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Trio of Trump friends accused of violating law while planning to “monetize” veterans’ health records

Three of Trump’s Mar-a-Lago associates are under federal scrutiny over an alleged scheme to “monetize” veterans’ medical records during their Trump-appointed roles as “advisers” to the Department of Veterans Affairs (VA), ProPublica reports.

House Democrats have implicated billionaire Marvel Entertainment Chairman Ike Perlmutter, attorney Marc Sherman, and doctor Bruce Moskowitz as part of a 19-month investigation led by the House Oversight and Veterans’ Affairs committees. 

House Democrats have accused the three men of violating the Federal Advisory Committee Act (FACA) — a Watergate-era law requiring transparency when federal agencies consult with outside experts — via “the secret role the trio played in developing VA initiatives and programs, including a ‘hugely profitable’ plan to monetize veterans’ medical records.”

Perlmutter claimed an exemption from FACA in 2017, writing in an email that the rule “does not apply because we are not a formal group in any way.” 

New documents released suggest otherwise, according to House investigators. “Bolstered” by their connections with Mar-a-Lago, wrote Oversight Committee Chairwoman Carolyn Maloney, D-N.Y., and Veterans’ Affairs Committee Chairman Mark Takano, D-Calif., the three men “violated the law and sought to exert improper influence over government officials to further their own personal interests.”

Back in 2017, the Trump administration announced that the three men, who had zero military or government experience and who were all Mar-a-Lago members, were “very, very involved” in an effort to “straighten out the VA.” CNBC reports that the trio had originally formed an advisory committee to “transform” the department, which has suffered from notorious staff shortages and backlogs in health care, leading to the death of at least 300,000 veterans waiting for care as of 2015. 

According to ProPublica, the three men organized budgeting and contracting efforts, but also pushed for a “hugely profitable plan” to privatize the VA patient database. Hundreds of emails uncovered by House Democrats found that the group apparently worked with then-VA Secretary David Shulkin to award a contract to Moskowitz’s nonprofit foundation that would effectively allow the organization to lead the monetization. 


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In a June 2017 email, Moskowitz claimed that the scheme could be “leveraged into hundreds of millions in revenue” due to interest from companies like Johnson & Johnson, Apple, IBM and CVS. The men were reportedly introduced to executives from these companies by Ivanka Trump and Jared Kushner, Trump’s daughter and son-in law who also worked for President Trump. 

So far, documents have not confirmed whether access to any patient data was ever sold, nor if any of the three profited personally from of their involvement, according to ProPublica. 

According to a Politico report from 2018, Moskowitz also played a significant part in delaying a $16 billion technology contract for the VA, leading to internal strife amongst longtime staffers. Many IT specialists at the VA reportedly felt that the doctor was “out of his league,” making objections and recommendations that held the deal up for months. Moskowitz’s dysfunctional role in the VA reportedly led in part to the firing of Shulkin in March of 2018. 

The three men have jointly denied any allegations of wrongdoing in a statement, saying that “the ​​VA’s struggles were no secret.”

“From the well-chronicled wait time issues to quality of care concerns, there had been numerous setbacks in providing our veterans with the level of care they deserve. That is why, when the President and the senior leadership at the VA asked for our help, we gladly volunteered our time to do so,” they wrote in a statement. “As the emails released show, we were asked repeatedly by former [VA] Secretary [David] Shulkin and his senior staff, as well as by the President, to assist the VA and that is what we sought to do, period.”

In 2018, advocacy group VoteVets filed a lawsuit alleging that the VA permitted the trio to violate  FACA. The case remains an ongoing dispute, with a federal appeals court in Washington ruling in March of this year that the lawsuit could proceed.

Jen Psaki slams Newsmax reporter for yelling questions after briefings end

White House press secretary Jennifer Psaki has apparently had enough of Newsmax White House correspondent Emerald Robinson’s tendency to continue shouting additional questions after White House press briefings have concluded.

On Monday afternoon, near the conclusion of the daily White House briefing — which has become a “circus” of late, according to one veteran White House reporter — Psaki doubled down on the administration’s criticism of the “horrific” behavior of some U.S. Border Patrol agents in their handling of Haitian migrants at the U.S.-Mexico border. 

“I don’t think anyone could look at those photos and think that was appropriate action or behavior or something that should be accepted within our administration. There’s an investigation. That’s ongoing. We’ll let that play out,” the press secretary said. “But our reaction to the photos has not changed.” 

That was the end of the briefing — except apparently not for Robinson, the accredited corresponded for far-right cable news channel Newsmax. 

“Thank you, everyone,” said Psaki. An unidentified reporter responded, “Thank you, Jen,” making clear that the briefing was over. 

Robinson kept going, calling out, “I have a question. On the polling. The president’s polling continues to collapse …” but got no further. 

“Emerald, I know you like to shout at the end,” Psaki responded. “Next time, we’ll do it during the briefing.”

As Psaki departed, briefing book in hand, Robinson made one more try: “Well, if you’d call on me…” 

“Thank you so much,” Psaki said on her way out with the door.

For her part, Robinson appeared to be pleased with the aftermath of the encounter when down, responding to a video of the exchange by stating, “223,000 views and counting.” Robinson also received words of encouragement from Newsmax primetime host Greg Kelly, who wrote, “WOW! PressSec (“Jennifer”) really SUCKS at being PressSec.” 


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Psaki’s online fans, who refer to her as “#PsakiBomb,” naturally believed she had emerged unscathed. But Monday’s minor scuffle highlights a challenge that the White House press office continues to face under Biden: rogue right-wing White House reporters, including some with dubious qualifications. 

As Salon reported last week, Psaki and her team have also wrestled with how to handle eccentric Christian White House reporter Matthew Anthony Harper, who does not appear for a reputable news agency of any kind. Nevertheless, Harper continues to call for an investigation into both “upper” and “lower” press officials in the Biden White House, against whom he has made highly unspecific allegations of wrongdoing. 

Watch the exchange between Robinson and Psaki below, via YouTube

New York’s vaccine mandate for health care workers is a success, despite media doomsayer predictions

As pressure mounted on President Joe Biden to institute vaccine mandates — and especially after he went ahead and did it — the public got drenched in media warnings that he had made a grave mistake and it would backfire badly in the fight to end the COVID-19 pandemic. 

On CNN, Jake Tapper criticized Biden for his supposed insensitivity to the unvaccinated, saying, “He’s scolding the people that are being lied to, as opposed to the liars.” He implored Biden to “educate” people instead of using this forceful approach, as if the willfully unvaccinated were innocent victims instead of people who seek out disinformation on purpose

“Biden’s vaccine mandates could put more lives at risk,” warned a similar Washington Post op-ed by David Yamamoto, a county commissioner in rural Oregon. 

This follows another Washington Post op-ed, from July, headlined, “Vaccine mandates will backfire. People will resist even more.” Conservative professors Taylor Dotson and Nicholas Tampio argue that “persuading Americans” is “more politically tenable and would better serve [Biden’s] aim of bringing the pandemic under control.”

“Ex-FDA Commissioner Gottlieb Says Biden’s Vaccine Mandate Could Backfire,” declared an NPR headline, shortly after Biden’s announcement. 

“But bullying the unvaccinated into getting their shots isn’t going to work in the long run,” Yasmin Tayag warned in the Atlantic, while both admitting that “vaccine mandates increase vaccination rates” while also claiming “this approach may eventually backfire.”

New York was the first big test, as the state implemented a major jab-or-job mandate for health care workers that took effect Monday. In the days leading up to the deadline, doomsaying in the media grew to a cacophony, with the press repeatedly echoing the GOP talking point that tens of thousands of health care workers would rather lose their jobs than let the Gov. Kathy Hochul, a Democrat, tell them what to do. 

Tuesday morning, however, the New York Times headlines were singing in a different key: “Thousands of New York Health Workers Got Vaccinated Before Deadline” and “Health care workers in New York rush to get vaccinated, averting a staffing crisis.”


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Indeed, so many people were vaccinated at the last minute that the percentage of health care workers receiving at least one vaccine dose is now 92% for the state’s hospital employees. For nursing home workers, the percentage shot from 84% to 92% by Monday. And that’s just the preliminary state data. When full reporting is in, it may be even more robust. Certainly, individual hospital systems have shown that the mandates are working. In Rochester, one hospital “warned patients to expect longer wait times for routine appointments as the deadline loomed last week.” But by Monday, they had brought “their staff vaccination rate to 95.5 percent,” and only 300 of 16,000 employees are expected to be fired. 

This reflects what has happened in other workplaces that have imposed mandates, most notably United Airlines, which brought their vaccination rate to 97% before the deadline of their mandate. 

To be fair, it’s not ridiculous to believe that large numbers of people would rather lose a job than get the vaccine.  Thousands of people are quite literally dying every week, many because they absorbed the idea from Fox News and social media that getting the jab makes you a bad Republican. COVID-19’s hot spots are determined mostly by partisan affiliation, to the point where it’s contributing to the population decline in redder parts of the country. If people are willing to die on this hill, why wouldn’t they be willing to lose a job? 

Mostly because when it comes to consequences, certainty matters. People can convince themselves their own risk of dying of COVID-19 is low. When the risk of losing a job is 100%, though, that’s a lot harder to argue away. Especially if getting a job in your field somewhere else is a huge hassle, or even impossible due to industry-wide vaccine mandates. 

That so many people held out to the very last minute to get their vaccine is evidence of this. For some, no doubt, it was procrastination. Considering the partisan nature of the vaccine debate, it’s also likely that significant numbers of these folks are conservatives waiting to see if Hochul was serious about the mandate or if she could be intimidated into backing down. When she didn’t retreat, they chose their jobs over “convictions” about vaccines that in many cases manifested, as if by magic, mere months ago. 

Indeed, the entire discourse around labor rights and labor shortages, especially in health care, has been a misleading one. Warnings that vaccine mandates could lead to labor shortages only work if one ignores the far bigger labor issue right now, which is COVID-19 itself. There is a national burnout problem caused by the pandemic, and no one is more impacted than health care workers. Nurses, doctors, and other health care workers are working long hours with no vacation, and watching huge numbers of people die regularly, due to COVID-19. A survey by the American Medical Association found that nearly half of health care workers report burnout and 38% are experiencing anxiety or depression. 

Real relief for health care workers comes through ending the pandemic, and that cannot be done without mass vaccinations. And that is going to mean vaccine mandates. As much as a small minority may whine about the mandates, in both the short and long run, the mandates will make the lives and jobs of health care workers significantly less stressful. 


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The media’s unfortunate embrace of the bad faith right wing framing about the “right” not to be vaccinated has also distracted from the real issue regarding mandates and labor rights: Workplace safety. Vaccinated people have a large amount of protection from their unvaccinated colleagues, but with the delta variant, breakthrough infections are still a real risk. For health care workers with children under 12, who cannot be vaccinated yet, the risk of passing on a breakthrough infection from an unvaccinated colleague to family members is especially vexing. 

Those who support labor rights should view vaccine mandates in the same light as we view other workplace health and safety standards. From standard “wash your hands” hygiene regulations to rules against sexual harassment, a central part of labor rights has always been requiring fellow workers to behave in ways that make the workplace safe. Vaccine mandates are no different, which is why Republicans never objected to them before they decided it was politically strategic to needlessly spread a pandemic in hopes of undermining Biden’s presidency. 

Clearly, millions of Republican voters were willing to listen to bad faith trolls like hosts on Fox News who discourage vaccination while clearly getting vaccinated themselves. The notion that there was ever a “persuasion” strategy that could overcome the interminable desire among GOP voters to “own the libs” was always a joke. But now we have concrete proof, in the form of a last minute stampede among health care workers to get the vaccine, that mandates work. Employers and political leaders across the country should not flinch from enforcing mandates by firing anyone who doesn’t get a shot. And the Biden administration, witnessing how effective New York’s mandate is, should immediately expand the federal vaccine mandates. They can start by banning the unvaccinated from flying, before the vaccine resistors start spreading COVID-19 for the holidays. 

Trump told Putin he had to act “a little tougher” toward him — but only “for the cameras”: book

Donald Trump reportedly assured Vladimir Putin that he had to act “a little tougher” next to the Russian president “for the cameras,” according to a forthcoming book by Trump’s White House press secretary. 

The book, “I’ll Take Your Questions Now” by Stephanie Grisham, details a host of never-before-seen insights into Trump’s relationship with the Russian leader. It also brings to light a number of Trump’s more bizarre personal requests, his “terrifying” temper and strains in his relationship with the former first lady, Melania Trump. 

According to The New York Times, which obtained a copy in advance of its publication date next Tuesday, the former president “went out of his way” to please Putin, telling the Russian leader during the 2019 Osaka G20 summit that he would put on a display of machismo — but just for show.

“With all the talk of sanctions against Russia for interfering in the 2016 election and for various human rights abuses,” Trump reportedly told Putin, “I’m going to act a little tougher with you for a few minutes. But it’s for the cameras, and after they leave we’ll talk. You understand.”


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In another instance, Grisham also claims Trump joked with Putin about “[getting] rid” of journalists who produced “fake news,” telling him, “You don’t have this problem in Russia.” 

The Washington Post, which obtained an advance copy of the book, further detailed tensions between the former president and his wife, Melania Trump, who “unleashed” her contempt for her husband amid reports that his attorney paid adult film star Stormy Daniels to keep quiet about their extramarital affair. 

It was during this personal debacle that Melania Trump reportedly grew much closer with Grisham, telling the former press secretary that she didn’t believe her husband’s denials of the alleged affair. “Oh, please, are you kidding me?” Melania said of her husband’s protestations. “I don’t believe any of that.”

The incident also put the former president on defense about personal matters, according to Grisham’s account, with Trump at one point personally calling Grisham to rebut Daniels’ claims about the size and shape of his genitals. 

An entire chapter of Grisham’s book is devoted to the scandal around Melania Trump’s infamous choice to wear a $39 Zara jacket that read “I Really Don’t Care, Do U?” while visiting migrant children at the Texas-Mexico border back in 2018. 

“What the hell were you thinking?” Trump yelled at his wife in front of his staff just following the event, according to Grisham’s account. “You just tell them you were talking to the” news media, he added. 

Their relationship reportedly continued to unravel, to the point where Melania would actively avoid her responsibilities as first lady, earning her the moniker “Rapunzel,” a reference to her habit of rarely leaving her high tower (the White House residence), according to the Post. Melania Trump’s disregard for her husband reportedly reached fever pitch by the 2020 election nigh; the former first lady reportedly went to bed early, while the election night party at the White House continued with hundreds in attendance. 

Both Trumps have steadfastly denied the allegations in Grisham’s book. A Donald Trump spokesperson called the book “another pitiful attempt to cash in on the president’s strength and sell lies about the Trump family.” 

The book is set to be released next week.

Kyrsten Sinema holding fundraiser with business lobby groups that want to kill Biden’s agenda

Sen. Kyrsten Sinema, D-Ariz., is scheduled to hold a fundraiser with business lobbying groups that eager to defeat President Joe Biden’s $3.5 trillion spending bill, according to a leaked invitation published by The New York Times.

Sinema, a corporate-friendly first-termer who has rejected the bill’s price tag and reportedly opposes drug price reform and tax increases on the wealthy and corporations that would help pay for the Biden package, will meet with business groups that have criticized the proposed tax increases. In an invitation emblazoned with Sinema’s campaign logo, the groups invited members to an “undisclosed location” for 45 minutes on Tuesday to write checks between $1,000 and $5,800 to Sinema’s campaign.

The groups are amid countless business associations that have launched a massive lobbying blitz in hopes of defanging the Democratic spending package, or perhaps defeating it altogether.

One such group, the S-Corp PAC, which represents small businesses and overwhelmingly donates to Republicans, warned that the House draft of the package would “kneecap private companies” that pay individual taxes rather than corporate taxes.

Another lobbying group, the National Association of Wholesaler-Distributors, which almost exclusively funds Republicans, said earlier this month that passing the “largest tax increase in U.S. history on the backs of America’s job creators as they recover from a global pandemic is the last thing Washington should be doing.” (Biden’s proposed tax increase is not the largest in history).


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The National Grocers Association, another participant that predominantly donates to Republicans, complained about a “laundry list of tax hikes” that could make it into the bill earlier this month, warning that even if “a handful of moderates balk at many of these hikes (Senators Sinema and Manchin have already publicly opposed the $3.5 number), grocers and other industries are still going to see a jump in their tax bill.”

Other groups in attendance will be the National Roofing Contractors Association and the National Electrical Contractors Association, both of which largely donate to Republican candidates.

Sinema spokesman John LaBombard did not comment on the fundraiser but told the Times that Sinema “voted yes in August on the budget resolution” to advance the spending framework and is “working directly, in good faith, on the legislation with her colleagues and the administration.”

But this latest report sparked backlash from progressives, who have already criticized Sinema for her opposition to Democrats’ plans to lower prescription drug costs and raise corporate taxes after she received more than $750,000 in donations from pharmaceutical and medical firms and than $900,000 from industry groups and corporations that hope to torpedo the bill.

“While she gives corporate influences great access, how much time in her schedule has Sen. Sinema reserved for open, public meetings with her constituents?” questioned Faiz Shakir, an adviser to Senate Budget Chairman Bernie Sanders, I-Vt.

“So Kyrsten Sinema is using the reconciliation fight to collect $5,800 checks from corporate PACs opposing the bill?” tweeted Sawyer Hackett, the executive director of former HUD Secretary Julián Castro’s People First Future. “Each of these PACs overwhelmingly support Republicans over Democrats.”

Sinema’s reluctance to back the Democrats’ spending agenda, including key measures that some lawmakers have spent decades to advance, has sparked backlash back home as well. The Arizona Democratic Party on Saturday overwhelmingly passed a resolution threatening a vote of no confidence in Sinema if she “continues to delay, disrupt, or votes to gut” the spending plan, which would, among other things, expand Medicare and Medicaid, extend the enhanced child tax credit, fund free child care and family care, provide free community college and paid family leave, and fund new programs meant to address climate change.

Democratic organizer Kai Newkirk told The Daily Beast that activists who helped elect Sinema in 2018 “have had enough of her betraying the voters who put her in office.”

“It’s time for her to show the bare minimum of accountability and stop obstructing the agenda that Democrats, including her, campaigned on and were elected to deliver,” he said. “Sinema is setting her political future on fire. If she doesn’t change course drastically and soon, it will be too late.”

Kristi Noem called out over “clear conflict of interest” and “abuse of power”

South Dakota Gov. Kristi Noem (R) is facing allegations of abuse of power after she helped her daughter acquire a real estate appraisal license from a South Dakota state agency despite being denied last year. 

On Monday, September 27, The Associated Press detailed a meeting that took place last year between the Republican governor and multiple officials. At the time, it seemed like Noem’s daughter, Kassidy Peters, would be denied for the appraisal license. 

AP noted that while it remains unclear what all occurred during the meeting, several months later, Peters did receive the license. The state official who initially handled Peters’ licensing application reportedly did plan to deny her for it. Months later, the same official was pressured into early retirement. That led to a lawsuit being filed which was settled for $200,000.

While Noem has yet to directly address the allegations, she did tweet to suggest that it was some form of attack on her “children.”

“Listen I get it. I signed up for this job,” Noem tweeted. “But now the media is trying to destroy my children.”

She also attempted to criticize the media for its alleged “double-standard.” However, shortly after the governor tweeted her remarks, legal experts and Twitter users fired back, arguing otherwise.

According to Richard Painter, former chief ethics lawyer who served under President George W. Bush, Noem’s actions appear to be a clear conflict of interest and subsequent abuse of power. 

“It’s clearly a conflict of interest and an abuse of power for the benefit of a family member,” Painter told the news outlet.

HuffPost also highlights how Noem’s tweet “ignored the larger issue of whether she used her office and state resources to help a relative advance professionally, and she ignored her own attacks on a politician’s adult child, Hunter Biden, the troubled son of President Joe Biden, both on Twitter and on Fox News last year.”

Twitter users also shared critical remarks:

Ivanka and Jared tried to force their way into a meeting with Queen Elizabeth II, writes Grisham

Jared Kushner and Ivanka Trump tried to push their way into meeting Queen Elizabeth II during a presidential visit, according to a new book.

An excerpt of the forthcoming book, “I’ll Take Your Questions Now,” by Melania Trump’s former chief of staff and former White House press secretary Stephanie Grisham reveals that Donald Trump’s daughter and son-in-law wanted to join the royal meeting, in a serious breach of protocol, but were shut out when they wouldn’t fit into the helicopter, reported the Washington Post.

“I finally figured out what was going on,” Grisham writes. “Jared and Ivanka thought they were the royal family of the United States.”

Grisham’s book is especially harsh to Kushner and his wife, who each held senior White House positions despite a lack of government experience, and reveals Ivanka Trump frequently invoked “my father” during staff meetings and calls Kushner “the Slim Reaper” because he often inserted himself in other people’s projects and left them to take the blame after making a mess.

“I had shared with Mrs. Trump many times my opinion that if we lost reelection in 2020 it would be because of Jared,” Grisham writes. “She didn’t disagree with me.”

Kushner was the twice-impeached one-term president’s “real chief of staff” by the end of the administration and took a leading role in the coronavirus pandemic response, such as dictating much of Trump’s widely criticized first televised address on the pandemic that sent markets reeling and plunged air travel into chaos.

How the Afghan war shaped the surveillance state: Annie Jacobsen on what the DOD knows about you

During his speech before the UN last week, President Biden said that the United States had closed an era of relentless war in Afghanistan. That high-minded language was an overly idealized description of the American “withdrawal” and what comes next. The truth about America and Afghanistan is much more complicated and dark.

In reality, the U.S. military could not defeat the Taliban after 20 years of war and finally capitulated. The Afghan debacle was part of the larger “War on Terror,” also known as the forever wars, that followed the traumatic events of 9/11.

The war in Afghanistan left 2,400 American troops dead and tens of thousands wounded — many of whom will need lifelong care for their physical, psychological and injuries. It is estimated that at least 30,000 current or former service members have committed suicide as a result of trauma suffered in Afghanistan, Iraq and other theaters of the forever wars. 

Almost a million people in Afghanistan and across the Middle East have died because of America’s endless wars. Thousands of America’s Afghan partners were abandoned last month. They and their families are now trying to escape the country or hide from the Taliban for fear of violent retaliation.

The war in Afghanistan cost the American people trillions of dollars, an amount that will continue to grow as interest accrues on the debt. Those vast sums of money could have been used instead to improve health care, infrastructure and education, to address wealth and income inequality and the climate crisis, and to improve the life chances of Americans more generally.

America’s war in Afghanistan has come home in other ways. We now have an immensely expanded surveillance society that uses biometric technologies and other innovations out of dystopian speculative fiction, now made real in the present. To discuss these little-understood areas of technology, I recently spoke with investigative journalist and bestselling author Annie Jacobsen, whose books include “Area 51,” “The Pentagon’s Brain,” “Operation Paperclip,” and “Surprise, Kill, Vanish.”

Her most recent book is “First Platoon: A Story of Modern War in the Age of Identity Dominance.”

In this conversation, Jacobsen explains how biometric technology was used by the U.S. military in an attempt to create a database containing personal biological information (such as iris scans) on millions of Afghan civilians. Jacobsen explains that his kind of data collection is part of a great change in post-9/11 military planning, where highly detailed information about individuals is viewed as more valuable than intelligence about armies. Jacobsen warns that biometric information and surveillance are increasingly a part of day-to-day life in America, where privacy and other civil liberties are being imperiled and the public remains largely unaware.

Towards the end of this conversation, Jacobsen details how the Chinese government is using the biometric techniques and technologies used by the U.S. military in Afghanistan to empower state repression, including ethnic cleansing and a totalitarian “brainwashing” campaign directed against the Uyghur people.

We have just seen the withdrawal from Afghanistan, followed by the 20-year anniversary of Sept. 11 and, of course, the ongoing tsunami of daily news on the day-to-day about Trump, the pandemic and politics more generally. How are you feeling? How are you making sense of it?

I think of it as another day at the reporter’s desk. It also just another day at the storyteller’s desk. I try to look at events through the long lens of history.

These events in Afghanistan strike me as being part of a cycle of history that is repeating itself. On the anniversary of 9/11 and with what happened in Afghanistan, I am nodding my head as I reflect upon on what Eisenhower warned us about in his 1961 farewell speech, which is the military-industrial complex.

That phrase is now part of the vernacular. But what is the military-industrial complex, specifically? How does that concept help us to understand Afghanistan and the “War on Terror”?

The military-industrial complex is the idea that there is a need for weapons that is created by wars, that in turn creates a need for weapons. It is part of a very large system. It’s actually been called a “system of systems” that pushes the idea of a military-industrial complex forward ad infinitum. It’s not a self-fulfilling prophecy, it’s a self-fulfilling situation.

How do the military-industrial complex and related actors see Afghanistan, Iraq and the Middle East more broadly?

By no means am I suggesting that there is some cloak-an-dagger situation where people are sitting around and saying, “Let’s start a war.” What exists are these different systems that are entwined and work with one another. Consider Afghanistan. In my book “First Platoon,” I write about the origin story of what is known as “biometrics.”

Most among the general public do not know what biometrics is. But they should start to care, because biometrics will be part of everyone’s life very soon — and it actually already is, but most people don’t know it yet.

Biometrics includes such things as fingerprints, iris scans, facial images and your DNA. Biometrics exist in the civilian and private sector and also in the defense world. Biometrics have long been applied in the criminal justice world. These elements are now merging together.

After 9/11, the Defense Department was shocked. The organizations inside the Defense Department that are involved in strategic planning suddenly realized: “Oh my God, here we are looking at the threat from satellite technology and how armies are going to be positioned.” That had been the way of war throughout the Cold War for some 50 years. Then suddenly 9/11 happens, and the focus goes from extraordinarily wide and high satellite images to the myopic, literally down to one person. Nineteen individual men hijacked those planes and created 9/11 and then created the War on Terror.

The focus of the Defense Department swung around, and suddenly it was all about the individual. There is an organization that is part of the Defense Department called the Defense Science Board. They are made up of former military generals and members of the intelligence community — people who think about the next wave of weapons.

The secretary of defense, Donald Rumsfeld, goes to the Defense Science Board after 9/11 and says, “What are we going to do? How are we going to win the War on Terror?”

And the Defense Science Board says, “We’ve got a great idea. We must create a Manhattan Project like program to tag, track and locate individual people.” That is the birth of biometrics.

If you flash forward to the war in Afghanistan, the Defense Department was collecting biometrics and their goal was to include 80% of Afghan civilians. That is why soldiers were sent into the field with biometric capturing devices.

These are the young soldiers I interview in “First Platoon.” They thought they were going to fight the Taliban. Instead they found themselves walking around in some of the most dangerous places in the world, stopping farmers in their fields and saying, “I need your fingerprint scanned.” They were stopping women and saying, “Please lift up your veil. I need to take your iris scan.” The enmity that created is astonishing. How could we possibly have thought that was a good idea, and a good way to win the hearts and minds of the Afghan people?

What role did biometrics play on a daily basis for American soldiers and other warfighters in Afghanistan? How was the technology used, and to what ends?

The ultimate idea was that the Defense Department wanted to create a database of the Afghans’ biometrics, their fingerprints, their iris scans, their facial images and their DNA, so that they have a big database of people. So in the event that someone committed a crime they could use that information to come up with what is called a “match hit.”

We have the same system here in the United States. It is used by the FBI, but you have to have been a criminal or a criminal suspect to come in contact with it. If I get pulled over and the police decide to take my fingerprints, they’re not going to get a match hit. They do not have my fingerprints because I have not been arrested. But this is changing, because they now have my iris scans because I went through U.S. customs when I came back from abroad.

To get biometric data on the Afghan people, the Defense Department pursued a program where they gave out these little biometric capturing devices — some were called “hides” and some were called “seeks.” These devices all had different names and acronyms. There would be one person tasked with that responsibility per platoon. Once the patrol returns with biometric information, that soldier links up to another system and uploads the new information into the database.

What are some of the other systems interfacing with biometrics? It sounds like science fiction made real with a total surveillance society and detection of “pre-crime.”

When I interviewed soldiers for “First Platoon,” only the person from the COIST team knew about the biometric mission. That knowledge is partitioned. But the real “aha” moment for me, when I was doing my reporting, was when I learned about something called a PGGS Airship. This is a giant balloon that was not visible to the soldiers on the ground from their outpost. It is tethered to a steel cable. The PGGS flies high in the air and is outfitted with a number of surveillance cameras that watch the soldiers on patrol. That system was gathering surveillance footage, what’s called “full motion video,” That sounds generic, but it actually has geolocating technology embedded into it.

That footage is then uploaded. The U.S. Army uses Palantir software, which aggregates the data and helps the Defense Department to identify targets. These “targets” are human beings. Based on that information a drone strike will be ordered on individual people or a group of persons.

What will it mean to the average American when this technology is used here in this country?

It is already here. These biometric and surveillance systems, such as the PGSS aerostat system, were born of war and have now come home to the United States.

This is all very tricky because of the ways in which biometric capture can occur. Here is one example. A person used to have to take an iris scan by putting a device up to your eyes. Going through U.S. Customs, you are told to put your face in a certain position. You think that a picture of your face is being taken. That is true, but your iris is also being scanned. DARPA is now actually planning to be to get a person’s iris scans from 500 feet away.

For “First Platoon” I interviewed a police chief who explained the controversial aspects of something called “Clearview,” which is a type of facial recognition technology. The police chief wanted to show me how it worked. We walked out to the street, and he said, “Turn that corner and walk around and come toward me.” He pointed his iPhone in my direction.

Now there were all these photographs of me. I’m a public figure, so a person could reasonably conclude that is pretty easy to accomplish. However, there were private photographs of me there as well that had been posted elsewhere. It was all at the policeman’s fingertips before I even reached him.

The technology itself is moving forward at science fiction-like speed. By comparison, these questions of privacy, search and seizure, and other constitutional rights are being debated at a snail’s pace by the courts. The biometric systems will never go away. The courts cannot keep up with it. I believe that this is a real canary in the coal mine situation.

How are the American people going to be convinced that these biometric systems are a good thing? I am thinking specifically of how people willingly surrender so much personal information when they go to the supermarket or any online retailer, which is tracking their behavior in exchange for a discount. Another example would be people who give their DNA to online companies for supposed genealogical research or health purposes.

As you said, a person wants a discount at a store, for example. You quickly weigh the costs and benefits. Biometrics is just information about you. What the Department of Defense really wants is “identity dominance.” In practice, this means that the Defense Department wants to know more about you than you know. A person may reply with, “How is that possible? No one can know more about me than me!” Well, I do not know what my heartbeat is right now. But the Defense Department is creating a biometric to be able to figure that out and identify me by my heartbeat. In that way, they know more about me than I do.

How should we explain to the public how dangerous this is?

It’s the “if then.” If I’m just walking down the street and all this information about me exists, it doesn’t matter. But it’s the “if then.” If the police want to use the database for whatever reason, it is there.

Consider what is happening in China, where the government is persecuting the Uyghur people. They have decided that the Uyghurs are bad, so the Beijing government now requires that the Uyghur population undergo something called “physicals for all.” That is the Chinese Communist Party’s propaganda line. What is really means is that they must have their biometrics taken. This includes fingerprints, iris scans, facial images and DNA. If you are Uyghur, you must do that. There is now a Uyghur database that is being used to identify an entire population. That reminds me a lot of Nazi Germany.

It gets even worse, because we now know from satellite footage that the Chinese government is digging up cemeteries where Uyghur people are buried. This suggests to me that the Chinese government is looking at familial DNA. They are planning to cast that net wider. People who might not look like a Uyghur but are of Uyghur descent will be drawn into the pool of people who have been identified as “suspicious” and may need to be sent to a “re-education” camp.

This is terrifying. I would ask human rights organizations: Are you aware that what the Chinese are doing to the Uyghurs with biometrics is a page right out of the playbook of the U.S. Department of Defense in Afghanistan? We did it before the Chinese. We gave the Chinese the idea. No one comments on that.

Where is this information being stored in the United States? Is it possible to opt out or have your biometric information deleted?

There is now a biometric center in West Virginia where lots of the information is housed. Moreover, it is actually the first time on U.S. soil where the FBI and the Defense Department are collaborating on a program, which raises a whole bunch of other issues about posse comitatus. The Biometric Technology Center is new, it only opened in 2018. Its databases are growing. The State Department recently agreed to share some 80 million passport photos with other federal agencies. All of those facial images are going into the database.

There is no opting out. You’re more than likely already in the system. The only people who are not in that database are those of us who do not have a driver’s license or a passport, have never used Facebook or other social media, or have never had a problem with law enforcement.

A daily pill to treat COVID could be just months away, scientists say

Within a day of testing positive for COVID-19 in June, Miranda Kelly was sick enough to be scared. At 44, with diabetes and high blood pressure, Kelly, a certified nursing assistant, was having trouble breathing, symptoms serious enough to send her to the emergency room.

When her husband, Joe, 46, fell ill with the virus, too, she really got worried, especially about their five teenagers at home: “I thought, ‘I hope to God we don’t wind up on ventilators. We have children. Who’s going to raise these kids?”

But the Kellys, who live in Seattle, had agreed just after their diagnoses to join a clinical trial at the nearby Fred Hutch cancer research center that’s part of an international effort to test an antiviral treatment that could halt COVID early in its course.

By the next day, the couple were taking four pills, twice a day. Though they weren’t told whether they had received an active medication or placebo, within a week, they said, their symptoms were better. Within two weeks, they had recovered.

“I don’t know if we got the treatment, but I kind of feel like we did,” Miranda Kelly said. “To have all these underlying conditions, I felt like the recovery was very quick.”

The Kellys have a role in developing what could be the world’s next chance to thwart COVID: a short-term regimen of daily pills that can fight the virus early after diagnosis and conceivably prevent symptoms from developing after exposure.

“Oral antivirals have the potential to not only curtail the duration of one’s COVID-19 syndrome, but also have the potential to limit transmission to people in your household if you are sick,” said Timothy Sheahan, a virologist at the University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill who has helped pioneer these therapies.

Antivirals are already essential treatments for other viral infections, including hepatitis C and HIV. One of the best known is Tamiflu, the widely prescribed pill that can shorten the duration of influenza and reduce the risk of hospitalization if given quickly.

The medications, developed to treat and prevent viral infections in people and animals, work differently depending on the type. But they can be engineered to boost the immune system to fight infection, block receptors so viruses can’t enter healthy cells, or lower the amount of active virus in the body.

At least three promising antivirals for COVID are being tested in clinical trials, with results expected as soon as late fall or winter, said Carl Dieffenbach, director of the Division of AIDS at the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, who is overseeing antiviral development.

“I think that we will have answers as to what these pills are capable of within the next several months,” Dieffenbach said.

The top contender is a medication from Merck & Co. and Ridgeback Biotherapeutics called molnupiravir, Dieffenbach said. This is the product being tested in the Kellys’ Seattle trial. Two others include a candidate from Pfizer, known as PF-07321332, and AT-527, an antiviral produced by Roche and Atea Pharmaceuticals.

They work by interfering with the virus’s ability to replicate in human cells. In the case of molnupiravir, the enzyme that copies the viral genetic material is forced to make so many mistakes that the virus can’t reproduce. That, in turn, reduces the patient’s viral load, shortening infection time and preventing the kind of dangerous immune response that can cause serious illness or death.

So far, only one antiviral drug, remdesivir, has been approved to treat COVID. But it is given intravenously to patients ill enough to be hospitalized, and is not intended for early, widespread use. By contrast, the top contenders under study can be packaged as pills.

Sheahan, who also performed preclinical work on remdesivir, led an early study in mice that showed that molnupiravir could prevent early disease caused by SARS-CoV-2, the virus that causes COVID. The formula was discovered at Emory University and later acquired by Ridgeback and Merck.

Clinical trials have followed, including an early trial of 202 participants last spring that showed that molnupiravir rapidly reduced the levels of infectious virus. Merck chief executive Robert Davis said this month that the company expects data from its larger phase 3 trials in the coming weeks, with the potential to seek emergency use authorization from the Food and Drug Administration “before year-end.”

Pfizer launched a combined phase 2 and 3 trial of its product Sept. 1, and Atea officials said they expect results from phase 2 and phase 3 trials later this year.

If the results are positive and emergency use is granted for any product, Dieffenbach said, “distribution could begin quickly.”

That would mean millions of Americans soon could have access to a daily orally administered medication, ideally a single pill, that could be taken for five to 10 days at the first confirmation of COVID infection.

“When we get there, that’s the idea,” said Dr. Daniel Griffin, an infectious diseases and immunology expert at Columbia University. “To have this all around the country, so that people get it the same day they get diagnosed.”

Once sidelined for lack of interest, oral antivirals to treat coronavirus infections are now a subject of fierce competition and funding. In June, the Biden administration announced it had agreed to obtain about 1.7 million treatment courses of Merck’s molnupiravir, at a cost of $1.2 billion, if the product receives emergency authorization or full approval. The same month, the administration said it would invest $3.2 billion in the Antiviral Program for Pandemics, which aims to develop antivirals for the COVID crisis and beyond, Dieffenbach said.

The pandemic kick-started a long-neglected effort to develop potent antiviral treatments for coronaviruses, said Sheahan. Though the original SARS virus in 2003 gave scientists a scare — followed by Middle East respiratory syndrome, or MERS, in 2012 — research efforts slowed when those outbreaks did not persist.

“The commercial drive to develop any products just went down the tubes,” said Sheahan.

Widely available antiviral drugs would join the monoclonal antibody therapies already used to treat and prevent serious illness and hospitalizations caused by COVID. The lab-produced monoclonal antibodies, which mimic the body’s natural response to infection, were easier to develop but must be given primarily through intravenous infusions.

The federal government is covering the cost of most monoclonal products at $2,000 a dose. It’s still too early to know how the price of antivirals might compare.

Like the monoclonal antibodies, antiviral pills would be no substitute for vaccination, said Griffin. They would be another tool to fight COVID. “It’s nice to have another option,” he said.

One challenge in developing antiviral drugs quickly has been recruiting enough participants for the clinical trials, each of which needs to enroll many hundreds of people, said Dr. Elizabeth Duke, a Fred Hutch research associate overseeing its molnupiravir trial.

Participants must be unvaccinated and enrolled in the trial within five days of a positive COVID test. Any given day, interns make 100 calls to newly COVID-positive people in the Seattle area — and most say no.

“Just generally speaking, there’s a lot of mistrust about the scientific process,” Duke said. “And some of the people are saying kind of nasty things to the interns.”

If the antiviral pills prove effective, the next challenge will be ramping up a distribution system that can rush them to people as soon as they test positive. Griffin said it will take something akin to the program set up last year by UnitedHealthcare, which sped Tamiflu kits to 200,000 at-risk patients enrolled in the insurer’s Medicare Advantage plans.

Merck officials predicted the company could produce more than 10 million courses of therapy by the end of the year. Atea and Pfizer have not released similar estimates.

Even more promising? Studies evaluating whether antivirals can prevent infection after exposure.

“Think about that,” said Duke, who is also overseeing a prophylactic trial. “You could give it to everyone in a household, or everyone in a school. Then we’re talking about a return to, maybe, normal life.

Gain-of-function research: all in the eye of the beholder

In 2012, the National Institutes of Health (NIH) organized a meeting after two laboratories independently reported eye-opening results. In both labs, researchers had managed to alter the avian H5N1 flu virus so it could spread through the air among ferrets, an animal often used in virology to model the development and spread of pathogens in mammals. This particular flu virus kills 60 percent of the humans it infects, but the virus’s spread is limited to those who eat or handle infected poultry. The new lab-altered viruses, on the other hand, had been mutated in ways that allow them to spread on air droplets like seasonal flu.

At the NIH meeting, researchers applied a new term — gain-of-function — to this type of high-risk research, which can have the effect of making viruses more deadly, more transmissible, or otherwise more able to flourish. Proponents say this research is essential for developing new therapies and vaccines and understanding how viruses cause pandemics. But critics say any insights from these experiments aren’t worth the risk of a lab-created virus reaching the outside world. The debate has only grown more heated in the context of this current pandemic, with some asking whether SARS-CoV-2 could have escaped from the Wuhan Institute of Virology in China, where researchers studied coronaviruses.

During Congressional hearings in May and July, Sen. Rand Paul of Kentucky accused the NIH and Anthony Fauci, the long-time director of the NIH’s National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases (NIAID), of supporting the Wuhan facility’s studies, which Paul claimed were in violation of a temporary federal pause on gain-of-function research funding announced in 2014. Fauci denied the experiments in question were, in fact, gain-of-function — a response that prompted Paul to retort that he was “trying to obscure responsibility for 4 million people dying around the world from a pandemic.”

There’s no evidence NIH-funded research sparked the pandemic. But the dispute underscores widespread confusion surrounding gain-of-function research, which is now a flashpoint in the broader debate over lab experiments with dangerous viruses. That Paul and Fauci could arrive at such different conclusions about the same work gets to the heart of a thorny problem: When it comes to gain-of-function research, “no one agrees on what it is,” says Nicholas Evans, an associate professor of philosophy at the University of Massachusetts, Lowell, who specializes in biosecurity and pandemic preparedness.

In the most basic sense, gain-of-function, or GOF, research refers to the introduction of a mutation that enhances a gene’s functional properties — farmers have arguably practiced it for thousands of years through plant breeding. But definitions applied in virology have also narrowed over time, such that some researchers now maintain that in the strictest sense of the term — increasing virulence or transmissibility in humans — “no GOF experiments have been performed,” says Stanley Perlman, a virologist at the University of Iowa.

Absent consensus, public views on gain-of-function are vulnerable to polarized rhetoric, and policy makers continue to struggle with how to regulate the research. “No one knows exactly what counts as gain-of-function, so we disagree as to what needs oversight, much less what that oversight should be,” Evans says.

During the H5N1 research, Ron Fouchier, from Erasmus University Medical Center in Rotterdam, the Netherlands, and Yoshihiro Kawaoka, from the University of Wisconsin, Madison and the University of Tokyo, both virologists, wanted to understand how pandemic flu viruses might evolve. Working in biosafety level-3 labs used for studies of dangerous pathogens that might transmit through the air, they used a variety of techniques to alter the virus’ genome, introducing changes that altered its behavior. The results from both labs showed that with only a few gene mutations, H5N1 could become an airborne spreader in mammals without having to go through the typical process of combining with other viruses in an intermediate host, such as a pig or rodent.

Although the changes to the virus also appeared to make it less virulent — none of the ferrets infected with the viruses through the air died — the finding confirmed that H5N1 poses a pandemic threat; it also created an international uproar, and many scientists were divided over the experiments. Some expressed support. Fauci, for instance, during a press conference marking publication of the Fouchier paper, acknowledged the possibility that a scientist working with an altered virus might become infected, causing an outbreak or even a pandemic.

Still, the benefits of “stimulating thought and pursuing ways to understand better the transmissibility, adaptation, pathogenicity” of H5N1, he added, “far outweigh the risk.” Others accused Fouchier and Kawoaka of being reckless, prompting the two virologists and their colleagues to agree to a temporary moratorium on the research.

Then in 2014, in the wake of a series of biosafety incidents involving microbiology experiments at U.S. government facilities, including one in which samples of a relatively benign avian flu virus were inadvertently contaminated with H5N1 by influenza researchers at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the NIH announced a pause on new funding for gain-of-function studies. According to the U.S government’s phrasing, the pause was specifically directed at “gain-of-function research projects that reasonably may be anticipated to confer attributes to influenza, MERS [Middle East Respiratory Syndrome], and SARS [Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome] viruses such that the resulting virus” is either more deadly or better able to spread in mammals.

In all, 18 laboratories were affected. Their new grant funding was frozen, and researchers in these labs were asked to put their gain-of-function work on hold while a team of experts undertook what became a three-year effort to craft new federal oversight policies.

During this time, however, and with Fauci’s approval, the NIAID continued to supply funding to the Wuhan investigators, who were trying to predict where the next coronavirus outbreak might come from. During his July spat with Fauci, Paul singled out a 2017 research paper co-authored by Peter Daszak, president of the EcoHealth Alliance, a New York-based nonprofit group through which the NIAID money was channeled. (EcoHealth’s press officer, Robert Kessler, declined to make anyone available for an interview, and said in an email: “We’ve not conducted gain-of-function research, so aren’t really good authorities to speak on the subject.”)

Over the course of the five-year project, the investigators took fecal samples from cave bats in Yunnan, China, about 1,000 miles southwest of Wuhan, and isolated close relatives of the coronavirus that causes SARS. Then, using a method called reverse genetics, they attached surface “spike” proteins from those newly identified microbes to a different SARS-like coronavirus called WIV1. (Coronaviruses, including SARS-CoV-2, use their spikes to attach to other cells and initiate an infection, but for these experiments the researchers used an engineered form of WIV1 that lacked spike proteins of its own).

Daszak and the Wuhan team wanted to know if these lab creations — called chimeras — could infect human airway cells. As it turned out, several could, which suggested that natural coronaviruses outfitted with the the same spikes used in making the chimeras might also be able to infect people. This information, the team concluded presciently, “highlights the necessity of preparedness for future emergence of SARS-like diseases.”

Citing this research, Paul said that the Wuhan scientists had manipulated coronaviruses that only infect animals in nature so that they “gain the function of infecting humans.” These experiments, he claimed, “fit the definition of the research that the NIH said was subject to the pause.” Fauci disagreed, countering that the Kentucky senator, long a thorn in the side of federal agencies working on Covid responses, did “not know what he was talking about.”

So who was right? There is no consensus within the research community. The NIAID declined to make Fauci or anyone else available to Undark for an interview, but embedded in Paul’s argument are two points of contention among scientists. One is the question of whether the backbone virus, WIV1, fits within any of the three viral categories specified in the pause.

WIV1 is about 90 percent genetically similar to the virus that causes SARS disease in people, but it is not a SARS virus per se. Richard Ebright, a molecular biologist at Rutgers University and a staunch critic of gain-of-function research, claimed in an email to Undark that the pause was “expressly intended by policy makers to refer to clades (e.g., groups) of viruses, and not a single virus.” Seen this way, WIV1, being in the SARS-like clade, would have been subject to the pause’s funding restrictions.

When Undark asked NIAID to comment, media relations staff replied by email that the pause applied specifically to “all influenza viruses as well as two specific coronaviruses: MERS and SARS-CoV-1 [which is a more precise term for the virus that causes SARS].” When Undark put that response to Ebright, he responded that the NIAID was “lying, brazenly” since the actual 2014 policy language never made this distinction. Susan Weiss, a microbiologist who works with coronaviruses at the University of Pennsylvania, points out that “there’s the letter of the law and the spirit of the law,” but as to which applies in this debate, she adds, “I don’t know.”

The second point of contention is whether the chimeras generated in Wuhan were enhanced in ways that made them more deadly or transmissible than WIV1 itself. WIV1 in its natural, unmodified form already infects human cells in a dish, so replacing its own spikes with those from other coronaviruses adds no gain of function in that respect. Still, some chimeras were more pathogenic in exposed mice than unmodified WIV1, according to experimental summaries obtained and published by The Intercept on Sept. 9, as part of its ongoing Freedom of Information Act litigation against the NIH: “Three chimeras produced 10,000 times more virus in the mice’s lung tissue than unmodified WIV1, and one caused the mice to lose significant weight.”

According to the grant’s stipulations, the researchers at that point should have ceased the experiments. But The Intercept reported that the NIH concluded the restrictions on GOF research did not apply in this case, and there is no evidence that the research was stopped. Whether the chimeras would also be more pathogenic in people is unclear. No WIV1 infections in people have been reported, so its ability to spread and cause disease among humans is also unknown. Perlman says that just because the virus and its engineered chimeras infect isolated human cells in a petri dish does not mean they can infect cells in an actual person, where viruses are subject to immune defenses and other challenges.

“We don’t know what it will take” to infect humans, Perlman says. “That’s where the murkiness lies.”

* * *

In 2017, after deliberating during the three years of the pause, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, which oversees the NIH, produced an oversight system that didn’t even mention gain-of-function. Called the PC30 Framework, the system focused instead on how and whether to fund projects on so-called “enhanced potential pandemic pathogens,” or PPPs. Where the pause was limited to influenza, MERS, and SARS viruses, the PC30 Framework had a broader scope: PPPs could include any highly transmissible pathogen that can spread uncontrollably and cause widespread human disease and death. Enhanced PPPs were defined as having been altered to become even more transmissible and deadly. (Natural pathogens either circulating in nature or recovered from it were excluded from the policy, as were efforts to sequence pathogens or use them to make vaccines.)

A committee at the Department of Health and Human Services is now tasked with making final decisions about what is and is not a gain of function experiment. But longtime critics of federal oversight still aren’t pleased. Ebright claims that apart from two projects carried over from prior to 2017­ — the Fouchier and Kawaoka research on H5N1 — there are no public records of any reviews being performed, suggesting that “the NIH doesn’t flag projects for review, nullifying the policy.”

Arturo Casadevall, a microbiologist at the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health, co-authored a 2020 editorial in the journal mBIO, reporting that both PC30 reviews to date have been made behind closed doors, despite guidance from the White House at the time the framework was released encouraging a transparent process.

Transparency could ensure that reviewers are free of conflicts of interest. But given the politics surrounding gain-of-function, the possibility that others may use public information for nefarious purposes, and the way researchers associated with gain-of-function have been attacked in the press and on social media, transparency might also deter potential reviewers from participating. In an email to Undark, Casadevall acknowledged that “some people in the coronavirus field have gotten death threats.” Still, he added, “it should possible to open the documents and conclusion of the review while shielding the reviewers. This is what we do in an academic literature peer review.”

The broader public was recently offered a glimpse of peer review when a quasi-anonymous group of self-described “Twitter detectives” released a grant proposal EcoHealth submitted to the Defense Research Projects Agency (DARPA) in early 2018. EcoHealth and its partners, which included the Wuhan Institute of Virology, wanted to inoculate wild bats in China with proteins from chimeric coronaviruses, reasoning that vaccinated bat immune systems would block viral replication and thus lessen the risk of the virus spilling over into local populations. According to the leaked documents, whose authenticity has only been indirectly verified, DARPA rejected the $14 million proposal, in part over concerns that the way the researchers proposed to engineer the viruses would put it in the GOF category.

Gain-of-function research accounts for just a tiny sliver of the federal research portfolio, and the scientists who spoke with Undark were hard pressed to identify many important discoveries made through this line of research.

Casadevall cited the work of Fouchier and Kawaoka, which, he says, showed unequivocally that H5N1 had the capacity of airborne spread among mammals. “You could not have learned by any other experiments,” he says. “Now we know that humanity faces a huge threat from all this bird flu; it just hasn’t happened yet.” And some pointed to the work of Ralph Baric, a virologist at the University of North Carolina, who pioneered the experimental techniques used in Wuhan.

Through a spokesperson, Baric declined to be interviewed for this article, citing a request from his university that he refrain from speaking to the press. Yet in a recent interview with MIT Technology Review, he claimed that this experimental method was instrumental in allowing him to identify high-risk SARS-like coronaviruses and test drugs against them. Fauci asserted in a 2012 editorial that the need to stay ahead of pandemic threats is the primary justification for gain-of-function research. However, Simon Wain-Hobson, a microbiologist at the Pasteur Institute in Paris, counters that “no one can predict the next pandemic, and if you can’t do that, then the whole raison d’etre for gain-of-function falls apart.”

Jesse Bloom, an evolutionary biologist who works on virology at the Fred Hutchinson Cancer Research Institute, agrees. “When you talk about an experiment in which the consequences of an accident are a global pandemic — it’s really hard to even put that into a risk-benefit analysis,” he says. SARS-CoV-2, he added, emerged in Wuhan “right under the noses of people doing this work, and nothing they did was useful in stopping it.”

For his part, Casadevall steers towards the middle ground, and worries that if society overreacts against gain-of-function research, the field might become over-regulated, and then the experiments will never get done. “Not all pathogens have the same pandemic potential,” he says. “And it would be really good if humanity knew which ones are more dangerous.”

* * *

UPDATE: An earlier version of this piece incorrectly suggested that evolutionary biologist Jesse Bloom believed gain-of-function experiments being conducted in the Soviet Union might have caused the 1977 global epidemic of H1N1 flu. Bloom never said this, and the reference has been removed.

Charles Schmidt is a recipient of the National Association of Science Writers’ Science in Society Journalism Award. His work has appeared in Science, Nature Biotechnology, Scientific American, Discover Magazine, and The Washington Post, among other publications.

This article was originally published on Undark. Read the original article.

America’s fate looks bleak: Will it be oligarchy or autocracy?

The competing systems of power in the United States are divided between oligarchy and autocracy. There are no other alternatives. Neither are pleasant. Each have peculiar and distasteful characteristics. Each pays lip service to the fictions of democracy and constitutional rights. And each exacerbates the widening social and political divide and the potential for violent conflict.

The oligarchs from the establishment Republican Party, figures such as Liz Cheney, Mitt Romney, George and Jeb Bush and Bill Kristol, have joined forces with the oligarchs in the Democratic Party to defy the autocrats in the new Republican Party who have coalesced in cult-like fashion around Donald Trump or, if he does not run again for president, his inevitable Frankensteinian doppelgänger. 

The alliance of Republican and Democratic oligarchs exposes the burlesque that characterized the old two-party system, where the ruling parties fought over what Sigmund Freud called the “narcissism of minor differences” but were united on all the major structural issues, including massive defense spending, free trade deals, tax cuts for the wealthy and corporations, the endless wars, government surveillance, the money-saturated election process, neoliberalism, austerity, deindustrialization, militarized police and the world’s largest prison system.

The liberal class, fearing autocracy, has thrown in its lot with the oligarchs, discrediting and rendering impotent the causes and issues it claims to champion. The bankruptcy of the liberal class is important, for it effectively turns liberal democratic values into the empty platitudes those who embrace autocracy condemn and despise. So, for example, censorship is wrong, unless the contents of Hunter Biden’s laptop are censored, or Donald Trump is banished from social media. Conspiracy theories are wrong, unless those theories, such as the Steele dossier and Russiagate, can be used to damage the autocrat. The misuse of the legal system and law enforcement agencies to carry out personal vendettas are wrong, unless those vendettas are directed at the autocrat and those who support him. Giant tech monopolies and their monolithic social media platforms are wrong, unless those monopolies use their algorithms, control of information and campaign contributions to ensure the election of the oligarchs’ anointed presidential candidate, Joe Biden. 

The perfidy of the oligarchs, masked by the calls for civility, tolerance and respect for human rights, often outdoes that of the autocracy. The Trump administration, for example, expelled 444,000 asylum seekers under Title 42, a law that permits the immediate expulsion of those who potentially pose a public health risk and denies the expelled migrants the right to make a case to stay in the U.S. before an immigration judge. The Biden administration not only embraced the Trump order in the name of fighting the pandemic, but has thrown out more than 690,000 asylum seekers since taking office in January. The Biden administration, on the heels of another monster hurricane triggered at least in part by climate change, has opened up 80 million acres for oil and gas drilling in the Gulf of Mexico and boasted that the sale will produce 1.12 billion barrels of oil over the next 50 years. It has bombed Syria and Iraq, and on the way out the door in Afghanistan murdered 10 civilians, including seven children, in a drone strike. It has ended three pandemic relief programs, cutting off benefits under the Pandemic Unemployment Assistance that were given to 5.1 million people who worked as freelancers, in the gig economy or as caregivers. An additional 3.8 million people who received assistance from the Pandemic Emergency Unemployment Compensation for the long-term unemployed have also lost access to their benefits. They join the 2.6 million people who no longer receive the $300 weekly supplement and are struggling to cope with a $1,200 drop in their monthly earnings. Biden’s campaign talk of raising the minimum wage, forgiving student debt, immigration reform and making housing a human right has been forgotten. At the same time, the Democratic leadership, proponents of a new cold war with China and Russia, has authorized provocative military maneuvers along Russia’s borders and in the South China Sea and speeded up production of the long-range B-21 Raider stealth bomber.

Oligarchs come from the traditional nexus of elite schools, inherited money, the military and corporations, those who C. Wright Mills called the “power elite.” “Material success,” Mills notes, “is their sole basis of authority.” The word oligarchy is derived from the Greek word “oligos,” meaning “a few,” and it is the oligos who see power and wealth as their birthright, which they pass on to their family and children, as exemplified by George W. Bush or Mitt Romney. The word “autocracy” is derived from the Greek word “auto” meaning “self,” as in one who rules by himself.

In decayed democracies the battle for power is always, as Aristotle points out, between these two despotic forces, although if there is a serious threat of socialism or left-wing radicalism, as was true in the Weimar Republic, the oligarchs forge an uncomfortable alliance with the autocrat and his henchmen to crush it. This is why the donor class and hierarchy of the Democratic Party sabotaged the candidacy of Bernie Sanders, although on the political spectrum Sanders is not a radical, and publicly stated, as the former CEO of Goldman Sachs Lloyd Blankfein did, that should Sanders be the nominee they would support Trump. The alliance between the oligarchs and the autocrats gives birth to fascism, in our case a Christianized fascism.

The oligarchs embrace a faux morality of woke culture and identity politics, which is anti-politics, to give themselves the veneer of liberalism, or at least the veneer of an enlightened oligarchy. The oligarchs have no genuine ideology. Their single-minded goal is the amassing of wealth, hence the obscene amounts of money accrued by oligarchs such as Bill Gates, Elon Musk or Jeff Bezos and the staggering sums of profit made by corporations that have, essentially, orchestrated a legal tax boycott, forcing the state to raise most of its revenues from massive government deficits, now totaling $3 trillion, and disproportionately taxing the working and middle classes. 

Oligarchies, which spew saccharine pieties and platitudes, engage in lies that are often far more destructive to the public than the lies of a narcissist autocrat. Yet the absence of an ideology among the oligarchs gives to oligarchic rule a flexibility lacking in autocratic forms of power. Because there is no blind loyalty to an ideology or a leader there is room in an oligarchy for limited reform, moderation and those who seek to slow or put a brake on the most egregious forms of injustice and inequality. 

An autocracy, however, is not pliable. It burns out these last remnants of humanism. It is based solely on adulation of the autocrat, no matter how absurd, and the fear of offending him. This is why politicians such as Lindsey Graham and Mike Pence, at least until he refused to invalidate the election results, humiliated themselves abjectly and repeatedly at the feet of Trump. Pence’s unforgivable sin of certifying the election results instantly turned him into a traitor. One sin against an autocrat is one sin too many. Trump supporters stormed the capital on Jan. 6 shouting, “Hang Mike Pence.” As Cosimo de’ Medici remarked, “We are nowhere commanded to forgive our friends.”

The political and economic disempowerment that is the consequence of oligarchy infantilizes a population, which in desperation gravitates to a demagogue who promises prosperity and a restoration of a lost golden age, moral renewal based on “traditional” values and vengeance against those scapegoated for the nation’s decline. 

The Biden’s administration’s refusal to address the deep structural inequities that plague the country is already ominous. In the latest Harvard/Harris poll Trump has overtaken Biden in approval ratings, with Biden falling to 46 percent and Trump rising to 48 percent. Add to this the report by the University of Chicago Project on Security & Threats that found that 9 percent of Americans believe the “use of force is justified to restore Donald J. Trump to the presidency.”  More than one-fourth of adults agree, to varying degrees, the study found, that “the 2020 election was stolen, and Joe Biden is an illegitimate president.” The polling indicates that 8.1 percent  — 21 million Americans  — share both these beliefs. Anywhere from 15 million to 28 million adults would apparently support the violent overthrow of the Biden administration to restore Trump to the presidency.  

“The insurrectionist movement is more mainstream, cross-party, and more complex than many people might like to think, which does not bode well for the 2022 mid-term elections, or for that matter, the 2024 Presidential election,” the authors of the Chicago report write.

Fear is the glue that holds an autocratic regime in place. Convictions can change. Fear does not. The more despotic an autocratic regime becomes, the more it resorts to censorship, coercion, force and terror to cope with its endemic and often irrational paranoia. Autocracies, for this reason, inevitably embrace fanaticism. Those who serve the autocracy engage in ever more extreme acts against those the autocrat demonizes, seeking the autocrat’s approval and the advancement of their careers. 

Revenge against real or perceived enemies is the autocrat’s single-minded goal. The autocrat takes sadistic pleasure in the torment and humiliation of his enemies, as Trump did when he watched the mob storm the capital on Jan. 6, or, in a more extreme form, as Joseph Stalin did when he doubled over in laughter as his underlings acted out the desperate pleading for his life by the condemned Grigori Zinoviev, once one of the most influential figures in the Soviet leadership and the chairman of the Communist International, on the way to his execution in 1926.

Autocratic leaders, as Joachim Fest writes, are often “demonic nonentities.” 

“Rather than the qualities which raised him from the masses, it was those qualities he shared with them and of which he was a representative example that laid the foundation for his success,” Fest wrote of Adolf Hitler, words that could apply to Trump. “He was the incarnation of the average, ‘the man who lent the masses his voice and through whom the masses spoke.’ In him the masses encountered themselves.”

The autocrat, who celebrates a grotesque hyper-masculinity, projects an aura of omnipotence. He demands obsequious fawning and total obedience. Loyalty is more important than competence. Lies and truth are irrelevant. The statements of the autocrat, which can in short spaces of time be contradictory, cater exclusively to the transient emotional needs of his followers. There is no attempt to be logical or consistent. There is no attempt to reach out to opponents. Rather, there is a constant stoking of antagonisms that steadily widens the social, political and cultural divides. Reality is sacrificed for fantasy. Those who question the fantasy are branded as irredeemable enemies.

“Anyone who wants to rule men first tries to humiliate them, to trick them out of their rights and their capacity for resistance, until they are as powerless before him as animals,” wrote Elias Canetti in “Crowds and Power,” of the autocrat: 

He uses them like animals and, even if he does not tell them so, in himself he always knows quite clearly that they mean just as little to him; when he speaks to his intimates, he will call them sheep or cattle. His ultimate aim is to incorporate them into himself and to suck the substance out of them. What remains of them afterwards does not matter to him. The worse he has treated them, the more he despises them. When they are no more use at all, he disposes of them as he does excrement, simply seeing to it that they do not poison the air of his house.

It is, ironically, the oligarchs who build the institutions of oppression, the militarized police, the dysfunctional courts, the raft of anti-terrorism laws used against dissidents, ruling through executive orders rather than the legislative process, wholesale surveillance and the promulgation of laws that overturn the most basic constitutional rights by judicial fiat. Thus, the Supreme Court rules that corporations have the right to pump unlimited amounts of money into political campaigns because it is a form of free speech, and because corporations have the constitutional right to petition the government. The oligarchs do not use these mechanisms of oppression with the same ferocity as the autocrats. They employ them fitfully and therefore often ineffectually. But they create the physical and legal systems of oppression so that an autocrat, with the flick of a switch, can establish a de facto dictatorship.

The autocrat oversees a naked kleptocracy in place of the hidden kleptocracy of the oligarchs. But it is debatable whether the more refined kleptocracy of the oligarchs is any worse than the crude and open kleptocracy of the autocrat. The autocrat’s attraction is that as he fleeces the public, he entertains the crowd. He orchestrates engaging spectacles. He gives vent, often through vulgarity, to the widespread hatred of the ruling elites. He provides a host of phantom enemies, usually the weak and the vulnerable, who are rendered nonpersons. His followers are given license to attack these enemies, including the feckless liberals and intellectuals who are a pathetic appendage to the oligarchic class. Autocracies, unlike oligarchies, make for engaging political theater. 

We must defy the oligarchs as well as the autocrats. If we replicate the cowardice of the liberal class, if we sell out to the oligarchs as a way to blunt the rise of autocracy, we will discredit the core values of a civil society and fuel the very autocracy we seek to defeat. Despotism, in all its forms, is dangerous. If we achieve nothing else in the fight against the oligarchs and the autocrats, we will at least salvage our dignity and integrity. 

QAnon backer Bill Mitchell and former Trump official Seb Gorka go to war amid doxxing threats

TrumpWorld is having some difficulty maintaining unity at the moment. Cracks in the MAGA coalition have appeared in recent days in the form of a feud between former Trump White House official Sebastian Gorka and QAnon-supporting conspiracy theorist Bill Mitchell

On Monday afternoon, Mitchell took to the far-right Gab social media platform to air allegations of wrongdoing by Gorka. Mitchell claims the onetime Trump official — sometimes described in Washington as the “The Great Hungarian Snowflake” — wrongfully tarred him with accusations of being a QAnon supporter. (Which by all accounts Mitchell is.)

“Sebastian Gorka accused me of working with Q to dox him. He actually called me on the phone personally to threaten me with legal action. Prior to this, he and I were friends, and I had him as a guest on my show several times,” Mitchell wrote. “Of course, this accusation was preposterous. I have never had any connection to Q other than to interview two individuals associated with them, and I most assuredly had nothing to do with doxxing Mr. Gorka.” 

Mitchell went on to say that Gorka was “using his platform to smear me with blatant lies,” adding that he considered suing Gorka for slander, but didn’t want to “punch right.” 

“Regardless, I had nothing to do with his doxxing,” Mitchell said. “I am not now, nor have I ever been a part of Q.” 

Asked for comment Monday afternoon, Gorka would not discuss the right-wing kerfuffle, telling this Salon reporter to “go to hell,” while throwing in a profane but peculiar insult. “Are you going to tell me Hunter Biden’s laptop are true now?” he asked. That awkwardly phrased question was probably rhetorical since he added that if Salon calls him for comment again, he will “take legal action.” 


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Gorka was still brooding about this brief conversation later in the day, wondering aloud on his afternoon radio show, “How bad is Salon.com?” 

Best described as a pro-Trump Twitter reply guy, Mitchell first got some TrumpWorld traction in 2016 by attempting to outdo other Trump fans in lavishing praise on the then-candidate. 

“Traces of Mitchell’s online presence from before he took his Trump oath of allegiance reveal an exceedingly average middle-aged man,” BuzzFeed reported back in 2016. The Twitter pundit turned MAGA social media heavyweight actually alienated some Trump surrogates with his confident claims that Trump was destined to win the 2016 election. “Trump has a 100% chance of winning in November,” he wrote on Twitter in September of 2016. That bold prediction proved out, but there was no repeat in 2020, when he was banned from the platform.

Loud and largely content-free disputes appear to be one of Gorka’s specialties. Whatever the substance of his personal feud with Mitchell may be, it comes shortly after his attempt to sic his followers on a journalist after being duped by a fake Twitter account

Why Pfizer’s COVID-19 vaccine for children is a little different than previous versions

On September 20, Pfizer announced that the COVID-19 vaccine it is designing to be administered to children has been proven to be safe — and moreover yielded a robust immune response in children between the ages of 5 and 11.

The announcement came after the company released its Phase 2 and 3 results for children in this age group. Following this much-anticipated announcement, the company’s next step is to seek emergency authorization from the U.S. Federal Drug Administration and submit their findings. If authorization is given swiftly, children as young as five could be eligible for Pfizer’s COVID-19 vaccine by Halloween.

[Go deeper: Here’s what each “phase” of vaccine production really means.]

“We are eager to extend the protection afforded by the vaccine to this younger population, subject to regulatory authorization, especially as we track the spread of the Delta variant and the substantial threat it poses to children,” said Albert Bourla, Chairman and Chief Executive Officer of Pfizer in a press release. “Since July, pediatric cases of COVID-19 have risen by about 240 percent in the U.S. – underscoring the public health need for vaccination. These trial results provide a strong foundation for seeking authorization of our vaccine for children 5 to 11 years old, and we plan to submit them to the FDA and other regulators with urgency.”

The trial included data from 2,268 participants ages 5 to 11 who used a two-dose regimen of the vaccine administered 21 days apart, similar to the process for people who are 12 and older. Researchers measured the childrens’ immune response by looking at neutralizing antibody levels in their blood and comparing those levels to a control group of 16- to 25-year-olds who were given a two-dose regimen with a larger dose.

There is one big difference between the vaccine for people over the age of 11, and those between five and 11: the amount of vaccine administered. Pfizer used a 10-microgram dose for 5 to 11-year-olds, which is far smaller than the 30-microgram dose that has been used for those 12 and older. Pfizer said this smaller dosage demonstrated a “strong immune response in this cohort of children one month after the second dose.”

Why the smaller dosage? As Salon has previously explained, it is standard practice to test vaccines on older children first, because children of different ages can have a different response to the vaccine. The goal of clinical trials with children is to find a balance between age and dosage of the vaccine in which a strong immune response is triggered without too many side effects. The variables in a clinical trial with children are different.

“Children’s immune systems are different — they’ve had prior exposures, their immune systems may not be as experienced, and children also weigh less than older individuals,” said Dean Blumberg, chief of pediatric infectious diseases and associate professor in the Department of Pediatrics at the University of California, Davis. “Getting the dose right is important, and we know that with some vaccines, what you need to do is give a higher dose of the vaccine in younger children because they haven’t been exposed to the antigen — the active component of the vaccine previously. In other cases you give a lower dose, because it’s more weight-based.”

In the case of the Pfizer vaccine, researchers found that a lower dosage was best.

“In this case, a decrease was effective because of the robust immune response that children have,” Blumberg said. “So, the 10 microgram dose, the 1/3 the dose seems to hit the sweet spot.”

As far as reported side effects go, they are similar to those experienced by the 12 and older set.

“The common side effects are soreness at the site of injection, fever, headache, fatigue,” Blumberg said. “These generally last for 24 to 48 hours and then resolve on their own.


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Cures for a patriarchal hangover on “Y: The Last Man”

FX on Hulu’s “Y: The Last Man” poses a fundamental question — or fantasy, depending on who you ask: What would happen if all cisgender men and Y-chromosomed beings dropped dead? 

In the series, the cataclysmic Event has inexplicably eliminated half the world’s population, leaving families torn apart, supply chains and energy sources depleted, and women and non-cis men everywhere desperate and scrambling for answers. Jennifer Brown (Diane Lane) has become de facto president after the previous POTUS and men in line after him perish. But she still has to deal with her predecessor’s legacy; she’s frequently forced to spar with the Meghan McCain-esque Kimberly Campbell (Amber Tamblyn), the politically ambitious former first daughter who seems to hold a petty political vendetta against Brown.

Meanwhile, Brown’s children – lone cis man Yorick (Ben Schnetzer) and daughter Hero (Olivia Thirlby) – are trying to navigate this dangerous new world with about as much competence and independence as you’d expect from two young people from highly privileged backgrounds. 

And with each episode, it’s increasingly looking like the survival of the remaining people may rely on letting go of patriarchal power structures that still persist – with or without cis men around.

The making of a patriarchal hangover

Nearly all of the relational conflicts and problems in these characters’ arcs are products of patriarchal design. Of course, the most obvious holdover from “before” would come from the titular last man himself.

In Episode 4, Yorick is being protected and escorted to safety – since it’s still a mystery as to why he’s survived and therefore could be in some danger – by the enigmatic Agent 355 (Ashley Romans). Instead of being grateful for having a highly trained agent who once guarded the former president beside him, Yorick has been making 355’s life about as difficult as possible by constantly endangering them and behaving like a child. At one point he demands that they risk their lives . . . to go back and find his lost phone.

Agent 355 sets Yorick straight about his entitled demand: 

“I don’t owe you s**t! From the goddamned day you were born, the whole world told you you’re the most important thing in it! You think you can f**k around all you want with no consequences! An entire life of just being given s**t! Like, I don’t know, the benefit of the f**king doubt? You can just walk into any room, take it for granted. And now that you actually are the most important person in the room, you could give a s**t!”

It’s a moment of pure catharsis, an eviscerating blow to male entitlement and its exhausting toll on anyone who isn’t a beneficiary of cis-male privilege. While saying these words surely brought 355 at least a moment of much-needed relief, the speech doesn’t change the fact that her sole task in life right now is to protect Yorick.

Hero, on the other hand, is navigating this post-apocalyptic world with her sole friend Sam (Elliot Fletcher), a trans man in a world that’s become a waking nightmare for trans men amid a scarcity of testosterone. Hero relies on and manipulates Sam to keep him at her side no matter the risk, including all but forcing him to separate from the group of fellow trans men they had been traveling with.

Their relationship and Hero’s treatment of Sam ultimately reflects the social power and privilege afforded to cisgender identity. And yes, this is a power dynamic established under patriarchy, in which social status and power relations extend beyond just cis men oppressing cis women. Rather, anyone who doesn’t conform to cis-heteronormative expectations can be violently oppressed, with trans people including trans men like Sam often facing greater persecution than cis women.


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Over in the world of politics and government, Kimberly is a frequent visitor and critic of President Brown, ready to flaunt her relationship with her father, the late president. And she’s always clad in feminine business professional and high heels, in contrast with the more practical post-apocalyptic attire of sweatpants and sneakers that nearly everyone else currently in government wears. 

We’ve seen this in our world. The popularity of “conservative feminism,” and the emergence of the girlboss-from-hell, have long hinted at the grim reality that plenty of privileged women are beneficiaries of patriarchy, and are therefore happy to uphold it even in its absence. They know they can reap power from their proximity to powerful men or historically male systems, and could care less about the women and marginalized people who lack these connections.

Nora Brady (Marin Ireland), a former aide to President Campbell, had walked a path similar to Kimberly’s prior to the Event and served as a prototypical “pick me” whose political rise was owed to doing anything men asked of her without complaint. Now, in a world where women in positions of political power are capable of doing these tasks themselves, she seems lost, without a sense of self or role in the new world, even struggling to care for her young daughter. 

And then, of course, there’s President Brown, whose ascension to the presidency appears to be a “girlboss” triumph on the surface. It might be trite to point out how Congress and the presidency were created by and for men, but this reality — of government and hierarchy as inherently patriarchal tools — is exacerbated by the ongoing apocalypse and global women’s struggle for survival. 

Brown’s presidency reflects the awkward, ineffective continuation of power structures like normal in a no longer normal society. This is because the presidency, a role that has historically been filled and exploited by men, creates an imbalance of power that can be dangerously exploited even by the most well-meaning individuals: Consider how Brown seizes on the power of her position to prioritize the search for her children at the height of the confusion and fear caused by the Event.

Brown is reluctant to do so, but presidential power can breed innate selfishness in those who have access to it. In this way, the office of the presidency extends from patriarchy and male entitlement, regardless of its occupant’s gender. Survival of the remaining people of Earth will require thorough dismantling of this patriarchal institution to build a new, habitable world for survivors.

What’s needed: A whole new world

The establishment of hierarchy has rarely been a wise move in survivalist worlds — just consider the events of “Lord of the Flies,” and the violent chaos that erupted on a stranded island of deserted schoolboys. In mankind’s earliest days, collective and equal living were essential to our survival. Contrary to the sexist myth of men as hunters and women as gatherers, human societies and collectives were far more equitable and often void of mythologized gender role assignment, with hunting, gathering, child care and domestic labor equitably assigned across gendered lines.

In “Y: The Last Man,” survivors find themselves in an entirely new world, one that’s too precarious to take chances by assigning power and leadership, feeding petty political squabbles while the world is on fire. The remaining resources in the world are so scarce that allowing inequalities in access to these resources based on hierarchy could sabotage everyone’s survival.

Successful, stateless societies have existed throughout human history, and across different parts of the world. Different Indigenous populations continue to live and thrive in such societies, like the Kung Bushmen of southern Africa, the Siriono and the Nambikuara Indians of South America, the Kwakiutl and other North American Indians, and other groups around the world, often assuming pastoral lifestyles.

Government, bureaucracy and hierarchy aren’t innate to humanity, nor are they especially necessary to safety and protection, as many real-life women and people of color could attest to. Depending on which political philosophers or scholars you read, some might understand government and laws as a form of violence of their own, as any kind of power or rulemaking is upheld with the implicit or explicit threat of violence.

This is all to say that on “Y: The Last Man,” power imbalances, unequal relationships, and post-apocalyptic politics comprise a dangerous patriarchal hangover, the muck and residue of an old world governed by men. That world is gone, and the old tools and social and political systems that maintained it are now not only useless but even catastrophic in this new world. 

Over the past millions of years, mankind has survived one apocalyptic disaster after another. And in its earliest, most formative years, it did so without government systems that bog us down with petty politics, corruption and inequality — inventions of patriarchy — when we should all be united in just trying to live another day. The continuation of the survivors in “Y: The Last Man” might just rely on their ability to do the same.

“Y: The Last Man” releases new episodes on Mondays on FX on Hulu.

Legal battle over copyright to Marvel heroes like Thor & Spidey threaten the future of the MCU

As if the Marvel Cinematic Universe’s Phase 4 weren’t spicy enough, things are heating up in a legal battle that could play out like Thanos’ snap or an episode of “What If…?” in which certain beloved characters disappear.

As of last week, Disney is now suing the families of Stan Lee, Steve Ditko, Gene Colan and other creators in an attempt to retain ownership of iconic MCU characters like Spider-Man, Iron Man, Thor, Loki and others, the Hollywood Reporter reports. The suit comes after Ditko’s estate filed a notice of termination to Disney on Spider-Man, which would require Disney to give up its full rights to the webslinger in 2023. In addition to the Ditko estate, Disney and Marvel now face several notices of termination from comic book artists and creators and their heirs, putting the future of the MCU in jeopardy.

This latest conflict between the MCU and comic book creators draws on complex copyright law, which allows authors and their estates to reclaim rights that were once granted to their publishers after a set period of time.

According to Disney’s lawsuit, the beloved MCU characters in question aren’t eligible for copyright termination from creators and heirs, because they were works made for hire by their artists on a freelance basis. Therefore, the superheroes aren’t owned by the creators themselves (or by extension their heirs or estate), according to Dan Petrocelli, the attorney representing Disney and Marvel.

Of course, while this argument might hold legal weight, it ignores how MCU favorites like Iron Man and Loki simply wouldn’t exist without the labor of almost criminally underpaid comic book artists and creators, regardless of their employment status by Marvel. Legal precedent may side with Disney and Marvel, but the lawyer for the different creators and estates challenging Disney is determined to change this. 

In 2012, Jerry Siegal and Joe Shuster, who created Superman, sought to reclaim copyrights to the hero from DC Comics, only for the courts to side with DC Comics after years of intensive litigation. Siegal and Shuster’s lawyer, Marc Toberoff, is now representing the heirs of Ditko and other creators suing Marvel. 

Marvel has dealt with lawsuits and criticisms like this before. As recent as 2014, Marvel settled a lawsuit with Jack Kirby, who sought to terminate a copyright grant and allow his heirs to reclaim rights on characters like Spider-Man, the X-Men, Hulk and Thor. Rather than take a chance on the lawsuit going up to the Supreme Court, Marvel settled with Kirby in a deal valued in the tens of millions of dollars, according to the Hollywood Reporter.

And while other creators, like writer Ed Brubaker, who created the fan-favorite Winter Soldier, haven’t sued Marvel, they’ve been critical of the lack of financial compensation and credit given to them for their work by the media giant.

“There’s nothing preventing anyone at Marvel from looking at how much the Winter Soldier has been used in all this stuff and calling up me and Steve Epting and saying, ‘You know what, we’re going to try to adjust the standard thing so that you guys feel good about this,'” Brubaker said in an interview on the “Fatman Beyond” podcast.

As litigation between Marvel and the Lee, Ditko and Colan families moves forward, Toberoff is hopeful for change that will bring about fairness for comic creators, citing the dated laws that empower corporations like Marvel, and widespread support from artists around the world, in a statement. “At the core of these cases is an anachronistic and highly criticized interpretation of ‘work-made-for-hire’ under the 1909 Copyright Act that needs to be rectified,” Toberoff said in a statement.

He continued:

We had tremendous support from the artistic community, the former Register of Copyrights, the former Trademark Commissioner, all the Guilds (WGA, SAG, DGA), PEN America, and 237 artists, including a dozen Pulitzer winners. The Kirby case went all the way to the US Supreme Court, which showed keen interest, at which point Disney settled. At the time, I was asked whether I regretted not righting the legal injustice to creators – which I indeed did. I responded that there would be other such cases.

The conflicts between Disney and creators come amid a major year and jam-packed upcoming schedule for the MCU, with “Shang-Chi and the Legend of the Ten Rings” shattering pandemic box office records, and “Spider-Man: No Way Home,” premiering in December, drawing more views and “likes” on its trailer than “Avengers: Endgame.” As the success of Marvel Studios continues to explode around the world, it’s time for Disney to consider what it owes to its creators.

R. Kelly found guilty of racketeering and sex trafficking, following years of controversy

R. Kelly has been found guilty of racketeering and sex trafficking, following nine hours of deliberation among the jury on his case in federal court in Brooklyn, the New York Times reported. Kelly has been convicted of racketeering and eight violations of anti-sex trafficking law, with a sentencing hearing set for May 4, 2022. 

Kelly’s trial began this summer on Aug. 18, and was rife with bombshell testimonies, stories and allegations from young women who claim to have survived sexual abuse, imprisonment and even reproductive coercion from the R&B singer. 

Several witnesses recalled being “recruited” by Kelly as minors, and being forced to live on his properties, where he would impose strict rules and punishments, and not allow his “girlfriends” to speak to other men or wear form-fitting clothing. One witness claimed Kelly had sexually abused the underage singer Aaliyah when she was as young as 13 or 14, and illegally married her because she had been pregnant, and he needed her to have an abortion.

Other jarring testimonies throughout the trial allege that Kelly locked an intern in a room and sexually assaulted her after she passed out; recorded a video of a woman wiping feces on her face as punishment for not following his rules; and gave multiple people herpes by not informing them of his STD status.

In federal prosecutor Elizabeth Geddes’ closing statement last week, she told the court, “For many years, what happened in the defendant’s world stayed in the defendant’s world. But no longer.”

She added:

He used lies, manipulation, threats and physical abuse to dominate his victims. Just because you have one of your henchmen do your dirty work doesn’t make you any less responsible. The defendant’s pattern of sexual abuse of minors didn’t change after he wed Aaliyah. In fact, it didn’t skip a beat.

Kelly’s Brooklyn-based case is actually just one of several, as he still faces charges in llinois and Minnesota. Some have attributed the momentum of his trial and his conviction now to the influence of the 2019 Lifetime documentary, “Surviving R. Kelly.” In the docuseries dozens of women interviewed claimed to have survived abuse from the now disgraced singer over the decades, eventually leading to Kelly facing criminal charges.

With Monday’s guilty verdict from the jury on Kelly’s Brooklyn case, he now faces the possibility of decades in prison. Kelly’s attorney has told CNN that they’re considering filing an appeal to overturn the ruling, and are disappointed in the verdict.

Ta-Nehisi Coates on banning books: “That’s no longer education, that’s indoctrination”

It’s Banned Books Week, and author and thought leader Ta-Nehisi Coates has a few guesses as to why four of the Top 10 most banned books in America specifically involve critiques of anti-Black racism. This alarming trend, involving Coates’ book “Between the World and Me” being banned in some places, comes one year after the beginning of an uprising against anti-Blackness and white supremacy last summer.

In a Monday interview with “CBS Mornings,” Coates criticized the rise of political attacks on free thought and education around racial justice matters. Part of this is a reaction to the mounting influence and success among Black authors and journalists, he argued.

“Most of American history, African Americans have not had the purchase on the American conscience that we have right now,” Coates said. “We’ve always talked among ourselves; mostly the dialogue in terms of books has been among ourselves. We’re at a moment where people like Ibram Kendi, Nikole Hannah-Jones, they’re reaching a lot of people with their books and the 1619 Project. This is really about white people and children now being exposed to ideas that previously were segregated, frankly.”

Coates doesn’t necessarily blame “parents and teachers” for these attacks. Rather, he thinks it’s the “politicians in our system [who are] uncomfortable.”

“The 1619 Project was cited in an executive order,” Coates said, referring to Hannah-Jones’ longform project that centers slavery and the contributions of Black Americans into the narrative of United States history. “There are laws passed in Texas that specifically mention this work. This is the state, this isn’t just, ‘I don’t want my kid reading this.’ This is actually state action, banning somebody’s work.”

This Banned Books Week, Coates expressed his concerns about what’s at stake with these right-wing political attacks on books and storytelling involving racial and social justice.

“It’s the political imagination, which is a big term,” he said. “We think about going into the voting booth to make choices about what policies, politicians we want. But you can’t understand why health care should be a human right if you don’t understand history, the context in which things happen, if you can’t put yourself in the shoes of somebody that doesn’t have health care.”

Coates explained, “That’s what books do, they expand the political imagination, they let you know what you’re actually voting for in the first place.”

According to Coates, it was his access to books of all perspectives, including the works of “cold racists,” that helped him form his expansive political worldview — and he wants that for today’s youth, no matter what the political beliefs of their household or school board.

“When you start saying to a kid, ‘I only want you to read things that validate my point of view,’ that’s no longer education, that’s indoctrination,” he said. 

Coates would even fight to protect the free speech of conservative literature – if it were ever in danger.

“I would make a big distinction, that we haven’t seen a political movement in state legislatures, or executive orders, that targets a ban on books on the right,” Coates said. 

As Banned Books Week primarily affects kids and young people with limited access to books outside of their schools or local libraries, Coates also suggested parents can be a part of their children’s literary education, too.”I think parents can read themselves, educate yourselves — avoid your own indoctrination,” he said.

You can watch Coates’ “CBS Morning” interview below.

“What tips someone into Murderville is something that’s happened to a lot of people”

Just this past month, we’ve seen our collective appetite for true crime reach a new level of obsessiveness with the Murdaugh family murders and the disappearance and death of Gabby Petito. Podcasts about these cases are already rolling out. But those of us who have been long fascinated with humanity’s dark side know that our understanding of it isn’t heightened vis-a-vis cable TV cliches about seemingly perfect marriages, and victims with smiles that could light up a room. Nor is true crime a warning about monsters lurking in the shadows. 

To the contrary: if there is one thing I’ve learned from my true crime obsession, it is that monsters don’t, in fact, walk among us. That’s the scary thing. There’s the potential for monstrosity hidden in everyone. 

Indeed, if the “Redhanded” podcast stands out in the ever-widening sea of sensationalized and sloppy true crime content out there, it is because its creators, Suruthi Bala and Hannah Maguire, inject the right amount of sincere curiosity into the form. Over the course of over 200 episodes, the British broadcasters have explored some of the most infamous cases in the world with a mix of black humor, frequent outrage and an ever present desire for deeper understanding. Now, they’ve released a new book, “RedHanded: An Exploration of Criminals, Cannibals, Cults, and What Makes a Killer Tick,” in which they consider some of the prime contributing elements that can “tip someone over into Murderville.”

Bala and Maguire make no claim to being mindhunters. Instead, they’re more like the rest of us — enthusiastic amateurs who want to know why very bad things happen. Are some people just born to kill? What makes a group a cult? What do we really mean when we toss around terms like “psychopath” or “spree killer”? Salon talked to the authors recently via Zoom about their literary project, diving in to the minds of murderers, and why women are devouring so much true crime.

As usual, this conversation has been lightly edited and condensed for clarity.

You’ve got a show that’s been chugging along well. Why do a book?

Suruthi Bala: In all honesty, the catalyst for it was COVID lockdown. We had so many plans for 2020, and also the start of 2021, like live events. All of those in an instant were just completely obliterated. They were gone, and we were left with what to normal people would be maybe a bit more of a relaxed year. But we thought, “God, what are we going to do with our time?” So when our team reached out to us and said, “Would you guys be interested in writing a book?” It felt like a really natural fit for our particular audience. They are very bookish bunch.  

We’ve learned so much over the past four years. Hannah and I were not in law enforcement, we weren’t in forensics, we weren’t psychologists. We were nothing to do with anything, apart from just two people who were interested in true crime. That came with its benefits, because we went in with no preconceived notions about anything. We were just keen to explore. We wanted this book to be a culmination of everything that we had learned.

“Redhanded” isn’t the kind of show where we do weeks and weeks and weeks on one case. It’s, one episode on one case with our social commentary, our analysis, anything we can find. It didn’t feel like it made sense to do a whole book on one story. That felt like a job for an investigative journalist, which we are not. It felt like a book that was going to be about the question we always get asked, which is, “What makes a killer kill?” We just wanted to write down almost a journal of everything we had discovered across the two hundred cases that we had covered.

How did you then frame it around these issues of justice, of who is seen and who is unseen, these categories that you explore again and again in the show?

Hannah Maguire: As soon as we figured out that it didn’t feel right for us to be doing one case, we were like, okay, then it has to be something else. And then something else became the eight categories that we cover in the book. Originally when we were planning the book, we thought maybe we’d go through every stage of a person’s life and every stage of your development and where it can go wrong. But then it just developed into things that affect everyone, and how killers are at the end of the day, humans. Usually what tips someone over into Murderville is something that’s happened to a lot of people.


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Are there any cases you felt didn’t fit into these categories, but you wished you could have done something else with in this process?

Bala: There was definitely a lot of that and a lot of late nights and a lot of stress and tears. But we’re so proud of the book now. The idea of the thing that makes a person kill, in the kind of cases that we were looking at, felt like perversions of things that are so human, whether it’s childhood genetics, whatever it may be.

That whole idea of calling somebody a monster, it couldn’t have been more prevalent in the case of the genetics chapter. We explored this particular case of a man named Bradley Waldroup and this idea of people saying, “Well, he was just born that way. He had bad genes and that’s what made him kill his wife’s best friend and attack his wife.” That was such a scary notion, because the people who are on the hunt for a killer gene were doing it so that they could say, “This person was literally born this way. They are different to us. We don’t need to take any responsibility for things like poor health care, poor education, poor housing, social issues, inequality, any of that. That doesn’t matter if that person was just born that way.” Sometimes people think it’s just a really woke liberal thing to say, “We shouldn’t call these people monsters.” There are real reasons as to why we shouldn’t, because it makes us ignore the factors that made this person who they are. This is why we wanted to explore those eight different chapters and eight different factors.

In terms of the ones that we left out, the hardest thing was actually knowing, what is that point we are trying to make in this chapter? What story are we telling? And being really ruthless in that because we were working to such a limited timeframe.

You also step away from the narrative to ask, “What is a psychopath? What is narcissistic personality? What does it mean to be a family annihilator?” We hear these terms in true crime, but you say, “We’re going to take a moment to really tell you what these things are.” 

Maguire: We’re both quite naturally curious people. I always want to know if you’re watching a documentary or reading a book and a term like narcissistic personality disorder is thrown around, I’ve always felt like that was missing in true crime content was that explanation of what that actually means and how does it affect a person’s life? People are people. Just because of their personality disorder, doesn’t mean that they are just like completely alien. It’s something we’ve always done on the show. When we’re dealing so much with psychology, it just felt like the most natural thing to take a step back and be like, “What does that actually mean?”

We did Paris Bennett this week. There’s a documentary about him that’s called “Psychopath,” and all of the information in it is completely wrong. They completely perpetuate this myth of the genius psychopath when that’s just not what he is. There’s so much of that out there that I thought that it would be wrong of us to stay in the true crime space if we didn’t try and debunk some stuff that’s been flying around for years.

I don’t know the answer to why true crime has become what it has become over the past decade or so, and why in particular, it’s so appealing to women. What has happened?

Bala: This is probably the second most common question that we get asked, and this answer has evolved. This is an answer that I have never actually given before, but it’s one that we’ve been thinking about for a long time. I think the rise of true crime, especially true crime podcasting, and the popularity of true crime as a female heavy genre, go hand in hand. Before, when maybe men were producing true crime documentaries or whatever else, it was like, “And she was wearing this and walking down the street and she was in the wrong place at the wrong time.” It was very alienating to women because we see ourselves in that victim so often.

Since “Serial,” we have had the rise of female, true crime podcasters who are just women like me and Hannah, who had an interest in true crime who wanted to talk about it. We started creating the content that we felt was missing. The only reason we started “Redhanded” was because we met at a party , were listening to true crime podcasts that we were enjoying, but were saying that there could be another layer to those stories that are being told.

Once podcasting took off, and then you had these such low barriers to entry that anyone could do it. You had women creating content for true crime that they themselves wanted to hear. It pulled other women in because it was the content that was missing around it. Ii terms of why women are obsessed with true crime, yes, absolutely, the majority of victims of violent crimes are men, but it is a constant fear in the minds of women. I guess we feel much more vulnerable.

Maguire: Everyone is morbid. Everyone has a fascination with dark things, but I think true crime is the only space where women can talk about it without being told they’re doing it wrong.

Is there a case that really haunts you?

Maguire: For me, David Parker Ray, which we cover in the sex chapter of the book. When we covered that one on the show a few years ago. It’s definitely one that I have dreamt about since, and that doesn’t happen very often.

Bala: You have to be able to compartmentalize what we’re doing, otherwise we would never leave our houses or have any other sort of life. We’ve never felt, even if a case was particularly difficult for us to get through, that we wish we hadn’t done it. We always feel like that story deserves to be told. Us suffering for a week or so with the research is nothing compared to what happened to the victim. One that I put off personally for a very long time, even though it was so important to me to cover, was the Delhi rape case. I’m of Indian heritage, and it was a case that felt so applicable to me and just absolutely horrific. Eventually we did cover it last year. It was honestly the hardest research I’ve ever done, but my God, am I glad that we did it because the response was so powerful. That really stuck for a long time.

Is there a case going on right now, or one you’ve tucked away, that you want to do?

Bala: We are holding off on covering the Scott and Laci Peterson case, because I’ve wanted to talk about it for ages. Some of the cases that we find the most interesting to research, for example like Darlie Routier are the “Did they actually do it or did they not?” ones. There seems to be a bunch of evidence pointing to the fact that they did do it, and a bunch of evidence pointing to the fact that maybe they didn’t do it.

It’s not beyond a reasonable doubt if we were in the courtroom. Scott Peterson’s in the process of waiting to see if he can get another trial, so we’re holding off on covering that until we definitely know. But yeah, that’s probably the one that we are waiting with bated breath to have some sort of answer about, I guess.

There will always be mysteries. There will always be mayhem and cults and murders and family annihilators. But when you look at what you are building on now, talking about politics and other things, what is the community that you see yourselves creating?

Bala: Even when we started the show, four years ago, we had no brand mission. We had no, “This is what ‘Redhanded’ is going to stand for. This is the ethos, this is what we’re going to achieve.” We just started it. Now I’d say we are a bit more deliberate. The things that you mentioned about starting to talk more about the politics side of things and not being afraid to, four years ago, we would have been terrified to step foot into that domain. We’ve realized you can just have opinions and you can make sure you’re as educated as possible on those opinions. Read as much as you can, not trap yourself in an echo chamber and just try to be nuanced in the things that you’re thinking and saying.

One of the biggest surprises to me is how readily a true crime audience has followed us into being able to talk about politics, and how much they are open to that. Recent cases we’ve covered like the Shamima Begum ISIS case, where we talked about everything that was going on there and our own difficulties in knowing exactly what to think about X, Y, or Zed.

We’ve all changed so much in the past couple of years. What has changed in you in the way that you look at crime, in the way that you look at justice?

Maguire: My biggest realization that has fully formed over the past few years is that politics and crime are inextricably linked. I don’t understand this argument of, “well, I just want to listen to a true crime show, I don’t care about politics.” They’re the same. Everything is political. Getting the bus is political, taking your bins out is political. It’s a very privileged position to be in, to be like, “Oh, I just don’t really do politics.”

As “Redhanded” has evolved, we’ve got more confident at making those links and proving a point and backing it up with facts. It’s all very well to like say what you want, but we’ve got much better at constructing arguments as we’ve gone on, especially in the book as well. That was a real lesson.

Bala: When I was just a fan of true crime and not doing the podcast, I took cases at face value. I wasn’t as conspiratorial minded as maybe I am now. I think you take things at face value when you aren’t immersed in it day in, day out. Every case can be made into a political one. That’s what we’ve discovered in writing the book and doing the show.

A do-it-yourself IUD removal trend is either macabre or empowering, depending on who you ask

A viral TikTok video of a woman allegedly showing users a “do-it-yourself IUD removal” — claiming she removed her own intra-uterine device herself, at home — is prompting others who want to remove their own IUDs to try it themselves.

Meanwhile, the lurid social media “trend” is stirring controversy — with some reproductive health experts and doctors disavowing it, while others commenting that self-removal of one’s IUD can actually be “empowering” and is not particularly unsafe if done with caution.

The initial viral video by TikTok user Mikkie Gallagher, which was posted in March 2021, now has 2.1 million views and counting. In it, the camera focuses on her face as she dons blue surgical gloves and then allegedly inserts her fingers into her vagina, locates the strings and pulls the contraceptive device out. In the next scene, the IUD dangles in her hand; she jokes that her Mirena IUD is the “catch of the day. ” In a comment she added to the video, Gallagher clarifies that her home IUD removal was a “last resort” after “constant pain” and five doctors refusing to remove it. Gallagher added that it was done after a consultation on a telehealth platform.

Salon contacted Gallagher for an interview to learn more, but did not receive a response prior to publication.

As the comments section of her video reveals, Gallagher’s TikTok has become a huge source of controversy. Some viewers expressed shock; others said they were inspired to remove their own IUDs themselves, too; others still warn of the danger of at-home IUD removal. Months after she posted her video, the hashtag #iudremoval on TikTok has grown in popularity, with more similar videos being posted in last month. The hashtag alone has 65.4 million views.

For people without uteruses, or anyone who has never had an IUD inserted, modern progestin-containing IUDs are small T-shaped devices that have tiny threads at the bottom.The hormone released by these IUDs, progestin, prevents pregnancy by thinning the uterine lining to keep a potentially fertilized egg from implantation. It can also slow down the sperm’s movement in the fallopian tube. IUDs are said to be 99 percent effective; the Kaiser Family Foundation estimates 14% of American women who use contraception rely on IUDs. IUDs are generally inserted by a nurse or doctor, who will put a speculum into a person’s vagina and use a special insert to place it in a person’s uterus through the opening of the cervix. This process takes less than five minutes. Similarly, nurses or doctors generally oversee the removal of IUDs as well. While the median cost of IUD removal is $262, it can range from $50 to $1,000.

While headlines have surfaced advising people not to take out their own IUDs in light of the TikTok trend, not all doctors are against it. In fact, some say it can be done safely, and posit that it can even be empowering to take out one’s IUD. 

Jody Steinauer, an OB-GYN at San Francisco General Hospital and director of the University of California–San Francisco’s Bixby Center, told Salon she would recommend those with IUDs to try to take them out themselves — but only if they are comfortable with it.

“I’m all for it, when you want it out — why do you have to come in to see us?” Steinauer said, adding that she’s removed her own IUD before. “I would say, if one tries and it doesn’t come out easily, then they come and see us. Don’t pull harder, don’t try multiple times. But I think it’s completely fine to try it if someone wants their IUD out.”

Steinauer added there are benefits to empowering people to do it on their own, for whatever reason they choose. According to a study published in 2012, the mere fact that a clinician needs to be the one to remove an intrauterine contraceptive (IUC) may deter some women from trying the method. In the study, 602 women seeking abortion completed a survey in the waiting room and were asked to rate their interest in using a hypothetical “new” self-removable IUC; 25% of the survey’s respondents said they would be more willing to try an IUC if they could remove it themselves.

Diana Greene Foster, a demographer and professor in the Department of Obstetrics, Gynecology & Reproductive Sciences at the University of California–San Francisco, who co-authored the aforementioned study, told Salon the idea of the study came to mind when a clinician told her she could remove her own IUD.

“It just was shocking to me that this existed as an option, and with all the work I had done I had not been ever told that I could remove it myself,” Foster said. “What a clinician does when they remove your IUD is to take forceps and take the string and pull on it. There isn’t anything different about doing it yourself from what a clinician would do.”


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Foster authored a second study published in 2014, in which 326 women were tasked with self-removal of their IUDs. In the study, 59 percent were willing to try; only 20 percent succeeded. The ones who did not succeed were those who couldn’t feel the strings. Notably, women who managed to remove it themselves reported lower pain than those who had a clinician remove it for them.

Still, self-removal of IUDs is not common, and other reproductive health experts do not advise it. Planned Parenthood recommends that a nurse or clinician remove your IUD, in case there is a rare complication.

“Very rarely, there can be complications during an IUD removal — the IUD may be embedded (stuck) in the tissue in your uterus, it may have moved, or a piece may break off,” the organization states. “This is super uncommon, but if a complication does happen, a nurse or doctor will know what to do to safely remove your IUD.”

Steinauer notes that people who want to take out their own IUDs, but are concerned about a potential complication, should make sure that they stop if the pulling creates a lot of pain or there’s a “tugging sensation.”

“If you do one kind of swift pull and it comes out, I would just also make sure that you see the whole IUD, look online and know what your IUD looks like, so that when it comes out you see the string attached to the bottom of the T and you see the whole T,” Steinauer said. “And if for some reason one part is missing, which rarely happens when we remove them, I would just then go see a clinician. You can even put it in a little plastic bag so you can show them.”

Indeed, it is possible that more clinicians in the future might ask those with uteruses if they want the option to remove their own IUD.

“I think that when a person gets an IUD, that they should be asked” about how long they want the length of the attached IUD string, Foster said. “If they want [the string] long, [they] have the opportunity to remove it themselves; or do you want it short so that nobody knows you have it. Both are reasonable choices,” Foster added.

“Workers are very scared”: Union head says state employees fear reprisal for bucking Ron DeSantis

Florida state employees are being threatened with demotions if they complain about not being notified when a colleague becomes seriously ill or dies from COVID-19, according to a report from the Tampa Bay Times.

Republican Gov. Ron DeSantis’ “efforts to keep Florida open” have had devastating impacts on state agencies — with entire offices closing due to outbreaks, and three state prisons shuttering due to a lack of corrections officers, the newspaper reported Monday.

“The workers are very scared,” said Vicki Hall, president of a union that represents nearly half of Florida’s 105,000 state employees. “The governor wants everything open and running. … Management is not taking it seriously.”

DeSantis’ administration ordered state workers to return to their offices last October, with social distancing and masks optional.

One Department of Revenue employee complained recently that, “They don’t tell us when people have been in the building sick. We have to hear through the grapevine that someone is in the hospital or dead. If we complain, we are offered demotions.”

Democratic state Sen. Loranne Ausley told the newspaper, “Many state employees live in fear of making any noise. They call us and don’t even say what agency they’re calling from.”

Ausley recently co-authored a letter from Democratic lawmakers to DeSantis citing a “lack of precautions” at state offices and pleading with the governor to allow employees to return to working remotely.

“I get contacted daily about state employees who are fearful about getting COVID,” said Rep. Allison Tant, another co-author of the letter. “I don’t think there was a single constituent who reached out to me who was not worried about retribution.”

DeSantis’ office declined to comment on the report, and state agencies have refused to provide data about COVID-19 cases among employees.

Read the full story here.

Arizona Democrats threaten “no confidence” vote against Sinema as she blocks tax hikes

The Arizona Democratic Party on Saturday passed a resolution threatening a no-confidence vote against Sen. Kyrsten Sinema, D-Ariz., if she does not support the party’s agenda and the elimination of the filibuster.

More than 80% of the party voted in favor of the resolution, according to Democratic organizer Kai Newkirk, which pledged to “officially go on the record” with a vote of no confidence if Sinema does not reverse her support for the filibuster, which it described as a “Jim Crow relic,” or “continues to delay, disrupt, or votes to gut” President Joe Biden’s $3.5 trillion spending plan. More than 90% of the Arizona Democratic Party State Committee voted in May to support ending the filibuster, which they say is necessary to pass Democrats’ voting rights legislation and the PRO Act, which would protect workers trying to unionize their workplaces.

If Sinema does not meet the demands, the resolution authorizes state party leaders to issue a “formal letter of censure to Senator Sinema with the clear understanding she could potentially lose the support of the ADP in 2024.”

Asked if Sinema wanted to comment on the resolution, a spokesperson told Forbes’ Andrew Solender, “We do not.”

Many Arizona activists who helped elect Sinema in 2018 feel let down by the senator, who has thrown up repeated roadblocks to her party’s agenda.

“The Arizonans who did the work to elect Sinema have had enough of her betraying the voters who put her in office,” Newkirk told The Daily Beast, which first reported the vote. “It’s time for her to show the bare minimum of accountability and stop obstructing the agenda that Democrats, including her, campaigned on and were elected to deliver. Sinema is setting her political future on fire. If she doesn’t change course drastically and soon, it will be too late.”


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Adam Jentleson, a former top aide to Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nev., and co-founder of the progressive Battle Born Collective, said it was a big deal that opposition to Sinema is “making the jump from the far left to the mainstream of the party.”

“Sinema is not generating this kind of opposition because she’s blocking lefty priorities,” he tweeted. “She is gutting and undermining Biden’s agenda, and hurting all Dems including [fellow Arizona senator] Mark Kelly” who is up for re-election next year. Republicans, Jentleson continued, “are having a field day using her stances to hit him. His seat could decide the majority in 2022.”

Opposition to eliminating or reforming the filibuster from Sinema and fellow so-called centrist Sen. Joe Manchin of West Virginia has derailed Democratic plans to pass voting rights legislation and other key agenda items. Sen. Ted Cruz, R-Texas, and other Republicans plan to use the filibuster to block Democrats from lifting the debt ceiling, which could result in the U.S. defaulting on its debt for the first time in history, potentially sparking a major financial crisis.

Sinema, whose vote alone could kill the bill in the 50-50 Senate, has also opposed the $350 billion per year price tag on the Democrats’ proposed budget and has threatened to torpedo measures that Democrats have fought for decades to pass. The Arizona senator, who has received more than $750,000 from pharmaceutical and medical firms, reportedly opposes the Democrats’ plan to lower drug costs by allowing Medicare to negotiate prices, even though she campaigned in 2018 on lowering the cost of prescription medication. Sinema also opposes Democrats’ proposals to raise the income tax rate on the wealthy from 37% to 39.6% as well as an increase to the corporate tax rate, which was lowered under the Republican tax cuts enacted under Donald Trump in 2017, according to The New York Times.

Sinema has “privately told colleagues she will not accept any corporate or income tax rate increases,” according to the Times, reportedly sparked a late scramble to add a carbon tax or other revenue-raisers to the bill to help pay for Biden’s proposals to expand Medicare and Medicaid, provide free child care and community college, expand family care funding and combat climate change, among other measures.

“Nearly every day for weeks, Kyrsten has been engaged in direct, good-faith discussions with her Senate colleagues, and President Biden and his team,” Sinema spokesman John LaBombard told the Times. “Given the size and scope of the proposal — and the lack of detailed legislative language, or even consensus between the Senate and House around several provisions — we are not offering detailed comments on any one proposed piece of the package while those discussions are ongoing.”

While Manchin has long held conservative positions and represents a state that overwhelmingly supported Trump in both 2016 and 2020, many aides and lawmakers are “puzzled” about Sinema’s motivations in seeking to undermine the Democratic agenda, according to the Wall Street Journal. But Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell apparently saw this coming, and assured Republican colleagues in May that Sinema was likely to torpedo Biden’s tax increases on corporations and the wealthy.

Sinema has received at least $923,000 from industry groups and corporations leading the lobbying blitz to kill or defang the spending proposal, according to an analysis by the progressive government watchdog group Accountable.US.

“Super-rich corporations have given Sen. Sinema nearly a million reasons to vote against making them pay their fair share in taxes,” Kyle Herrig, president of Accountable.US, said in a statement. “Make no mistake, if she sides with her wealthy donors and kills popular investments to jump-start the economy, everyday families — including across Arizona — will pay the price.”

Robert Cruickshank, campaign director at the progressive group Demand Progress, argued that Sinema’s opposition “gives away what is really going in Congress.”

“The right-wing Dems are carrying water for big corporations and billionaires who don’t want their taxes to go up.”

It’s time to start firing unvaccinated people: Trump fans are overdue for a lesson in consequences

For those readers who only peruse headlines — which, as anyone who has access to news website analytics can tell you, is a shockingly huge percentage of readers — the impending first round of vaccine mandate deadlines are looking like very scary business indeed. Not for people who are afraid of needles, mind you, but those who are afraid that mass resignations and firings — and subsequent staffing shortages of essential workers — are coming. 

“These Health Care Workers Would Rather Get Fired Than Get Vaccinated,” reads a Monday morning headline at the New York Times.

“New York Hospitals Face Possible Mass Firings as Workers Spurn Vaccines,” reads another from Friday

“Rural Hospitals Worry They Will Lose Staff Because Of Biden’s New Vaccine Mandate,” warns an NPR headline from over the weekend

“New York May Use The National Guard To Replace Unvaccinated Health Care Workers,” read another

The state of New York is the first test case of what actually enforcing a government-issued vaccine mandate looks like. Monday is the deadline for health care workers in the state to get the jab or get the pink slip. As the New York Times reports, “resistance to vaccine mandates has so far stopped most states from threatening to fire unvaccinated workers.” But New York’s newly appointed governor, Democrat Kathy Hochul is calling the unvaccinateds’ bluff. Rather than caving in and letting them keep their jobs, she is prepared to call the National Guard to fill in the shortages left by the upcoming firings


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Despite the media doom and gloom, the truth is Hochul needs to be commended for her spine. And every other Democrat who wants to see this pandemic actually come to an end (which should be all of them!) should follow suit. Staffing shortages are a pain, especially during a pandemic, no doubt. But staffing shortages are a minor issue compared to the damage being caused by the unchecked spread of COVID-19, which is increasingly due to one cause: right-wingers who have made refusal to get vaccinated a culture war and identity politics issue. Unless such folks start tasting real consequences for their behavior, the U.S. is going to see another dark winter, as the virus continues to wreak havoc on our economy and health care system. Putting up with staffing shortages is a small price to pay to make sure that Trumpers — a class of people clearly unused to the idea that actions have consequences — actually start feeling real pressure to get vaccinated. 

These dread-inducing headlines and anecdotal stories about health care workers quitting are concealing what is actually the far more important story: Vaccine mandates work. 

A few paragraphs under the scary headline about “mass firings” in the New York Times comes the actual numbers: “As of Sept. 22, state data shows, around 84 percent of New York’s 450,000 hospital workers and 83 percent of its 145,400 nursing home employees had been fully vaccinated.” That is almost 10 percentage points over what the same state data set shows as the overall vaccination rate in the state. There are similar positive results in New York City, where Mayor Bill de Blasio mandated vaccines for public school workers, resulting in a 90% vaccination rate among teachers, which is 9 percentage points over the city average. Hospital systems that instituted an earlier vaccine mandate have seen even better results. New York Presbyterian, for example, set the deadline for last Wednesday and already 99% of the system’s 48,000 workers are vaccinated

The effectiveness of mandates has been documented outside of New York as well.

As Dr. Ezekiel J. Emanuel, a former White House health policy adviser who works for the University of Pennsylvania now, told Fierce Healthcare, “healthcare systems that have actually mandated this” have ” retained over 99% of their workforce.” The article goes on to list over a dozen hospital systems that have implemented mandates. In every case, the fraction of workers lost was tiny — certainly well worth losing to protect patients and the larger community from COVID-19. 

There’s been a similar success at United Airlines, which will start putting workers on leave this week if they don’t get vaccinated. A full 97% of employees have thus beat the deadline


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The number of unvaccinated health care workers is still alarmingly high in New York, and fears of staffing shortages are real. But part of the problem is that the refusal to get vaccinated is being driven by partisan politics. As the New York Times reported about vaccination rates Monday morning, “the racial gaps — while still existing — have narrowed,” but the “partisan gap, however, continues to be enormous.” The geography of vaccination rates mirrors the political geography, to the point where “almost every reliably blue state now has a higher vaccination rate than almost every reliably red state.” The gap also shows up on the county level, with death rates much higher in Trump-voting counties than in ones that went for President Joe Biden

There’s a lot of reasons conservatives cite for this refusal to vaccinate, though ultimately it all boils down to a desire to “own the liberals.” But a lot of this pettiness is intertwined with a right-wing bravado. To be blunt, white privilege has long shielded many conservatives from the concept of facing consequences for their actions. We see this in a lot of obnoxious right-wing behavior lately, from tantrums over COVID-19 mitigation measures in public places to the attempted insurrection on January 6. Who can forget how many of the arrested Trump supporters expressed genuine shock that they might actually face a legal consequence for participating in a violent effort to overthrow democracy? This lack of familiarity with consequences is likely why there are so many holdouts, even in the face of vaccine mandates. Bluntly put, a lot of them probably don’t think that leaders are serious about these threats to fire them, and won’t believe it until it happens. As with the Capitol rioters, there’s a persistent disbelief on the right that they will ever face real consequences for their bad actions.

This right-wing overconfidence is why sites like HermainCainAward and SorryAntiVaxxer have such popular followings. Watching people pay with their lives after displaying such certainty their anti-social behavior will never result in a consequence may not be the most righteous use of people’s time, but is understandable when the rest of us are suffering because of Trumpist hubris. The problem with highlighting COVID-19 deaths to scare the Trumpers straight, however, is that they can always tell themselves that they’re not going to be the ones who die since 98.4% of people in the U.S. do survive.

That’s precisely why vaccine mandates are so important. The absolute certainty of losing a job is going to motivate a lot more people than the more abstract risk of dying of COVID-19. 

But for that threat to become real, well, it has to be real. This means that it’s not enough to threaten to fire people who won’t get vaccinated. Employers and governments have to follow through. Hochul is right to do whatever it takes to make sure that the unvaccinated get their pink slips this week. If leaders back down in the face of vaccine resistance, the Trumpers will double down, and continue spreading COVID-19 in a pathetic effort to “own the liberals.” Threats cannot be empty, especially when facing stubborn people who believe themselves impervious to consequences. Threats need to be backed up with action. It’s time to start firing the unvaccinated. 

Republican Rep. Matt Gaetz endorses Tucker Carlson’s “great replacement” theory

Rep. Matt Gaetz, R-Fla., on Saturday embraced Fox News host Tucker Carlson’s “great replacement” theory, also calling the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) “a racist organization.”

During a SiriusXM broadcast last week with former Fox News anchor Megyn Kelly, Carlson posited the notion that President Biden was promoting “an unrelenting stream of immigration.”

“But why? Well, Joe Biden just said it, to change the racial mix of the country,” Carlson claimed. “That’s the reason, to reduce the political power of people whose ancestors lived here, and dramatically increase the proportion of Americans newly-arrived from the third world.”

Since April, Carlson has repeatedly pushed the notion that Democratic elites are intentionally loosening borders in order to allow non-White immigrants to supplant the electoral power of White Americans – a baseless white supremacist theory. 

In 2019, the theory inspired a mass shooting in El Paso, as well as the Christchurch mosque shootings in New Zealand that same year, Insider noted. During the “Unite the Right Rally” in 2017, hundreds of white supremacist protesters gathered in Charlottsville, Virgnia chanting slogans like “You will not replace us” and “Jews will not replace us,” alluding to fears around America’s changing ethnic landscape. 

On Saturday, Gaetz appeared to formally back this theory, tweeting that Carlson “is CORRECT about Replacement Theory as he explains what is happening to America.”


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Gaetz also added that the ADL – a Jewish non-governmental organization dedicated to combating anti-Semitism and led by Jonathan Greenblatt, a former Obama administration official – is a “a racist organization.”

His comments appear to stem from the same Carlson radio broadcast, The Guardian reported, in which Kelly asked Carlson his opinion of the ADL.

“The ADL?” Carlson said. “F**k them.”

He added that the ADL used to be “a noble organiation that had a very specific goal, which was to fight antisemitism, and that’s a virtuous goal. They were pretty successful over the years. Now it’s operated by a guy who’s just an apparatchik of the Democratic party.”

In response, the ADL has renewed its calls on Fox News to oust Carlson over his support of the theory.

“If it somehow wasn’t clear enough before to the executives at Fox News that Carlson was openly embracing white nationalist talking points, let last night’s episode be case and point,” Greenblatt said. “We reiterate our call to Fox News and Lachlan Murdoch: Tucker Carlson must go.”

CEO of Fox Lachlan Murdoch has in the past come to Carlson’s defense on the matter, arguing that his theory brings up an allegedly legitimate “voting rights question.”

In recent weeks, several other lawmakers have entertained Carlson’s theory, MSNBC reported

House Republican Conference Chair Elise Stefanik, R-N.Y., two weeks ago launched an ad campaign  warning their constituencies that Democrats are working toward “a PERMANENT ELECTION INSURRECTION” by expanding pathways to citizenship for immigrants. Last week, Rep. Brian Babin, R-Tex. similarly claimed on Newsmax that the Democrats “want to replace the American electorate with a Third World electorate that will be on welfare.”

The surefire way to store apples for months

According to the New York Apple Association, it takes about 8 to 10 years for a standard-sized apple tree to bear fruit. According to my friends, it takes me about 15 seconds to pick so many pounds of said fruit off of an apple tree, they’re concerned for any given orchard’s longevity. (Quickest way to drown ’em out? Feed them apple pies.)

Consequently, I end up with a lot of apple varieties every fall, all at once, which turns my kitchen counter and crisper drawer into something of a ticking time bomb. This year, I was determined to extend the lives of this innocent fruit from peak apple season through the winter months. So, I did some research about the best way to store apples for maximum freshness. Here are three long-term storage tips for freshly picked apples (or those that you’ve just picked up from the grocery store).

1. Refrigerate your apples

For the longest possible lifespan — we’re talking weeks — it’s a good idea to keep your apples cold! The fruit ripens between 6 and 10 times faster if left out on the counter than it would in a refrigerator.

The ideal temperature for apple storage, says The Spruce Eats, is 30 to 32°F — they suggest making use of a cool basement, garage, or shed.

2. Separate your apples

According to Backwoods Home Magazine, it’s best to wrap each apple in sheets of newspaper (ideally ones without much colored ink on their pages). Taste of Home writes that this serves as insurance against one apple going rotten and ripening the others being stored.

3. Pick your apples wisely

Choose the best apples for storage if you’re hoping to keep them fresh for many weeks.

“The best keepers are the more tart and thick-skinned varieties, such as McIntosh, Fuji, Rome, and Granny Smith. The apple varieties harvested late in the season tend to be good keepers,” reports Gardener’s Supply Company.

In essence, you’ll want to avoid rotten apples (obviously) or apples with bruises, cuts, or soft spots, if you can.

Our favorite apple recipes

Now that you’ve learned how to safely store apples for months to come, whip up one of our favorite apple recipes whenever you’re craving something sweet (or savory!). Fortunately for you, you’re now guaranteed to have some on hand, thanks to these brilliant storage tips.

Apple Galette with Tahini Frangipane and Honey-Hibiscus Glaze

Cut back on the sweetness of an autumnal apple galette by adding ½ cup of tahini to the crust and a floral glaze made with dried hibiscus flowers, which you can find at a spice shop or even on Amazon.

Apples Baked in Cider

For a simple fall dessert, bake fresh apples in cider with a little bit of butter, cinnamon, and brown sugar. The fruit will soften and the cider will reduce to a thickened, luxurious glaze. The only thing that’s missing is a scoop of vanilla ice cream.

Brown Sugar Apple Upside-Down Cake with Apple Cider Caramel and Spiced Walnuts

Pineapple is the most popular variety of fruit to appear in an upside-down cake, but that doesn’t mean that it’s the only option. For an autumnal spin, use honeycrisp apples, a trio of warm spices (cinnamon, nutmeg, and cloves), and apple cider caramel sauce.

Sausage and Apple Pie

We’re going to shout it from the rooftops — apples can be savory too! Featuring a cheddar cheese crust and a warm, earthy pie filling made from pork sausage, apples, and herbs, this dish will keep you cozy on chilly fall nights.

Roasted Apple Butter

Spread it on toast or scones or just eat it by the spoonful: This soft and creamy butter made from a duo of both apples and apple cider is so good that you may as well make two batches.

Apple Dumplings

“One of the easiest, most comforting, most delicious, and fall-iest desserts out there: whole apples, lightly sweetened and spiced, then wrapped in dough,” writes recipe developer Erin Jeanne McDowell. We couldn’t agree more.

Heavenly Apple Cake

So you just went apple picking and picked oh, I don’t know, 32 lbs of apples and now you don’t know what to do with them all, right? Make applesauce, snack on ’em, and make a cake! You can do it all! The recipe only calls for four cups of apples, but hey, it’s a start.

Quinoa Salad with Hazelnuts, Apple, and Dried Cranberries

Remember how I said that apples can be used for savory recipes, too? This colorful protein-packed salad is another delicious example.