutely miserable.”

Carlson is saddened thinking about those scientists who have to give up the work they love due to allergies. “I really do feel for these folks doing their work and developing an allergy,” he said. “The more we get the word out there, the better.”

* * *

Hannah Thomasy is a freelance science writer splitting time between Toronto and Seattle. Her work has appeared in Hakai Magazine, OneZero, and NPR.

This article was originally published on Undark. Read the original article.

“Mandalorian” actress Gina Carano fired after “abhorrent” social media post referencing Nazi Germany

The Mandalorian” actress and former mixed martial artist Gina Carano is no longer associated with Lucasfilm after sharing controversial statements Tuesday night on her Instagram stories, including one that that likened political differences today to the treatment of Jews in Nazi Germany. 

“Jews were beaten in the streets, not by Nazi soldiers but by their neighbors . . . even by children,” Carano posted. “Because history is edited, most people today don’t realize that to get to the point where Nazi soldiers could easily round up thousands of Jews, the government first made their own neighbors hate them simply for being Jews. How is that any different from hating someone for their political views.” The post originated on a different Instagram account.

The next day, Lucasfilm addressed her employment with the production company.

“Gina Carano is not currently employed by Lucasfilm and there are no plans for her to be in the future,” a Lucasfilm spokesperson said in a statement, according to Variety. “Nevertheless, her social media posts denigrating people based on their cultural and religious identities are abhorrent and unacceptable.”

Carano has come under fire for other posts on social media before. In November, she mocked pronoun usage by using made-up pronouns in her Twitter bio, which Star Wars fans called out as transphobic. 

According to Variety, co-star Pedro Pascal had explained to her why people specify pronouns, leading her to delete the contents of her offensive bio.

“I didn’t know before but I do now,” she wrote. “I won’t be putting them in my bio but good for all you who choose to. I stand against bullying, especially the most vulnerable & [support] freedom to choose,” she wrote at the time.

Fans were also critical of Carano’s posts about alleged voter fraud and questioning mask-wearing, and for liking posts that disparaged Black Lives Matter protests. 

On Wednesday, the hashtag #FireGinaCarano began circulating on social media; by midday Carano had deleted the post about Nazi Germany and mask-wearing, but others remained, including one in which Carano had written: “Jeffrey Epstein didn’t kill himself.” 

In December, Lucasfilm and Disney+ had announced “Rangers of the New Republic,” a direct spin-off of “The Mandalorian,” which would have potentially had a role for Carano’s character, Cara Dune, a former Rebel trooper who had become a Marshall for the New Republic. 

Lucasfilm has not, however, made any casting announcements about “Rangers of the New Republic.”  The third season of “The Mandalorian” will premiere on Christmas Day this year.

 

Republicans want to plant 1 trillion trees — and then log them

About a year ago, Representative Bruce Westerman, a Republican from Arkansas who is also a certified forester and a longtime forest policy advocate, introduced the Trillion Trees Act. It was one of four bills in a climate package that Republicans hoped would rival a Democratic emissions-reduction proposal presented at the same time — not to mention an even more ambitious Democratic proposal, the Green New Deal.

Unlike its sweeping Democratic counterparts, which aimed to decarbonize every sector of the economy, the Trillion Trees Act offered a narrow strategy for addressing climate change: increasing carbon sequestration on public lands by planting trees. The bill had almost 40 co-sponsors in the House, all but three of them Republicans. Former President Donald Trump also supported the bill, issuing a Trillion Trees executive order in October and affirming “America’s commitment to promoting conservation efforts.”

For months, the bill languished in the Natural Resource Committee, never making it to the House floor for a vote. But nearly a year later, as Washington was preparing for a new administration, a group of senators revived the call for trees on public lands. Two Republican and two Democratic senators introduced a slightly modified version of the House bill in December. Tree planting had become a bipartisan solution to carbon emissions.

Planting trees, which suck carbon out of the air, is an intuitive, appealing climate solution. Indeed, the Trillion Trees Act was inspired by a larger, international initiative launched by the World Economic Forum that aims to plant 1 trillion trees worldwide by 2030. And the idea has gotten a big boost in popular culture in recent years; YouTuber Mr. Beast raised millions of dollars in 2019 in a popular public effort to plant a million trees; he even got tech mogul Elon Musk to donate $1 million to his campaign.

But environmental advocates and Democrats in Congress alike dislike both the original Trillion Trees Act and the new Senate version, claiming that neither bill meaningfully addresses climate change.

The original bill would create a forest management plan for public lands managed by the Bureau of Land Management and the U.S. Forest Service with the aim of planting about 3.3 billion trees per year for the next 30 years. It tasks the secretary of the interior with establishing an annual “wood growth target” or a goal to harvest a certain amount of timber each year. The purpose of such a target would be to ensure the U.S. produces enough trees each year to effectively capture and store carbon in wood after the trees have been harvested. It would also establish a reforestation task force focused on planting new trees in damaged or bare areas, in order to meet the wood growth target. In essence, trees would be planted as monocultures on public lands, just to get cut down in the hopes that carbon would remain stored in the cut wood products.

But environmental groups say that the bill amounts to a gift to the logging industry, not a serious climate solution. Last February, more than 95 civic groups — including the Sierra Club, the Natural Resources Defense Council, the Wilderness Society, and Earthjustice — wrote a letter to the chair of the House Natural Resource Committee expressing their opposition to the bill.

The groups’ main argument against the bill is that growing trees for logging is not a very good way to store carbon. The letter pointed out that “only a fraction of the carbon stored in a standing tree” remains within wood products. This is because when a forest is logged, any remaining branches, roots, or debris are often burned or left to decompose, releasing carbon into the air. The fossil fuels burned to power logging equipment also contribute to emissions, and once the logged trees reach a sawmill, even more carbon is released as the wood is processed and cut into 2-by-4 blocks. The bill as written also failed to account for the release of carbon from soils during clear cuts, loss of carbon during wood product decomposition, and the emissions associated with log transport, according to Blaine Miller-McFeeley, a senior legislative representative for Earthjustice.

Additionally, the environmental groups pointed out that young trees and tree plantations aren’t very good at storing carbon when compared to diverse, old-growth forests. “Older forests store a lot more carbon than young forests, and much of it is returned to the atmosphere quickly when harvested and planted with young trees,” Beverly Law, a professor of global change biology at Oregon State University, told Mongabay. In addition to increasing the amount of planting and logging of trees, the Trillion Trees bill would truncate judicial review and limit community input around reforestation and logging projects, which the letter also criticized.

“Planting a whole bunch of trees just so you can cut them back down is not the kind of science-based climate solution I think we’re looking for,” said Representative Jared Huffman of California, a Democrat and an opponent of the House bill.

The Senate bill introduced by Democratic Senator Chris Coons of Delaware was significantly better, said Miller-McFeeley. It focused less on carbon sequestration through logging and, unlike the House bill, didn’t require more and more wood be logged every year. Despite those changes, “It still is not legislation that we are supportive of,” said Miller-McFeeley.

Miller-McFeeley takes issue with the central strategy of both bills: reforestation. “Reforestation generally speaking, and so the general goal of either of these Trillion Trees bills, is rarely ever helpful or necessary and can actually be detrimental to the ecology of the forest,” Miller-McFeeley told Grist.

Reforestation works by going into a forest plot that’s been damaged (by wildfire, for instance), removing any remaining standing trees in a process called salvage logging, and planting new ones. This practice of salvage logging, which is used widely by the Forest Service after fires or beetle infestations, is a problem for a number of reasons.

“First, when a tree burns for example, it still retains about 90 percent of the carbon that it originally had,” said Miller-McFeeley. “Once you cut it down and salvage-log it, it starts to lose its carbon.” Additionally, forests naturally regenerate after major disturbance events if they’re left alone, with new plants, flowers, and saplings taking over the landscape. When people reforest and salvage-log a damaged site, they and their heavy machinery often trample the landscape, leading to erosion and making it difficult for the trees to regenerate naturally.

The other problem with both bills is that they don’t make significant reference to the need to protect existing forests. “It’s a cop-out,” said Miller-McFeeley.

Huffman agreed. “If we’re serious about carbon sequestration in forest management, you have to recognize that by far, the biggest tool to maximize carbon storage in our forests is protection of old growth trees,” Huffman told Grist.

And most environmental groups agree that forests are a small part of the climate solution, eclipsed by the need for a transition away from fossil fuels.

When asked why he was co-sponsoring the Senate bill, Coons said he’s proud to be working with his Republican colleagues on such an initiative. “Introducing a bipartisan bill focused on reducing carbon in the atmosphere is an important step in building a consensus around addressing climate,” he said in an email on Inauguration Day. “I’m encouraged that the incoming Biden Administration is prioritizing climate action, from investing in clean energy to leveraging natural climate solutions.”

Whether the Trillion Trees Act will actually move forward under President Biden remains to be seen. Because Congress has entered a new session, Westerman must reintroduce his Trillion Trees Act for consideration. Westerman’s press secretary, Rebekah Hoshiko, confirmed that he will be reintroducing the Trillion Trees Act in the House later this year. When and with what revisions is still unknown.

“We certainly hope to continue getting bipartisan support,” Hoshiko said. “Planting trees is something that I think we can all be on the same team about, so we certainly hope to continue building that this year, even as we Republicans are in the minority.”

Miller-McFeeley says that Earthjustice at least has no plans to support a bill that focuses on reforestation rather than preservation. Huffman doesn’t believe the bill will get much traction either with the Democratic majority unless Westerman drops the logging provisions. “You might see one or two Democrats that would support the type of bill Bruce introduced last Congress. “But overwhelmingly, Democrats are not interested in weakening environmental laws, or creating incentives that are too myopically focused on logging volumes, and not reflective of the need to protect old growth trees,” he said. “If he wants more than a token Democrat or two, he really needs to recalibrate that bill. And I hope he does.”

Mike Lee objects and Rand Paul doodles: How Republican senators are handling Trump’s impeachment

On the second day of former President Trump’s impeachment trial, emotions ran high on the Senate floor as lawmakers across both aisles watched aghast at security footage that had never before been seen, revealing just how close the rioters were to breaching the Senate chamber while members of Congress were still inside. 

Democrats serving as the House impeachment managers showed clips of Sens. Mitt Romney, R-UT, and Chuck Schumer, D-NY, and former Vice President Mike Pence narrowly escaping the violent mob of marauders as they spread throughout the Capitol building on Jan. 6. Impeachment managers methodically recounted a timeline of the events leading up to the insurrection, citing various instances during the many months prior in which Trump sowed the seeds of violence in his followers. 

One of the more expected moments in the trial occurred when House manager Rep. David Cicilline, D-RI, cited a call Trump had mistakenly made to Sen. Mike Lee, R-UT, during the insurrection, thinking that he had, in fact, called Sen. Tommy Tuberville, R-AL. Lee claimed that he’d quickly given the phone to Tuberville, who Trump “reportedly” asked to make additional objections to the election certification process over a 10-minute phone call, during which Lee and Tuberville grew increasingly panicked as the riot unfolded. 

“Excuse me, Tommy,” Lee said he interjected at the time, “We have to evacuate. Can I have my phone?”

On Wednesday, Lee objected to Cicilline’s recounting of the report to say that Trump had asked Tuberville to slow down the certification process, ultimately leading Cicilline to withdraw the statement. The House managers did, however, reserve the right to clarify their point on Thursday. 

During and after the trial, many GOP senators were relatively forthright about their emotional state following the second day of the impeachment trial –– a tense scene in which, as Sen. Susan Collins, R-ME, described, “you could hear a pin drop.” 

Sen. Rob Portman, R-OH, expressed that it was “not easy” to watch the footage and admitted he and his colleagues were “not as protected as [they] thought [they] were.”

Sen. Romney, one of the six senators who has expressed his support of the trial, said that he felt “very fortunate” for Capitol police officer Eugene Goodman, who rushed him away from the Senate chambers with just minutes to spare. The “violence that our Capitol Police and others were subjected to,” Romney said, “tears at your heart and brings tears to your eyes. That was overwhelmingly distressing and emotional.”

“I just can’t believe that we could lose the Capitol like that,” Sen. Lindsey Graham, R-S.C., told reporters, “I got mad. I mean these police officers had every right to use deadly force, they should have used it.”

Many GOP senators commended on the clarity of the Democrats’ case, a quality strikingly absent from Trump’s legal team during the first day of the trial. 

Senator Lisa Murkowski, R-AK, who had also advocated for the trial in January, said, “I think that the House managers are making a very strong case for a timeline that laid out very clearly the words that were used, when he used them, how he used to really build the anger, the violence that we saw here in this Capitol.”

“I think they’ve done a good job connecting the dots,” Sen. John Thune, R-S.D. told reporters, echoing Murkowski’s praise, “The president’s Twitter feed is a matter of public record, and they’ve done, like I said, an effective job of going back several months and just showing that public record.”

However, Murkowski and Thune were not joined by most of their Republican colleagues, who remained unconvinced that the former president directly incited the violence that broke out on Capitol Hill. 

When asked whether Wednesday’s presentation would change his vote, Sen. Mike Braun, R-IA, said during a break, “No, because I’ve seen, I think, most of it,” adding, “I think it’s good to review it, but I don’t know that that’s going to make a difference for any one senator just having it on a loop again.”

“They spent a great deal of time focusing on the horrific acts of violence that were played out by the criminals,” said Senator Ted Cruz, R-TX, one of the dozen or so Senators who openly backed Trump’s effort invalidate the election certification, “But the language from the president doesn’t come close to meeting the legal standard for incitement.”

Despite the visceral reaction elicited by the new footage Democrats had shown, the lack of any independent investigations or any witness testimony will make it unlikely for the impeachment team to sway more Republicans, solidifying Trump’s inevitable acquittal.  

In fact, many Republican senators continued to deflect blame to Democrats. 

Others made a show of not paying attention to the trial.

Sen. Josh Hawley of Missouri sat up in the gallery reading with his feet up a day after Sen. Rand Paul of Kentucky was seen by reporters — but not cameras, as Senate rules require only the speakers on the dais be shown — doodling what appeared to be a drawing of the Capitol. And Ted Cruz was rage tweeting about a UK hospital’s decision to drop terms considered to be trans-exclusionary such as “breast milk.”

 

Fox News guest Dave Ramsey: “You have a mental health problem” if you need a stimulus check

Conservative financial pundit Dave Ramsey on Thursday asserted that people who need COVID-19 relief checks have “mental problems.”

During an interview on Fox News, Ramsey was asked what level of relief the American people should receive in the next COVID-19 bill.

“I don’t believe in a stimulus check,” Ramsey told Fox News host Bill Hemmer. “Because if $600 or $1,400 changes your life, you were pretty much screwed already. You’ve got other issues going on. You have a career problem, you have a debt problem, you have a relationship problem, you have a mental health problem, something else is going on if $600 changes your life.”

“And that’s not talking down to folks,” he added. “I’ve been bankrupt, I’ve been broke and I work with people every day who are hurting. I love people. I want people to be lifted up.”

Ramsey concluded: “It’s just peeing on a forest fire.”

Watch the video below from Fox News.

 

Georgia prosecutor opens criminal investigation into Trump’s “attempts to influence” election result

Prosecutors in Georgia launched a criminal investigation into former President Donald Trump’s efforts to “influence” the results of the state’s election, the second investigation this week sparked by Trump’s call to Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger pressuring him to “find” enough votes to overturn his loss.

Newly-elected Fulton County District Attorney Fani Willis sent letters to top state officials on Wednesday asking them to preserve documents related to an “investigation into attempts to influence,” The New York Times first reported. Though the letter does not mention Trump by name, a state official told the outlet the probe is focused on Trump’s attempts to reverse his loss.

“This investigation includes, but is not limited to, potential violations of Georgia’s law prohibiting the solicitation of election fraud, the making of false statements to state and local governmental bodies, conspiracy, racketeering, violation of oath of office and any involvement in violence or threats related to the election’s administration,” Willis said in the letters.

The letters were sent to Raffensperger, Gov. Brian Kemp, Lt. Gov. Geoff Duncan, and state Attorney General Chris Carr, all of whom are Republicans.

“At this stage, we have no reason to believe that any Georgia official is a target of this investigation,” Willis said.

Trump called Raffensperger in January to press him to “find 11,780 votes, which is one more than we have.” Trump reportedly made 18 previous attempts to reach Raffensperger, who repeatedly refuted Trump’s false claims about the election as multiple recounts confirmed Joe Biden’s narrow victory in the state.

Trump also unsuccessfully pressed Kemp to call a special session of the state legislature to review unfounded allegations of fraud. A state official told the Times that the investigation would also include a call Trump had with Carr, warning him not to interfere with a lawsuit filed by Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton seeking to overturn the election results in Georgia and other states. The probe will also include the abrupt departure of U.S. Attorney B.J. Pak, who stepped down after Trump complained that he was not investigating his claims of fraud. The investigation may also look at Trump attorney Rudy Giuliani’s efforts to push his false election claims to the state Senate.

Jeff DiSantis, a spokesman for Willis, told the Times that a letter was sent to Duncan, who presides over the state Senate, because the chamber “may have evidence of efforts to interfere with the proper administration of the election.”

Anyone involved in those efforts, he added, “is potentially a subject of this investigation, and that would include a variety of people.”

Trump adviser Jason Miller argued that the probe was politically motivated and the “timing here is not accidental given today’s impeachment trial.”

“This is simply the Democrats’ latest attempt to score political points by continuing their witch hunt against President Trump, and everybody sees through it,” he said in a statement to the Times.

Despite Miller’s attempt to frame the probe as political, the Republican secretary of state’s office opened its own investigation into the call just two days earlier. Raffensperger’s office launched a probe into the call on Monday, which could result in a criminal referral if it concludes Trump may have violated state law.

Former prosecutors told the Times that the call may have violated Georgia laws against solicitation of election fraud, conspiracy and election interference. It’s unclear what actions may be connected to the district attorney’s review of potential racketeering, a charge typically used to target organized crime. But Georgia State law professor Clark Cunningham told the outlet the charge could also apply to efforts to try to change the results of an election.

Some legal experts said it was unlikely the investigation would go anywhere, but others disagreed.

“I think there’s a decent chance we’ll see criminal charges,” Bennett Gershman, a law professor at Pace University, told the Atlanta Journal-Constitution. “These are serious allegations.”

Watchdog groups praised Willis’ decision to launch the probe.

“Trump’s conduct violates not only the law, but the foundation on which our democracy is built,” said Noah Bookbinder, the executive director of Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington. “He may have been able to evade facing criminal charges as president, but he is no longer president.”

The Fulton County probe is the second known criminal investigation into Trump. The former president is also under investigation by Manhattan District Attorney Cy Vance, who is reportedly reviewing Trump and his businesses’ finances for evidence of fraud. Trump also faces a civil fraud investigation by New York Attorney General Letitia James. D.C. Attorney General Karl Racine has said Trump could be charged with a misdemeanor for his role in inciting the Jan. 6 Capitol riot.

“Let it be known that the office of attorney general has a potential charge that it may utilize,” Racine warned last month, adding that D.C. law “makes illegal the statements of individuals that clearly encourage, cajole, and otherwise, you know, get people motivated to commit violence.”

Tucker Carlson claims George Floyd died of a drug overdose — and links it to Trump’s impeachment

On Wednesday evening, Fox News host Tucker Carlson treated his viewers to a bizarre rant tying together former President Donald Trump’s impeachment trial with denial that George Floyd was killed by the Minneapolis Police.

“So what does all of this mean, exactly?” said Carlson. “We’re not sure what it means, and we’re not going to speculate. What we do know for certain is that the known facts of what happened on Jan. 6 deviate in very important ways from the story they are now telling us, including the story they told us today in the impeachment hearing. And in many places, the known facts bear no resemblance to the story they’re telling — they’re just flat-out lying. There’s no question about that. The question is, why would they lie about this?”‘

“For an answer, think back to last spring, beginning of Memorial Day,” said Carlson. “BLM and their sponsors in Corporate America completely changed this country, they changed this country more in five months than it changed in the previous fifty years. How’d they do that? They used the sad death of a man called George Floyd to upend our society. Months later, they learned that the story they told us about George Floyd’s death was an utter lie. There was no physical evidence that George Floyd was murdered by a cop. The autopsy showed that George Floyd almost certainly died of a drug overdose, fentanyl. But by that point, facts didn’t matter. It was too late. Cities had been destroyed, along with the fabric of this country itself, scores of people have been killed.”

“Democratic partisans used a carefully concocted myth, a lie, to bum-rush America into overturning the old order and handing them much more power,” continued Carlson. “It worked flawlessly. So why wouldn’t they do it again?”

The claim that Floyd actually died of a fentanyl overdose has been made by lawyers representing the police seen kneeling on his neck for almost 10 minutes while he begged for air — something his family and attorney fiercely disputes. The medical examiner’s report also confirms that Floyd died not from a drug overdose but from “homicide.” And Democrats consistently condemned the scattered violent actors during the mostly peaceful police protests in 2020.

You can watch the video below via Twitter: