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Matthew McConaughey accused of “grandstanding” after emotional White House gun reform speech

In the wake of the Texas school shooting that took place in his hometown of Uvalde, Matthew McConaughey posted an online statement that offered prayers but refrained from explicitly mentioning guns or specific reforms. Now, only a few weeks later, the actor is making his stance on gun control clear, both in an impassioned speech delivered at the White House on Tuesday and in an op-ed published the day before.

In his press briefing, McConaughey tearfully pushed for greater investments in mental healthcare and the need for responsible gun ownership. He advocates for much of the same gun reform suggestions that have been ignored so far, such as raising the age limit and Red Flag laws.

“These are reasonable, practical, tactical regulations,” McConaughey said. “Responsible gun owners are fed up with the Second Amendment being abused and hijacked by some deranged individuals and these regulations are not a step back. They’re a step forward for civil society.

RELATED: There will be no gun control: For many white Americans, the idea of the gun is all they have left

“Is this a cure all? Hell no. But people are hurting, families are hurting,” he continued. “This should not be a partisan issue. There is not a Democratic or Republican value in a single one of these shooters. But people in power have failed to act. So we’re asking you and I’m asking you will you please ask yourselves? Can both sides rise above? Can both sides see beyond the political problem at hand and admit that we have a life preservation problem?”

McConaughey finished by naming those who were killed at Robb Elementary, becoming emotional in the process. While he did not take any questions, that didn’t stop reporters from yelling questions at him, including one reporter who asked if he was “grandstanding.”

In his editorial for the Austin American-Statesman, the actor — who is a big supporter of the Second Amendment — elaborates that he does not support gun control, mainly because it hinders the right to keep and bear arms. Instead, he advocates for “gun responsibility,” asserting that it allows lawful, righteous citizens to safely own firearms without infringing on their Second Amendment rights.

“I believe that responsible, law-abiding Americans have a Second Amendment right, enshrined by our founders, to bear arms,” McConaughey says. “I also believe we have a cultural obligation to take steps toward slowing down the senseless killing of our children. The debate about gun control has delivered nothing but status quo. It’s time we talk about gun responsibility.

“There is a difference between control and responsibility,” he continues. “The first is a mandate that can infringe on our right; the second is a duty that will preserve it. There is no constitutional barrier to gun responsibility. Keeping firearms out of the hands of dangerous people is not only the responsible thing to do, it is the best way to protect the Second Amendment. We can do both.”

Within his call for increased gun responsibility as a countermeasure to gun violence, McConaughey proposes a four-point plan that he believes will promote and uphold gun safety in the long run. His plan includes requiring background checks for all gun purchases, raising the age minimum to 21 years old, authorizing Red Flag laws nationwide and instituting a national waiting period for assault rifles. These measures, he writes, will help “restore responsible gun ownership in our country” and also, prevent “the unnecessary loss of lives.”


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“I want to be clear. I am not under the illusion that these policies will solve all of our problems, but if responsible solutions can stop some of these tragedies from striking another community without destroying the Second Amendment, they’re worth it,” McConaughey writes.

He adds, “This is not a choice between guns or no guns. It’s the responsible choice. It’s the reasonable choice. It’s a quintessentially American choice: Where I have the right to be me, you have the freedom to be you, and we have the responsibility to be U.S.” 

McConaughey concludes his piece with another urgent call to action:

“For ourselves, our children, and our fellow Americans—we have a duty to be responsible gun owners. Please do yours and protect the Second Amendment through gun responsibility. It’s time for real leaders to step up and do what’s right, so we can each and all just keep livin’.”

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This new strawberry is yellow and tastes like pineapples

Last year, as early summer fruits rolled out in grocery stores, aesthetic-minded shoppers got excited about the new rosé strawberries, a beautiful pink ombre version of the classic bright red fruit. This year, the same berry producer is bringing those back, along with a new variety, called the Tropical Bliss strawberry.

The Tropical Bliss berry is light yellow, with a tropical punch flavor, according to Driscoll’s, the company that developed and produces them. Eaters will taste pineapple and passionfruit notes, they claim, and that the berries are “intensely sweet at first, balanced by a refreshing finish.” But if last year’s rosé berry trend is any indication, what people love most about these berries is how good they look on camera — though the yellow Tropical Bliss are less instantly eye-catching, they do offer another option for making rainbow-hued fruit boards (for the camera or to impress your friends).

Along with a third berry, a classic red colored one the company branded as Sweetest Batch, these strawberries make up their trio of “premium, high-flavor” strawberries. Each one is developed using traditional breeding methods, meaning that over the years they have selected, crossed, and planted seeds for the features of these new varieties — color and flavor.

Fruits of fun colors has been a big market in recent years, including natural varieties like dragonfruit, with its pink outside and speckled inside, and ones developed specifically for the visually-driven consumer, like the Pinkglow pineapple and Driscoll’s rosé strawberries.

Marjorie Taylor Greene outraged by parody Twitter account labeled as “misleading”

Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, R-Ga., expressed her outrage on Monday after a Twitter censored a satirist who propagated a right-wing narrative that most pregnant women who took Pfizer’s vaccine in a clinical trial lost their babies as a result of getting the jab. 

Greene’s gaffe stems from a recent interview between conservative talk show host Jesse Kelly and anti-vaccine advocate Noami Wolf, who erroneously argued during the segment that a torrent of internal documents recently released by Pfizer reveal that the company has been “committing a massive experiment on the human race.”

“In the internal documents,” Wolf said, “it shows that babies are getting sick and dying from vaccinated mothers. It shows that 270 women … got pregnant during the period that they were being followed by Pfizer […] Thirty-six pregnant women were followed. They gave birth – vaccinated women. Twenty-eight of those women lost their babies.”

“There is a baby die-off,” she added. “And now we know why.”

RELATED: Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene clears up the confusion: “I am not vaccinated”

Shortly after the interview was published, satire account Dr. Lyle P. Lysol MD republished it on Twitter, along with the baseless caption: “‘A Pfizer document reveals between 82-97% of pregnant women lost their babies. 45% of the 270 pregnant mothers reported adverse clinical events, and more than 60% of these were serious.’ Great work @JesseKellyDC.”

Dr. Lysol’s post was soon flagged by Twitter as “misleading.” But Greene, a noted skeptic of the vaccine, vociferously objected to that label, demanding that Twitter’s content moderation policies come under legal scrutiny. 


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“WHY is this tweet labeled misleading @Twitter? Pfizer should be investigated immediately,” she wrote. “So should Twitter and any other social media app, media company, tech company, and anyone else who continues to manipulate/hide information about covid vaccines.Remove the label @Twitter.”

RELATED: Marjorie Taylor Greene’s latest Nazi analogy: Vaccine to be distributed by “medical brown shirts”

Greene, no stranger to slip-ups of this sort, was immediately mocked in the comments. 

“It’s labeled misleading because its misleading,” said one user. “A nice way of saying it’s bullshit.”

“Marge thought a guy named Dr Lysol was real…,” said another.

One user pointed out that Dr. Lysol’s was a parody account whose profile picture appears to be an edited image of Johnny Sins, an American pornographic actor known for his shaved head.

At present, there is no evidence that Pfizer’s vaccine, or any COVID-19 vaccine for that matter, has caused widespread adverse health effects in pregnant mothers, according to Reuters. And although Pfizer is in the process of releasing internal documents regarding its vaccine trials, as an AFP fact-check noted, the documents have not borne out any bombshell revelations surrounding the vaccine’s efficacy or safety.

Let’s celebrate the art of the glow-down

First things first: I don’t think there’s anything wrong with wanting to look beautiful. It’s not bad to modify or accessorize your looks — all the power to you, for whatever reason you do it. Beautifying is rather smart, actually. But I’m getting ahead of myself. 

Let me start from the beginning. And I really do mean the beginning: thousands of years ago, in our evolutionary past, a time when our current psychology was starting to take shape. Our perception of certain behaviors, personality traits, skills and, yes, looks as attractive is often attributed to natural selection that happened back then. Certain facial and body features implied health, reproductive fitness, or just general good genes, and therefore were considered valuable in mates and friends. Fast forward to modern times, and academic literature supports the idea that beautiful people are still perceived more positively in pretty much every way — not just in desirability, but also in intelligence, kindness, humor. Put simply, beauty is a social advantage.

RELATED: When women stop coloring their gray hair: “I felt naked. I felt scared. I felt excited. I felt free

Before globalization, the definition of visual attractiveness was shaped on a regional basis, varying across geographic and cultural landscapes. People enjoyed the benefits of attractiveness as defined wherever they lived. But with the internet and its easy spread of ideas, concepts of beauty have somewhat homogenized. This has unfortunate consequences. Due to the effects of colonialism, the predominating ideal of beauty is largely Eurocentric. Which leaves many of different ethnicities and backgrounds at a social disadvantage right out of the gate. 

Even in an age where we rarely left home, we became more conscious of our looks than ever.

And that’s not all. We now have innovative cosmetic procedures and technologies which distort our idea of realistic bodies further. Modern social media increasingly emphasizes our looks. Gone are the days of getting clout from blog posts; now you’ve got to post photos, Instagram Reels, TikToks … and let’s not forget Zoom, which in itself during the pandemic increased demand for plastic surgery (the “Zoom Boom”). I suppose staring at our own faces for hours at a time on unflattering webcams lead us to realize that we are, in fact, uglier than we realized. I say this facetiously, but the point still stands: Even in an age where we rarely left home, we became more conscious of our looks than ever.


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This doesn’t go unnoticed by the beauty industry, which has fanned the flames of our own insecurity since time immemorial. There are many examples of companies creating problems they then solve, from the marketing of cosmetics to the origin of women’s razors to how shampooing more frequently came about. Their goal has always been to convince us that not only will we be ugly if we don’t buy their products, but we’ll suffer the social consequences of ugliness — we’ll fail personally and professionally, and become pariahs. Essentially, we’ll be losers. $19.99 seems a small price to pay to avoid that, doesn’t it? Let the beauty industry “empower” you! But let’s be real — if we find ourselves refusing to have photos taken when makeup-free, declining pool invitations because we haven’t waxed, or otherwise suffering or missing out on things because we haven’t “empowered” ourselves that day, then maybe we have to acknowledge it’s not really our choice. That we do this out of fear. Out of shame. And that’s the opposite of empowering. 

How can we make ourselves feel beautiful in a world that constantly tells us we aren’t? 

From my perspective, the only way to dismantle this is to acknowledge it. Our personal preferences are shaped by historical social prejudices and the desire to exploit our insecurities for profit. If only we could cultivate our own individual senses of beauty again, rather than the current one-size-fits-all yawn-fest . . . but admittedly, that kind of paradigm shift is likely a lifelong task. So what to do in the meantime? How can we make ourselves feel beautiful in a world that constantly tells us we aren’t? 

For myself, the answer has been, we probably can’t. By our own warped definitions, we are all ugly. So perhaps another solution for a healthy long-term relationship with our bodies is to embrace ugliness. Forget glow-up culture; enjoy the glow-down. Bodies aren’t beautiful, they’re just meat sacks with organs in them. They’re weird and do gross things sometimes. At the end of the day, your body is just a home for you. It doesn’t have to be anything more than that.

This is something I learned myself while writing my book, “TJ Powar Has Something to Prove,” a story which centers body image — specifically, body hair stigma. Recognizing where the thoughts to modify my body come from has allowed me to make an informed decision each time on whether to do that thing, rather than automatically feeling like I have to. For example, I’ve let go of strict hair removal routines (my legs have been gloriously hairy since 2019). But the glow-down will mean something different for everyone. Take a hard look at the beauty routines that feel obligatory, but don’t bring joy. I hope you resist the urge to apologize for “looking like trash” without them. You don’t owe anyone a beauty standard.

RELATED: I shaved my legs like I found love: Notes on body hair, Inauguration Day and a new day rising

Don’t get me wrong — there are still times I accessorize my body for fun, like matching my eyeshadow to my dress, and times I accessorize simply to leverage a social advantage. But separating those things in my mind has been helpful. And most of the time, I’m comfortable being ugly. Although it means in many situations I might lose out, it’s a conscious decision I make because the benefit of mental freedom is greater. I get to just be who I am. And that’s what this is all about.

By the way, you know the funny thing about my hairy legs? Even though I initially did it to embrace ugliness, I no longer see it as ugly. It makes my skin feel alive. I like the way the breeze stirs the hair on my skin (yes, it’s that long). I like the texture brushing against my fingertips. I … like it. Now, I’m just waiting for the rest of the world to catch up.

More essays on body image and beauty standards: 

Republicans hijack Pride month: A celebration turns to harassing, abusing, and trolling LGBTQ people

Nowadays, the month of June is notable to most Americans not just for the hot weather, swimming pools, and explosion of summer produce, but also for the cheerful displays of rainbows everywhere to honor Pride. While there’s plenty of criticism to be had about the corporate-ization of Pride, what is also true is that, for right-wing bigots who still refuse to accept LGBTQ identities, the ubiquitous, normalizing presence of the rainbow flag during this month chaps their hides. Unfortunately, that means right-wing propagandists and Republicans see an opportunity to use Pride month to pander directly to the worst people in our society, turning up the trolling and harassment of LGBTQ people during a moment of celebration.

On Monday, the biggest Republican troll in Congress, Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene of Georgia, announced a right-wing grifter team-up with Milo Yiannopoulos, who she is hiring as an “intern,” even though he is a married, nearly middle-aged man who hasn’t attended college in over a decade. Yiannopoulos was doing fairly well for himself a few years ago by being a full-time troll until a video resurfaced in 2017 of the right-wing provocateur praising a Catholic priest for molesting him as a boy. He then spent years struggling after losing the right’s financial support. He eventually caved and rebranded himself as an “ex-gay” and a champion of a fascist form of Catholicism

As Kathryn Joyce reports for Salon, the alliance between Greene and Yiannopoulos is largely built on their shared interest in Christian nationalism. The timing, however, is notable. The announcement was pegged to Pride month and is clearly about trolling the gay rights movement by promoting the right-wing myth that gay people can be “converted” to straight people. Indeed, Taylor Greene leaned directly into this narrative by releasing a statement about how Yiannopoulos “was” gay but “changed his life” through “Jesus and Church.”

RELATED: Marjorie Taylor Greene and Milo Yiannopoulos: A match made in troll heaven

One should be skeptical of all this, of course, and not just because Yiannopoulos still appears to be married to a man, glibly telling reporters that his husband has been “demoted to a roommate.” Yiannopoulos has a long history of cynical and insincere stunts to promote both himself and to drape his fascist views in a pseudo-irony that allows him to recruit followers while not being taken too seriously by the press. Greene, as well, plays stupid for the cameras but is likely a fairly savvy operator who knows how to use her “dumb blonde” persona to get liberals to spread her noxious ideas. 

While a lot of the trolling from these two is likely fake, what is not fake is the hate they’re spreading.


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Greene’s trolling hire of Yiannopoulos is just the most ridiculous example of what is shaping up to be a deeply ugly month of Republicans leeching onto the publicity of Pride month to spread lies, stoke homophobia, and target LGBTQ people for harassment and violence. 

Republicans are using Pride as an opportunity to escalate their deeply scary and damaging attacks

As Melissa Gira Grant writes in the New Republic, Republicans in state legislatures are making alliances with groups that have been “threatening to confront Pride celebrations with armed protest or ‘hunting’ LGBTQ people and allies.” Aided by prominent figures like Republican Gov. Ron DeSantis of Florida, the right has been hyping false accusations that LGBTQ people are “grooming” children to be sexually molested as part of a national conspiracy that supposedly involves the Democratic Party, as well as corporations like Disney and the company that makes Oreo cookies. This risible rhetoric is clearly meant to encourage violence, and it’s working. As Grant reports, trolls are threatening to harass Pride parades and are filming themselves attacking LGBTQ-friendly churches. 

RELATED: Libs of TikTok: The Twitter troll who took Trump’s place

This has all been aided by the infamous “Libs of Tik Tok” Twitter feed, which has been releasing a steady stream of viral posts meant to push a conspiracy theory that “liberal elites” are trying to “turn” kids trans or queer through Pride events. Photos of children at Pride events or stories of kids playing dress-up are dangled out as “proof” of this conspiracy theory. Even though little boys and girls play dress-up for the same reasons — it’s fun! — the lurid accusations are giving anti-queer bigots the pretext they need to harass and abuse families for daring to attend Pride events. 

Over the weekend, the seriousness of the situation was illustrated in Dallas, when anti-LGBTQ protesters intimidated attendees at a family-friendly drag show to raise funds for queer youth. The organizers let news cameras inside, where the event appeared exactly as advertised: a cleaned-up version of their usual drag show, stripped of sexual innuendo so that the kids can enjoy it. 


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The event is basically a queer version of those Kidz Bop records, but the protesters held signs falsely accusing LGBTQ  people and their allies of “grooming” children. The people in the crowd said that they were there to “protect” children, but their behavior says otherwise. Video from the protest shows the queer-phobes being aggressive, chasing families, and chanting incendiary language about sexual abuse that is far more threatening to children’s safety than watching a drag queen perform a fully clothed dance. 

They have dramatically escalated efforts to define queer people as threats to society, and especially to children.

This grotesque and threatening display, however, was met by approval by GOP politicians. One Republican state legislator, Bryan Slaton, claims he’ll be introducing a bill banning kids from drag shows and “other inappropriate displays.” The word “inappropriate” is doing a lot of work there. One can easily see such a law being used to criminally punish queer couples for holding hands in front of children. And same-sex couples who have children are in very real danger of having their entire home deemed “inappropriate.” After all, bills in other states, especially Florida, have already used this “groomer” panic to pass broad legislation meant to force adults to conceal the existence of LGBTQ people from children altogether.

RELATED: Texas Gov. Greg Abbott directs state agencies to investigate trans youth for child abuse

Sadly, as Florida’s “don’t say gay” law shows, this over-the-top homophobia is not fringe in the GOP any longer. Republican state legislators have spent months trying to cram through hundreds of bills meant to terrorize LGBTQ people, targeting trans kids in particular. And despite their claims to be “protecting” children, many of these bills are overtly cruel to children. 

For instance, Republicans in the Ohio state legislature have introduced a bill that would allow any person — a parent, a teacher, a coach of a rival team, a random member of the community — the right to “challenge” the gender identity of any kid who plays on a girls sports team. If a girl’s gender is challenged, she is required to go through a process that the Salem witch hunters would deem excessive: A blood draw to determine both genetic make-up and hormone levels and a physical exam by a doctor to verify “internal and external reproductive anatomy.”


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For those who don’t have the relevant parts, let me explain: That means a doctor shoves fingers in your vagina and thumps your tummy to feel your uterus. It’s unpleasant for adults, but Ohio wishes to inflict this on children at the request of any random person. This is a horrible invasion of trans children’s privacy, but doesn’t stop there. Some parents can get aggressive about eliminating their child’s competition for spots on cheerleading squads or college resume-burnishing athletic events. No girl is safe from people leveraging these accusations to force her off a team. 

The ubiquitous nature of rainbow flags and family-friendly Pride events may lull many folks into believing that the struggle over LGBTQ rights is over and the good guys won. But clearly, Republicans aren’t ready to move on. They have dramatically escalated efforts to define queer people as threats to society, and especially to children. And they’re using Pride, and the attention it draws, as an opportunity to spread lies and conspiracy theories meant to demonize the LGBTQ community. Marjorie Taylor Greene, for instance, used Pride to push an asinine theory that “no one will be straight anymore” in “four or five generations,” escalating these false claims that accepting the existence of LGBTQ people is a threat to straight people. 

As with most things right-wing, this is pure projection.

RELATED: Alabama schools says Republican candidate for governor put target on students’ back with campaign ad

LGBTQ people aren’t trying to “convert” anyone. As Yiannapoulos, the “ex-gay” troll, shows, the opposite is true: It’s conservatives who won’t let go of their insistence that they can convert queer people to straight people. (They can’t. Conversion “therapy” is just abuse meant to bully people into the closet.) It’s the same thing with the accusations that LGBTQ people are a threat to children. In reality, it’s Republicans who are passing bills forcing genital inspections on kids, threatening to tear kids from loving families, and bullying LGBTQ kids into hating themselves and hiding in the closet. In some places, they’re even taking away life-saving mental health care access for kids, in order to keep counselors from telling queer kids that they are fine the way they are.

Republicans using Pride as an opportunity to escalate their deeply scary and damaging attacks on some of the most vulnerable young people in our society is a clear sign of an emboldened movement. 

Lead GOP negotiator admits bipartisan gun bill won’t actually include any new gun restrictions

WASHINGTON — U.S. Sen. John Cornyn, the lead GOP negotiator in the Senate’s efforts to pass bipartisan gun safety legislation, is managing expectations over what kind of bills he’s willing to get behind.

But the answer to that question isn’t going to satisfy many Democrats who are pushing for restrictions that include expanded background checks and raising the age to purchase a firearm in the wake of the devastating elementary school shooting in Uvalde.

“Targeted reforms, I think, is the way to get to where we need to go,” Cornyn said in a Senate floor speech on Monday.

As a former Senate GOP whip, Cornyn made clear that there are limits to what he and the Senate GOP conference are willing to support. Bringing up the old political maxim of “the art of the possible,” Cornyn said “we are not talking about restricting the rights of current, law-abiding gun owners or citizens.”

“What I’m interested in is keeping guns out of the hands of those who, by current law, are not supposed to have them,” he said. “People with mental health problems, people … who have criminal records. Again, this is about the art of the possible.”

What is not possible, he said, are bills that the Democrat-controlled House is expected to take up this week. Democrats are expected to pass an array of legislation next week that has almost no hope of senate passage.

Among the proposals in consideration on the House side this week: raising the age to purchase semi-automatic weapons to 21; outlawing the sale, manufacture, transfer or possession of a large-capacity magazine; creating tax breaks for purchasing proper gun storage equipment; and codifying into law a Trump-era Justice Department ban on bump stocks.

“We’re not talking about banning a category of weapons across the board, a ban for certain high-capacity magazines or changing the background check system by adding additional disqualifying items,” he said.

Cornyn served as the Republican whip until he was term-limited out of that role in 2019. But in that position, he acquired a reputation for staying in close communication with his GOP colleagues and for being able to deliver votes.

He has demonstrated an ability in the past to move limited gun legislation through Congress. Back in 2018, he passed a bill into law that improved the national background check system to prevent domestic abusers from purchasing firearms in the wake of the 2017 Sutherland Springs church shooting that left 26 Texans dead.

Assuming all Democrats are on board with a bill, Cornyn would need nine other Republicans to override a filibuster threat. But he telegraphed in that speech that he wants a measure that will attract even more GOP support.

In the Monday speech, Cornyn underscored his efforts by repeatedly using the word “consensus.” He brought up his primary partner in negotiations, U.S. Sen. Chris Murphy, a Connecticut Democrat, and other colleagues. But he stressed that this is a Senate-wide discussion.

Cornyn said that he is in touch “literally with everybody I can reach on the phone or get through text message to see if there’s some package of mental health and safety legislation that addresses some of the factors that might have prevented the recent shootings in Uvalde and elsewhere.”

 

This article originally appeared in The Texas Tribune at https://www.texastribune.org/2022/06/06/john-cornyn-texas-gun-bipartisan-uvalde/.

The Texas Tribune is a member-supported, nonpartisan newsroom informing and engaging Texans on state politics and policy. Learn more at texastribune.org.

Kyle Rittenhouse now says he’s going to Blinn College, after Texas A&M said he’s not a student

Days after he told a conservative podcast that he was going to Texas A&M University, Kyle Rittenhouse corrected himself on Twitter to say that he is planning to attend Blinn College, a two-year public college, this year.

His announcement comes one day after a Texas A&M spokesperson told The Texas Tribune on Sunday that Rittenhouse had not in fact been accepted at the Tier One research university for this summer or fall, despite his claims about his plans to attend. The university would not say whether Rittenhouse had applied to the school.

“Unfortunately, the end of my high school career was robbed from me,” Rittenhouse wrote Monday afternoon on Twitter. “I didn’t have the time other students get to properly prepare for the future. I look forward to attending Blinn College District this year, a feeder school for Texas A&M. I’m excited to join Texas A&M in 2023!”

A Blinn College spokesperson said Rittenhouse submitted his application on April 28, but he has not enrolled for a current or upcoming term at Blinn. The junior college is open enrollment, meaning all students are welcome.

In a subsequent tweet, Rittenhouse said he plans to move to Texas at the end of June.

When Rittenhouse was 17 years old he drove from his home in Antioch, Illinois, to Kenosha, Wisconsin, in response to protests for the shooting of a Black man by a white officer. Rittenhouse had said he wanted to help law enforcement protect property amid civil unrest. He was accused of fatally shooting two men and injuring another with his rifle. He was acquitted of multiple felony charges during his high-profile trial in which he argued he acted in self-defense.

Blinn College is a community college based in Brenham with a location near Texas A&M in Bryan that has strong transfer partnerships with Texas A&M, but it is not part of the Texas A&M system. In 2020, the college said 53% of its transfer students continue their studies at Texas A&M.

Transfer to Texas A&M is not guaranteed. Students must at least have a 2.5 grade point average and 24 hours of coursework that is transferable to be considered.

Last Friday, Rittenhouse appeared on “The Charlie Kirk Show,” where he said he was going to Texas A&M, making a big reveal by swapping out his baseball cap for a Texas A&M hat.

“I’m going to be going there, and it’s going to be awesome,” Rittenhouse told Kirk. “Beautiful campus, amazing people, amazing food.”

Rittenhouse previously claimed he was studying nursing at Arizona State University, before a school spokesperson clarified he was not enrolled and had not gone through the admissions process.

 

Disclosure: Texas A&M University has been a financial supporter of The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan news organization that is funded in part by donations from members, foundations and corporate sponsors. Financial supporters play no role in the Tribune’s journalism. Find a complete list of them here.


 

This article originally appeared in The Texas Tribune at https://www.texastribune.org/2022/06/06/kyle-rittenhouse-texas-am-blinn/.

The Texas Tribune is a member-supported, nonpartisan newsroom informing and engaging Texans on state politics and policy. Learn more at texastribune.org.

Fox News hosts complain Biden has “given up”: He’s “not even playing golf like other presidents”

A quartet of Fox News panelists threw a fit on Monday because they believe that President Joe Biden has not been spending enough time playing golf.

Biden “was off Friday, Saturday, Sunday. He’s off today, no events, and he’s not even playing golf like other presidents. He can play at any course he wants to and he doesn’t even play golf. It’s like he’s given up and the American people see it,” host Jesse Watters complained.

“Because he’s not playing golf,” Watters’ colleague, Greg Gutfield, interjected.

Watch below via Acyn:

Biden is known for returning to his house in Delaware on weekends, a routine that stretches back to the beginning of his decades-long career in the United States Senate and continued while he served as vice president from 2009 to 2017. But, now that he is the president, Biden has the ability to do his job from pretty much anywhere on the planet.

Biden’s predecessor, former President Donald Trump, charged American taxpayers more than $141,000,000 on hundreds of golf outings at his numerous compounds during his single term as commander in chief, according to an October 31st, 2020 fact-check in USAToday.

Consequently, a significant portion of that money flowed into his family’s coffers.

The Washington Post‘s Phillip Bump published an analysis of Trump’s extensive golf tab shortly before Biden’s inauguration on January 20th, 2021:

  • Trump has visited a Trump Organization property on 428 days of his presidency, or one visit every 3.4 days. That means that he has visited on about two days of every week of his presidency.
  • Normally, those two days are weekend days. It was common for him to head to his golf club in Sterling, Va., on warmer weekends when he was in Washington. He visited that club on 106 days, probably playing golf on 103 of them. It was the property to which he paid the most visits.
  • He was president for 418 weekend days. He visited one of his properties on 240 of those days, or on 57 percent of them.
  • Trump probably played 261 rounds of golf as president. This is just an estimate because, unlike Obama, his team often wouldn’t report whether he was playing golf at his properties. If accurate, though, that’s a round every 5.6 days. By contrast, Obama played 333 rounds of golf — over twice as many years. That’s about once every 8.8 days.
  • Trump spent the most time at Mar-a-Lago. He was there for all or part of 142 days of his presidency over 32 visits. He was at his private club in Bedminster, N.J., on 106 days, the same number as the visits he paid to Sterling.
  • The course where Trump played the second-most rounds was Trump International Golf Club in West Palm Beach, Fla., a short drive from Mar-a-Lago. He played there an estimated 87 times.
  • As president, he visited 14 Trump properties in seven states, the District of Columbia and three countries, including Scotland and Ireland. He only played two rounds of golf that weren’t at Trump properties; both were in the company of then-Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe in Japan.
  • The amount of government money spent shuttling Trump to his properties and then spent at the properties remains a bit murky. We know that Trump’s first four trips to Mar-a-Lago cost about $14 million, mostly in the costs of operating the aircraft necessary for the trip. If we assume that each trip to the resort costs about $3.4 million, that’s $109 million just for the Mar-a-Lago trips alone.
  • Not all of that money goes to Trump, of course. The Washington Post reported in October that the government had been billed about $2.5 million by Trump properties since he had taken office.
  • Interestingly, Trump only visited the Trump hotel in Washington about two dozen times, despite its proximity to the White House. He returned to Trump Tower in New York only eight times.

Jan. 6 blackout: Fox News refuses to air hearings as GOP plans “counterprogramming” to defend Trump

Fox News Channel has decided not to air live coverage of the upcoming hearings around January 6, saying that it will “cover the hearings as news warrants.”

The right-work network has instead said that live coverage will be carried on Fox Business Network, with hosts Bret Baier and Martha MacCallum. 

According to Fox News Media, their flagship channel will air Tucker Carlson Tonight and Hannity on Thursday, when the first hearing is set to take place. Fox News will likely be the only major American news network to not provide continuous coverage of the hearings. 

RELATED: Fox News has a Jan. 6 problem: Sean Hannity’s text messages make clear his complicity

The news comes amid a CNN report that Trump is asking his allies in Congress to vigorously defend him in the proceedings. The outlet cited a “broad range” of plans to protect the former president’s public image, even while most Republicans have sought to avoid talking about the insurrection. 


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Key in the president’s defense will be Rep. Elise Stefanik, R-N.Y., who will be “tasked with coordinating the party’s messaging response and ensuring key allies and surrogates have talking points,” according to CNN. 

“Just like impeachment, at the urging of President Trump and his team, Stefanik is going to play an outsized role defending President Trump and House Republicans on the issue of election integrity,” a senior GOP source told the outlet. 

Among those slated to join her are Reps. Jim Banks, R-Ind., and Jim Jordan, R-Ohio. 

“We’re going to push back,” Banks told CNN. “There were serious failures that occurred on January 6 that have got to be fixed. This sham committee hasn’t done anything to address them.”

RELATED: The Jan. 6 committee hearings are finally here — and Republicans are running scared

Matt Schlapp, former Trump White House political director and chairman of the Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC), is also expected to play a significant role in the messaging blitz, according to Axios

Republicans will no doubt face an uphill battle in the proceedings, largely because they haven’t been privy to the evidence that the Democratic-led panel has uncovered.

One House leadership aide told the outlet that Republicans are betting on voters to have insurrection “fatigue.”

“We’ve got to be rigid and responsible, but a lot of Republicans think if Dems want to just talk about Jan. 6 between now and the midterm election – good luck,” the aide explained. 

Republicans are also reportedly angling to brand the hearings as “rigged.”

“Define Democrats being the real election deniers,” reads one Republican National Committee talking point, according to Vox. “Attack Nancy Pelosi’s committee and its members, portraying them as partisan, illegitimate, and a distraction for real issues,” state another. 

“We’re ready for any machination of this process, and are prepared to provide facts in real time and push back in real time, through a coordinated and in sync effort,” the GOP aide said.

So far, it appears as though the GOP strategy to downplay Trump’s coup is working. According to an NBC News poll released this week, fewer Americans now blame Trump for the Capitol riot than did in January of 2021. 

The first hearing is set to be conducted on June 8 at 8:00pm ET.

Longtime Trump assistant contradicts his sworn statement in New York investigation: report

On Monday, CBS News reported that a one-time executive assistant for former President Donald Trump has contradicted a key point he made in a sworn affidavit during his response to civil allegations in New York.

“Rhona Graff, who worked for years as executive assistant to Donald Trump, ‘cast doubt on the completeness of’ a sworn affidavit submitted by Trump in May in an effort to clear a judge’s finding of contempt, according to a Monday filing by the New York Attorney General’s Office,” reported Graham Kates.

“Trump was held in contempt April 25 after claiming he had no documents demanded in a subpoena by investigators for New York Attorney General Letitia James. Her office sought records related to Trump’s personal finances, as well as information related to the financing of several properties.”

“As part of the former president’s effort to clear the contempt ruling, Trump said in an affidavit that ‘it has been my customary practice to delegate document handling and retention responsibilities to my executive assistants,'” the report continued. “But in her May 31 deposition, Graff, who worked for Trump for more than two decades, said that statement was ‘very general. It doesn’t mean (executive assistants) handled every document and maintained everything that came out of his office.’ Trump ‘had an inbox and an outbox,’ Graff said. If material was sent to him in a folder, Graff ‘didn’t think it was my position to look inside,’ she said, adding that Trump ‘maybe on the outside would have said to return to so and so, whoever gave it to him.'”

Trump ultimately lost his bid to clear his contempt of court ruling, and at the end of last month, he paid $110,000 in fines to the court.

James is investigating whether the Trump organization lied about its finances by boosting the value of assets to qualify for loans while minimizing them to avoid paying taxes.

“Attorneys for James’ office have repeatedly indicated recently that the investigation is nearing its conclusion, and that it may lead to an ‘enforcement action in the near future.’ They have not elaborated on what enforcement might be,” the report noted. “But before that happens, a New York appeals court must decide if Trump, his son Donald Trump Jr. and his daughter Ivanka Trump must sit for depositions with James’ investigations. The judge overseeing the investigation and a lower appeals court have both sided with James’ office, ruling that a December subpoena seeking their testimony was valid.”

A case for making homemade furikake (thank us later)

Furikake, the savory and salty Japanese seasoning for sprinkling on plain rice, merits an entire section even in Manhattan’s tiniest Japanese markets.

And if you’ve tasted this Japanese condiment, you understand why: Furikake enlivens a plain bowl of steamed rice. Add some mayo and a fried egg and you can call it a meal. I relied heavily on furikake when I lived in a dorm room with just a rice cooker for making dinner. It transformed something that was mediocre at best (white rice) to something delicious and satisfying.

Furikake tastes good on almost any savory food you can imagine; you’ll find yourself shaking it onto saladpopcorn, and soup. Since a whole industry seems to exist around store-bought furikake, you’d think it must be tricky to make at home; in fact, it’s as simple as mixing together ingredients and putting them in a jar.

Since a whole industry seems to exist around furikake, you’d think it must be tricky to make at home; in fact, it’s a simple as mixing together ingredients and putting them in a jar.

When you compose your own mix, you get to control what’s in it, and put in as much or as little each ingredient as you like. Most of the store-bought furikake contain M.S.G; even if health concerns surrounding M.S.G. have been disproven, I still consider it cheating to use it: The key ingredients of furikake are already intensely umami — they don’t need a synthetic boost, just a pinch of salt and sugar. If you really want to stock up on store-bought furikake, skip any that have additives or chemical preservatives. The two bestselling furikake rice seasonings on Amazon are JFC International Seasoning Furikake and Nori Fume Furikake Rice Seasoning from Ajishima Foods. Both contain a combination of sesame seeds, seaweed, salt, and sugar but Ajishima Foods’ furikake does contain additives like maltodextrin, disodium succinate, and disodium inosinate. Trader Joe’s also makes a wildly popular version — Nori Komi Furikake Japanese Multi-Purpose Seasoning — which retails for $2.49.

The simplest versions of furikake include as few as two ingredients, usually dried fish and nori seaweed, but can contain much more. That might sound like a very fishy flavor, but it’s more salty and umami (think miso soup, not canned sardines).

You’ll see furikake mixtures with bits of dried egg, shrimp, salmon roe, shiso, wasabi, and, in Hokkaido, even buttered potato (I doubt that last one is natural). They come in jars for shaking into your bowl and in packets that are meant to be mixed with rice for omusubi (rice balls).

Making up your own furikake recipe is fun. If you can go to a Japanese grocery store, walk the aisles looking for anything dried and savory that might be good on rice. Take a peek in your cupboards for inspiration, too; if you want to add crushed Corn Flakes or smoked salt, go for it. If you have a freeze-dryer, go wild! And if you’re not shy about using a pinch of M.S.G., get it in its purest form by seeking out the Ajinomoto brand at the Japanese market.

For me, the point of making my own furikake is to choose natural ingredients with clear flavors. My basic recipe for homemade furikake starts with sesame seeds, katsuobushi (bonito flakes, which are made from dried bonito fish that is grated into flakes), and toasted nori seaweed. You can use flavored nori to add the flavors of soy sauce or teriyaki. You can also used pre-flaked nori, but I prefer full sheets like those that you would use for sushi.

If I can find tiny dried anchovies or shrimp, I’ll add those too; I especially like shrimp for the pretty color they add. I season mine liberally with salt and sugar, but if you use flavored nori, you may want to back off on the salt since the nori is naturally salty.

Here’s a recipe to get you started:

I’m not going to spend another second convincing you that you should make homemade furikake and instead, I’m going to tell you how to make it. In a dry frying pan over high heat, toast three tablespoons of sesame seeds, constantly shaking the pan, until they smell toasty, about 1 minute. Moving them around the pan is important to ensure that they toast evenly and don’t burn. Once the seeds are toasted, immediately transfer them to a bowl so they don’t continue cooking. If your nori is not crisp enough to crumble easily, you can toast it for about 30 seconds by waving it over a gas flame, or placing it under a broiler. Be careful not to burn it!

Next, crumble two sheets of nori into the bowl with the sesame seeds. Crumble 1/4 cup packed bonito flakes into the bowl with the toasted sesame seeds and nori. Add the tiny dried shrimp and anchovies, if using — I recommend using one tablespoon of each but again, you can customize both the ingredients used and the proportions.

Season the mixture with one teaspoon each of salt and granulated sugar, and mix thoroughly. Transfer it to an airtight jar and keep it in a cool, dry place like a pantry. Homemade furikake will keep indefinitely, but the flavor is best in the first month or two. This recipe yields about one cup of furikake.

Or spice things up with Doritos Furikake, a crunchy, cozy twist on traditional furikake made with garlic, shallots, nori, sesame seeds, bonito flakes, gochugaru (Korean chile flakes), and, yes, finely crushed Doritos.

Recipe: Furikake (Japanese Seasoning Mix)

GOP lawmaker still “livid” over Jan. 6, calls Trump a “narcissist” who is “driven by revenge”

Rep. Tom Rice, R-S.C., who voted to impeach Donald Trump after the Capitol riot, said on Sunday that he’s still “livid” over the former president’s failure to put an end to the insurrection. 

“When he watched the Capitol, the ‘People’s House,’ being sacked, when he watched the Capitol Police officers being beaten for three or four hours and lifted not one thing or to stop it – I was livid,” he told ABC’s “This Week” in an interview. “​​And it was very clear to me I took an oath to protect the Constitution.”

Asked about his impeachment vote, Rice said, “I did it then. And I would do it again tomorrow.”

“Defending the constitution is a bedrock of the Republican platform. Defend the constitution and that’s what I did,” he added, arguing that his vote was “the conservative vote.”

RELATED: South Carolina Republicans censure Rep. Tom Rice for voting to impeach Donald Trump

Rice, who took office in 2013, has been a vocal anti-Trump Republican since January 6. He faces a crowded field of primary challengers, one of whom, state Rep. Russell Fry, has received Trump’s endorsement


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Trump, for his part, has called Rice a “a total fool,” claiming that he “abandoned his constituents by caving to Nancy Pelosi and the Radical Left.” 

But during the Sunday interview, Rice pushed back on Trump’s remarks. “If I am a disaster and a total fool, and I voted with him 169 or however many times, what does that make him, right?” he said. “I’m taking his lead.”

Rice also said that he’d consider throwing his weight behind Trump if the former president made a formal apology for stoking the insurrection. 

“If he came out and said, ‘I’m sorry I made a huge mistake on January 6th,'” the congressman said, “then I might consider it.”

“He’s a narcissist, and he’s driven by attention, and he’s driven by revenge,” Rice added.

RELATED: Republican Congressman publicly admits regret for voting to overturn 2020 election

Back in January 2021, Rice was censured by the South Carolina Republican Party for impeaching the president. Months later, the anti-Trump Republican voted in support of legislation to establish the House panel tasked with investigating the Capitol riot. 

While Rice was one of 126 House Republicans to back Texas v. Pennsylvania, a lawsuit that challenged the results of the 2020 presidential election, he has since expressed regret over doing so.

“In retrospect I should have voted to certify,” Rice told Politico. “Because President Trump was responsible for the attack on the Capitol.”

“In the wee hours of that disgraceful night, while waiting for the Capitol of our great country to be secured, I knew I should vote to certify,” he added. “But because I had made a public announcement of my intent to object, I did not want to go back on my word. So yeah, I regret my vote to object.”

New email shows Trump campaign ordered fake Georgia electors to plot in “complete secrecy”

There were several states that attempted to replace the electors chosen by voters in the 2020 election. It was part of a plot by former President Donald Trump’s campaign and legal team to somehow overthrow the election simply by having supporters push their way into the rooms where the electors were.

States like Arizona, Michigan, Wisconsin, New Mexico, Nevada, Pennsylvania and Georgia were all working to beat back against Democratic electors and stop Trump from being thrown out of the White House.

The Washington Post revealed that little-known fake Georgia electors were revealed in a series of emails that have now been made public. A staffer from the Trump campaign told Republicans on Dec. 13, 2020, that if they intend to overthrow the election count they must do so in “complete secrecy.”

“I must ask for your complete discretion in this process,” wrote Robert Sinners, (his real name) who served as the Trump campaign’s election operations director in Georgia. The note came the day before the electors were scheduled to meet at the Georgia Capitol to certify the election results.

“Your duties are imperative to ensure the end result — a win in Georgia for President Trump — but will be hampered unless we have complete secrecy and discretion,” Sinners said. “Please, at no point should you mention anything to do with Presidential Electors or speak to the media.” The email marked that line in bold.

“The admonishments suggest that those who carried out the fake elector plan were concerned that, had the gathering become public before Republicans could follow through on casting their votes, the effort could have been disrupted,” said the report. “Georgia law requires that electors fulfill their duties at the State Capitol. On Dec. 14, 2020, protesters for and against the two presidential candidates had gathered on the Capitol grounds.”

Sinners said in a statement that he was just following orders from senior campaign officials and the Georgia Republican Party chair, David Shafer, who was an elector for Trump.

“I was advised by attorneys that this was necessary in order to preserve the pending legal challenge,” he said. “Following the Former President’s refusal to accept the results of the election and allow a peaceful transition of power, my views on this matter have changed significantly from where they were on December 13th,” said Sinners.

CNN also reported that “the email is part of the DOJ investigation into the fake electors,” tweeted Katelyn Polantz.

Read the full report from the Washington Post.

Michigan Trump backers attempted 11 voting breaches — and a mysterious “third party” seized machines

Investigations by Michigan authorities have uncovered 11 attempts to breach voting systems by supporters of former President Donald Trump, including one by an unidentified “third party” that seized vote-counting machines for weeks.

State police documents obtained by Reuters reveal a widening investigation into Trump supporters’ efforts to prove his baseless claims of widespread fraud even after a Republican-led legislative committee and numerous audits found no evidence. State police have obtained warrants to seize voting equipment and records in at least three towns and one county in the last six weeks as the probe heats up. Authorities have uncovered 11 incidents in which Trump supporters “gained or attempted to gain unauthorized access to voting equipment,” according to the report. That brings the nationwide total of breach attempts to at least 17 after Reuters previously identified six others in four other states.

In one case in Roscommon County, a Richfield Township official admitted that he gave two vote-counting machines to an unauthorized and unidentified “third party,” who held on to the machines for several weeks early last year.

Michigan Secretary of State Jocelyn Benson, a Democrat, said in February that unauthorized individuals “gained inappropriate access to tabulation machines and data drives” used in the county. State police found that security seals on one machine suggested it was tampered with. The township was forced to buy new vote tabulators as a result of the breach.

Roscommon County Clerk Michelle Stevenson, a Republican, also admitted earlier this year that she had provided a data storage drive that contained election information “for one or both” of the vote tabulators taken in Richfield Township as well as access to another county vote-counting machine to an unidentified third party. State police raided her office in March.

RELATED: “Unprecedented in modern elections”: Trump conspiracy theorists breach voting systems in 5 states

Another search warrant targeted Missaukee County’s Lake Township, where police sought evidence of election-related crimes. Republican state Rep. Daire Rendon, who in 2020 joined a failed federal lawsuit seeking to overturn President Joe Biden’s win, has approached numerous clerks in the area to ask them to turn over their voting equipment but denies that she ever “touched a voting machine” or did anything wrong. Trump won the county with 76% of the vote.

Benson asked state Attorney General Dana Nessel to launch a criminal investigation after the state found out about the Roscommon County breach. Law enforcement officials have separately investigated breaches of voting equipment in Emmet County’s Cross Village Township and Hillsdale County’s Adams Township.

Benson told Reuters that the state is looking into whether the attempts were coordinated.

“If there is coordination, whether it’s among those in our state or reaching up to a national level, we can determine that and then we can seek accountability for all involved,” she said.

Trump won all of the counties where authorities have identified attempted breaches but his supporters have argued that his margin should have been larger in those districts. Some elected Trump supporters have even launched their own so-called investigations to back the former president’s fraud lies.


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Barry County Sheriff Dar Leaf, a Republican, has joined forces with election conspiracists to pursue his own investigation even though the county’s Republican prosecutor urged him to drop the probe due to a lack of evidence. Trump carried the county by a 2-1 margin.

Leaf’s office has sent “expansive” public record requests to county and city officials seeking election records, which has been decried in the county as a “waste of time and an affront to our citizens.”

A Reuters investigation previously found eight voting breach attempts by Trump supporters, including two in Michigan and six others in Pennsylvania, Ohio, North Carolina and Colorado. At least five of the incidents are under investigation by federal or local law enforcement and four required officials to decertify or replace voting equipment due to security concerns.

In one case, Mesa County, Colorado Clerk Tina Peters, an election conspiracist and ally of MyPillow founder Mike Lindell, was arrested and booted from her position after investigators alleged that she allowed an unauthorized person to breach the county’s voting systems before leaked sensitive data was published online by Trump supporters.

Colorado officials are also investigating Elbert County Clerk Dallas Schroeder after surveillance video captured him trying to copy hard drives containing sensitive data. He later testified that he got instructions from a pro-Trump conspiracy theorist.

Many of the breaches have been linked to Lindell and his team of election conspiracists who have tried and failed for years to prove that voting machines flipped votes from Trump to Biden. Lindell, a wealthy conspiracy theorist who is now pushing nonsensical claims that he has evidence that Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp stole the election from Republican primary challenger Kandiss Taylor after beating her by 70 points, has funded numerous efforts to try to prove his baseless allegations. Lindell told Reuters earlier this year that he hired four members of the U.S. Integrity Plan, a pro-Trump group that sent armed members door-to-door to question voters in Colorado, and has spent $30 million on his efforts so far. He also faces billion-dollar lawsuits from voting tech companies Dominion and Smartmatic for pushing his unsubstantiated claims.

“We’ve got to get rid of the machines!” an undeterred Lindell told Reuters. “We need to melt them down and use them for prison bars and put everyone in prison that was involved with them.”

Read more:

A fight over wolves pits facts against feelings in Wisconsin

Maybe it was the heat that afternoon in Madison, or maybe it was sheer exhaustion as the meeting approached its sixth hour. Either way, tempers were flaring.

The Wisconsin Natural Resources Board, a politically appointed body that advises the state’s natural resources agency, met on Aug. 11, 2021, to debate a seemingly narrow question: How many wolves should hunters be allowed to kill during the upcoming hunting season?

Should the quota be 130 as the state’s Department of Natural Resources recommended, a conservative approach on the heels of an unusual late-winter hunt that February? Or should it be higher to get the wolf population closer to 350, the objective enshrined in the state’s wolf management plan?

The underlying questions, though, were: How would that number be determined? And who gets to decide?

Wolves have been enmeshed in broader political fights roiling Wisconsin for almost 20 years, since the number of wolves surpassed the state’s population objective for the first time in decades. That fight exploded again in the waning days of the Trump administration, when the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service removed almost all gray wolves in the lower-48 from the Endangered Species List. Without federal protections, wolves fell back under state management, into the hands of the DNR and the Natural Resources Board.

The August meeting in Madison looked like any other bureaucratic event on the surface. Agency staff waited to be questioned, documents piled high on their laps. Board members sat around a U-shaped table, a jungle of wires at their feet connected to TVs for telecasting. They were there in part to debate the DNR’s recommendations for the upcoming hunting season. But the official recommendations — based on the work of DNR biologists — quickly got lost, and suggestions for the number of wolves to kill in the next hunt varied from zero all the way to 500.

Nearly all the participants claimed to have science on their side — a trend reflected in the broader Wisconsin wolf debate. But cultural values and politics run deep in wildlife management, and everyone seems to be looking for easy answers from science that’s far from settled.

The debate on that August day was heated. “Kaz, you’re manipulating the number using the tribal declaration. On its face, it’s damn near illegal,” an exacerbated Preston Cole, the DNR secretary, nearly shouted to board member Greg Kazmierski as the latter pushed for a hunting quota well above the DNR recommendation. Kazmierski, in turn, accused the DNR of spreading misinformation.

Debate routinely circled back to the population objective and the right number of wolves for Wisconsin, with most participants using ecology and other scientific arguments to defend their stance.

“People keep bringing it up like 350 is the magic number,” argued board member Marcy West. “It’s not.”

In the end, the high-quota advocates won the day. But it was moot.

In an unprecedented move, the DNR rejected the board’s vote, and, in October, a circuit court judge issued an injunction against the next hunt until the DNR updated the wolf management plan. Then, this past February, a federal judge ruled that the Fish and Wildlife Service has not followed the “best available science” in delisting wolves, restoring federal protections to all wolves outside of the Northern Rockies.

Though wolves around the Great Lakes are back on the Endangered Species List for now, the larger war still rages.

Today, there are roughly 6,000 gray wolves in the continental United States, a stunning comeback for a species that was all but wiped out 50 years ago. As the population has grown, though, attitudes have diverged. There are hunters who view wolf hunting as a right; farmers who fear for their livelihoods; environmentalists who see wolves as a symbol of wilderness; tribal communities who view them as a spiritual relative; and countless positions in between.

Conflicting values, meanwhile, have politicized wolf recovery. When Idaho passed an aggressive wolf hunting law in 2021, a biologist described it as “retribution” against liberals. Misinformation can also run rampant. When wolves wandered back into California 10 years ago, state employees reported being accused of actively importing them.

Wolves were one of the first species protected under the Endangered Species Act, and they’ve bounced on and off the list ever since with each policy change fomenting political conflict. The question of whether wolves are recovered is hotly contested because recovery can be as much a moral and political issue as a scientific one.

“Science doesn’t often times answer the ethical questions very well,” said Peter David, a wildlife biologist retired from the Great Lakes Indian Fish and Wildlife Commission.

Adrian Treves, a professor of environmental studies at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, commented on the Wisconsin wolf debate more pointedly. “My view is that all sides on this issue would like to wrap their value judgements, that are not scientific, in science, claiming they have evidence for their view,” he said.

Treves has argued that ignoring how values come into play in wolf management can distort science, and other researchers have pointed out that, while science can quantify population trends and the extinction risk for a species, it’s largely a value call as to what’s an acceptable risk.

For example, wolves have thrived in the Great Lakes region, where they number close to 4,000. However, the Endangered Species Act declares that a species should be listed if it’s threatened in “all or a significant portion of its range.” Wolves once roamed much of the country, but today occupy about 10 percent of their historic range.

A recent study published in “BioScience” challenged the proposition that recovery in a single region — like the Great Lakes — constitutes recovery of the entire species. The researchers pointed out that populations are stable in only a handful of the states that still have large swaths of suitable habitat. The judge that restored protections early this year similarly criticized the Fish and Wildlife Service for not considering the threats wolves face outside of core populations like the Great Lakes.

Given this complexity, Minnesota and Michigan decided to hold off on hunting after the recent delisting and first revise their wolf management plans. “They’re taking a measured and intelligent response,” said David of the approach, contrasting those states to Wisconsin, where a 2012 law mandates a hunting season whenever the species is not federally protected.

Hunters balked when Wisconsin’s DNR announced that they too would wait on a hunt until the traditional start of the season later in the year. A pro-hunting organization, Hunter Nation, sued, arguing that the delay violated the 2012 law and infringed upon their right to hunt, which is protected under the state constitution. The court sided with them.

On Feb. 22, 2021, a hunting season opened with a quota of 200 wolves. The Ojibwe — also known as Chippewa, and the largest tribe living around the Great Lakes in both Canada and the U.S. — claimed a portion of that quota guaranteed by treaty rights, with no intention of killing any wolves. That left 119 wolves for state-licensed hunters. Within three days, they killed 218.

The February hunt seemed to hang over nearly every public comment at the August meeting. Most agreed that the DNR-recommended quota for the next season, scheduled to begin in November, was inadequate. For some, it was too high to protect a species they say is at risk. For others, it was too low to manage a species they say threatens livestock, pets, and children.

Up first was John Johnson Sr., chairman of the Lac du Flambeau Band of Ojibwe, who described the spiritual connection his people have with Ma’iingan, as the Ojibwe call the wolf. Wolves are central to the tribe’s creation story. The Red Lake Band of Chippewa have declared their land in Minnesota a wolf sanctuary, and Ojibwe groups have argued that delisting wolves is a violation of their right to freedom of religion.

The tribes claim that the quota’s overshoot in February was a violation of treaty rights and a form of discrimination. The environmental organization Earthjustice filed a lawsuit to that effect on their behalf.

In Johnson’s public comment, he conceded that many would discard his cultural opposition to wolf hunting, and he focused much of his testimony on the ecological impacts of holding two hunts in a single year. Previous treaty rights cases have established that wildlife management in ceded territory needs to be “based on sound biological principles.” The tribe’s lawsuit alleges that the state failed to meet that requirement by, for example, allowing “highly efficient methods of take” like hunting with dogs.

One of the main issues, tribal leaders say, is the disregard for cultural arguments. “People sort of poopoo the tribal experience,” said David, who is White but has worked for the tribes most of his career. “They say, ‘that’s just a cultural thing. That’s not based in science.'”

David also pointed out that arguments for wolf hunting are themselves cultural. “We somehow think that our Western culture is all steeped in science, when in fact, there’s all kinds of mythology,” he said. “They don’t see that this vengeance that many people hold towards wolves is just a cultural thing too.”

But Luke Hilgemann, the CEO of Hunter Nation, said that he believes wolves pose a genuine threat to lives and livelihoods in Wisconsin. Though there are no documented attacks in Wisconsin against people, Hilgemann points out that there has been intensifying conflict between wolves and domestic animals. In 2021, the state reported 78 confirmed or probable wolf attacks on livestock and pets. He says he was so frustrated by the DNR’s initial decision to delay the hunting season after the wolves were delisted that he personally joined the Hunter Nation lawsuit as a plaintiff last winter.

Hilgemann considers the February hunt a resounding success. “Based on the department’s best science, they said 200 animals was the number that should be killed,” said Hilgemann. “Anytime that we’re 10 percent or less over the quota, in any other species that’s hunted here in Wisconsin, the department comes out and trumpets the success of the season. But unfortunately, that didn’t happen with the wolf.”

He’s alluding to one of the debate’s more intractable disagreements: Was the February hunt a mere 9 percent over quota (assuming an official cap of 200)? Or was it a whopping 80 percent over (accounting for the tribal allocation)? For him, the answer is obvious.

(Hilgemann also believes that the DNR is severely undercounting wolves, and suggests that there are more like 5,000 wolves in Wisconsin alone, rather than the DNR’s estimate of roughly 1,100. Like other advocates who say the wolves are undercounted, Hilgemann did not provide evidence to support the claim.)

During the August meeting, Hilgemann provided his comments via Zoom with an American flag and a mounted deer on the wall behind him. He requested a quota of 420 wolves to be hunted the next season and devoted most of his time to calling out what he saw as a “power grab” by the DNR, the administration of Gov. Tony Evers, and their “friends in the media.”

On the other side of the debate was Collette Adkins, a lawyer for the Center for Biological Diversity. At the August meeting, Adkins made clear that, like Hilgemann, she wasn’t satisfied with the DNR’s recommended quota, and didn’t trust their population estimate. But, while Hilgemann said the DNR’s recommendation was too low, Adkins said it was “reckless.” While Hilgemann thought the DNR has undercounted the population, Adkins said they overcounted. And while Hilgemann thinks that the DNR’s decisions are influenced by “anti-hunting forces,” Adkins says the agency is overly deferential to “anti-wolf voices.”

Adkins, who serves on the wolf advisory committee in her home state of Minnesota, is squarely in the 80-percent-over-quota camp when it comes to the February hunt. “What was particularly awful about this winter hunt is that’s the time when wolves are just beginning their breeding season, so they’re vulnerable,” said Adkins in a later interview with Undark. “The wolves just never stood a chance.”

This political back and forth can have real consequences for wolves, and the uncertainty is unlikely to end soon. Last year was the fourth time in just 15 years that wolves in the Great Lakes were delisted, only to have a judge restore protections soon after. A 2015 study by University of Wisconsin researchers found that these kinds of swings in legal status for the animals have led to inconsistent management and declining public support for wolves.

Treves, the environmental studies professor, also studies the impacts of political decisions on wolves. He’s a vocal critic of conventional wisdom approaches to wolf management. “I have a long litany of common-sense things that turned out to be wrong,” he said.

For example, contrary to the assumption that legalizing hunting discourages poaching, Treves and his colleagues have published several studies that suggest that poaching increases when federal protections are removed, possibly, he argues, because it sends a signal to “would-be poachers” that wolves aren’t valued or that the poachers won’t be punished. Last summer, they published a study estimating that 100 additional Wisconsin wolves were poached in the months following the delisting decision, compared with years in which they were protected.

The effect of hunting on poaching is one of several unsettled, often oversimplified, scientific questions. Another is the impact of wolves on deer. There’s some evidence that wolves, by targeting the weakest in the herd, might help control outbreaks of a contagious, incurable, and fatal neurological condition called chronic wasting disease. That work, though, is still in early days. Some hunters, meanwhile, claim conversely that wolves are bad for deer hunting, but David, the retired biologist, said that’s unlikely.

“It’s really a fallacy that somehow wolves are driving the number on the landscape,” he said. “Somehow humans can kill 10,000 deer in an area, and the deer are going to come right back, but when a wolf kills them there’s no compensation for that.”

Another complicated question is the ecological value of wolves. A 2013 study on wolf recolonization in Wisconsin found evidence of a so-called trophic cascade in which wolves, by managing the deer herds, were preventing overgrazing, in turn benefiting the entire ecosystem. Ecologists, though, still debate the extent to which wolves can restore ecosystems after decades of absence.

The loss of scientific nuance in policy debates, both Treves and David said, comes from a lack of transparency.

David explained that the DNR’s wolf advisory committee used to comprise two entities, one for stakeholders and one for scientists. “It was a clear two-step process, and you could see where the decision is being made,” David said. “Now when something comes out of that committee, the sausage is already made, and you don’t know the quality of the ingredients that went into it.”

That lack of transparency, said Treves, is also evident in the state’s wolf management plan, the source of the contested population objective of 350. In the August meeting, board members, public participants, and DNR staff went back and forth as to whether that objective is a floor or a ceiling on the number of wolves that should live in Wisconsin. Some stressed that it’s a minimum and advocated to keep the population stable. Others argued that it’s a cap, a goal to work down to — hence their push to hunt beyond the status quo recommendation. (After the recent relisting decision, the DNR announced that they will continue to revise the plan to try and avoid this confusion in the future.)

David, who was on the committee that helped draft the original plan in the 1990s, is adamant that the population objective was never a target number of wolves, but a threshold above which hunting could be considered. He added that the objective was also never even objective, describing the decision to go with 350 as “arbitrary.” It was, he explains, a compromise between how many wolves the landscape could support, the minimum level necessary to keep the population going, and the number of wolves that could be, in the language of the plan, “socially tolerated.”

To calculate the social tolerance for wolves, the DNR surveyed less than 1,400 people, asking how they felt about a management goal of 350. Only 16 percent said it felt “about right.” And at the August meeting, both the DNR and board gave little lip service to this human element of the equation, with most parties instead focusing on the biological and environmental implications of the objective wolf population.

“It was a political tradeoff,” said David, about the wolf population objective. “Yet, people don’t understand that. They think it’s all science.”


Leah Campbell is an environmental writer and communications specialist. She covers disasters, infrastructure, and the politics of science.

This article was originally published on Undark. Read the original article.

There will be no gun control: For many white Americans, the idea of the gun is all they have left

Guns were a ubiquitous part of my childhood. My grandfather, who had been a master sergeant in the Army, had a small arsenal in his house in Mechanic Falls, Maine. He gave me a bolt-action Springfield rifle when I was 7. By the time I was 10, I had graduated to a Winchester lever-action 30-30. I moved my way up the National Rifle Association’s (NRA) Marksmanship Qualification Program, helped along by a summer camp where riflery was mandatory. Like many boys in rural America, I was fascinated by guns, although I disliked hunting. Two decades as a reporter in war zones, however, resulted in a deep aversion to weapons. I saw what they did to human bodies. I inherited my grandfather’s guns and gave them to my uncle.

Guns made my family, lower working-class people in Maine, feel powerful, even when they were not. Take away their guns and what was left? Decaying small towns, shuttered textile and paper mills, dead-end jobs, seedy bars where veterans — and nearly all the men in my family were veterans — drank away their trauma. Take away the guns, and the brute force of squalor, decline, and abandonment hit you in the face like a tidal wave. 

Yes, the gun lobby and weapons manufacturers fuel the violence with easily available assault-style weapons, whose small caliber 5.56 mm cartridges make them largely useless for hunting. Yes, the lax gun laws and risible background checks are partially to blame. But America also fetishizes guns. This fetish has intensified among white working-class men, who have seen everything slip beyond their grasp: economic stability, a sense of place within the society, hope for the future and political empowerment. The fear of losing the gun is the final crushing blow to self-esteem and dignity, a surrender to the economic and political forces that have destroyed their lives. They cling to the gun as an idea, a belief that with it they are strong, unassailable and independent. The shifting sands of demographics, with white people projected to become a minority in the U.S. by 2045, intensifies this primal desire — they would say need — to own a weapon.

RELATED: America’s gun madness: How guns went from tools to ideology to identity

There have been more than 200 mass shootings this year. There are nearly 400 million guns in the U.S., some 120 guns for every 100 Americans. Half of the privately-owned guns are owned by 3 percent of the population, according to a 2016 study. Our neighbor in Maine had 23 guns. Restrictive gun laws, and gun laws that are inequitably enforced, block gun ownership for many Black people, especially in urban neighborhoods. Federal law, for example, prohibits gun ownership for most people with felony convictions, effectively barring legal gun ownership for a third of Black men. The outlawing of guns for Blacks is part of a long continuum. Black people were denied the right to own guns under the antebellum Slave Codes, the post-Civil War Black Codes and the Jim Crow laws. 

White people built their supremacy in America and globally with violence. They massacred Native Americans and stole their land. They kidnapped Africans, shipped them as cargo to the Americas, and then enslaved, lynched, imprisoned and impoverished Black people for generations. They have always gunned down Black people with impunity, a historical reality only recently discernible to most white people because of cell phone videos of killings. 

“The essential American soul is hard, isolate, stoic and a killer,” D.H. Lawrence writes. “It has never yet melted.”

White society, sometimes overtly and sometimes unconsciously, deeply fears Black retribution for its four centuries of murderous assaults.

The Second Amendment was designed to solidify the rights of white men to carry weapons, which were used to exterminate the indigenous population, hunt down enslaved people who escaped and crush uprisings.

“Again, I say that each and every Negro, during the last 300 years, possesses from that heritage a greater burden of hate for America than they themselves know,” Richard Wright notes in his journal. “Perhaps it is well that Negroes try to be as unintellectual as possible, for if they ever started really thinking about what happened to them, they’d go wild. And perhaps that is the secret of whites who want to believe that Negroes really have no memory; for if they thought that Negroes remembered they would start out to shoot them all in sheer self-defense.” 

The Second Amendment, as the historian Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz writes in “Loaded: A Disarming History of the Second Amendment,” was designed to solidify the rights, often demanded under state law, of whites to carry weapons. Southern white men were not only required to own guns but to serve in slave patrols. These weapons were used to exterminate the indigenous population, hunt down enslaved people who escaped bondage and violently crush slave revolts, strikes and other uprisings by oppressed groups. Vigilante violence is wired into our DNA.

 “Most American violence — and this also illuminates its relationship to state power — has been initiated with a ‘conservative’ bias,” the historian Richard Hofstadter writes. “It has been unleashed against abolitionists, Catholics, radicals, workers and labor organizers, Negroes, Orientals, and other ethnic or racial or ideological minorities, and has been used ostensibly to protect the American, the Southern, the white Protestant, or simply the established middle-class way of life and morals. A high proportion of our violent actions has thus come from the top dogs or the middle dogs. Such has been the character of most mob and vigilante movements. This may help to explain why so little of it has been used against state authority, and why in turn it has been so easily and indulgently forgotten.”


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Payton Gendron, the 18-year-old white shooter in Buffalo who killed 10 Black people and wounded three others, one of them Black, at the Tops Friendly Market in a Black neighborhood, gave expression in a 180-page manifesto to this white fear, or “great replacement theory.” Gendron repeatedly cited Brenton Tarrant, the 28-year-old mass shooter who in 2019 killed 51 people and injured 40 others at two mosques in Christchurch, New Zealand. Tarrant, like Gendron, live-streamed his attack so that, as he believed, he could be cheered on by a virtual audience. Robert Bowers, 46, killed 11 people at the Tree of Life Synagogue in Pittsburgh in 2018. Patrick Crusius, a 21-year-old, in 2019 drove more than 11 hours to target Hispanics, leaving 22 people dead and 26 injured in a Walmart in El Paso. John Earnest, who pleaded guilty to murdering one and injuring three others in 2019 at a synagogue in Poway, California, saw the “white race” being supplanted by other races. Dylann Roof in 2015 fired 77 shots from his .45-caliber Glock pistol at parishioners attending a Bible study at the Black Emanuel AME Church in Charleston, South Carolina. He murdered nine of them. “You Blacks are killing white people on the streets everyday and raping white women everyday,” he shouted at his victims as he was firing, according to a journal he kept in jail.

The gun enforced white supremacy. It should not be surprising that it is embraced as the instrument that will prevent whites from being dethroned.

The specter of societal collapse, less and less a conspiracy theory as we barrel to climate breakdown, reinforces the gun fetish. Survivalist cults, infused with white supremacy, paint the scenario of gangs of marauding Black and brown people fleeing the chaos of lawless cities and ravaging the countryside. These hordes of Black and brown people, the survivalists believe, will only be kept at bay with guns, especially assault-style weapons. This is not far removed from calling for their extermination.

Historian Richard Slotkin calls our national lust for blood sacrifice the “structuring metaphor of the American experience,” a belief in “regeneration through violence.” Blood sacrifice, he writes in his trilogy “Regeneration Through Violence: The Mythology of the American Frontier,” The Fatal Environment: The Myth of the Frontier in the Age of Industrialization” and “Gunfighter Nation: The Myth of the Frontier in Twentieth-Century America,” is celebrated as the highest form of good. Sometimes it requires the blood of heroes, but most often it requires the blood of enemies. 

The gun enforced white supremacy. It should not be surprising that it is embraced as the instrument that will prevent whites from being dethroned.

This blood sacrifice, whether at home or in foreign wars, is racialized. The U.S. has slaughtered millions of the globe’s inhabitants, including women and children, in Korea, Vietnam, Afghanistan, Somalia, Iraq, Syria and Libya, as well as in numerous proxy wars, the latest in Ukraine, where the Biden administration will ship another $700 million in weapons to supplement $54 billion in military and humanitarian aid.

When the national mythology inculcates into a population that it has the divine right to kill others to purge the earth of evil, how can this mythology not be ingested by naïve and alienated individuals? Kill them overseas. Kill them at home. The more the empire deteriorates, the more the impetus to kill grows. Violence, in desperation, becomes the only route to salvation.

“A people unaware of its myths is likely to continue living by them, though the world around that people may change and demand changes in their psychology, their world view, their ethics, and their institutions,” Slotkin writes.

America’s gun fetish and culture of vigilante violence makes the U.S. very different from other industrialized nations. This is the reason there will never be serious gun control. It does not matter how many mass shootings take place, how many children are butchered in their classrooms or how high the homicide rate climbs.

The longer we remain in a state of political paralysis, dominated by a corporate oligarchy that refuses to respond to the mounting misery of the bottom half of the population, the more the rage of the underclass will find expression through violence. People who are Black, Muslim, Asian, Jewish and LGBTQ, along with the undocumented, liberals, feminists and intellectuals, already branded as contaminants, will be slated for execution. Violence will spawn more violence.

“People pay for what they do, and, still more, for what they have allowed themselves to become,” James Baldwin writes of the American South. “The crucial thing, here, is that the sum of these individual abdications menaces life all over the world. For, in the generality, as social and moral and political and sexual entities, white Americans are probably the sickest and certainly the most dangerous people, of any color, to be found in the world today.” He added that he “was not struck by their wickedness, for that wickedness was but the spirit and the history of America. What struck me was the unbelievable dimension of their sorrow. I felt as though I had wandered into hell.”

Those who cling to the mythology of white supremacy cannot be reached through rational discussion. Mythology is all they have left.

Those who cling to the mythology of white supremacy cannot be reached through rational discussion. Mythology is all they have left. When this mythology appears under threat it triggers a ferocious backlash, for without the myth there is an emptiness, an emotional void, a crushing despair.

America has two choices. It can reintegrate the dispossessed back into the society through radical New Deal types of reforms, or it can leave its underclass to wallow in the toxins of poverty, hate and resentment, fueling the blood sacrifices that afflict us. This choice, I fear, has already been made. The ruling oligarchy doesn’t take the subway or fly on commercial jets. It is protected by the FBI, Homeland Security, police escorts and bodyguards. Its children attend private schools. It lives in gated communities with elaborate surveillance systems. We don’t matter.

Read more on the losing battle to control gun violence:

Marjorie Taylor Greene and Milo Yiannopoulos: A match made in troll heaven

On Monday morning, far-right provocateur Milo Yiannopoulos posted a picture on his Telegram account of an ID badge bearing his picture and identifying him as a new congressional intern for Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, the far-right Georgia Republican. In the accompanying post, first reported by Right Wing Watch, he wrote, “I’ve finally been persuaded out of retirement. But my skills are a bit rusty, so the best role I could land was an unpaid internship with a friend. Pray for me!” Shortly thereafter, he added, “Mummy always said I’d end up in government!” 

By Monday afternoon, Greene’s office had confirmed the news, with the congresswoman elaborating in a statement to multiple outlets, “So I have an intern that was raped by a priest as a young teen, was gay, has offended everyone at some point, turned his life back to Jesus and Church, and changed his life. Great story!” 

On one hand, it’s a match made in right-wing heaven. Yiannopoulos, the troll king who reveled in liberal outrage at the height of his alt-right fame in 2016, formally matched with Greene, a QAnon sympathizer who turned the same sort of provocation into a political career. Appointing Yiannopoulos — a 37-year-old “ex-gay” Brit with a miles-long history of extreme racism, homophobia and misogyny — as a congressional summer intern is certainly an audacious piece of lib-owning. But all lulz aside, it also represents the deepening entanglement of both official Republican politics and conservative religion with white nationalist ideology. 

RELATED: Marjorie Taylor Greene asks right-wing Catholics: How come “God hasn’t destroyed” America?

Speculation about Greene’s relationship with Yiannopoulos has been percolating for a while. In late February, Yiannopoulos was credited with facilitating the surprise appearance of Greene at the America First Political Action Conference (AFPAC), the annual gathering of the explicitly white nationalist and youth-oriented America First/groyper movement led by Nick Fuentes. While Fuentes used the occasion to praise Vladimir Putin and Adolf Hitler (no, really), Greene took to the stage to greet Fuentes’ fans as “canceled Americans” who she said had been “handed the responsibility to fight for our Constitution and stand for our freedoms, and stop the Democrats who are the Communist Party of the United States of America.” During her speech, the crowd broke into chants of “America First” and “Christ is King” — the latter being a call increasingly adopted by far-right activists who have fused their politics with Christian, and often Catholic, symbolism. 

When Greene was later denounced for speaking at the event, she at first claimed she knew nothing about Fuentes or his movement, although in 2021, she had been part of a short-lived effort, with fellow groyper hero Rep. Paul Gosar, R-Ariz., to create an America First PAC focused on defending “America’s uniquely Anglo-Saxon political traditions.” Later, on Twitter, she responded more forcefully by decrying “journalists and Washington insiders who fear the name of Our Lord” as well as “Pharisees in the Republican Party” who “attack me for being willing to break barriers and speak to a lost generation of young people” who had “gathered to declare that Christ is King.” 

Two months later, in April, Greene held a press conference in Washington with Yiannopoulos in tow, where she suggested that Elon Musk should meet with him as part of “a roundtable of all the most brilliant people who have been unjustly banned from Twitter.” (The rest of Greene’s all-star lineup included Donald Trump, far-right conspiracy theorist Alex Jones and a greater “cancelled nation.”) Several weeks later, the conservative Washington Examiner reported that Yiannopoulos had been spotted backstage at a Georgia primary election debate, standing alongside Greene’s campaign staff. 


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Also in April, Greene gave a long and controversial interview to the far-right Catholic media outlet Church Militant, in which she infamously declared that “Satan” was controlling the Catholic church, as evidenced by the work of Catholic aid groups to help migrants and refugees. Observers speculated that Yiannopoulos had likely arranged this piece of news-bait as well; for the last year, Yiannopoulos has served as a regular contributor to Church Militant, which in turn had helped Yiannopoulos remake himself after a very public fall from grace several years before. 

In 2015, Yiannopoulos gained notoriety as a chief popularizer of alt-right ideology on Steve Bannon’s Breitbart News, where he helped pioneer a form of winking, “ironic” white nationalism. (Alt-right antisemitism, he claimed, was “simply a means to fluster their grandparents,” no more sincere than the supposed satanism of 1980s metalheads.) By 2016, he’d gotten a $250,000 book deal and speaking engagements and in early 2017, when his planned appearance at the University of California, Berkeley, led to violent protests, he gained the endorsement of Trump himself, who tweeted in defense of the provocateur’s right to free speech. But the same year, just before a scheduled address at the Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC), a video surfaced of Yiannopoulos minimizing some instances of child sex abuse as “enriching” rather than abusive, and he was drummed out of both the far right and the mainstream conservative movement, to which he’d seemed about to gain entry. 

After being driven out of conservative politics, Yiannopoulos reinvented himself as an “ex-gay” right-wing Catholic, who blamed Pope Francis (somehow) for the decades-long sex abuse crisis within the church.

Over the next three years, Yiannopoulos set about rehabilitating his image largely by turning to a right-wing form of Catholicism. In 2018, he published a book, “Diabolical: How Pope Francis Has Betrayed Clerical Abuse Victims Like Me — and Why He Has to Go,” arguing that his comments about child molestation had been a glib way to process his own experience of child sex abuse, which he connected to the larger crisis in the church. His willingness to blame the current pope, whom many right-wing Catholics despise, earned him an eager audience on the reactionary fringes of Catholic media, which in early 2021 happily covered his announcement that he had returned to the church, become “ex-gay” and was opening a Catholic conversion therapy clinic in Florida. 

By last summer, he was writing regularly at Church Militant, targeting the “cult of homosexualism,” recounting anecdotes about women who have suffered miscarriages after receiving COVID-19 vaccines and attacking the leadership of the U.S. Catholic Church. In November, he served as emcee for Church Militant’s large protest rally against the church’s American bishops. At the same event, anti-immigration pundit Michelle Malkin also spoke, arguing — with similar logic to Greene’s — that Catholic bishops supported immigrants and refugees as part of their “ultimate goal of fundamentally transforming the United States of America and destroying the historic American nation”: language that clearly echoes the “great replacement” theory that drove the mass shooter in Buffalo this May. 

Church Militant has long occupied the outer margins of Christian media, but as a Salon investigation revealed last month, it has recently appealed directly to the white nationalist far right as well, through an overt outreach campaign directed at Fuentes’ America First/groyper movement. The outlet has hosted groyper leaders for friendly interviews, promoted the alternative streaming services its leaders use and crafted social media advertisements that use America First imagery in an attempt to recruit groypers to its activist network. In the wake of last month’s leaked Supreme Court opinion that will apparently strike down Roe v. Wade, Church Militant and America First/groyper leaders planned a series of counterprotests against pro-choice demonstrations. When Church Militant’s founder released a video calling on young conservatives to “understand the real war,” Fuentes and Yiannopoulos both shared it on Telegram, captioning it as an appeal to the America First movement. 

In recent weeks, as journalist Nick Martin and Right Wing Watch have noted, Yiannopoulos has deleted a number of his most vitriolic social media posts — such as one in which he calls for conservative media figure Dave Rubin to be “executed” along with his husband over their plans to have children with the help of a surrogate mother — perhaps in preparation for the announcement of his new internship with Greene. 

In recent weeks, Yiannopoulos has deleted many of his most vitriolic and homophobic social media posts. What remains on his Telegram channel feels like an MTG fan site.

What remains on Yiannopoulos’ Telegram channel is largely MTG-focused: news clippings about and press releases from Greene, shared posts from her social media and photos of Yiannapoulos standing outside her office at the Capitol. Three days after the Buffalo massacre, he apparently took a bar-booth selfie of himself and Greene, with the lib-trolling caption: “At the Ritz-Carlton in Georgetown, discussing the rancid scourge of white supremacy over Mai Tais and lightly-fried octopus.” 

Last Thursday, Yiannopoulos shared a livestream video of Greene on Rumble, in which the congresswoman explicitly praised both “Christian nationalism” and “America First nationalism.” 

“Nationalism is a good thing. It’s where all Americans should be. We should be wanting America First,” Greene said. “We should be proud of nationalism, and we should be proud of an America First nationalism.” 

For most of her time in office, Greene has tried to blur the issue of exactly what sort of “America First nationalism” she means: generic support for Trump and his policies or the more explicitly white nationalist version exemplified by Fuentes and his fellow travelers. Over the course of several days last winter, Greene hailed the Fuentes movement as defenders of the Constitution, then claimed to know nothing about them and finally defended them as a “lost generation” who have embraced the doctrine that “Christ is King.” It’s a similar dance to the one Yiannopoulos made his name performing: selling young conservatives on white nationalism, but delivered with a wink and cloaked in supposed irony, as a form of plausible deniability. In the end, Yiannopoulos’ racism was just racism. Now that he’s joined forces with Greene, her  vision of “America First nationalism” seems equally clear.

Read more on the unstoppable rise of Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene:

“Trumpian” effort to recall San Francisco’s progressive district attorney bankrolled by GOP money

San Francisco’s progressive public defender-turned-District Attorney, elected to office just ahead of nationwide demands for police accountability and criminal justice reform, is facing a stiff recall effort largely bankrolled by a few billionaires. 

The effort to recall San Francisco District Attorney Chesa Boudin has in large part been led by William Oberndorf, a shadowy big money Republican who has spent at least $900,000 to remove Boudin from office, according to SFGate. To that end, Oberndorf’s primary pass-through entity is Neighbors for a Better San Francisco, a super PAC responsible for putting up roughly two-thirds of the money dedicated to ousting Boudin. In total, about $6 million dollars has been poured from various sources into the effort, according to Mission Local

“I think it’s pretty clear that the recall is being driven by a dark money PAC that itself is funded by a handful of ultra-wealthy individuals,” Julie Edwards, campaign manager for the effort to keep Boudin in office, told The San Francisco Examiner. 

RELATED: Prosecutors blast AG Bill Barr for claims that progressive DAs are “anti-law enforcement

Oberndorf is joined by Ron Conway, a billionaire venture capitalist who has repeatedly argued that San Francisco is being overrun by crime. The city, however, is currently seeing record lows in violent and property crimes as compared to previous decades, as The San Francisco Chronicle reported. As the Washington Post notes, violent crime “remains at some of the lowest levels it has been in four decades” in San Francisco.

“The recall is coming after me because we’re not limiting our prosecution to poor people of color,” Boudin told In These Times. ​”We’re also holding those in power accountable: operations that systematically steal from their employees, police officers who use excessive force, corrupt politicians and government appointees, manufacturers of ghost guns. That non-traditional, proactive approach to public safety and equal enforcement of the law is exactly why I’ve been targeted for a recall.”


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Oberndorf’s opposition to Boudin stems largely from the attorney’s pledge to enforce progressive policies on policing, incarceration, and immigration.

In a February interview with The New York Times, Boudin accused Oberndorf of withholding support from his 2019 campaign because the then-candidate refused to rescind San Francisco’s sanctuary city policy, which restricts the city’s capacity to cooperate with federal immigration law. (Oberndorf, for his part, has denied this allegation.)

Boudin has also accused Oberndorf of being an “oligarch” and has tarred his opponents as “Trumpian.”

“It’s really problematic that we are having a very Trumpian conversation in San Francisco,” Boudin told the Times.

RELATED: Supreme Court rejects Trump administration challenge to California’s “sanctuary” law

Over the past several decades, Oberndorf has been a major donor to numerous Republicans lawmakers and political action committees, as SFGate reported. Among them are 2012 presidential candidate Mitt Romney ($50,000); the Republican Congressional Leadership Fund, ($750,000); the Republican Senate Leadership Fund of Sen. Minority Leader McConnell, R-Ky. ($850,000); and the Our Principles PAC, an anti-Trump GOP group. 

Apart from donating to Our Principles, Oberndorf also threw his weight behind former 2016 presidential candidate Hillary Clinton Trump over Donald Trump. “If it is Trump vs. Clinton, and there is no viable third party candidate, I will be voting for Hillary Clinton,” he told CNN shortly after Trump was declared the GOP nominee. At the time, he also donated $50,000 to a pro-Clinton PAC. 

According to SFGate, one of Oberndorf’s key policy items is school privatization. He is the chair of the American Federation for Children, a right-wing dark money group that seeks to undermine teachers unions, and at one point backed a ballot proposition that would have banned teachers unions outright.

Missouri GOP quietly funnels taxpayer money to fake clinics that try to trick abortion-seekers

In the final days of Missouri’s legislative session in May 2019, lawmakers turned their focus to a bill that would outlaw abortion in the state if the U.S. Supreme Court were to overturn Roe v. Wade.

The abortion ban passed by the legislature and signed by Gov. Mike Parson remains in limbo, at least for now. A leaked draft opinion suggests the high court is preparing to overturn the landmark 1973 ruling, which would trigger bans in Missouri and about a dozen other states.

But another piece of the same Missouri bill that has garnered far less attention has already taken effect. It has funneled millions of tax dollars to fight abortion, and it may well move tens of millions of dollars more to that battle — a drain on state revenues that legislative oversight officials failed to forecast.

That provision beefed up tax credits for Missouri taxpayers who donate money to pregnancy resource centers, or crisis pregnancy centers. Abortion foes praise the nonprofit centers for supporting women and presenting alternatives to ending pregnancies, but supporters of abortion say the facilities mislead women by appearing to offer clinical services and unbiased advice.

An analysis by ProPublica found the measure is proving costly for the state. Until an expansion took effect last year, Missouri residents who donated to the centers were able to claim a credit of 50% for their donations, meaning for every $1,000 in donations, a taxpayer’s bill dropped by $500. The law increased the credit to 70% in 2021, further shifting the cost of those contributions to the state.

Because the centers are nonprofit, donors can deduct the remaining $300 of a $1,000 donation from their federal income taxes. (A deduction is worth less than a credit because it only reduces taxable income. A credit reduces dollar-for-dollar what a person owes in taxes.) Ultimately, a donor can end up recouping close to 80% of their gift in credits and deductions.

Lawmakers also removed the limit to how many pregnancy resource tax credits the state could issue in a given year starting in July 2021. And they removed the program’s previous end date of 2024; the tax credit program will continue unless the law is changed.

The cost analysis of the bill, authored by nonpartisan legislative oversight directors, concluded the changes would carry a nominal cost to taxpayers. Increasing the tax credit to 70% from 50% meant the same donations that resulted in $3.5 million in tax credits a year — the maximum for the program before the increase took effect — would now result in $4.9 million, a jump of $1.4 million a year. But that was only if donations did not increase.

The authors acknowledged that without a cap, the impact could be greater if the increased tax credit led to more giving. And that’s exactly what happened. In the quarter ending March 31, the state authorized more than $7 million in pregnancy resource tax credits, more than three times higher than in any previous quarter.

Bigger tax incentives for giving to the crisis pregnancy centers brought out more donors than in previous years.

“We definitely did see an increase in big donations,” said Deb Beussink, assistant director of Birthright of Cape Girardeau, one of the 76 pregnancy resource centers across the state authorized to participate in the program.

“And these were from donors who had already been donating well to us,” she added. “But they wanted to take advantage of that tax credit, so they enlarged their donation.”

Until recently, Missouri has been the only state to issue tax credits for donations to pregnancy resource centers. In April, Mississippi Gov. Tate Reeves signed into law a program offering a maximum of $3.5 million per year in tax credits. Ohio considered a similar measure, but it did not advance.

Missouri’s tax credits for pregnancy resource centers come on top of the record $8 million in funding for the centers that lawmakers allocated for the fiscal year starting July 1. Those funds go to centers for the social services they provide. Missouri has long been one of the nation’s leading suppliers of tax dollars for pregnancy resource centers. An Associated Press analysis this year estimated the state had issued more than $44 million to centers since 2010, third most of any state behind Texas and Pennsylvania.

The tax credit’s impact on state revenues, and the potential for that impact to deepen, has one Missouri budget analyst concerned.

“It does make me nervous,” said Amy Blouin, the president and CEO of the Missouri Budget Project, a nonpartisan, nonprofit group that studies the state’s spending and public policy decisions.

Legislators and advocates on both sides of the abortion debate said they were surprised by the increase in the tax credits that were issued. Even the bill’s sponsor in the state Senate said he was unaware of the $7 million in tax credits for one quarter. “I would have expected that for an annual number,” said Sen. Andrew Koenig, a Republican from St. Louis’ western suburbs.

Taxpayers can only redeem tax credits up to the amount of their tax bill, but what’s left over can be used the next year. Businesses also can take advantage. The maximum tax credit per taxpayer per year is $50,000.

The recipients of Missouri’s pregnancy resource tax credits are confidential — unlike other types of state tax credits that are reported on the Missouri Accountability Portal.

Kyle Rieman, who was the oversight director and lead author of the cost analysis of the tax credit expansion, said lawmakers gave his staff only an hour to analyze the financial impact before they voted. And he said state agencies provided him with little data to help make an estimate of more than the program’s minimum cost.

“It pretty much didn’t matter what the cost was,” he said in a text, “they were going to pass the bill.”

But Koenig said he provided Rieman’s office with the tax credit proposal weeks before the vote and asked for — and received — a confidential financial analysis. He said that if the research had pointed to major costs ahead, “it could give pause.”

Rieman said such requests are common but “not official or required, so they are not a priority.”

The analysis sent to legislators before the vote said Rieman’s staff wanted more information to update their analysis. But Parson signed the measure before Rieman could publish a more complete review.

The final analysis, published nearly a month after the governor’s signature, still did not fully explore the potential cost. It said the Department of Social Services, which issues the tax credit, indicated there would be “no fiscal impact” on the agency. Asked how there could be none, a Social Services spokesperson told ProPublica that the department meant the program did not affect its own budget and the “impact is on the state’s general revenue.”

Rieman said the Office of Administration, which coordinates management of the state, did not provide information about how much the program’s cost could exceed the minimum estimate or consider the costs of removing the program’s end date. The office did not respond to questions from ProPublica.

Rieman said the experience was “a clear example of a policy that was passed by the General Assembly and Governor without any real public process or consideration of what the fiscal impact would be to the state.”

A spokesperson for Parson did not respond to ProPublica’s questions.

Koenig said he did not consider the amount of revenue diverted for the pregnancy resource tax credit to be significant next to the state’s $48 billion budget.

“If we’re going to put this ban on abortions in place, I wanted to make sure we support women who are going to be having these babies, and the way to do that was increasing the pregnancy resource tax credit,” Koenig said.

Mallory Schwarz, the executive director of Pro-Choice Missouri, said abortion foes knew exactly what they were doing when they expanded the tax credit.

“Crisis pregnancy centers or pregnancy resource centers are unregulated, unlicensed fronts designed to look like legitimate medical clinics, run by people who are anti-abortion, and intentionally mislead and coerce pregnant people to try to scare them out of having abortions or delay their care to the point where they can no longer have an abortion,” she said. “But at the same time, we’re lining the pockets of these pregnancy centers and incentivizing (people) to give against their own self-interest and their own well-being.”

Jill Schupp, a Democratic senator from St. Louis County who voted against the bill, said she was “shocked” by the amount of tax credits being issued: “These numbers are huge.” While the budget is flush with federal stimulus, she said, the cost “might not look like it’s hurting other programs. But that will change.”

And even a Republican who voted for the bill said the new numbers are concerning. “I wasn’t aware it was that much money. You just brought it to my attention,” said Rep. John Wiemann, a St. Charles County Republican. “If it’s outside what the fiscal note said, someone needs to explain why it’s that high.”

Pro-gun GOP donors call on Greg Abbott and Congress pass firearm restrictions after Uvalde shooting

Major Republican donors, including some that have contributed to Gov. Greg Abbott‘s campaigns, joined other conservative Texans in signing an open letter supporting congressional action to increase gun restrictions in response to the mass shooting in Uvalde that left 19 children and two teachers dead last week.

The letter, which is expected to run as a full-page ad in the Dallas Morning News on Sunday, endorses the creation of “red flag” laws, expanding background checks and raising the age to purchase a gun to 21. More than 250 self-declared gun enthusiasts signed it.

“Most law enforcement experts believe these measures would make a difference,” the letter reads. “And recent polls of fellow conservatives suggest that there is strong support for such gun-safety measures.”

The letter voices support for Texas’ senior senator, John Cornyn, who has been tapped to lead bipartisan negotiations in Congress over possible gun reform measures.

“We are grateful that our Senator John Cornyn is leading efforts to address the recent tragedies in Uvalde and elsewhere across our great Country,” the letter says. “He’s the right man to lead this bipartisan effort, as he has demonstrated throughout his career.”

In an interview with Politico, Cornyn stressed that he was not interested in “restricting the rights of law-abiding citizens under the Second Amendment,” but said it would be “embarrassing” if Uvalde didn’t spark Congress to reach some sort of bipartisan legislative response.

The letter was paid for by Todd Maclin, a former senior executive at J.P. Morgan Chase who now runs the Dallas-based finance firm Maclin Management. Maclin said he is a conservative gun owner who has been stirred to action by the shooting in Uvalde.

“These events have really motivated me and really gotten under my skin and encouraged me to support the effort that’s underway,” Maclin told The Texas Tribune. “I just felt like I needed to do something, and I also believe that there are reasonable things that can be done.”

He said he is still hearing from more conservative gun owners who are feeling a “great sense of urgency and a great need to support [Cornyn] as he does his best to address these issues.”

Maclin said the group is focusing on federal legislation, which he believes is the best avenue to passing gun safety laws and ensuring they are applied uniformly across the country. He declined to comment on the state response to the shooting or gun legislation, except to say that he hopes any federal plan led by Cornyn and passed with conservative support would be embraced by state governments.

Among the signatories are deep-pocketed Abbott supporters, including billionaires Robert Rowling, whose holding company owns Omni Hotels, and Ray L. Hunt, executive chair of Hunt Consolidated Inc.

The contents of the letter are in line with policies Abbott and other party leaders, including Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick, have supported in the past — though not the ones they are endorsing now.

After the 2018 school shooting in Santa Fe, outside Houston, Abbott supported “red flag” laws, which would allow local officials to take someone’s guns away if a judge declares them to be a danger. He later dropped his support for the measure, citing a “coalescence” against it from his own party.

The next year, after back-to-back mass shootings in El Paso and Midland-Odessa, Patrick said he was “willing to take an arrow” from the National Rifle Association and support expanding background checks.

The next time the Legislature met, however, lawmakers instead passed a law that allows Texans to carry a handgun without a license or training.

This time, neither Patrick nor Abbott have expressed any support for tightening gun laws. They have instead offered suggestions that have ranged from expanding mental health services and minimizing the entrances to school buildings to doing surprise security checks.

On the federal level, both Cornyn and Sen. Ted Cruz have A+ ratings from the NRA and are top Senate recipients of gun industry donations. But they’ve taken differing tacks in response to the shooting in Uvalde.

Cruz said in the wake of the massacre that passing laws that restrict gun access “doesn’t work. It’s not effective. It doesn’t prevent crime.” But Cornyn has shown a willingness, now and in the past, to support some bipartisan gun legislation.

In the wake of the 2017 Sutherland Springs shooting outside San Antonio, Cornyn worked with Democratic colleagues to improve the background check system to prevent felons and domestic abusers from purchasing firearms.

He has also supported banning “bump stocks,” which allow semi-automatic guns to fire faster, and shepherded into law a bill that funded the screening and treatment of offenders with mental illness.

After last week’s shooting, Cornyn has said he’s “not interested in making a political statement,” but is focused on making “the terrible events that occurred in Uvalde less likely in the future.”

Disclosure: Politico and Robert Rowling have been financial supporters of The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan news organization that is funded in part by donations from members, foundations and corporate sponsors. Financial supporters play no role in the Tribune’s journalism. Find a complete list of them here.


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This article originally appeared in The Texas Tribune at https://www.texastribune.org/2022/06/04/texas-gop-donors-gun-reform/.

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Nearly half of Republicans say we have to “accept” mass shootings as “part of a free society”

A survey published Sunday shows that nearly half of Republican voters in the United States believe mass shootings of the kind that took the lives of 19 young children Uvalde, Texas last month are “unfortunately something we have to accept as part of a free society.”

According to the CBS/YouGov poll, 44% of GOP voters and 15% of Democratic voters feel that frequent mass shootings are an inescapable reality in the U.S., where there are more guns than people.

That view appears to be out of step with the vast majority of U.S. society, however. The new survey shows that U.S. adults overall—regardless of party or political affiliation—believe by a 72% to 28% margin that mass shootings are “something we can prevent and stop if we really tried.”

More specifically, the poll found that 62% of U.S. adults support a nationwide ban on AR-15s. But despite the proposal’s popularity, it is not even on the table in the latest round of congressional gun control negotiations due to overwhelming GOP opposition.

In response to the survey results, Rep. Pramila Jayapal, D-Wash.—chair of the Congressional Progressive Caucus—described the view that nothing can be done to stop mass shootings as “a radical and disgusting stance.”

“I cannot accept children being gunned down in classrooms and mass shootings in grocery stores, salons, and places of worship,” Jayapal wrote in a Twitter post on Monday.

Former Ohio state Sen. Nina Turner added, “I’m sorry, but living with the threat of random mass violence isn’t freedom.”

An estimated 33 mass shootings have occurred across the U.S. since a gunman killed 19 children and two teachers at Robb Elementary School in Uvalde on May 24.

Just this past weekend, as NPR reported, “a string of shootings left at least 15 people dead and more than 60 others wounded in eight states.”

A new COVID vaccine is coming. Will it sway anti-vaxxers?

A new COVID-19 vaccine could soon be available to Americans this summer — and the familiar protein technology used to make it may make the vaccine more palatable to those who were wary of mRNA vaccines, experts believe. 

On Tuesday, the Food and Drug Administration’s (FDA) advisory voted 21 to 0 to recommend approval for to recommend authorizing Novavax’s vaccine, dubbed NVX-CoV2373. The FDA is expected to authorize the two-dose shot for adults 18 and over next. The move would mark the fourth vaccine to be approved for emergency use authorization in the United States.

Notably, the anticipated approval would make it the first new vaccine to be approved in over a year in the U.S. — and at a time when more transmissible variants of SARS-CoV-2 have become the dominant strains in the United States, which the original vaccines weren’t designed to target. The Novavax vaccine is already approved in the European Union, Canada, South Korea, Australia, New Zealand and Indonesia.

RELATED: Who wants a monkeypox vaccine?

Given that the original strain of COVID-19 has died out, having been superseded by newer, more virulent variants, the announcement of a new vaccine designed to fight the ancestral strain of SARS-CoV-2 might seem odd. Yet experts tell Salon that the Novavax vaccine is particularly exciting given that it may be attractive to people who hesitated to get the mRNA vaccines (which includes Moderna and Pfizer’s shots) due to misinformation and fear. As of June 6, 2022, an estimated 66.7 percent of the U.S. population is fully vaccinated against COVID-19, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC); that includes 76 percent of adults over the age of 18.

“Unfortunately, some of the other vaccines have gotten maligned by the anti-vaccine movement because they’re not protein-based,” Dr. Amesh Adalja, a senior scholar at the Johns Hopkins Center, told Salon. “This is a protein vaccine, it’s very similar to other vaccines that people routinely get, so maybe those individuals who have been unfortunately swayed by the misinformation about the other vaccines may find this one more suitable.” Adalja added that even though this vaccine is “more traditional,” it is also innovative in its own way.

“Unfortunately, some of the other vaccines have gotten maligned by the anti-vaccine movement because they’re not protein-based,” Dr. Amesh Adalja, a senior scholar at the Johns Hopkins Center, told Salon.

As Salon has previously reported, anti-vaccine conspiracy theorists have spread the misinformation that mRNA vaccines can change a person’s DNA. This is untrue, as the vaccine essentially sends instructions to our immune system on how to recognize the coronavirus’ Spike protein, and fight it. The benefit of mRNA vaccines is that they are easier to produce within a shorter period of time, and easier to modify in the future — hence, their success in the coronavirus vaccine race. As for the Johnson & Johnson vaccine, theirs uses an altered genetic snippet of the SARS-CoV-2 virus inserted in a cold virus such that it produces the coronavirus’ Spike protein, though it cannot make a person sick because it cannot replicate in the body.

As Adalja noted, the Novavax vaccine is different from Pfizer and Moderna’s mRNA vaccines and Johnson & Johnson’s adenovirus vaccine because it uses a protein technology. This means that the vaccine already contains a replica of the Spike protein that was created using moth cells, and an adjuvant which revs up the immune system. Since the Spike protein is already in the vaccine, it doesn’t have to be manufactured in a person’s body by one’s own immune system. According to the results of Novavax’s 30,000-person trial,  the vaccine is 90 percent effective against symptomatic COVID-19 infections, and 100 percent protection against moderate and severe disease. Notably, these numbers were calculated prior to the omicron variant era of the pandemic. 


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Like Adalja, Monica Gandhi, an infectious diseases specialist and professor of medicine at University of California–San Francisco, said she’s hopeful that if the vaccine is approved it will be attractive to people who were vaccine hesitant — and “any adult who has declined the other vaccines for some reason,” Gandhi said. She also opined that it would make “a really good booster” for the segment of the population that is already vaccinated.

Indeed, while those who are fully vaccinated won’t be the ones lining up to get vaccinated again — and while the approval would only be for an initial vaccination series — some experts are hopeful that the Novavax vaccine could be used as a future booster.

“The reason I’m intrigued by the Novavax vaccine booster is because the Novavax vaccine is the actual protein, and it’s a much longer piece of the protein, and also includes what’s called the receptor binding domain,” Gandhi said. “And that part of the receptor binding domain actually tends to be pretty conserved across variants, so that piece of the Spike protein doesn’t change as much.”

As an example, Gandhi noted that in the omicron variant, the receptor binding domain remains the same — despite its 32 mutations compared to the primordial virus.

But at this point, would the country be better off with new vaccines that actually target new variants? The omicron subvariant BA.2 is far more transmissible than previous variants like delta and alpha, and vaccine efficacy seems to wane with each subsequent variant. 

Adalja said the answer to this question depends on what the goals are for vaccinations.

“If our goal is to prevent severe disease, hospitalization and death, vaccines directed against ancestral strain are holding up really well,” Adalja said. “But if you’re trying to prevent infections, then they’re clearly not able to do that as well as they once could in the age of omicron.”

If the goal is to completely block transmission, Adalja believes future vaccines targeted at specific strains might be most effective.

“I do think that an update to the vaccine to be better targeted at the variants that are circulating should be a goal,” Adalja said.

An FDA analysis of Novavax’s documents did raise concerns about the risk of myocarditis and pericarditis associated with the vaccines; those condition have also both been associated with the mRNA vaccines. Yet, the FDA appeared to be optimistic about how it would hold up with today’s variants.

“Relevant data to assess effectiveness of [the Novavax vaccine] against the Omicron variant and sublineages, including observational data from use in other countries where the vaccine has been deployed, are currently unavailable,” the FDA wrote. “However, based on the efficacy estimate in the clinical trial of this vaccine, it is more likely than not that the vaccine will provide some meaningful level of protection against COVID-19 due to Omicron, in particular against more severe disease.”

Editor’s note: This story was updated on June 8, 2022 to add that the FDA committee recommended approval of the Novavax vaccine.

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The bizarre story of Alan Cumming’s chimp pal, a missing primate mystery involving a faked death

We all thought the worst when it came to Alan Cumming’s long-lost primate pal. Turns out, our fears were only partially right.

The Scottish star of stage and screen had built a caring relationship with a chimpanzee named Tonka, who had starred in a number of films in the ’90s, including “George of the Jungle.” The two shared a screen in the 1997 film “Buddy,” cementing their friendship, which is why Cummming was horrified to learn of Tonka’s disappearance later. 

The actor had been particularly vocal about locating the missing chimp. How could such a beloved animal performer be misplaced? Or worse . . . was there foul play? Rumors of a death were all the more frustrating for their lack of confirmation.

RELATED: Alan Cumming’s fight against circumcision

Cumming made numerous public pleas to get to the bottom of the mystery and even addressed the distressing situation with Salon.

However, as of last week, the primate puzzle has been solved, thanks to a new investigation. But before we get to those details, here’s all the background you need on the saga of Alan and Tonka, and the latter’s “Tiger King”-esque escapade. 

The beginning of a beautiful friendship

In an October 2021 Salon Talks, Cumming shared how it all began, spending time mingling with four different chimps on the set of “Buddy,” about an animal-loving millionaire (Rene Russo). Cumming, who plays an animal handler named Dick Croner in the film, also enjoyed playing and training with the primates on set.

Cumming grew closest to Tonka, among the four chimpanzees. The pair shot scenes together, shared each other’s food and in one instance, enjoyed an intimate grooming session. The memory of their time together made Cumming look forward to participating in the inevitable round of PR for when the film was ready.

“So then what happened was the next year I came back to do press for ‘Buddy’ and I thought, ‘Where’s Tonka?’ I thought I’d be doing pictures, and I thought they were going to surprise me with him,” Cumming said. “Then there was this other little chimp I had to do a photo shoot with.

“Then they said, ‘He’s gone to live in Palm Springs. He’s retired.’ But then I went on a talk show they said, ‘Oh, isn’t it a shame about Tonka?’ I was like, ‘Did he die, and they’re just not telling me?'” he continued. “They went, ‘No, he’s six now and he’s sexually aggressive, so they were worried if he saw you.’ So they couldn’t have him near me because I was too arousing for this chimp. I took that as a huge compliment as well. But I also thought I would not like to be on live television, being sexually molested by an amorous chimp.”

The plot thickens, and a reward is offered

Cumming later learned that Tonka was being held in the Missouri Primate Foundation (MSP), which was sued by PETA over its terrible housing conditions. According to Yahoo Entertainment, Tonka was officially declared “dead” by his owner, Tonia Haddix, in July 2021 after the animal rights organization attempted to rescue Tonka and his six chimp companions. 

“If he’s dead or if he’s on his own being hidden, it’s just awful. It’s such a sad thing for me that I had no idea that there weren’t the conditions and regulations in place for animals,” Cumming added. “Once they’ve done their thing in showbiz and they become too sexually aggressive, anyone could buy them, and all these awful roadside zoos and things like that that you see, they’re just deregulated and these animals are treated appallingly.”

In February, PETA posted a call for Tonka, stating that his “last known whereabouts were inside the former Missouri Primate Foundation (MPF) facility, a breeding outfit that previously rented out baby chimpanzees for events and sold them to private homes and movie exhibitors and was known as “Chimparty.'” The organization also offered a $10,000 reward for any information on Tonka.  

A few months later, on April 28, Cumming announced an additional $10,000 reward for anyone who could find the missing chimp.

“During the months we filmed together, baby Tonka and I became good friends, playing and grooming each other and just generally larking about,” Cumming told Variety. “It’s horrible to think he might be in a cage in a dark basement somewhere or have met some other fate, so I’m appealing to whoever knows what has become of him to please come forward and claim the reward.”

Back in 2017, the actor pushed for the rescue of Tonka and his fellow captives from the so-called Missouri sanctuary, Vulture reported.

“As an old friend of Tonka’s, I respectfully ask that you allow him and the chimpanzees at MPF to be sent to accredited sanctuaries where they can enjoy some semblance of the life that nature intended for them,” Cumming wrote.

A death faked,  and the truth revealed

According to court documents submitted by Haddix, Tonka allegedly suffered a stroke last May and died from heart failure shortly afterwards. The documents and declaration also claimed that the chimp had been burned in a fire pit following his demise.   

However, those claims were refuted on Thursday, when authorities searched Haddix’s home as part of an emergency court order obtained by PETA and found Tonka hidden in the basement. Haddix reportedly faked the chimp’s death after a Missouri judge ordered her to turn over Tonka to the Center for Great Apes sanctuary in Wauchula, Florida.

The elderly primate was being kept in a small cage nailed to the basement floor, surrounded by “a 60-inch TV” and “an interactive iPad-like touch device,” per Rolling Stone. “He was reportedly overweight, wasn’t allowed outside, and had no companionship with other chimpanzees — something crucial for chimps,” PETA also disclosed.

The organization busted Haddix after receiving a concerning phone call, in which the exotic animal breeder “confessed that [Tonka] was still alive but would be euthanized on June 2.” Haddix told Rolling Stone that she had lied about Tonka’s death and said he was kept hidden in her house over the past year. She also denied having any immediate plans to euthanize Tonka, explaining that the medic was the one who said Tonka would need to be put down soon due to his poor health.

According to a press release from PETA, Haddix “falsely and perjuriously claimed under oath that he [Tonka] had died prior to the transfer” of heart failure following a stroke. Haddix, however, seemed unfazed by her crimes.

“Honey, I’ve been held in contempt of court three times,” she said. “I have paid $50 a day [in fines]. I’ve been through the mill. I’m sure that there’ll be some jail time in this. Do I care? No, I don’t care. It’s because it’s about that kid. As long as that kid is safe, I don’t care about nothing out there.”

After holding out hope all this time, Cumming finally knows the fate of his pal Tonka. And while the conditions the chimp had to endure were sobering, at least that will come to an end now that he’s been found, thanks to all the attention his story received.

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It took 35 years to get a malaria vaccine. Why?

When the World Health Organization approved a malaria vaccine for the first time in October 2021, it was widely hailed as a milestone. “This is a historic moment,” said WHO director-general Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus in a statement that month.

The vaccine — dubbed RTS,S — promises a 30 percent reduction in severe malaria in fully vaccinated children. In 2020, a research team estimated that each year, the vaccine could prevent between 3 and 10 million malaria cases, and save the lives of 14,000 to 51,000 small children, depending on how it’s implemented.

What those plaudits often failed to note, though, was that the core ingredient of the path-breaking vaccine was actually almost 35 years old — and that researchers have known since the late 1990s that the formula was probably somewhat effective at protecting against malaria.

At a time when Covid-19 vaccines were developed and authorized in less than one year, the delay for malaria raises a question: Why did a vaccine for a leading global killer take so long to arrive? According to researchers involved in the development of RTS,S, the answer involves the challenges of developing a vaccine against a vexing parasite — and the chronic lack of urgency and funding behind malaria research, which stymied the logistics of research trials at every step.

The people who are affected by malaria, “they’re not Europeans, they’re not Australians, they are poor African children,” said Ashley Birkett, director of the malaria vaccine initiative at PATH, a non-profit global health organization. “Unfortunately, I think we have to accept that that is part of the reason for the lack of urgency in the community.”

Researchers had been searching for a malaria vaccine since the late 1960s. In 1980, they identified a protein that is abundant on the parasite’s surface, called circumsporozoite protein, and realized that a vaccine directed against this protein might grant immunity. After U.S. government researchers sequenced the gene for the protein in 1984, the military asked them to develop a malaria vaccine to protect troops overseas. Government officials then enlisted Smith, Kline & French, a precursor company to the pharmaceutical giant GlaxoSmithKline, to help.

The work, experts recalled, was extremely challenging. The malaria parasite has a notoriously complex life cycle with at least three distinct stages once it’s inside humans, and it is “actually changing clothes during the evolution, during the cycle,” said Lode Schuerman, the scientific affairs director for GSK’s global health vaccines program. Any vaccine developed against a particular stage would have to stop the infection then, and would not work if the parasite has advanced to the next stage. Moreover, basic tools that researchers use today to speed up vaccine development did not yet exist.

More than a dozen attempted vaccines based on the circumsporozoite protein failed. The exception was RTS,S. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, the team figured out various technical details, and a 1998 trial in Gambia, involving 250 men, found that the vaccine prevented 34 percent of infections.

“That was really the start of RTS,S,” said Brian Greenwood, an infectious disease expert at the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine who was involved in the Gambia trial.

Still, attention to the vaccine, Greenwood recalled, was driven more by intellectual interest than a sense of medical urgency — at least for the broader public, beyond American troops. “I don’t think there was any sort of push. It was done by people who were more academics and interested in the immunology,” he said. “It wasn’t seen as a public health issue.”

And, people involved in the vaccine’s development told Undark, the promising shot was about to run into a whole new set of problems: the myriad tribulations that come with testing a vaccine that doesn’t have a commercial market.

In 1999, Ripley Ballou, a vaccinologist who then worked at the Walter Reed Army Institute of Research, flew to Europe to meet with GSK executives. “I was still in the Army at the time,” he recalled, “and we were there in our uniforms in Belgium.” In a conference room with long tables, Ballou and his colleagues from GSK sat down and presented their findings from the Gambia trial. “We had this glimmer of hope that came from this study that says, ‘you know, what, something is happening here, and we think we really need to take it to the next step,'” he said. And that next step would be to trial the vaccine in the group who would most benefit: children.

GSK agreed to go forward — provided Ballou and his colleagues could come up with some additional funding from a partner organization. There was a high risk the project would fail; even if it did succeed, GSK could expect little financial reward. And the U.S. military was no longer interested in RTS,S, unconvinced the efficacy would do enough to protect the troops.

Instead, the partner organization that funded the work turned out to be the Malaria Vaccine Initiative at PATH established just a year earlier through a grant from the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation.

As the vaccine makers began launching trials in African countries, they soon realized that the task of testing the vaccine was going to be far from easy. There were a lot of logistical issues, said Ballou. “We had to go and there would be a building with nothing in it, just a concrete shell, and we had to turn it into a laboratory,” he recalled. “That took time, that took money.”

These trials were also aimed at young infants and small children, and so the Phase I and II trials, which look at the shot’s safety and efficacy, had to be first conducted in adults, then in older children, and finally in small children — optimizing the dosage against side effects for each age group before moving on. “All that process took about 10 years,” said Greenwood.

The promising results from Phase II trials — in which infants saw a 65.9 percent reduction in the rate of infection compared to the control group in the months after the third dose — led to a large-scale Phase III trial, which did not begin until 2009. There was a steep learning curve for designing the trial, Ballou said, “Nobody had ever done a malaria vaccine trial at this scale.”

The Phase III trials ran from 2009 to 2014 in seven sub-Saharan African countries. They enrolled over 15,000 children. And the results were promising — so much so that GSK began preparing a manufacturing facility for the shot, according to Schuerman.

But in October 2015, a WHO review of the Phase III trial data found that the rate of meningitis was higher in the vaccinated group than the control and death was higher among girls who had received a vaccine, although whether it was linked to the shot wasn’t clear. To address these issues and to test the vaccine in a broader real-life setting, the WHO recommended large-scale pilot projects. This announcement came out of the blue, said multiple scientists. “We had to close down and put on hold the whole manufacturing side,” said Schuerman. Instead, he added, the vaccine team was tasked with the slow work of setting up a pilot: seeking funds, selecting countries for the implementation, and hiring people to conduct the program.

Today, most researchers agree that the additional study was warranted. “Given the attitude towards vaccines globally, it was important to make sure that we ruled out any potential safety issues,” said Wongani Nyangulu, a physician who leads a phase IV study site in Southern Malawi.

It took four years to launch the pilot. Eventually, 900,000 children in Ghana, Malawi, and Kenya received the vaccine. After reviewing the results, the WHO recommended the vaccine for widespread use in areas of moderate to high malaria transmission in October 2021. In December, GAVI, the global agency that funds and distributes vaccines in poor countries, announced it would invest $155.7 million in an RTS,S rollout.

More than 20 years after the first promising trials, RTS,S was ready for widespread use.

By the time RTS,S was approved, vaccines for another global killer, Covid-19, had already been developed and authorized around the world — less than two years after the virus emerged.

The apparent disparities have frustrated some researchers in sub-Saharan Africa. “If the same energy and resources were directed towards malaria vaccine development as has been the case for Covid-19, then malaria could be eradicated,” wrote Damaris Matoke-Muhia, a scientist at the Kenya Medical Research Institute, in an essay for the global development site SciDev.Net last August. (At the time, she noted, malaria was killing more people on the continent than Covid-19.)

Other African researchers have also noted the discrepancy. Deus Ishengoma, a malaria expert at the National Institute for Medical Research in Tanzania, noted that, considering Covid, it would be “really bad if the world now closes their eyes for diseases like malaria.” The speed of development for the Covid-19 vaccine, he added, meant “we’ll never have a justification or excuse of not making a vaccine for malaria in the next 10 years.”

Other experts cautioned that drawing comparisons between the vaccines is not entirely fair. “Covid is a much easier target for a vaccine,” said Birkett, the PATH executive. Malaria, he added, “is probably an order of magnitude more difficult.” The efficacy of RTS,S, several experts said, likely also slowed down the process. And antimalarial drugs and other tools have long helped offset the burden of malaria, said Birkett, so the vaccine wasn’t a priority in the same sense compared to Covid-19.

Still, experts said, the disparity reflects longstanding patterns in which deadly diseases receive attention — and which do not. “Primarily, this is the problem that you face when you’re trying to develop a vaccine that nobody wants to pay for,” said Ballou.

The funding woes plagued each and every step of development, said Birkett. “We had to go very sequentially, step by step by step, generate the data, go and raise the money, design the protocol.” Several experts worry that funding shortfalls will also hamper the rollout of RTS,S. This is the biggest risk the vaccine program faces right now, said Ballou. Funds for malaria vaccine R&D — especially for clinical development — have been on a downward trend since 2017, and in 2020 dropped by $21 million, a 15 percent drop from the earlier year, according to Policy Cures Research, a global health think tank.

The development of RTS,S, however, has paved the way for next-generation malaria vaccines. The University of Oxford’s R21 vaccine, which showed a promising 77 percent efficacy in Phase II trials, is probably next in line. “They are going to benefit tremendously from the delivery system and the regulators, as everybody is used to it,” said Greenwood. Still, R21 might not be a game changer, as it’s based on the same underlying formula as RTS,S, said Birkett, and “all the data suggests, so far, it’s going to be very similar.”

In July 2021, BioNTech, a German biotech company which co-created the first mRNA Covid-19 vaccine, also announced plans to use the same technology to develop a malaria vaccine, with clinical trials planned for 2022.

The next round of vaccines, should they prove safe and more efficacious, should take far fewer than 35 years to come to market. “I’m very confident,” said Birkett, “that we can go faster next time.”


UPDATE: This story originally referred to the pilot program that started in 2019 in Ghana, Kenya, and Malawi as a clinical trial. It is actually a phased introduction aimed at evaluating the impact of the malaria vaccine in real-life settings.

Pratik Pawar is an independent science journalist based in India. His work has been published in Science News, Discover, The Wire, and The Washington Post, among others.

This article was originally published on Undark. Read the original article.