Spring Sale: Get 1 Year, Save 58%

Delroy Lindo on his “Da 5 Bloods” pro-Trump role: “He felt reviled because of his love for America”

In Delroy Lindo's six-decade career, the actor has appeared in dozens of films, TV shows, plays, and films, including such notables as Spike Lee's "Malcolm X," "Clockers," and "Crooklyn." He also currently plays Adrian Boseman on CBS All Access' acclaimed series "The Good Fight."

His most recent film is Lee's Vietnam vet drama "Da 5 Bloods," in which he portrays a Black Trump supporter named Paul. The actor earned critical praise for the role, which in turn sparked outrage when he wasn't nominated in the best actor category for this year's Oscars. Lee was so incensed by the snub that he even posted an appreciation for the actor on his Instagram. Meanwhile, "Da 5 Bloods" has also earned NAACP Image Award nominations for best motion picture and best actor for Lindo.

He is a previous recipient of an NAACP Image Award and has also been nominated twice for the Critics' Choice Television Award, three times for Screen Actors Guild Awards and a Tony.

Lindo is a well-known if not iconic actor. He is not a "star" in the sense of someone who is famous because he or she is famous – an ephemeral persona, who by definition exists outside of real life in that unreal and surreal space of "fame" and "Hollywood."

Lindo is authentic. His energy is that of a grounded and serious person. He is also a truth-teller, which has come at no small cost. This is an extension of his upbringing, humanity, and overall life experiences as a Black man, member of the Black Diaspora, and global citizen.

Lindo spoke to Salon in early March (and therefore could not address the egregious Oscar snub) to reflect on his career and life. In the conversation below, he shares how this pandemic time is a test, the importance of personal grace and gratitude, the responsibilities that Black and brown cultural workers have, and how radical empathy informed his performance in "Da 5 Bloods."

The following conversation has been lightly edited for length and clarity.

We are in an age of death and other crises all over the world. How are you feeling? What of the day-to-day?

What I try to do, and this may sound kind of pious, but I really truly try in my day-to-day life and meditate on how very fortunate I am. It's a balancing act to not surrender to COVID fatigue. But I really try to keep at the forefront of my mind how there are hundreds of thousands of people across the globe who are far less fortunate than myself, that my personal circumstances, no matter how challenged they may be, are a lot better off than a lot of people. At the end of last year, I went to do a film. It was tightly controlled. We were tested three times a week. We were shut down a couple of times. But between the time that I got to Santa Fe to start working, which was early September, and the time that I actually wrapped the film, which was a week and a half or so before Christmas, I was working. I was gainfully employed in the middle of a pandemic in which millions of people have lost their jobs.

And here I am, gainfully employed in an industry, which at the best of times, there is only a small percentage of people who are working. I'm really trying very consistently to count my blessings and those of my family.

This moment is a test for people. They are learning about their relationships and the true nature of their character. I wonder what folks are going to do with that knowledge doing forward.

We have learned about ourselves. And we are learning about ourselves in real time. I am trying to channel the energy of gratitude for all that I have in life such as my friends, family, and other people.

The abstract idea of being a star is someone who transcends and in a way is immortal. The deaths of Hollywood stars and other prominent entertainers seems to be hitting people particularly hard now. People don't live forever. But it seems that this season of death and suffering is making the public especially sensitive to the deaths of their favorite celebrities. There is also the flip side to living through a season of death, which is that people can also become numb to it all.

There is an acute awareness of death, absolutely. But the flip side of that is an appreciation and an acute and heightened awareness of life. I've got to stay there, in that space and energy. First of all, I'm a parent. So there are certain things that I don't have the luxury of indulging. Because I've got to be there for my son. Period. The end. I have to be there for my family. Period. The end. Of course, there are challenges and obstacles. But one makes the best effort that one can to be present. And in my case, part of being present is not indulging those things that I might have if I were 30 and single.

How are we going to live our lives? Who are we in the face of all of these challenges with the pandemic and what it has wrought?

You mentioned the idea of stardom.

If indeed stardom is an abstraction, then I think that one wants to connect oneself with that which is more tangible in life. Which is not to say that one does not take his or her job seriously. It's not to say that one does not meet the responsibilities of whatever one's job is in this life. But in the final analysis, if indeed stardom is an abstraction, as you say, then I think that that heightens the need to connect with that which is tangible and real in life.

What is the responsibility of the actor and the actress in this moment? Especially the responsibility of Black actors and actresses given our history and struggles as a people?

I really can only speak for myself. I am trying to keep myself balanced in my life and in this world. It comes down to the position that each individual adopts vis-à-vis the society that he or she is a part of. I've had some fantastic teachers, frankly. Danny Glover is a very good friend of mine.

What I've always said about Danny is that he, for me, is a remarkable example of somebody who took his stardom and turned it, not into an abstraction, but turned it into a tangible entity in terms of his activism, his willingness, his desire frankly to speak truth to power and how that impacted the way in which he walked through the world. Yes, he did that as a celebrity but also as a concerned citizen of the world. I'm not going to tell you that I agree or have agreed in the past with all of the choices that Danny has made, because I have not.

However, that is beside the point, frankly. Because Danny is living his life in the way that he feels is appropriate for him. My larger point has to do with the fact that, as a friend and as a colleague of his, Danny is someone who has put his money where his mouth is. He has stepped up to align himself with causes that he believes benefit the larger society and his fellow human beings. That has been incredibly instructive for me. It comes down to individual choices that we all make. And God forbid that I should have to leave this world tomorrow, and then answer, "What did you do with your life? Who did you impact? How did you conduct yourself?

Absolutely, I have made tons of mistakes. Absolutely, I have not always been a righteous human being. However, I'd like to believe that I have made in my small sphere of influence, in my small sphere of existence, that I've had some positive impact on the people that I've come into contact with and the global community I am a part of.

We are a product of our teachers and the other people in our lives.  

In losing Chadwick Boseman so tragically, I have had to respond to the inevitable questions about him from journalists. I will say that in his passing, I immediately had and have a heightened appreciation for who he was and what he was about. With his passing away that loss has translated into my need to tell everyone how much I appreciate them in the here and now.

Who are we in terms of life and death? Especially in this pandemic? My mandate to myself is to be as real as I can, be as present as I can, and even though it is not always possible, be as genuine and honest as I'm able to be. And that is not an easy thing. I'm not saying that I achieve that all of the time, but certainly that is part of my mandate to myself.

What has your candor cost you professionally? Personally? The truth comes with a cost.

It has cost me professionally. There have been personal costs as well but that is something different. From a professional standpoint, I have had to learn – and frankly, it was a long time coming – that you can't tell everybody what is in your heart. You can't. I have to be extremely discerning with myself in terms of who I share parts of myself with and who I do not share parts of myself with. How I communicate.

And I pray that my candor will not cost me in the same way in the future. Speaking in terms of my professional life, if I am going to engage in conversation with a colleague, a producer, a director, I have to choose my words very carefully. And if I have a difference of opinion, I will follow the old axiom that you get more with honey than you do with bitters. Every single time, you get more with honey than you do with bitters.

One of the throughlines in all your roles is dignity. For example, your role as West Indian Archie in "Malcolm X." As a serious student of film, I have a Rolodex of great scenes in my mind. The arc of West Indian Archie, where at the end you are broken and vulnerable and sitting in the room of a welfare hotel, unable to move because of a stroke, was so powerful and riveting. Just amazing vulnerability. Such vulnerability takes great personal strength and confidence. How do you channel that energy?

What's interesting about the question is that one does not set out to be dignified. I set out to investigate the truth of whichever character I'm playing. And if you set out in an authentic way to seek the truth inside the work and the truth inside the character, then I think that that in turn engenders an empathy and openness to the process. That also applies to the openness to the narrative and openness to the character that you're playing. I believe that if one is able to achieve or investigate those things there is some kind of dignity inherent in that process.         

How did you convince yourself to play a Black Trump supporter in "Da 5 Bloods"? I could not play such a disreputable and pitiable person. But then again it would be a great challenge in terms of acting as well, so in that way it could be also compelling.

That aspect of Paul as a Trump supporter was a stumbling block for me.

How did I approach that question with Paul? The value in Paul's support of Trump for me was that it compelled me, it forced me through a process of discovery and creativity to understand Paul and the depth of his loss. The depth of his disenfranchisement. The depth and the breadth of the various things that he has lost. 

The violations that he suffered created an individual like Paul, a Black man, who is disconnected and disassociated from the community that he is a part of. Paul is disassociated and disconnected from himself and disenfranchised from America. That was the value of that journey for me playing that character. I very clearly understood that when Trump came along in 2015 saying such things as, "All of you all who are disenfranchised, who feel left out" – and Paul is one of them – "I can make it better for you all. I'm going to take care of you all." Trump was speaking to people like Paul.

Paul needed to believe. He is at a point in his life where he needs a win. Think about this, he lost his wife in childbirth. Paul is estranged from his son. Paul blames his son for the loss of his wife. Paul volunteered for three tours in Vietnam. He loves America but when he came back from the war he was spat upon and called a "baby killer." He felt reviled and rejected because of his love for America. Those experiences helped to create Paul and why he cast a vote for Donald Trump in 2016.

"Da 5 Bloods" is currently streaming on Netflix.

Democrats could undo Trump policies faster, but they’re not. Why?

Undoing many of the policies of his predecessor is one of President Joe Biden’s top priorities. In early February, Biden even got a little defensive about all the executive actions he was taking in his first days in office to halt policies set by President Donald Trump. “I’m not making new law,” he said Feb. 2. “I’m eliminating bad policy.”

But as easy as it sounds on the campaign hustings or in a 30-second political ad, it’s complicated to overturn rules from earlier administrations. There is one tool, however, that Biden and the Democratic Congress could use to undo the policies the Trump administration left behind. A little-used law called the Congressional Review Act allows a new administration with a like-minded Congress to fast-track the repeal of regulations and other executive actions with simple majority votes in both chambers and no filibuster in the Senate.

So far, though, Congress has made no attempt to use it, and the president has not called for it. And it appears there are no specific plans to do so, at least not on health-related policies.

Time is of the essence when it comes to using the CRA. With a few exceptions, it applies to only those Trump administration policies finalized between Aug. 21, 2020, and Jan. 20, 2021. And it’s available for only the first 60 legislative days — those that either the House or Senate is officially working in Washington — of the new Congress. That end date will likely land sometime in April.

KHN is tracking health regulations, guidance and executive orders implemented during Trump’s term and whether those policies will continue under the Biden administration.

Trump and the GOP-controlled Congress were not shy about using the CRA to eliminate policies implemented by the Obama administration. Between Feb. 14 and May 17, 2017, Congress passed and the president signed rollbacks of 14 regulations, according to the Congressional Research Service. Before 2017, the 1996 law had been used only once — when the new George W. Bush administration and GOP-led Congress repealed a Clinton-era worker safety rule in 2001.

But experts said it’s not surprising that the Democrats haven’t followed that pattern this year.

“The CRA is such a blunt instrument,” said Daniel Pérez, a senior policy analyst at George Washington University’s Regulatory Policy Center. “There are other tools at their disposal.”

Using the act is also risky. Under its provisions, once a policy is repealed, no administration can issue a “substantially similar” regulation. But how similar is too similar? No one knows, and it’s never been tested.

“It’s kind of a legal gray area,” said Pérez.

The Biden administration may well be the one to test that. One regulation repealed by the Republican Congress using the Congressional Review Act in 2017 dealt with the Title X family planning program. The Obama-era rule forbade state health departments from withholding Title X funding as long as organizations were able to provide family planning services. Several states had banned Planned Parenthood affiliates and other clinics that performed abortions from participating in the program. Title X has not, from its inception in 1970, funded abortions, but abortion providers have long participated to provide contraceptive and other health services.

Family planning groups would like to see those state policies blocked once again.

But the failure to use the Congressional Review Act may be about more than just getting organized in time. Many Trump policy changes that Democrats may want to ditch were part of larger regulations that touched a wide variety of subjects and could include policies that Biden’s team wants to keep. But Congress can’t dismiss only part of a rule.

“The nature of health care rule-making is they tend to be omnibus,” said Katie Keith, a health policy researcher and law professor at Georgetown University.

For example, a Jan. 19 regulation finalized by the Trump administration cuts funding for Affordable Care Act marketplace operations and codifies changes that would make it easier for states to create health plans that do not include all the protections offered by the ACA. But those changes are embedded within a much larger regulation required each year to keep the health law operating.

Biden administration officials, rather than try to repeal the entire regulation, will likely rewrite just the pieces they disagree with. That will take significant time and resources. That raises another hurdle the White House has encountered as it tries to change health policy. The Senate has yet to confirm a director for the Office of Management and Budget, and new Health and Human Services Secretary Xavier Becerra was sworn in only last week. Both agencies are required for health regulations to proceed.

“My own two cents is this is not the product of a deliberate decision not to use the CRA,” said Sara Rosenbaum, a health law and policy professor at George Washington University. “It’s more a problem with the messiness they have run into with starting up the new administration. They don’t know what they want to do with these rules.”

And the transition period was especially tumultuous. Both the Biden administration and the new Congress were delayed in getting organized. First, Trump refused to concede the election — which sparked a mob attack on the Capitol. Then, once it was official that Biden had won, the Senate — now evenly split, 50-50 — didn’t change hands to Democratic control until Inauguration Day, when Vice President Kamala Harris became the tie-breaking vote. An agreement on how to run the Senate and committees took even longer to negotiate between the Democrats and Republicans. Plus, before two Democratic challengers swept the Jan. 5 Georgia runoffs, most people thought the Senate would remain in Republican hands, so the CRA would not have been a viable option.

Even when Democrats assumed control of the Senate and White House, the early weeks were crowded with an impeachment trial, efforts to get control of the pandemic response and the covid-19 relief bill that passed earlier this month.

It’s not too late for Congress to turn to the Congressional Review Act. Keith said one possible use would be on a last-minute Trump regulation known as the sunset rule. It requires HHS to review 18,000 of its regulations, and those not reviewed within a set period will automatically end. A group of health and other interest groups, led by Santa Clara County in California, sued to block the rule March 9.

But congressional action could be a cleaner way to end the rule. “That strikes me as something the Democrats would like to see never come back again,” said Keith.

KHN (Kaiser Health News) is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues. Together with Policy Analysis and Polling, KHN is one of the three major operating programs at KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). KFF is an endowed nonprofit organization providing information on health issues to the nation.

America’s gun madness: How guns went from tools to ideology to identity

The target range was in the basement of one of the old buildings on the main post at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas. It had a low ceiling, and I remember posts every 10 feet or so holding up the floor above. Our father, who was then a major in the Army, sent my brother Frank and me there every Saturday morning for NRA target shooting with .22 caliber rifles. I guess you could say it was part of our introduction into manhood. I was 13 and in the 7th grade at the time. Frank was 11 and in the 6th grade. 

They took guns very seriously at that Army post. We spent the first couple of Saturdays disassembling and assembling and cleaning the target rifles and learning what they called “range discipline” and safety at the firing range. I think three weeks had passed by the time we were first given a few .22 long rifle rounds to shoot at small bullseye targets hung about 25 feet away. 

“Ready on the left! Ready on the right! Ready on the firing line!” I can still hear the sergeant’s voice booming from his position just behind where we lay prone ready to fire. “Commence firing!” he would bellow, and we were then allowed to pick up one of the five .22 rounds we had been given and load it into the bolt-action receiver of our target rifles and fire it downrange. We would repeat the process four more times, and then we would hear the sergeant call out, “Cease fire on the firing line!” Then we’d get up and turn our firing position over to the next boy.

We spent the next couple of Saturdays learning to shoot in the kneeling and standing positions. Same process: Five rounds, ready on the left, ready on the right, commence firing. Then we learned how to safely handle the rifles when we moved from the prone to the kneeling to the standing position, always holding our weapons unloaded with the barrels aimed downrange. 

Finally, after a month of practice, they held the first competition. It was timed. We had, I think, two or three minutes to fire five rounds in each shooting position. After firing in all three positions, the sergeant would call out “cease fire,” and we would all go downrange and retrieve our targets and take them back to the officers supervising the competition, and they would calculate who had won, who was second and third and so forth. This went on for the whole year, every Saturday. By the end of the year, Frank and I were competent shooters, at least with a .22 caliber target rifle. 

We were all boys, because shooting guns was a male thing. That was part of what we were being conditioned to believe. I don’t know what girls our age were doing every Saturday morning, but boys were over on the old post shooting target rifles in an NRA-sponsored competition. 

That’s what the NRA did back then. It sponsored courses in gun safety, range safety and shooting competitions and promoted hunting with rifles — hence its name, the National “Rifle” Association. I don’t remember my father being a member, or Frank or I having an NRA membership. On an Army post, the NRA just did that stuff:, They ran the gun safety course and shooting competition because that was their purpose, their reason for being.

I don’t remember a lot of guns being around. We both had friends and when we visited their houses, there weren’t any guns displayed on wall racks or lying around in closets. My father had a Remington pump-action 12 gauge shotgun he used for hunting. After a couple years of target shooting with the 22s, one Christmas morning we awoke to discover 16 gauge single-shot shotguns under the tree for each of us. 

Dad started taking us hunting once a month or so, all three of us with our shotguns. I remember the experience as being like a combat patrol, especially after we had loaded our shotguns and had them on safety. He would line us up in a field or in the woods, 10 or 15 feet apart, no one ahead of anyone else, and we would proceed, walking carefully, hunting for rabbits, but mainly being careful to follow his rules so nobody would accidentally shoot one another. Frank shot a couple of rabbits, and so did Dad, but I don’t remember coming across one at my end of the line of the three of us. But for our father, whether we shot a rabbit or not wasn’t the point. Learning about guns was the point. “You have to respect firearms, boys,” I remember him telling us again and again. “A gun can kill. That’s what it’s for. That’s why you must respect them. You should always be at least a little afraid of a gun, boys. Any gun, because any gun can kill.”

The next time I touched a gun was in high school ROTC. It was a mandatory course for sophomores in Kansas back then. We were issued M-1 rifles and learned to assemble and disassemble and clean them. We carried them during drill and for weekly inspections. I was on the drill team, so I was issued an ’03 Springfield and learned all about that weapon, too. One of the main things I learned about those rifles was what a pain in the ass they were. We had to clean them constantly, and we never even fired them. All they were for was practicing marching and drill: Left shoulder arms! Right shoulder arms! Present arms! Inspection arms! Order arms! Column right, march! Column left, march! Squad, halt!

The next time I touched a gun was at West Point. We were issued M-14s, which we used at parades and learned to shoot on a firing range. I remember that we spent weeks learning everything about safely using those weapons before we ever saw a bullet. And then we fired them, one bullet at a time, for most of a day before we were issued a clip to load with bullets and shoot. We qualified on the M-14, and then the M-16 came along and we qualified on it, too. More cleaning, more taking them apart and putting them together, more inspections with demerits if a tactical officer found a single grain of dust in a barrel, or a smear of oil on a trigger assembly or stock. A pain in the ass, that’s what those rifles were. A big pain in the ass.

In training, we learned to shoot everything from the .45 caliber military-issue pistol to the main gun on an M-60 battle tank. We shot recoilless rifles, bazookas, M-60 machine guns, .50 caliber machine guns, “LAWS” (Light Anti-tank Weapons) and more. Every time we turned around we were handed another weapon to point downrange and shoot.  

More cleaning, more safety protocols, more inspections, more pain in the ass. I was appointed “weapons officer” as a lieutenant in an infantry company in the Army. That meant I had to inspect the weapons room every day to insure that all of our M-16s and M-60 machine guns and pistols and mortars were present, and I had to sign what amounted to an affidavit every day attesting that every single weapon was there and locked away. Lying on that document was punishable by five years in Leavenworth Disciplinary Barracks. Negligent homicide was punishable with less time in prison — that’s how seriously the Army took the security and safety of its weapons. That was in 1970.

And then one day in 1985, I went to a gun show in New Orleans, where I was living at the time, and this is what I saw: table after table covered end to end with military-style assault rifles and machine pistols and AK-47s and chrome .44 magnum handguns and more assault rifles and silencers and kits that would transform a civilian AR-15 rifle from semiautomatic operation into a fully automatic weapon of war. Tables covered with Nazi memorabilia, Luger pistols from the Nazi era, Nazi helmets, gray Nazi uniforms, black Nazi uniforms with SS insignia, Nazi medals like the Iron Cross, swastika flags. Whole tables of Confederate flags, Confederate memorabilia like gray “Kepi” caps with crossed-rifle insignia, Kerr M-1855 revolvers used by the Confederate cavalry, Lefaucheux M-1854 revolvers carried by Confederate officers, gray wool Confederate uniforms — some replicas, some original — Confederate officer’s swords, Civil War-era bayonets and “short sword” fighting knives carried by Confederate soldiers. More Nazi flags, more Lugers, more Nazi helmets, more assault rifles, more silencers, more of everything in a gigantic convention center hall that took 20 minutes to traverse … and that was a single row of tables.

You could take out your wallet and show your driver’s license and hand over some cash and buy anything in that hall. You could buy semiautomatic AR-15 rifles and the kit to make them fully automatic. You could buy switchblade knives. You could buy silencers. You could buy all the Nazi shit and the Confederate shit. You could buy as many deadly weapons as you had the money for.

How did we get from a little NRA indoor firing range with .22 target rifles to an entire convention hall filled with weapons of war and nostalgia for America’s enemies from the Civil War and World War II? How did we get from guns as tools to guns as lifestyle? How did we get from guns manufactured specifically for target shooting and hunting to guns manufactured for killing people and styled as “military” and “tactical” and “assault”? How did we get from magazines like Field and Stream, featuring stories about hunting, to Guns and Ammo, featuring stories about the Hecker and Koch HK416A5 with its “slimline telescopic butt stock” and “Non-stop NATO Stanag 4694 top rail” and magazine capability holding up to 100 rounds of military-grade 5.56 X 45mm NATO ammunition?

Three letters: NRA. Beginning in the 1970s, the National Rifle Association transformed itself from a shooting sports organization into a political lobbying arm of the Republican Party. It formed a PAC, the Political Victory Fund, in time for the 1976 elections and started endorsing and funding conservative, mostly Republican, candidates. The NRA invited Ronald Reagan to address its 1983 convention, in advance of his campaign for reelection in 1984, when they endorsed him for a second time. 

Gun manufacturers supported the NRA with huge contributions and began making hundreds of variations of the M-16 military rifle. They started manufacturing large-capacity magazines for pistols and military-style rifles. They went from manufacturing rifles that were intended to hunt rabbits and deer to rifles intended to hunt human beings. NRA firing ranges did away with bullseye targets and started putting up human silhouette targets. In 1991, the NRA appointed its chief lobbyist, Wayne LaPierre, as executive vice president, and the transformation of the group was complete. It was now the fulcrum between gun manufacturers and the Republican Party.

In 1998, two boys named Mitchell Johnson and Andrew Golden from Jonesboro, Arkansas, took nine weapons, including a Ruger .44 caliber rifle and a Universal .30 caliber carbine and 2,000 rounds of ammunition from one of the boys’ grandfather’s home. They went to a hill overlooking their middle school. One of the boys went into the school and pulled the fire alarm, emptying the school. He rejoined the other boy and the two of them shot and killed four students and a teacher and wounded nine more students and one teacher.

The boys were 13 and 11, the same age my brother and I were when we first learned to shoot rifles at the NRA range at Fort Leavenworth. But these boys had had an entirely different experience with firearms. Their fathers had taken them to “practical shooting courses” where they learned to shoot at human silhouette targets. All they knew about firearms was shooting military spec guns at targets shaped like people. Both of them had been taught to shoot pistols and military-style rifles beginning when they were 8 and 10 years old.

That there were even nine firearms in a single house, along with 2,000 rounds of ammunition — stored, it was reported, atop the grandfather’s refrigerator — tells you all you need to know about the American descent into what became known as “gun culture.” Guns had gone from firing ranges and rabbit hunts to kitchens.

There is a direct line you can draw between the Jonesboro shooting and the massacres in Atlanta and Boulder. The line runs straight through the NRA. Guns went from tools to politics to identity. A gun went from something you use for a sporting purpose, like target shooting or hunting rabbits, to a thing that makes a statement about you. Hollywood went right along with them, from a .44 magnum revolver in “Dirty Harry” that said I’m a tough guy, to fully automatic AR-15 assault rifles with grenade launchers in “Scarface” that said I’m a killing machine and I’ll kill everyone I can see.

A by-no-means-definitive chart in Time magazine showing 37 years of mass shootings in America reveals three mass shootings in 1998, with a total of 13 killed and 36 wounded. Time counts seven incidents in 2019, with 57 killed and 78 wounded. The Gun Violence Archive, on the other hand, shows that in 2019 there were 434 mass shootings, with 517 killed, and 2,160 people wounded. (The Archive defines “mass shooting” as more than four people killed or wounded.) Using the same rules, I’m sure the figure for 1998 would be higher, but who knows, and what does it matter, when one of the deadliest shootings for that year was carried out by 11- and 13-year-old boys?

There is one last connection between mass shootings and the NRA. Many, if not most, mass killers bought the firearms they used right before they carried out their killings. The shooter in Atlanta bought his gun the morning he killed eight people at the two massage parlors. The shooter in Boulder bought the Ruger assault rifle he used to kill 10 people six days before the killings. The shooter who killed three and wounded 16 at a festival in Gilroy, California, in 2019 bought his AR-15 a couple of weeks earlier in Nevada. The man who killed 60 and wounded more than 400 at a music festival in Las Vegas in 2017 bought 14 AR-15 style assault rifles and eight AR-10 style assault rifles and the “bump stocks” to make them fully automatic in the weeks immediately before the massacre. 

All of the firearms used in every mass killing incident discussed in this article were legally purchased. In this country, even if you’re frothing at the mouth, as long as you have a driver’s license you can buy as many deadly weapons and as much ammunition as you can carry. The gun stores and sellers at gun shows will be glad to sell them to you because the NRA has spent tens of millions, if not hundreds of millions, ensuring that it’s legal to do so. The NRA, however, hasn’t spent a nickel on mandating that you receive training in gun safety, or that you must have a license to buy a deadly weapon, or even that you must learn how to safely load and unload a gun without killing yourself. All they care about is that you can buy a gun as quickly as possible and with as little trouble as possible. Once you’re out the door, they don’t give a damn what you do with it. 

I visited the web page for the Ruger AR-556 “pistol” used by the shooter in Boulder, which is actually a short-barrel assault rifle. The thing is frightening to look at. It’s got a collapsible stock and a ventilated handguard with something called “Free-float M-LOK attachment slots” and an “SB Tactical SB 3 Pistol Stabilizing Brace.” Those features are all trademarked, by the way, apparently because Ruger doesn’t want any other gun manufacturer to steal the military jargon used to describe its military-style gun. 

But that isn’t what got me about the page for the gun used to kill 10 people in Boulder this week. In the upper right-hand corner of the page, a little box appeared showing a short video of the AR-556 firing its military-spec, NATO-approved ammunition. All you can see in the video is the ventilated barrel and the muzzle flashes — and the heavily muscled forearm of the man holding it. The gun goes off in dramatic slow motion, and every time the muzzle shoots out orange flames, the guy’s arm muscles flex. 

The message is unmistakable. It’s supposed to be sexy, and it’s supposed to sell guns, and for all we know, it’s exactly what convinced the shooter in Boulder to buy the Ruger AR-556 and use it to kill 10 of his fellow human beings this week. 

Everything the shooter did right up until he pulled the trigger, including carrying his gun into the supermarket in front of the people he was going to kill, was completely legal. 

It’s madness, but it’s a fact that we are manufacturing and selling the instruments of our own destruction, and because we’re doing it in America, it’s completely legal. 

[Updated March 29, 7:48pm ET: The surname of Andrew Golden, one of the Jonesboro Arkansas shooters, was misspelled in an earlier version of this story. Salon has updated the story and regrets the error.]

HBO’s celebratory Tina Turner doc gives her the final word on the woman behind the iconic name

Tina Turner, the woman who taught Mick Jagger to dance, is on the prowl again.” This headline opens Carl Arrington‘s 1981 interview with her for People magazine, a feature Turner hoped would serve as her official coming out announcement.

In “Tina” it is the dividing line in between her life as it was and the force she became.

Forty years ago, however, Turner hoped that by opening up to People she could provide a definitive response to all the queries about her ex-husband Ike, the man who made her second billing on the Ike & Tina Turner Revue and subjected her to horrific physical abuse for years. Turner was ready to start her next chapter, a solo act to leave behind a past she desperately wanted to forget.

When that story led to curiosity of a morbid nature, Turner tried to set the record straight again with her 1986 autobiography “I, Tina,” co-authored with journalist Kurt Loder. In the book’s 1993 cinematic adaptation “What’s Love Got to Do With It,” star Angela Bassett depicts the violence Tina Turner suffered onscreen along with her triumph; still, people kept wanting her to revisit her trauma.

The two-hour “Tina” is likely to be the diva’s last word and designed as a reverent look at a performer who refuses to allow her suffering to define her outrageous success. In this respect Turner’s serenity has a kind of contemplative acceptance some could mistake for sadness. It isn’t quite that, though. From her perch in American culture’s firmament she offers her regard of a career defined by a supercharged second act and a life tempered by pain with no qualifications or arrogance, only quiet wonder and gratitude.

Directors Daniel Lindsay and T.J. Martin interviewed Turner in 2019 when she was 79 years old and secure in her status as one of modern music’s greats, and from a place of contentment. At 81, Turner is living comfortably in Zurich with her husband Erwin Bach, an executive producer on the film and probably the reason Lindsay and Martin refrain from including any details regarding Turner’s recent health battles or her son Craig’s death by suicide in 2018.

They’d rather spin her story as that of a risen phoenix without hinting at decline or mortality, and after a life of questioners seeking to paint her as a woman overcoming instead of studying her work in its own light, a person can certainly understand that approach.

The directors don’t exactly overlook the miserable parts of Turner’s life either, devoting the first half of “Tina” to her early career and raucous blaze she created as the dancing front of the traveling revue. That first hour is nirvana for anyone who treasures classic footage of Turner in her prime bellowing out “Proud Mary” or finding her roar on Phil Spector‘s orchestral arrangement of “River Deep – Mountain High,” a 1966 track that flopped spectacularly in its day but stands the test of time.

Her detailed firsthand account of Ike’s abuse, shared via the unedited audio recording of that People magazine interview, plays beneath or beside footage of Turner onstage dancing wildly and shining brightly, and the contrast is jarring.

The story of Ike and Tina is one of an innocent falling under the spell of a charismatic talent who first regards her as a little sibling but soon sees her star quality, giving rise to an envy that twists their relationship into one of controlling violence.

Through Arrington’s audio Turner talks about her ex-husband beating her with hangers or a shoe stretcher. In another violent interlude he throws scalding hot coffee on her, resulting in third degree burns. She describe the abused person’s psychic dilemma: “I was afraid of him,” she says, “and I cared what happened to him.”

Eventually she finds an inner resolve through practicing Buddhism, she says, making her escape one night in Dallas by running across a highway.

In 2019 Turner likens it to pulling out old clothes: “It wasn’t a good life,” she offers. “It was in some areas, but the goodness did not balance the bad. So it’s like, not wanting to be reminded.”

The part we’d rather recall is the second chance we all know: her ’80s comeback that she defines as her true arrival, topping the charts with her 1984 single “What’s Love Got to Do with It,” becoming the oldest female solo artist to top the Hot 100 at that time. By the end of “Tina” we see footage of her packing stadiums and arriving to the opening night of “Tina: The Tina Turner Musical,” with Bach on one arm and Oprah Winfrey on the other – proof that Turner’s star burns far more brightly than that of the man who cruelly manipulated her into thinking she was beneath him.

With documentaries as personal as this there’s always some element of hagiography about them. The question is how much we care to penalize the creators or the subject for such an indulgence. “Tina” makes it tough to do so because of the way Turner comes by her conclusions about life and specifically her life.

At various junctures she reveals an awareness that the name she bears is not the woman she is, that Tina Turner is a kind of fierce persona assigned to Anna Mae Bullock, a girl from Nutbush, Tenn.

Turner famously left her first marriage with nothing but her name and constructed all that she has today from that persona, an incredible story in itself. But after all that, to hear her lament to Loder about living half of her life without finding true love and uncomfortably bearing her mantle as a survivor reminds us of her humanity.

“It’s hard to wrap your head around that the worst parts of your life have been an inspiration,” she says quietly in voiceover as archival video of women gushing their praises plays around it.

By framing all of the interviewees in the center of elegant rooms and Tina herself in one as expansive and simply grand as she is, Lindsay and Martin’s recent footage evokes a streamlined elegance that serves as a backdrop to the atomic force of Turner’s classic concerts, showing her sailing above audiences or vibrating furiously.

The fact that the filmmakers don’t overstuff the film with friends and experts lets her career and life speak for itself. When you look at who is featured – Winfrey, Bassett, Loder, and Arrington, but also Katori Hall, who co-wrote Turner’s musical, and Roger Davies, the manager who catapulted her to solo stardom – there aren’t many more people who need to be brought in to tell her tale.

“Tina” doesn’t entirely decouple Ike from Turner’s story, a fact she knows is impossible and with which she comes to terms. The two were inducted into the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame as a unit in 1991. Thankfully Turner is among the nominees to be inducted in 2021 as a solo act, and if she goes through she’ll join Stevie Nicks and possibly Carole King as the only female artists to be honored twice.

However that shakes out the truest statement at the end of “Tina” is when someone observes that Tina Turner is bigger than anything the woman herself could have dreamed of. She belongs to the world. And the hope and prayer at the end of it all is that Anna Mae Bullock knows that affection belongs to the woman she created and is, and it’s as genuine as the moniker she built into a legend.

“Tina” premieres Saturday, March 27 at 8 p.m. on HBO and will be available to stream on HBO Max.

Embittered Marjorie Taylor Greene loses legal battle to block haters on Twitter

Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-GA) griped after she was prohibited from blocking other Twitter accounts as part of a lawsuit filed by a Los Angeles-based political action committee.

The Georgia Republican agreed to pay $10,000 in legal fees to MeidasTouch LLC, which will donate the money to two nonprofit groups, after Greene blocked the PAC’s account for posting criticism of her and former president Donald Trump — and the lawmaker fumed afterward.

“Because of this PAC’s frivolous lawsuit against me, I’m not allowed to block people that threaten my life and my children’s lives every single day on social media,” Greene tweeted. “And they are bragging about donating the money to organizations that want to take away my guns, so I couldn’t defend myself and my children, when people show up to murder us like they threaten.”

“This PAC is celebrating that a woman (me) can’t block people that want to kill me and my kids,” she added. “What an accomplishment for them.”

A federal appeals court previously ruled in a suit that involved Trump that political figures cannot block critics from public Twitter accounts, and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-NY) has also settled a similar suit.

 

 

Can a “true” conservatism be redeemed after Trump? Maybe — if it embraces liberalism

It’s not just the bedraggled band of “never Trump” Republican refugees on MSNBC and elsewhere who are endlessly vexed. For four long years, the whole mainstream media sphere has been laced with talk about the need for a healthy GOP, a vibrant two-party system, and a return to true conservative values. Critiques of that system, like Lee Drutman’s “Breaking the Two-Party Doom Loop,” only get a fraction of the attention devoted to these themes. But even more absent is any discussion of what a responsible conservatism might actually look like.   

Conservatives who long for the days of George W. Bush or Ronald Reagan overlook one obvious fact: Their legacies helped get us into the current fix they — and we — find ourselves in. Both those presidents nourished the destructive, irrationalist forces that have come to dominate with Donald Trump, and both implemented ill-conceived policies that only made life worse: increasing inequality, eroding social stability and intensifying the ethos of cutthroat competition.

I’m not out to damn conservatism unreservedly, just because I’m quite blunt about its disastrous political failures. But conservative politics are not the whole story. Conservative temperament and character traits are part of human nature, as the field of political psychology has firmly established. And they can be positive qualities, as Dannagal Young argues in “Irony and Outrage,” for example. 

Conservatives are just more skilled at efficient quick responses to threats,” Young told me when I interviewed her. “These are people who will run into the fire. These are people who are so necessary for our society to survive and to thrive.” But the outrage industry “exploits what are really to be thought of as gifts,” mobilizing them on hate, which is “dangerous for democratic health.”

By failing to distinguish between conservative temperament and conservative ideology — between conservative masses and conservative elites — we miss perhaps the most important aspect of the story of how we ended up with Trump: American conservatism has been profoundly irresponsible. It has repeatedly failed to deliver on its promises — its trickle-down promises to promote prosperity, its culture war promises to vanquish evil at home and turn back time, its foreign policy promises to vanquish evil abroad — and it never takes responsibility for those failures. And the people most hurt by this unending history of failure are ordinary Americans with conservative temperaments, whose faith in their leaders has repeatedly been betrayed. 

The end result is obvious, even if many conservatives still insist Donald Trump isn’t their creation. They made their own media alternative universe because they couldn’t stand the real world, and out he came. They demonized the word “liberal” for 50 years, and only now are some of them wailing over the existential threat to liberal democracy. I want to trust the never-Trump conservatives. I want to see a healthy conservatism in place of a deeply malignant one, a conservatism that does not betray the ordinary people whose instincts and desires it appeals to. But the odds are very much against them in the short run. 

A new poll identifying five “tribes” within Republican voters finds that only 15% qualify as “never Trump” Republicans. His job approval among the four other tribes is 97% to 100% — even among “post-Trump” Republicans who think it’s time for new leadership. What’s more, the two tribes most supportive of Trump also have the largest proportion who self-identify as “very conservative,” while the “never Trump” tribe has the least. So conservatives who yearn to look toward the future need to think long and hard about what a healthy conservatism could look like, and then start building it.

Fortunately, I’ve got some ideas for them — ideas I first laid out almost 15 years ago, when Republicans lost control of the House in the wake of multiple Bush administration failures: the Iraq war, Hurricane Katrina, the botched attempt to privatize Social Security, and more. Bush was not a “true conservative,” some began to argue as his popularity declined. He was a “globalist,” some added. But what was “true” conservatism, then? My answer was simple: It was liberalism. If you want the ends that conservatives claim to desire, you get them through liberal means

  • You preserve social order by including the so-called “undesirables.” You grant them the dignity they deserve, simply for being human, and they proceed to act with dignity. (You think gay people are hedonistic narcissists, destructive to social order? Then recognize their right to marry, and stop treating them like second-class citizens.) This was 2006, remember! 
  • You preserve religion’s place as a polestar in people’s lives precisely by keeping it separate from the vagaries of politics, where change is the only constant, and compromise a guiding principle. Render unto God that which is God, and unto Caesar that which is Caesar’s. 
  • You preserve the integrity of local communities and their institutions by engaging the power of state and national government to deal with problems that are too large for them to handle, that would utterly break them if they were left to stand alone. 
  • You maintain historical continuity, and respect for the nation’s traditions by rethinking both in the light of new experience, and the experience of new Americans. Self-reinvention is our most hallowed tradition. 
  • You command respect for authority by exercising authority with respect for the people, who are the only legitimate source of authority. 
  • You preserve the highest levels of personal morality, first, by granting people the freedom to discover its logic for themselves, and embrace it as their own freely chosen commitment, and second, by insisting on the public morality of a just and equitable social order. 

I could add more to that list today, to bring it more fully up to date. But the core theme remains the same: You deliver the most legitimate desiderata of conservatism by embracing the practices, policies and ideals of liberalism. You want law enforcement respected? Then instead of defending racist police practices — up to and including wanton murder — reform law enforcement to act respectfully toward all people. Embrace the accountability that activists have long been calling for. 

My argument here is not exactly that such reforms are the answer — I incline much closer to the abolitionist perspective. I’m simply highlighting what a sensible conservative approach ought to look like, if it were serious about achieving what conservatives themselves claim to care about. 

Consider what we have instead: knee-jerk defense of police violence under the banner that “Blue Lives Matter,” paired with defense of an insurrection that left three police dead and hundreds wounded. That’s where the majority of self-described “very conservative” Republicans are today. Incoherence is a feature, not a bug, of actually existing conservatism. 

So, is a coherent conservatism possible? One whose means can plausibly achieve its desired ends, even if those means be liberal? It should be. After all, conservatives have often claimed to be pragmatic and non-ideological, in contrast to liberals and those farther left. Not all conservatives have claimed this, of course, but enough have to make it clearly part of their tradition. And besides, when they have drawn ideological lines in the past, they’ve invariably redrawn them when they’ve proven untenable. The cases of slavery, segregation and the civic exclusion of women are the most obvious American examples that come to mind. 

What stands in the way, for American conservatives, is their long history of demonizing liberals. How can they embrace what they have repeatedly demonized in a manner so central to defining themselves? Demonization and scapegoating have long been key to their successful struggles for political power, and tie into the basic nature of conservatism — the “efficient quick responses to threats” that Young spoke of. But they do so by misleading, just as logical fallacies mislead us by mimicking valid heuristics. (The post hoc “rooster” fallacy, for example, mimics the valid heuristic that causes precede effects.)  

This misleading reaches an apotheosis in QAnon conspiracy theory. The “Infowars GOP” tribe, which has the strongest believers in QAnon theories (68% of that group subscribe to four or more such theories), also has the highest percentage who self-describe as “very conservative” (at 72%, compared to a GOP average of 49%). What is the essence of QAnon? That liberals are led by a hidden cabal of Satan-worshipping, cannibal pedophiles running a global child sex-trafficking ring, and that Donald Trump will someday defeat them in one fell swoop.

This is what happens when efficient quick responses to threats” go haywire, just as they once did in Salem Village. Those responses should be “thought of as gifts,” as Young put it, but they have been intentionally misdirected for years, if not decades. Can conservatism ever rid itself of this legacy? Color me skeptical, to say the least. It’s not a question of individual attitudes — the “conspiracist dimension” that Joe Uscinski has found to be fairly uniform across the political spectrum — it’s a question of conservative culture and the elites who shape it: the Murdochs, Mercers, Bradleys and Kochs who fund it, and the figures they chose to lift up.

It could be argued that liberals demonize these conservative leaders as well, but the people who are most intimately hurt by them are the conservative masses whose basic instincts and aspirations they so ruthlessly betray. The ends they hold out — preserving social order, local integrity, historical continuity, respect for authority, high levels of personal morality and religion’s place as a polestar in people’s lives — cannot be met by the means they insist on. In each instance, as I pointed out above, the exact opposite of what they insist on is required. “Liberal” means alone can deliver these desired conservative ends. 

The good news for conservatives is that they don’t actually have to become liberals to enjoy these liberal fruits, at least not in terms of temperament. But they do have to stop mindlessly and reflexively battling every aspect of liberal thought and ideology, and they have to be willing to claim those fruits as their own. There will still be — and will always be — temperamental differences between liberals and conservatives. There are temperamental gifts on both sides, as well as in between. But there’s a common liberal cultural heritage that makes it pragmatically possible for both sides to achieve what’s most important to them. Conservatives need to claim that heritage and own it for themselves.

Maybe I’m wrong and there’s some basis on which a non-pathological form of conservatism could be built. If conservatives think they can do a better job of delivering the most legitimate desiderata of conservatism, then it’s on them to explain how, and to show that it can actually work. That’s what a responsible conservatism would do, if indeed it could exist. To do that, it will have to embrace what it has always demonized — or to put this in terms conservatives can relate to, it will have to man up, and put away childish things.

Conservative groups are writing GOP voter suppression bills — and spending millions to pass them

Republican state lawmakers who have rolled out more than 250 bills to restrict ballot access in more than 40 states, largely in response to President Donald Trump’s false claims about election fraud, are receiving financial backing from an unusual coalition of Christian and “small government” groups.

The Family Research Council, the Susan B. Anthony List and the American Principles Project — all faith-based nonprofits — are spending millions to boost a Republican-led effort to restrict voting in dozens of states after the party lost the White House and the Senate amid record turnout and mail-in voting. Meanwhile, libertarian-leaning groups like FreedomWorks, Heritage Action — the political arm of the Heritage Foundation — and Tea Party Patriots are also planning an eight-figure investment to back the effort, which has already seen 253 restrictive bills introduced in 43 states, according to a Brennan Center for Justice analysis. Heritage Action also plans to team with allies like the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) to craft model legislation for state lawmakers to adopt.

“The bills being introduced are similar, and with good reason,” said Rep. Colin Allred, D-Texas, a civil rights attorney who has worked on voting rights cases across the country. “The RNC and national Republican groups have drafted ‘best practices’ for voter suppression that state legislatures can use.”

Trump stoked unfounded fears about mail-in voting, without any evidence, for months before the election as he floundered in the polls. He continued to claim that the election was somehow rigged or stolen after his loss but failed to provide any evidence, losing every legal battle in the process. Trump’s claims raised tens of millions from his supporters, though he spent just a small fraction of that on actual legal costs while dropping far more on fundraising ads and pocketing the rest for his super PAC. Now his conservative allies are targeting donors who bought into his false election claims, justifying their push by citing voter concerns about “election integrity.”

Frank Cannon, senior strategist for the Susan B. Anthony List and American Principles Project, told The New York Times that conservative activists quickly realized that the only way they could keep donations rolling in is by making the effort to restrict voting access the “center of gravity in the party.”

Terry Schilling, who heads the American Principles Project, admitted that he doesn’t buy into some of the nonsensical conspiracy theories pushed by Trump and his allies, but said the issue was the biggest priority for the group’s donor base.

“I’m not someone who thinks that China hacked the voting machines,” he told the Times, seemingly referring to a baseless conspiracy theory pushed by former Trump lawyer Sidney Powell, whose attorneys have said in recent court filings that “no reasonable person” could accept her claims as fact. But Schilling added, “If you’re a conservative organization and you have small-dollar donors, you’re hearing this from everywhere: ‘Well, what’s the point in voting?'”

The two groups, which spent more than $20 million on the election last year, have set a $5 million fundraising goal for their “election transparency” campaign and hired former Trump Homeland Security official Ken Cuccinelli to lead the effort.

But Democratic groups say Republicans are using lies about the election to advance laws that disproportionately impact voters of color.

“Conservative groups and many Republican state legislators are engaged in a nationwide effort to make it harder for people to vote, particularly people of color, low-income individuals, seniors and students,” Ben Berwick, counsel at the nonpartisan nonprofit Protect Democracy, said in a statement to Salon. “The idea that this effort is about ‘election integrity’ or ‘voter concerns’ is a smokescreen — there is cross-partisan expert agreement that the 2020 election was among the most secure and successful in modern American history.”

The Family Research Council, which spent years advising Trump on anti-LGBTQ issues and “religious freedom,” has also joined the push to restrict ballot access.

“We’ve got 106 election-related bills that are in 28 states right now,” FRC president Tony Perkins said at a recent “Pray Vote Stand Townhall” alongside Michael Farris, the president of the Christian legal group Alliance Defending Freedom, according to the Times. “So here’s the good news: There is action taking place to go back and correct what was uncovered in this last election.”

Of course, dozens of election challenges failed to “uncover” any evidence of widespread fraud at all, as did multiple Republican-led audits and recounts of close vote counts in states like Arizona and Georgia — where even law enforcement investigated allegations of fraud and found no evidence. Former Attorney General Bill Barr likewise acknowledged that there was no evidence of widespread fraud that could have changed the election result and the Department of Homeland Security’s Cybersecurity & Infrastructure Security Agency concluded the election was the “most secure in American history.”

“Any doubts about that fact stem from Republican lawmakers spreading conspiracy theories about it for political gain,” said Jessica Post, president of the Democratic Legislative Campaign Committee, in a statement to Salon. “Nothing Republicans are proposing would do anything to make our elections any safer or more secure. How would shortening in-person voting hours make elections more secure? How would limiting in-person early voting make our elections safer? It wouldn’t, and Republicans know that. Their proposals are simply setting up unnecessary barriers to voting to target communities of color. If Republicans are concerned with integrity, they should stop lying.”

Perkins made clear at the town hall that his real interest was in making sure Democrats do not win elections, noting that his home state of Louisiana has consistently voted for Republicans after the state legislature created stricter voting laws after Democrats won a Senate seat in 1996.

“When you have free, fair elections, you’re going to have outcomes that are positive,” he said, according to the Associated Press.

“It’s a deeply undemocratic attempt to game the system to gain an unfair advantage,” Berwick told Salon. “To make matters worse, it is premised on a lie that the 2020 presidential election was stolen. Some voters bought that lie, and now these Republican legislators claim that they need to make it harder to vote in order to restore voter confidence in the democratic process, when they helped to undermine that confidence in the first place.”

FreedomWorks, which gained prominence by organizing Tea Party protests in 2009 and 2010 with financial backing from the vast Koch donor network, is also launching a big-money effort to back the restrictions after allying itself with Trump. The group has launched a $10 million effort to back voting restrictions led by Cleta Mitchell, a prominent conservative lawyer who assisted Trump’s election challenge before she was forced to resign from her law firm after participating in Trump’s now-notorious phone call urging Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger to “find” enough votes to overturn his loss.

The Koch network and the Koch-backed Americans for Prosperity, which splintered from FreedomWorks, is notably not involved in the effort. Billionaire Charles Koch said after the election that he regretted not being more forceful in pushing back against Trump, and Americans for Prosperity said it would “weigh heavy” the actions of Republican lawmakers who pushed lies about the election and objected to the electoral vote count after the deadly Capitol riot.

But other Koch-backed groups, like ALEC, remain heavily involved in the restriction push. The group, best known for crafting model conservative legislation that is distributed to lawmakers around the country, recently hosted a call with Sen. Ted Cruz of Texas and many state lawmakers to organize opposition to H.R. 1, a sweeping Democratic bill that would expand voting rights, according to the AP.

ALEC did not respond to questions from Salon about whether it was involved in crafting any of the proposed restrictions. An internal document obtained by The New York Times shows that Heritage Action plans to work with groups like ALEC to “produce model legislation for state legislatures to adopt.” The Times found that at least 23 of 68 bills introduced in Georgia to restrict voting had language strikingly similar to that of a Heritage Action letter distributed to state legislators in January. The group has also claimed credit for a new Arizona law signed into law last week that requires the secretary of state to compare death records to voter registrations.

Jessica Anderson, the executive director of Heritage Action, told the AP that “it kind of feels like an all-hands-on-deck moment for the conservative movement” because “voter distrust is at an all-time high.” Heritage Action plans to spend $24 million to support Republican efforts in Georgia, Arizona, Florida, Iowa, Michigan, Nevada, Texas and Wisconsin, most recently dropping $700,000 on an ad campaign to support Republican bills in Georgia that have been slammed by Democrats and voting rights activists as “Jim Crow in a suit and tie.” Heritage Action officials told CNN they also have about 20,000 activists on the ground backing the Georgia bills, which include measures restricting ballot drop boxes, requiring voter ID for mail-in ballots, and making it a crime to give water to voters waiting in long lines.

Another Trump-allied group that vowed to spend “whatever it takes” to combat the expansion of mail voting is the Honest Elections Project, formed by longtime Federalist Society leader and informal Trump adviser Leonard Leo last year to combat the expansion of mail voting amid the pandemic. The group has already dropped $250,000 on a cable news ad campaign aimed at fighting the “brazen attempt to manipulate the election system for partisan advantage.” The group rolled out a laundry list of proposed voting restrictions to limit mail voting earlier this month. Jason Snead, the group’s executive director, insisted to NBC News that “there are a lot more opportunities for malfeasance” with mail-in voting even though studies have found that mail ballot fraud is nearly nonexistent and Snead admitted to the AP that the group’s own investigation found “no evidence of widespread fraud.”

Despite a lack of evidence that the massive 2020 increase in mail-in voting resulted in any widespread fraud, many of the proposed restrictions are expected to pass.

“Republicans control the statehouses and the governorship in 23 states, including Georgia, Arizona and Iowa. If these states want to pass legislation to restrict voting access, and have internal support in their party, they can,” Jessica Huseman, editorial director of the nonpartisan news outlet VoteBeat, said in a statement. “The ID bills that would require additional forms of ID for mailed ballots are most likely to pass — ID bills generally have strong popular support. The bills that would eliminate or dramatically roll back automatic voter registration or any form of mailed ballots are likely non-starters, largely because Republicans were often the source of these bills. Ultimately, many of these states will restrict voting — the states’ Republican lawmakers feel it is politically untenable for them not to.”

Marc Elias, a top Democratic lawyer, vowed to challenge many of the restrictions in court but acknowledged in an interview with Salon last month that “eventually enough of these will stick that it will really, really change the nature of participatory democracy in our country.”

Democrats responded to the unprecedented restriction push by ratcheting up the urgency to pass an expansion of the Voting Rights Act and H.R. 1, a sweeping election reform bill that includes automatic voter registration, a ban on improper voter purges and partisan gerrymandering, restoration of voting rights for people with prior convictions and a universal right to vote by mail, among other measures.

Though the bill is massive and may pose problems with implementation, Republicans have falsely stoked fears about its provisions.

Cruz falsely told Republican state lawmakers on the ALEC call that the bill would expand voting rights to “illegal aliens,” according to the AP. It does not.

“H.R. 1’s only objective is to ensure that Democrats can never again lose another election, that they will win and maintain control of the House of Representatives and the Senate and of the state legislatures for the next century,” he claimed on the call.

Ben Ginsberg, one of the most prominent Republican election lawyers in the country who rejected the GOP’s “multimillion-dollar effort to disenfranchise voters,” argued that Cruz’s complaint was a more apt description of his own party’s priorities.

“Look at what it really means,” he told The New York Times. “A party that’s increasingly old and white whose base is a diminishing share of the population is conjuring up charges of fraud to erect barriers to voting for people it fears won’t support its candidates.”

Republicans backing the restrictions have increasingly said the quiet part aloud.

Michael Carvin, an attorney for the Arizona Republican Party, argued in a Supreme Court case earlier this month that the party is targeting certain voting changes to avoid being at a “competitive disadvantage relative to Democrats.”

Arizona state Rep. John Kavanagh told CNN earlier this month that he advanced bills restricting ballot access because “everybody shouldn’t be voting.”

“There’s a fundamental difference between Democrats and Republicans,” Kavanagh said. “Democrats value as many people as possible voting, and they’re willing to risk fraud. Republicans are more concerned about fraud, so we don’t mind putting security measures in that won’t let everybody vote. … Quantity is important, but we have to look at the quality of votes, as well.”

Republican statements about gaining a partisan advantage and using the issue to raise money undermine their claims that this new wave of restrictions are in response to voter concerns about “election integrity.” But even that argument ignores the concerns of the much larger majority of voters who are not part of the GOP base, civil rights groups say.

“These efforts seek only to put up barriers to silence our voices, based on who we are, where we live or how we vote,” Hannah Fried, the national director of All Voting is Local, a civil rights campaign targeting voter restrictions, said in a statement to Salon, noting that 65 million voters cast their ballots by mail in the last election. “This is not what voters want, or what voters deserve. Most of us simply want everyone to have the freedom to vote — where we all can have a say in and trust the integrity of our elections. The majority of Americans support efforts to give voters more options for voting safely — not less.”

Mo Brooks compared Biden’s election to the start of the Civil War. Now he wants a Senate seat

Mo Brooks, the Alabama congressman who is about to launch a campaign for Senate, has officially said he condemns the Capitol riot and opposes violence.

But in hours of right-wing media interviews before and after the deadly insurrection on Jan. 6, he repeatedly raised the prospect of violence as a possible response to Donald Trump losing the 2020 presidential election.

“This is pretty much it for our country,” Brooks said in a December podcast interview that has not been previously reported. “In my judgment, it rivals the election of 1860,” he added, referring to the election of Abraham Lincoln, “and we saw what ensued from that” — meaning the Civil War.

Brooks’ office didn’t respond to requests for comment for this article.

Brooks was outspoken in baselessly accusing Democrats of “stealing” the presidential election and seeking ways to keep Donald Trump in power. Now he is hoping those statements will springboard him to higher office in a Senate race that will test the endurance of Trumpism in the Republican Party and show what political consequences lawmakers may face for openly advocating anti-democratic ideas.

The Alabama congressman is expected tonight to announce his campaign to succeed Sen. Richard Shelby, who is retiring. Brooks is set to make his announcement alongside Stephen Miller, the former White House adviser who drove Trump’s hardline immigration policies, including family separation. As an aide to then-Sen. Jeff Sessions, Miller frequently drew from white nationalist and white supremacist websites, according to emails revealed by the Southern Poverty Law Center. Brooks and Miller have been allies since they worked together to defeat a bipartisan immigration compromise in 2013.

Brooks’ remark about the 1860 election came on an episode of Sean Hannity’s podcast that was guest-hosted by Rep. Louie Gohmert, R-Texas, and aired on Dec. 22. Though the episode was billed as “Previewing the Class of 202‪1‬” in Congress, Gohmert dedicated the entire 99 minutes to promoting conspiracy theories and falsehoods about Joe Biden’s victory over Trump in the 2020 presidential election.

Brooks joined Gohmert toward the end of the show, along with Reps. Paul Gosar and Andy Biggs of Arizona, all leaders of the plan to object to Congress’s certification of Electoral College votes on Jan. 6. The four members of Congress discussed how Trump supporters were mobilizing for a massive demonstration in Washington.

“On Jan. 6, this is somewhat akin to the Alamo,” Brooks said, referring to the famous battle in 1836 where Mexican troops wiped out rebelling Texans at a fort in San Antonio. “Although I hope we will survive.”

Brooks’ invocation of historical violence was a preview of the speech he gave on Jan. 6 at the rally on the Ellipse. Before Trump supporters marched to the Capitol and fought their way inside, Brooks asked if people were ready to lay down their lives for their cause.

“Our ancestors sacrificed their blood, their sweat, their tears, their fortunes and sometimes their lives to give us, their descendants, an America that is the greatest nation in world history,” Brooks said. “So I have a question for you: Are you willing to do the same?”

After the crowd turned violent — leading to five deaths and hundreds of injuries, endangering lawmakers and disrupting the congressional proceedings — Brooks faced blowback. House Democrats introduced a formal censure motion, and billboards in Alabama demanded his resignation.

Brooks defiantly denied any responsibility for the violence on Jan. 6. At the same time, he said he welcomed the criticism because he viewed it as helpful to his political prospects.

“That’s a good thing,” Brooks said in a Feb. 3 radio interview in response to a question about the billboards. “I don’t want to discourage it, because I think it’s beneficial, at least in the state of Alabama, where winning the Republican primary is tantamount to winning the general election.”

“Congress decides”

On Dec. 2, Brooks became the first member of Congress to say he would object to the Electoral College votes from key states that delivered Biden’s victory. While the Constitution and federal law do establish a procedure for Congress to certify the Electoral College votes, many of Brooks’ fellow Republicans recoiled at the idea of trying to use it to overturn an election whose outcome they didn’t like. The certification in Congress is usually an uneventful formality after states have already certified their election results.

But Brooks himself presented it as a serious plan for keeping Trump in office despite losing the election. “Ultimately, Congress decides who won the White House, not the courts,” Brooks said in a Nov. 10 radio interview.

In dozens of right-wing media interviews between the Nov. 3 election and the Jan. 6 insurrection, Brooks spelled out his idea. If Congress rejected enough Electoral College votes to prevent either candidate from winning a majority, the presidency would be decided by the House of Representatives. The House would vote by state delegations, a majority of which were in Republican hands. All it would take for this plan to work, according to Brooks, was for enough Republicans to join him.

“In the United States Congress, we control who the president of the United States is,” Brooks said in an interview with the Epoch Times posted on Nov. 18. “The House would be in a position to elect a Republican to the White House.”

In Brooks’ telling, keeping Trump in power was just a question of political will. “No question it’s an uphill climb, because I’m not sure how many Republicans we have that are willing to do what’s necessary,” he said on Fox News on Dec. 4. “You have no idea who’s going to win the political fights or any other fight until you fight them.”

As precedent, Brooks cited the disputed election of 1876, which Congress resolved by electing Rutherford B. Hayes in exchange for ending Reconstruction.

“It was on the heels of hundreds of thousands of Southerners being killed in the war of Northern invasion, as a lot of Southerners viewed it back then,” Brooks said in a Dec. 17 talk radio interview. “Hayes cut that deal. Then he was elected president of the United States, and he was honorable, so he kept his promise and he withdrew the Northern forces and Reconstruction ended.”

“We need to fight and take it back”

Brooks’ rhetoric continued to escalate in the run-up to Jan. 6. In some interviews, he talked about fighting in terms of voting and pressuring lawmakers, the way that many politicians use the word without meaning literal combat.

“How it plays out, quite frankly, is dependent on the American people,” Brooks said on Fox News on Jan. 3. “To the extent they contact their senators and their congressmen and demand honest and accurate elections, then we’re going to win this fight on Jan. 6. But if the American people do not rise up, if they don’t contact their senators, if they don’t contact their congressmen, demanding that their congressmen and senators do the right thing for our republic, well then, we’re not going to win on Jan. 6. So I urge all Americans to participate in this fight on behalf of their country.”

At other times, however, Brooks spoke of fighting as armed struggle, foreshadowing his speech at the Ellipse.

“When it came time to fight in the Revolutionary War, beginning in 1776, people actually put their lives at stake,” Brooks said in a Newsmax interview aired on Dec. 17. “All throughout history, American history, there have been time after time where American men and women have stood strong and fought for their country, often losing their lives in order to keep our republic, keep our liberty, keep our freedoms. And the bedrock of all those things are accurate and honest elections. And right now, the socialist Democrats have successfully stolen those from the American people in 2020. And we need to fight and take it back.”

Brooks indicated in media interviews that he chose his words carefully. “If I’m on the radio, I know that every word that I say is going to be recorded forever,” Brooks said in a Jan. 4 radio interview, in the context of defending Trump’s pressuring of Georgia officials to reverse that state’s election results in a phone call that the president didn’t know was being recorded.

Brooks met with Trump at the White House in December, along with Biggs and Gosar, to discuss their plans for Jan. 6. As Brooks recounted in a Dec. 29 Fox News interview, Trump told the representatives that a senator would join their objection, the necessary step for a debate and vote in both chambers. The next day, Dec. 30, Sen. Josh Hawley, R-Mo., became the first senator to announce he would object.

Brooks, Biggs and Gosar also, according to “Stop the Steal” organizer Ali Alexander, came up with the plan to amass a crowd outside the Capitol on Jan. 6. “We four schemed up of putting maximum pressure on Congress while they were voting,” Alexander said in a video that he later deleted, “so that who we couldn’t lobby, we could change the hearts and the minds of Republicans who were in that body, hearing our loud roar from outside.”

Spokespeople for Brooks and Biggs have denied working with Alexander. Gosar, who appeared at earlier events with Alexander in Arizona, hasn’t commented on their relationship. Spokespeople for Biggs and Gosar didn’t respond to requests for comment, and Alexander couldn’t be reached.

Brooks made clear that his ultimate goal was to keep Trump in office.

“Kind of like bowling a 300 game or hitting a hole-in-one, that’s actually reversing the election fraud effort on the part of the Democrats such that Joe Biden is not sworn in on Jan. 20, Donald Trump is,” Brooks said in a Jan. 4 Newsmax interview.

“We did not have ultimate success”

Once rioters breached the Capitol, Brooks immediately blamed left-wing agitators whom he called “antifa.” “You have to ask yourself, who would be motivated to distract from our message,” Brooks said in a Newsmax interview on the night of Jan. 6, while waiting for the certification proceedings to resume. “I don’t believe that’s in the interest of the Trump supporters.”

Brooks continued this effort to shift blame in a radio interview the next day. “Too many Trump supporters were angry and allowed themselves to be manipulated or orchestrated by fascist antifa types,” Brooks said.

The interviewer, Dale Jackson, pressed Brooks to acknowledge and condemn the violence by Trump supporters. “Why are you trying to make this about antifa as opposed to about the clear, obvious Trump supporters?” Jackson asked. “Why are we trying to diminish this?”

Brooks shot back, “That is the political spin that the fake news media and the socialist Democrats are trying to put on this.”

“Well, I’m not the fake news media, I’m not a socialist Democrat,” Jackson countered. “Why don’t people just condemn this and stop trying to find reasons why it happened? … Your Facebook and Twitter page I guarantee is filled up the same way mine is with people talking about this in this way. And I just say we’ve got to be more forceful, I think. Am I wrong?”

Brooks didn’t answer directly. “I don’t know what’s on my Facebook page,” he said with a laugh. “That’s something that my staff does, not me.”

“My point is this,” Jackson concluded, giving Brooks one last chance to unequivocally condemn the violence by Trump supporters before the interview ended. “I see too many of them saying, ‘Yeah, see, it’s antifa, it’s not this,’ and they’re using this as a reason. And I just don’t think that’s a good — that’s not helpful in any way.”

Brooks demurred. “Well, I think the main message, which we’ve diverted from, is the fight we had last night in the House of Representatives and the Senate to try to protect and promote honest and accurate elections,” he said. “And it’s most unfortunate that whomever was able to divert attention from that, and unfortunate that while we made progress, we did not have ultimate success.”

In an interview with ProPublica, Jackson said he understood Brooks to be condemning the violence. “The only disagreement we were having was whether antifa was a key driver of this thing,” he said. “It wasn’t whether or not it shouldn’t have happened or was wrong. I think we all agree on that.”

“You can resist, often through violence”

Brooks elaborated on his views on violence in another radio interview on Jan. 7.

“Might I suggest that over history, when you’re in a republic, and there is no longer confidence in the election system, you have three options,” he said in the interview, which was reported on at the time by The Intercept. “You can emigrate from that country, which is what a lot of people did in the 1920s and 1930s, in socialist Germany, with Adolf Hitler. You can submit, which is also what a lot of people did in Germany. Or you can resist, often through violence. None of those three options are good.”

“Wait a minute,” the host, Matt Murphy, interrupted. He pressed Brooks to clarify: “You said we must emigrate, leave?”

“No, I’m telling you what has happened historically over time when a republic loses confidence in its election system,” Brooks said. “What do people, individual people do?”

They continued going back and forth, with Murphy giving Brooks more opportunities to walk back from raising the specter of violence and Brooks sticking to it.

Finally, Murphy tried: “When you bring up one of your options to be violence, it brings us directly to your words yesterday, Mo. And I’m wondering if you regret saying what you said at the rally yesterday?”

“Absolutely not,” Brooks said.

Murphy, who didn’t respond to a subsequent request for comment, then suggested the need to reckon with the ideas that motivated Trump supporters to attack the Capitol. “We better be willing to have serious discussions about what led to the level of frustration and anger that would cause people to allow their emotions to bubble over to the point that they would engage in something like this,” he said.

Brooks’ response was to explain that people were losing faith in voting — a view he had spent months promoting, and which he said left violence as one of three options. “It’s pretty clear,” he said, “people are getting frustrated, and they’re losing confidence in the honesty and accuracy of the election system.”

Brooks also shared a version of this view on Twitter that morning, writing that people who come to believe that voting can no longer get the results they want may be “FORCED” to “fight back with violence.”

“How can you misinterpret my intent?”

Weeks later, Brooks distanced himself from the violence of Jan. 6. At a home-state rally on Jan. 23, Brooks defended his speech at the Ellipse by accusing journalists of twisting his words.

“The news media, which is supposed to be the safeguard of any republic, has to a large degree become nothing more than a socialist propaganda puppet that rivals those in Stalin’s Soviet Union, Mao Zedong’s Communist China, and socialist Germany’s 1920s and 1930s,” Brooks said, repeating his unusual way of avoiding the term “Nazis.” “The fake news media and the socialists deceitfully suggest I intended to incite a riot when my words prove the exact opposite.”

Brooks explained that when he said on Jan. 6, “Today is the day American patriots start taking down names and kicking ass,” he was referring to voting in the 2022 and 2024 elections. He said his meaning was clear because as he said those words, he swapped out a camouflage Congressional Sportsmen’s Caucus cap for one that read “Fire Pelosi.”

“How can you misinterpret my intent?” Brooks said, drawing cheers.

But what Brooks did not acknowledge or attempt to explain was the next sentence that immediately followed “kicking ass”: the line asking those assembled whether they were willing to sacrifice “their blood” and even “their lives.”

“My answer is yes,” Brooks said on Jan. 6. “Louder. Are you willing to do what it takes to fight for America? Louder! Will you fight for America?”

Mollie Simon and Kirsten Berg contributed reporting.

ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.

Before Atlanta: The U.S. has a long and ugly history of violence against Asian women

Asian American women understand that the alleged murderer of eight people in Atlanta was acting in keeping with a culture filled with racialized and sexualized views of Asian women. Of the people murdered, four women were of Korean descent and two of Chinese heritage.

The shooter himself, Robert Long, has said he was motivated to act violently because of his self-proclaimed “sex addiction.” He allegedly told investigators that the businesses he attacked represented “a temptation for him that he wanted to eliminate.”

Long sought to eliminate the objects of his sexual temptations, Asian women. In doing so, he drew on the U.S.’s long history of sexualizing Asian American women.

A long history of stereotypes

Harmful stereotypes of Asian women in American popular culture date back to at least the 19th century. Back then, American missionaries and military personnel in Asia viewed the women they met there as exotic and submissive.

These stereotypes influenced the first U.S. immigration law based on race, the 1875 Page Act, which prevented Chinese women from entering the United States. The official assumption was that, unless proven otherwise, Chinese women seeking to enter the United States lacked moral character and were prostitutes. In fact, many were wives seeking to reunite with their husbands who had already come to the U.S.

Around the same time, Chinese women in San Francisco also were scapegoated by local public health officials who feared they would spread sexually transmitted diseases to white men, who would then spread it to their wives.

In the mid-20th century, U.S. wars and military bases in China, Japan, the Philippines, Korea and Vietnam resulted in increased interracial contact between American soldiers and Asian women. The GIs’ restricted interactions with the larger Asian population meant that they met Asian women that worked on or near the military bases: on-base service workers who cleaned or cooked, or sex workers in the surrounding communities.

Some soldiers married Asian women and brought them home as war brides, while others primarily viewed Asian women as sexual objects. Both approaches perpetuated stereotypes of Asian women as sexually submissive, either as ideal wives or sexually exotic prostitutes.

These stereotypes are evident throughout U.S. popular culture in the form of novels and movies, including “The Teahouse of the August Moon” and James Michener’s “The Bridges at Toko-Ri,” which feature romances between GIs and Asian women. Vietnam War-era films like “Full Metal Jacket” and “Platoon” depict graphic sexual violence committed by American GIs against Vietnamese women.

Violence against Asian American women

In online digital pornography, Asian women are disproportionately presented as victims of rape, compared to white women or women of other racial backgrounds. Asian American feminist and activist Helen Zia has argued that there is a connection between the portrayals of Asian women in pornography and violence against Asian American women.

Rosalind Chou, a sociologist, describes how in 2000, a group of white men kidnapped five Japanese female exchange students in Spokane, Washington, to fulfill their sexual fantasies of Asian female bondage, a subgenre of pornography.

Sexual attacks targeting Asian American women are more likely to come from non-Asians. Though most attacks on white or Black women come from men of the same ethnic background, Asian American women — and Native American women — are more likely to be sexually assaulted by males of a different ethnicity.

The most recent high-profile example of this dynamic is the 2015 rape of a woman by white Stanford student Brock Turner. Not until 2019 did the woman, Chanel Miller, reveal her name and identity as an Asian American woman. At that point many Asian American women understood another element of what had already been a troubling case of white male sexual aggression: Turner likely felt entitled to use and abuse Miller’s unconscious body not just because she is a woman, but because of her Asian heritage.

Targeted attacks

In March 2020, Asian American and Pacific Islander community organizations joined with San Francisco State University’s Asian American Studies Program to document incidents of anti-Asian racism occurring across the country during the COVID-19 pandemic.

The group they formed, called StopAAPIHate, has recorded an average of 11 anti-Asian hate incidents in the U.S. each day since its creation, including in-person and online verbal harassment, civil rights violations and physical assaults.

The group has found that Asian women report hate incidents 2.3 times as often as Asian men. The data doesn’t distinguish between sexual assaults or harassment and other types of physical attacks and harassment, but it nevertheless emphasizes the vulnerability of being Asian and being female.

Oppression of women of color

Asian women are not the only targets of racial and sexual violence. Any non-white woman has a greater risk of these perils than white women do.

One day after the white male shooter in Georgia killed six Asian women, an armed white man was detained outside Vice President Kamala Harris’ official residence in Washington. As a mixed-race South Asian and Black woman, Harris is not exempt from this culture that racializes and sexualizes Asian women and all women of color. None of us is.

Biden eyes tax hikes for rich and ending fossil fuel subsidies to fund infrastructure plan

To help fund President Joe Biden’s forthcoming $3 trillion infrastructure proposal, the White House is reportedly considering ending federal subsidies for fossil fuel companies and increasing taxes on wealthy individuals and corporations.

That’s according to two Biden administration officials who spoke to the Washington Post on the condition of anonymity due to the not-yet-public nature of the discussion.

According to the Post, “the centerpiece of the tax increases would probably be a higher corporate tax rate—reversing part of President Donald Trump’s steep corporate tax cut in 2017—as well as higher levies on investment income and a higher top marginal tax rate.”

As the newspaper reported, Biden’s infrastructure legislation is “expected to be broken up into two main components—one focused primarily on infrastructure and clean energy investments, and a second focused on domestic priorities including child care and prekindergarten that the administration has labeled part of the ‘caring economy.'”

The bifurcation of the infrastructure plan is also reflected in the revenue-raising options being considered, with each legislative component expected to be funded through different tax hikes.

“The infrastructure section of the legislation is expected to be funded primarily by taxes on businesses, according to officials,” the Post reported. “The key measures under discussion include raising the corporate tax rate from 21% to 28%; increasing the global minimum tax paid from about 13% to 21%; ending federal subsidies for fossil fuel companies; and forcing multinational corporations to pay the U.S. tax rate rather than the lower rates paid by their foreign subsidiaries.”

“The part of the legislation focused on other domestic priorities, by contrast, is expected to be funded by taxes on rich people and investors,” the newspaper noted. “Those measures, according to officials, include increasing the highest income tax rate from 37% to 39.6%; dramatically increasing taxes on wealthy investors; and limiting deductions that rich taxpayers can claim annually, among other measures, the officials said.”

According to the Post, the Biden administration is also “considering paying for the package in part through a plan that would lower the cost of prescription drugs,” which would enable the federal government to reduce spending on Medicare by as much as $500 billion over 10 years. 

Sen. Bernie Sanders on Tuesday unveiled a trio of bills that seek to challenge what the Vermont Independent called Big Pharma’s “greed” by slashing prescription drug prices. Meanwhile, as Common Dreams has reported, two-thirds of Americans favor raising taxes on individuals with annual incomes over $400,000.

Biden has emphasized that “his tax increases will not affect people earning less than $400,000 per year,” the Post reported. The president’s “advisers have called for funding the next major domestic priority with higher levies on wealthy Americans, citing the relative success enjoyed by the affluent during a pandemic that has pummeled the economic fortunes of the working class.”

Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen on Tuesday came to Biden’s defense after congressional Republicans expressed their disapproval of raising taxes on corporations and rich Americans. 

Speaking at a House Financial Services Committee hearing, Yellen told lawmakers that it is crucial for the U.S. “to raise revenues in a fair way to support the spending that this economy needs to be competitive and productive.”

“A package that consists of investments in people, investments in infrastructure will help to create good jobs in the American economy and changes to the tax structure will help to pay for those programs,” said Yellen.

Biden’s long-awaited infrastructure plan has been criticized by progressive advocacy groups who warn, as Common Dreams reported Monday, that $3 trillion is an insufficient amount to invest when the climate and economic crises cry out for the creation of millions of good-paying jobs to expand renewable energy, develop clean mass transit, and implement other projects that would improve the health of communities around the country.

Just days after the congressional Democrats behind the BUILD GREEN Act called for spending $500 billion to electrify public transportation and build electric vehicle charging stations, Biden proposed only $60 billion for green transit.

Climate justice campaigners have pointed out that even Sen. Joe Manchin, a conservative Democrat from West Virginia who is considered a key obstacle to advancing progressive legislation in the upper chamber narrowly controlled by his party, has called for up to $4 trillion in infrastructure spending.

“Biden should realize that if his proposal is milder than what Joe Manchin is calling for, it does not go far enough,” said Ellen Sciales, press secretary of the Sunrise Movement. “If $3 trillion is what Biden’s team lands on, they’ll be neglecting what’s politically and publicly popular, and what’s quite frankly vital for the future of our society and our planet.”

“The crises we face demand at least $1 trillion per year over the next decade,” Sciales added. “If Republicans or archaic Senate rules get in the way, Democrats must abolish the filibuster and deliver for the American people.”

First flight on Mars? Ingenuity helicopter preps for takeoff

In 1903, Orville and Wilbur Wright flew a plane for 12 seconds, 120 feet in the air, on what is now known as the first powered-controlled flight on Earth. Now, 118 years later, the first powered-controlled attempt at a flight on another planet is about to take place.

According to NASA, Ingenuity — the four-pound rotorcraft attached to Perseverance — is on its way to its “airfield” on Mars. 

The space agency announced that its target for its first takeoff attempt will happen no earlier than April 8, 2021. 

Ingenuity was designed as an experiment to see if it is possible to fly on Mars as we do here on Earth. And the process leading up to the takeoff is a very meticulous one. Consider how long it took humans to stick a powered-controlled flight on Earth; given Mars’ thin atmosphere and a twenty-minute delay in communication, it is arguably more challenging on Mars.

“As with everything with the helicopter, this type of deployment has never been done before,” Farah Alibay, Mars helicopter integration lead for the Perseverance rover, said in a press statement. “Once we start the deployment there is no turning back.”

Every move for the next couple of weeks could make or break Ingenuity’s success — starting with precisely positioning the rotorcraft in the middle of its 33-by-33-foot square airfield, which is actually a flat field on the Martian surface with no obstructions. From there, the entire deployment process from Perseverance will take about six Martian days, which are called sols. (The Martian sol is thirty-nine minutes longer than an Earth day.)


Want more science stories in your inbox? Subscribe to Salon’s weekly newsletter The Vulgar Scientist.


The plan is that on sol one of its six-sol unfurling, scientists on Earth will activate a bolt-breaking device which will release the lock that has held Ingenuity on Perseverance’s belly so firmly during the journey from Earth to Mars. During the second sol, scientists will fire a “cable-cutting pyrotechnic device” to start pushing the helicopter out of its horizontal position; cable-cutting aside, on the second sol, Ingenuity will literally start to stretch two of its four legs. On the third sol, a small electric motor will rotate Ingenuity and bring it to a completely vertical position. On the fourth sol, Ingenuity will continue to unfold. On the fifth sol, scientists will charge Ingenuity’s batteries via Perseverance as a solar-power source. At this point, it will hang suspended at about 5 inches (13 centimeters) over the Martian surface, connected to Perseverance only by a single bolt and a few tiny electrical contacts.

“Once we cut the cord with Perseverance and drop those final five inches to the surface, we want to have our big friend drive away as quickly as possible so we can get the Sun’s rays on our solar panel and begin recharging our batteries,” Bob Balaram, Mars helicopter chief engineer at Jet Propulsion Laboratory, said in a statement.

From there, it’s time to see if Ingenuity can take flight. Perseverance will move to be 16 feet away from Ingenuity, which will have 30 Martian sols to execute its test flight campaign.

Flying is very difficult on Mars not merely because of the difference in gravity from Earth, but also because the atmosphere on Mars is just 1 percent as dense as Earth’s atmosphere at the surface. There are also drastic temperature changes that happen on Mars; during the day, the Red Planet receives half the amount of solar energy that reaches Earth. At night, temperatures plummet to minus 130 degrees Fahrenheit. Ingenuity is small because it must be lightweight to fly through the atmosphere, but it also must have enough energy to retain power during frigid Martian nights. There’s a chance that Ingenuity might not even survive its first night alone.

“Every step we have taken since this journey began six years ago has been uncharted territory in the history of aircraft,” Balaram said. “And while getting deployed to the surface will be a big challenge, surviving that first night on Mars alone, without the rover protecting it and keeping it powered, will be an even bigger one.”

But assuming it does, Perseverance will relay to Ingenuity its flight instructions, via mission controllers here on Earth. The plan is for Ingenuity to run its rotors to 2,537 revolutions per minute, and then lift off. If all goes well, it will ascend about three feet per second and hover at 10 feet for 30 seconds before it descends and touches the ground on Mars. After a couple of test flights, the real mission will begin.

“Mars is hard,” said Aung. “Our plan is to work whatever the Red Planet throws at us the very same way we handled every challenge we’ve faced over the past six years – together, with tenacity and a lot of hard work, and a little Ingenuity.”

Notably, Ingenuity’s design contains a nod to the first powered-controlled flight here on Earth.

According to NASA, a small piece of the fabric used to cover one of the wings of the Wright brothers’ aircraft is tucked under one of Ingenuity’s solar panels with the help of insulation tape. The Apollo 11 crew flew a different piece of the material during their historic 1969 mission to the moon.

“Ingenuity is an experimental engineering flight test – we want to see if we can fly at Mars,” Aung said. “There are no science instruments onboard and no goals to obtain scientific information. We are confident that all the engineering data we want to obtain both on the surface of Mars and aloft can be done within this 30-sol window.”

Decoding the mysteries of Joe Manchin’s cryptic demands for filibuster reform

Will Democrats actually be able to pass the For the People Act, a sweeping bill aiming to protect and strengthen voting rights across the county? Like with so many other questions, the answer almost certainly comes down to one person: Sen. Joe Manchin.

The West Virginia Democrat is the only member of the caucus not to endorse S. 1, the Senate’s version of the bill. But on Thursday, he released a ponderous, meandering, and cryptic statement about the bill — one that didn’t give supporters of the bill too much optimism.

The top-line analysis is pretty simple. Passing any significant version of the For the People Act will require eliminating or significantly altering the Senate filibuster, something which Manchin has repeatedly insisted he doesn’t want to do. Though some of his statements leave him some wiggle room on supporting reform, Manchin’s statement about S. 1 is hardly a rousing endorsement that would suggest he’s willing to upend a feature of the Senate rules that he has long defended in order to pass it. So it looks unlikely Manchin will go along with any plan to circumvent the filibuster to enact For the People.

The deeper analysis is more complex. It’s possible Manchin will come around to weakening the filibuster on another issue under separate circumstances, which would open the door to passing S. 1. And there are features of the bill he enthusiastically endorses:

As our lives become more complex and dominated by technology, the notion of restricting voting to a single 8 or 12-hour timeframe is not indicative of how most voters live. Expanding voter access to the polls by requiring at least fifteen days, including two weekend days, of’ early voting in every state will increase turnout and help individuals, especially those who have traditionally not been able to participate, cast their votes. We can also do more to help those groups that have been historically disenfranchised and underrepresented in our federal elections through bipartisan solutions like those included in the Native American Voting Rights Act that would authorize additional, dedicated resources for Native American and Alaska Native voters. Our country must also improve the security and reliability of our election infrastructure. Foreign adversaries continue to contribute to misinformation during elections and recent hacks into software used throughout the federal government show that such attacks are growing increasingly advanced. There are multiple bipartisan bills included in the For the People Act that would greatly enhance our ability to combat these evolving threats, including the Secure Elections Act and the Prevent Election Hacking Act.

Manchin also threw his support behind efforts to force disclosure of political spending.

At the same time, he clearly resisted some of the bill’s efforts to intervene in local election administration, saying: “As a former Secretary of State, I know, firsthand, the importance of local decision-making around voter accessibility and election security.” (He correctly pointed out that, as others have reported, many election officials feel that parts of the bill as written do not provide enough time to implement some of the changes it requires, even if those changes are desirable.)

The statement also mentioned the idea of bipartisan compromise multiple times, even though the notion that there could be a significant bipartisan compromise on an issue as fraught as voting rights is farfetched. Republicans are increasingly convinced they need to suppress the vote in order to stay in power.

In one line, Manchin even seemed to give some credence to the GOP talking point that Republican voters’ distrust of election results is a reason to be hesitant about pushing forward with reforms, even though that distrust comes from Republican lawmakers spreading misinformation and false fears about voter fraud:

Even though our democratic institutions have survived foreign interference and a violent attempt to enter the United States Capitol during the counting of Electoral College votes, America’s declining trust in the government and each other makes it harder to solve key problems. That trust will continue to diminish unless we, as members of Congress, transcend partisanship to strengthen our democracy by protecting voting rights, implementing commonsense election security reforms, and making our campaign finance system more transparent.

Unmentioned in the statement at all was the single-most consequential part of the For the People Act: redistricting reform. The Brennan Center for Justice explained the importance of this provision:

Last decade saw some the most aggressive partisan gerrymandering in U.S. history. Democrats gerrymandered where they could, but Republican success in the 2010 midterms gave them control of the process in far more states — and they used it, gerrymandering to create a net bonus of 16 to 17 seats in the House. Without reform, this decade could be even worse. The Supreme Court’s 2019 ruling that partisan gerrymandering does not violate the Constitution means that would-be gerrymanderers now have license to use new mapping technology and powerful analytics about voters to create even more durable and pernicious gerrymanders. And as historically has been the case, much of this gerrymandering invariably will target communities of color.The For the People Act responds by barring maps that have the intent or effect of giving a party an undue statewide advantage. To measure effect, the For the People Act sets out an easily applied two-part statistical test. If a map fails the test, it must be redrawn, regardless of intent. Inclusion of this straightforward test means that it will it be easier to identify bad maps and that biased maps can more quickly be thrown out by courts.

Whether Democrats are able to keep their majority in the House in 2022 may come down entirely to the passage of this single plank of the bill. Even if Biden pulls off a historically successful first two years of his presidency and earns a wave of popular support, the effect of the coming gerrymandering and redistricting could mean that Democrats will nevertheless lose control of the House — thus hindering the second half of Biden’s term.

It’s not clear whether Manchin knows or cares about these dynamics — the issue is just conspicuously missing from his statement. As is any acknowledgment that bipartisan compromise on this issue is almost certainly impossible.

So what is Joe Manchin thinking? Does he really believe Republicans will come around, or is he just talking about bipartisanship for show?

It’s hard to say. But he has seemed to engage in performative bipartisanship before only to abandon it when push came to shove.

“We’re going to make this work in a bipartisan way,” Manchin said in early February about Biden’s coronavirus relief bill. “My friends on the other side are going to have input. And we’re going to do something that we agree on. I’m not just going to do it just down the lines of, just saying party-line vote.”

Manchin ended up voting for the bill in a purely party-line vote after he extracted a minor concession from his Democratic allies reining in spending on unemployment insurance. The senator appears to be making similar noises around Biden’s upcoming infrastructure push. He claims he wants the plan to be bipartisan, but his clear enthusiasm for a giant spending bill makes it seem likely he’ll follow the same path he took on the relief package.

Is that where he’ll end up on the For the People Act? It’s possible. Perhaps he’s trying to turn down the temperature around the bill, which could make it easier for him to eventually take aggressive steps to pass it. On the other hand, reading the tea leaves of his most recent statement, there’s not much sign he’s as enthusiastic about voting rights as he was about spending on economic relief and infrastructure. And while spending bills can be passed with a simple majority through budget reconciliation, passing S. 1 demands 60 votes or changing the filibuster — a much heavier lift. That means we’re left in a position that is increasingly familiar — with Manchin holding all the cards.

Michael Flynn’s family members file $75M lawsuit against CNN over QAnon video

Two family members of Michael Flynn, Donald Trump’s short-lived national security adviser turned conspiracy-theory firebrand, filed a $75 million lawsuit Thursday against CNN, accusing the cable network of besmirching their reputations. This comes in response to CNN’s accurate reporting on the Flynn family’s recitation of a far-right, QAnon-associated pledge called “Oath of the Digital Soldier,” which Flynn posted to Twitter last July 4.

Jack Flynn and his wife Leslie — Michael Flynn’s brother and sister-in-law — claim in the 20-page lawsuit that CNN tarnished their reputation by reporting that the Flynn family recited the pledge, which featured the infamous QAnon slogan, “Where we go one, we go all” (often rendered on the internet as “WWG1WGA”). According to the lawsuit, “members of the Flynn family, including plaintiffs, took an oath to the United States Constitution, the same oath taken by members of Congress,” although it far more closely resembled the QAnon oath than the oath of office sworn by elected officials.

“Plaintiffs are not followers or supporters of any extremist or terrorist groups, including QAnon,” the lawsuit continues. “CNN falsely attributed to Plaintiffs associations that never existed, actions Plaintiffs never took, including an oath of allegiance to QAnon, and views Plaintiffs never held. CNN’s statements are materially false. Plaintiffs are not and never have been followers or supporters of the QAnon terrorist group. Plaintiffs never took or pledged an oath of allegiance to QAnon.” 

Reached for comment by Salon, a CNN spokesperson declined to comment, as the network doesn’t comment on pending litigation. Legal counsel for the Flynn family, attorneys Steven S. Biss and Jeremy Zenilman, didn’t return a Salon request for comment on Friday afternoon. Biss would seem to have a less than sterling track record when it comes to filing litigation against CNN. In February, he was handed a major loss in court after filing a $435 million lawsuit against the network on behalf of another Trump-allied client, Rep. Devin Nunes, R-Calif. 

As for the viability of the lawsuit and the Flynn family’s claims that they have nothing to do with the QAnon movement, Mike Rothschild, author of the new book, “The Storm is Upon Us: How QAnon Became a Movement, Cult, and Conspiracy Theory of Everything,” told Salon the Flynns clearly knew what they are pushing. 

“It’s simply not credible that Michael Flynn’s family members don’t understand what the slogan ‘Where we go one we go all’ means or what movement it represents,” Rothschild said. “Flynn, his brother, sister and son have all been vocal supporters of the QAnon movement, selling merchandise branded with Q iconography and raising money to pay Michael Flynn’s legal bills through Q-linked fundraisers. The lawsuit’s allegation that ‘Where we go one we go all’ originated on John Kennedy’s yacht is false, and the oath Flynn and his family took online echoes a post from Q almost verbatim. Either they knew exactly what they were doing, or they simply parroted back something that someone else told them to do.”

The Daily Beast’s Will Sommer, who has covered the far-right conspiracy from its earliest days, commented on the lawsuit: “Big development here in the growing trend of people pretending obvious QAnon things are not QAnon. They just stood next to a key QAnon figure and said ‘Where we go one, we go all,’ how could anyone think that’s related to QAnon?'” In a report published last December, the Beast noted that following the 2020 election Flynn went “full QAnon,” diving into the darkest depths of the conspiracy theory.  

Watch the clip in question above, via CNN. 

How to make a ridiculously delicious steak dinner at home (and still feel that restaurant magic)

Dining out at a steakhouse is one of the most cherished restaurant experiences. From the ambiance to the food, steakhouses evoke a timeless and richly satisfying overall experience. If you’ve been yearning for an especially well-cooked steak with all of the standard sides to help bolster the meal, then you’ve come to the right place. While you may have a favorite steakhouse that prepares your beef exactly how you like it, there’s no need to feel like you can’t replicate that magic without ever leaving home.

Sure, there are an inordinate amount of “rules” to abide by, according to various books, media outlets and recipes. But, at the end of the day, a good piece of meat is a good piece of meat. A ridiculously delicious dinner takes little more than a high-quality steak, some fats and aromatics and a generous shower of flaky salt.

RELATED: A fool-proof method for delicious pesto (and how to easily customize it with over 50 ingredients)

Groceries and kitchen tools: A check-list

Here’s a run-down of some of the most important specifics to keep in mind prior to cooking a steakhouse meal:

  • Cast iron is definitely preferable, but it’s by no means a deal-breaker if you don’t have one. 
  • We prefer a good sirloin for this preparation, but ribeyes also work especially well when cooked with the below recipe. 
  • “Prime” is also great option, as well as organic or grass-fed, if available. 
  • It’s advisable to let your steak come to room temperature prior to beginning the cooking process, but it’s also not a huge deal if you’re short on time and unable to do so. Room temperature meat just cooks a bit more evenly. 
  • The steak should be as dry as possible prior to cook time. 
  • Lastly, be sure to aggressively season your beef — don’t be shy by any means. Some cracked pepper is good, but it’s imperative that the steak is heavily salted

Recipes that taste better than an actual steakhouse

We left the quantities very open-ended when we put together our steakhouse dinner recipes — they’re just as great for an intimate dinner for two as they are for a large gathering. There’s nothing like a deeply-flavored sauce to bolster the flavor of the steak, and pairing it with “meat and potatoes” is obviously unbeatable. We also included a super-simple roasted mushroom that you’re likely to make on repeat once you try it, as well as a light, entirely raw salad to cut through the overt richness of the rest of the meal.

Good luck! Your kitchen is going to become the hottest new “steakhouse” in town before you know it.

***

Recipe: Ridiculously Delicious Steak

Ingredients

*Aim for about 1/2 lb. of meat per dinner guest. 

Directions

  1. Heat 1 to 2 tablespoon(s) of oil in a heavy-bottomed pan over medium-high heat. When the oil is lightly rippling, carefully add the steak (dropping one end away from you to ensure no splatter hits you), and let cook undisturbed for 5 to 7 minutes. Carefully flip, and cook for another 5 minutes. 
  2. Add a few tablespoons of butter, a few sprigs of thyme/rosemary and some garlic cloves. If you’re comfortable doing so, this is the point where you can baste: Carefully tilt the pan to allow the fat to pool in the corner, and then spoon this fat over the steak repeatedly. Feel free to flip and do so on the other side, as well. Cook until the steak is deeply browned and a crust has formed. 
  3. The timing changes depending on the thickness of the meat, the number of people you’re feeding and your desired temperature. But the general rule is to ensure that you let the meat rest for a good 5 to 10 minutes to allow the juices to redistribute prior to slicing. (If you wait 10 minutes to slice and the meat is still under, feel free to throw it in a preheated 375-degree oven until you reach the desired temperature.) 
  4. Slice, fan out the steak pieces and sprinkle with some additional flaky salt.

***

Recipe: Steakhouse Sauce

Ingredients:

Directions

  1. Heat oil in a deep pot over medium-low heat. Add shallots, season with salt and pepper and cook until translucent — you don’t want any color on these. Add garlic, if using. 
  2. Carefully, add red wine. (You may want to do this off the heat if you have any concerns.) Reduce until the pan is nearly dry. Add beef stock, raise heat to medium-high and simmer until the mixture has reduced and thickened considerably, about 20 minutes. The reduction should be “nappe” prior to moving to the next step, which speaks to the viscosity of the sauce and involves noting if it “coats the back of a spoon.” In order to verify this, you can stir your reduction with a spoon, turn the spoon over and carefully drag your finger through the sauce on the spoon. If the two sides say separate, the line stays “clean” and the mixture clings to the spoon, you’re good to go!
  3. Reduce heat to medium-low. Add individual tablespoons (or “pats”) of butter, and let them melt into the sauce. If using, you can now add a touch of cream if you’d like to further fortify the sauce. Season with salt and pepper to taste at the very end of the cooking process. (The repeated reductions can make this salty if you season too early, so be sure to hold off on seasoning until the end.)

***

Recipe: Steakhouse Potatoes

Ingredients:

Directions:

  1. In a pot of heavily salted water, cook potato chunks in rapidly simmering water until completely tender. 
  2. When fully tender, mash completely with a potato masher.
  3. Add a splash of cream, a few pats of butter and shredded cheese (if using). Mash, and mix until the mixture is totally homogeneous. Season to taste. 

Other starchy side options: rice, buttered egg noodles, etc.

***

Recipe: Steakhouse Mushrooms

Ingredients:

Directions:

  1. Preheat oven to 425 degrees. Mix mushrooms quarters on a sheet tray with extra virgin olive oil until just lightly glistening. (Important: Do not season!) Cook for 20 minutes, stir and cook for another 20 minutes, or until the mushrooms are deeply brown and crisp. 
  2. Season with kosher salt and freshly-cracked black pepper.

Other vegetable options: buttered peas with mint; roasted carrots with goat cheese and toasted walnuts; sautéed green beans with shallot; and the list goes on. There’s almost no limit to the wonderful veggie options that can accompany steak dinners!

***

Recipe: Raw Steakhouse Salad

Ingredients

  • Any mix of raw veggies (such as fennel, jicama or radish), very thinly sliced
  • Fresh parsley, chopped
  • Citrus (orange, blood orange, grapefruit, etc.)
  • Hazelnuts, toasted
  • Extra virgin olive oil
  • Parmigiano-Reggiano

Directions:

  1. Arrange raw veggies in a large bowl. Place toasted nuts and fresh shavings of Parm over the top.
  2. Supreme the citrus carefully. Peel the fruit, cut off the very top and very bottom, and then hold the fruit in your hand and make cuts in accordance with the natural segments of the citrus. Do this all around the fruit, until multiple “segments” fall out onto your cutting board, and then add them to the large bowl. Once complete, squeeze the remaining fruit into a small bowl to collect the juice. 
  3. Whisk lightly as you lightly pour a stream of olive oil into the juice until you’ve created a light “dressing.” Add parsley, salt and pepper to taste. Drizzle over salad, toss and then shave some additional Parm over the top. Garnish with finely chopped nuts and more parsley.

***

More from this author: 

Salon Food writes about stuff we think you’ll like. Salon has affiliate partnerships, so we may get a share of the revenue from your purchase.

Netflix’s “Marriage or Mortgage” invites us to look back at a time when bad decisions were a luxury

Some shows transform your television into a time machine before your very eyes, albeit a cruel one with no doors and a single window that doesn’t open and through which your warning wails of “NOOOOOO!” will never be heard.

Netflix’s “Marriage or Mortgage” is this season’s version of that ride, a show designed for America’s happier times. Remember when “House Hunters” blocks were comforting and mindless spans of viewing as opposed to cruel taunt-a-thons reminding you of how cramped your place is? Married people, do you ever do the math on how many months of rent or mortgage payments you might have in the bank if you hadn’t said yes to the dress? Remember when Zillow wasn’t porn?

This 10-episode series draws inspiration from classic HGTV and TLC shows, adding in a pair friendly hosts – real estate agent Nichole Holmes and wedding planner Sarah Miller – competing to steer couples toward the dreams each separately champions. Holmes wants nothing more than to persuade couples to invest in nesting. Miller persuades people to toss thousands of dollars towards an unforgettable day or night of classy frolicking. 

In each episode Miller and Holmes interview their prospective clients to find out everything they want in a home and in a wedding, and then each gets to work, splitting up and competing to win the couple over to their side. Holmes drives them to a selection of houses around Nashville, strategically staging rooms and nooks to show what their wildest desires could look like if they were to made reality. Miller wows them with venue options, tastings and fittings.

She dangles an ice sculpture with a booze luge in front of one couple. Another feasts on a brisket and artisanal moonshine. And each host gets a closing argument in which they “sweeten the pot,” throwing in discounts, two-for-one specials and deals too good to pass up.

From the perspective of what makes sense over the long term, there is no contest. If you have between $20,000 and $35,000 in the bank, as these couples do, putting that cash down on a house is a long-term investment, whereas a wedding is an opulent party with an Instagram-worthy dessert.

Yeah, sure, you get priceless memories, but you can’t trade those in for additional square footage. It takes years for the average person to save for a wedding or a down payment. Over that span of time housing costs rise and affordable options shrink. A budget that can buy a multi-level house with acreage now will get a person a yard the size of a postage stamp a few years down the road. Take it from someone who knows . . .  and has wedding regrets!

That was what I bellowed every time a couple chose “marriage” and swore they’d start saving again for a house afterward as Holmes, keenly aware of how quickly home prices in Nashville are rising, simply nods and smiles. These same moments also have the unintentional effect of making Miller into the series’ secret villain. (In real life I’m sure she’s a lovely human being.)

Reality television isn’t a genre known for sensibility or honest choices. Most real estate TV quests are partially faked; many times, the couples have already bought the home they pretend to hem and haw over before choosing it in the end. That may be the case with several the engaged lovebirds featured here.

Even if that were the case, had the pandemic never happened “Marriage or Mortgage” would still work as a feel-good show with no “bad” outcomes. People either get their dream wedding or their spacious home in a popular city.

In October, November and December 2019, when principal photography for the show took place, neither we nor the hosts nor their subjects were familiar with the terms “novel coronavirus” or “COVID-19.” None of the very-much-in-love couples could imagine how consequential their choice would be to their lives or look to an audience watching them a year into a pandemic that has resulted in massive job losses and forced people to live, work and educate their kids in their homes.

Thus if watching “Marriage or Mortgage” from the perspective of seasoned married homeowners is agonizing in itself, seeing its fairy godmothers steer couples through the choices delineated in the title after a year of gritting our teeth through cabin fever adds another level of aggravation on top of all that.

Seeing couples who say they’re living in small apartments or co-habiting with roommates or parents turn down spacious backyards, ample bedrooms and gigantic bathrooms to choose, say, a grand exit in a nice vehicle may make you scream at your TV for the wrong reasons.

Miller lures one woman who gently griped about having to visit her future husband’s mother to do her laundry each week over to her side with the promise of giving her a ranch dressing fountain at her reception.

Holmes shows another couple with two rambunctious sons a generously sized house with enough room to give the mother a child-free sanctuary, one of her aspirational requests. She needs the space, she explains, because they’ve been living on top of each other in a cramped two bedroom apartment.

Miller counters with designer candy favors and a custom suit for dad.

Guess which wins out in the end.

Then ask yourself, once “marriage” is chosen, how are those ambitious nuptials realized during our year of COVID restrictions? Do they happen at all?  Well, yes. Some who choose wedding with visions of 100 or 200 guests must instead have pared-down versions. One couple engages in what looks like a full-capacity rustic, mask-free jamboree with hugging and toasts. Another delays their celebration entirely.

“Why doesn’t Nichole tell people how much home values in each area are increasing?” my husband bellowed after watching “mortgage” lose yet again. It’s a reasonable question. Nashville is one of the hottest real estate markets in the country and only became more competitive during the pandemic due to record-low mortgage interest rates.

As for those couples reassuring themselves that their home ownership goal would only be deferred for a few years, we wish you luck. The pandemic saw record numbers of Americans losing their jobs and being priced out of rentals across the country.  In Nashville alone home prices are up 8.6% year-over-year and are projected to grow by another 10.3% in 2021.

According to Greater Nashville Realtors, in February 2021 the median selling price for a single-family home was $357,150. The media selling price for condos during the same month was $255,495.

In response I reminded my spouse that he was applying logic to a show constructed around emotion. The conundrum suggested in the title really isn’t equivalent in value except in the realm of sentimentality. None of these couples is considering the “mortgage” option from the 2021 perspectives of basic shelter needs or space to live and work sanely.

They’re giddy at having two women pledge to make their sundry castles in the air become real. That only one of those castles would remain after the show has worked its magic is unimportant to them, because they are wishing and hoping in 2019.

Granted, the worst of times are when we most acutely need wishes, hopes and romance. None of the people we see in the series arrive to their crossroads lightly. Each has a terrific love story to share, and a few have fought mightily to get to where they are in their lives and their relationships.

As one bride-to-be explains, “It’s like, the one time where you can be super-extra and everybody gets to just celebrate your extra-ness, you know?” 

True. The world may not be in a celebratory mood yet, but by the end of “Marriage and Mortgage,” after accepting that common sense has little bearing on anything about the central decision, you may not begrudge these lovers yearning to party like it’s 2019. We wish we could join them. Instead we can only watch from a less certain future.

All episodes of “Marriage or Mortgage” are streaming on Netflix.

Biden White House hosts AOC, progressive lawmakers to discuss filibuster reform

White House chief of staff Ron Klain met privately with a number of progressive lawmakers, including Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, D-N.Y., Rep. Ayanna Pressley, D-Mass. Rep. Jamaal Bowman, D-N.Y. and Andy Levin, D-Mich, to discuss the filibuster and the minimum wage, signaling potential for a spirit of collaboration between the Biden administration and left-leaning Democrats. 

According to Axios, Klain did not say whether Biden would move to support or oppose the filibuster, which has proven a significant roadblock for Democrats looking to approve gun bills in the Senate. Democrats have already passed two in the House, according to Insider, but it is extremely unlikely they’ll see the support they need in the Senate. 

There have been talks of removing the filibuster (i.e. the “going nuclear”) in order to skirt around an obstructionist GOP. It would take a simple majority in the Senate to eliminate the filibuster via cloture, a very doable maneuver with Vice President Kamala Harris as the tie-breaking senatorial vote. Republicans have warned, however, that nuking the filibuster would end all hope for bipartisanship. 

Biden has gradually inched toward a more progressive outlook on the filibuster, but also expressed hesitations about scrapping it entirely, stressing the need for incremental reform. “Let’s deal with the abuse first,” he said in a press conference. “If we have to, if there’s complete lockdown and chaos as a consequence of the filibuster, then we’ll have to go beyond what I’m talking about.”

Although no deal on the filibuster was struck, Klain did reaffirm President Biden’s commitment to enacting a $15 national minimum wage. Currently, the federal minimum wage sits at $7.25 per hour, a mandate that has not changed since 2009. There was a progressive push to raise the minimum wage as part of the newest coronavirus relief package, as Salon reported last month. However, the Senate Parliamentarian parried the effort by ruling that it went against the rules of the budget reconciliation process, a legislative maneuver Democrats used to push the bill through despite significant Repblican opposition.

Last week, Klain met with leaders of the Congressional Progressive Caucus, including the group’s chair, Rep. Pramila Jayapal, D-Wash. During the meeting, the group pressed for Biden’s commitment to progressive stances on a number of topics, including immigration, transportation, climate change, healthcare, child care, and paid leave, as Politico reported.

In the past, Rep. Ocasio-Cortez has praised Klain. When he was appointed in November, she tweeted, “Good news and an encouraging choice.” According to the Daily Beast, Klain has an open channel of communication with Sens. Bernie Sanders, I-Vt. and Elizabeth Warren, D-Mass. “Progressives are a big part of our party and making sure their voices are heard here at the White House is a big part of my job,” Klain said in an interview

As Axios notes, the existence of a backchannel between the White House and the Congressional Progressive Caucus might help the President push through another sweeping piece of legislation against GOP opposition: a $3 trillion infrastructure and jobs package. According to The Washington Post, the bill is likely to contain provisions such as free community college, universal pre kindergarten, a newly expanded child tax credit, and more. 

“The country has not had a real infrastructure bill since Dwight Eisenhower set up the highway system,” said former Pennsylvania governor Ed Rendell, D. “This could do more for American manufacturing and blue-collar jobs than anything else. It’s crucial not just for Biden’s legacy but for the legacy of the American government in the next decade. It’s a seminal moment for the country.”

In the joyfully violent “Nobody,” Bob Odenkirk channels his inner John Wick

“Who the f*ck are you?” an officer asks, incredulous, watching as Hutch (Bob Odenkirk), his face scratched and bloodied, lights a cigarette, opens a can of tuna, and feeds the kitten snuggled in his jacket — all while in handcuffs. Hutch is in a police station being interrogated about something that will eventually be revealed. He answers, “I’m . . . ” before the title card “Nobody” flashes up on screen.

Written by Derek Kolstad (“John Wick,” which it resembles) and directed by Ilya Naishuller (“Hardcore Henry“), “Nobody,” is an aggressive sleeper — one of those little films that comes out of nowhere and surprises viewers. Perhaps it isn’t surprising given that this darkly funny action film is about a mild-mannered family man who escalates to a “whole other level of recklessness” following a series of unfortunate incidents.

Odenkirk is perfectly cast as the title character, who is really less meek and more Jason Statham than folks might expect. The whole film may be an extended riff on this one joke, but it is a pretty funny joke. When two burglars break into his house one night — a pizza box in the garage door gains them access — Hutch is reluctant to take them out with a golf club, despite having the perfect opportunity to do so. “I wanted to keep the damage to a minimum,” he demurs when asked why he exercised restraint. Given his house is destroyed later, that is a sarcastic understatement.

Turns out the robbers got away with only a few bucks cash, but also, possibly, a prized possession belonging to Hutch’s young daughter Abby (Paisley Cadorath). This prompts Hutch to track down the perpetrators and demand, in arguably the film’s most quotable line, “Give me the goddamn kitty cat bracelet, motherf**kers!” 

But Hutch’s night is hardly over. On his way home, via the bus, he has an encounter with five Russians. Hutch does tip viewers off that things are going to get ugly when he utters, “I hope they like hospital food,” and then he proceeds to dispatch the men in a series of increasingly nasty confrontations. “Nobody” does not shy away from showing pain, and viewers will wince and laugh at the same time at the film’s gleeful, comic-bookish violence. Watching Hutch smash the windpipe of Teddy Kuznetsov (Aleksandr Pal) is horrifying, but it is hilarious that he is considerate enough to give his victim a tracheotomy so as not to have him die. Hutch even apologizes to the bus driver about the mess.

Unfortunately, Teddy is the younger brother of Yulian (Alexey Serebryakov), a “connected, funded, sociopath,” who kills a man to prove he is badass and throws chairs at people when he wants answers. Yulian is pissed his brother may not walk again and demands justice. What transpires is a heavy duty pissing contest. 

“Nobody” quickly devolves into a series of extended step-and-repeat set pieces where Hutch single-handedly takes on a handful of Yulian’s bloodthirsty bad guys. These scenes provide a video game vibe — especially when Hutch is supine, driving backwards, into traffic in a white ’72 Challenger with a 4.9 liter V8 engine. But even the most over-the-top scenes are fun to watch because Odenkirk’s expressions are so dryly amusing. He generates chuckles just setting fire to cash. 

Consider a scene where Hutch enters a tattoo parlor and flashes some money to garner the attention of the staff. They threaten him, save for one wise old dude who hurries out, locks the door behind him, and wishes everyone else good luck. The film is full of these kinds of throwaway moments, such as a scene where Hutch’s father, David (Christopher Lloyd) manages to handle a situation that arises one night in his nursing home. It may be broad humor and violence, but Lloyd carries it off with his characteristic panache. Alas, too little is made of Hutch’s brother, Harry (RZA), who is first heard as a disembodied voice, but later helps Hutch in his battles.

The film does take a moment to stop and think as when Hutch tells his wife, Becca (Connie Nielsen, largely wasted) that he wishes things were different, and better, between them. And he gets a decent speech when he recounts a story from his past in Italy to a trio of men who tried (and failed) to kill him. Odenkirk seems to relish his mercurial role and his joy is infectious. 

This brisk, efficient film is set to a catchy soundtrack. and it is fun, albeit contrived, to hear “I’ve Gotta Be Me,” or “The Impossible Dream,” as Hutch takes care of business. Alas, “Nobody” risks viewers becoming either buzzy or bored as it lunges from one action sequence to the next. The film’s final, epic, fire-powered showdown is either satisfying or stultifying. 

“Nobody” opened in theaters March 26 and is now available on demand.

Dominion Voting Systems files massive $1.6 billion lawsuit against Fox News

Dominion Voting Systems, filed a hefty $1.6 billion lawsuit against Fox News on Friday morning over the cable network’s repeated airing of half-baked conspiracy theories about Dominion somehow “rigging” the 2020 election. 

In the 139-page complaint, with hundreds of additional pages of exhibits, various current and former Fox News or Fox Business hosts are cited for floating false election fraud claims, including Tucker Carlson, Lou Dobbs, Jeanine Pirro, Sean Hannity, and Maria Bartiromo. Dominion argues that by airing and entertaining such conspiracies, the network “recklessly disregarded the truth,” which the technology company says was “good for Fox’s business.”

One key passage in the massive lawsuit document summarizes the case:

Fox took a small flame and turned it into a forest fire. As the dominant media company among those viewers dissatisfied with the election results, Fox gave these fictions a prominence they otherwise would never have achieved. With Fox’s global platform, an audience of hundreds of millions, and the inevitable and extensive republication and dissemination of the falsehoods through social media, these lies deeply damaged Dominion’s once-thriving business.

The lawsuit further argues that Fox News “endorsed, repeated, and broadcast a series of verifiably false yet devastating lies about Dominion.” The lawsuit also outlines the false and baseless claims repeatedly made by Fox News hosts and guests: “Dominion committed election fraud by rigging the 2020 Presidential Election; Dominion’s software and algorithms manipulated vote counts in the 2020 Presidential Election; Dominion is owned by a company founded in Venezuela to rig elections for the dictator Hugo Chávez; Dominion paid kickbacks to government officials who used its machines in the 2020 Presidential Election.” To be clear, there was never any evidence to support any such claims, as Fox News and other right-wing media companies have belatedly been forced to acknowledge. 

“The truth matters. Lies have consequences,” Dominion’s lawsuit against the cable giant continues. “Fox sold a false story of election fraud in order to serve its own commercial purposes, severely injuring Dominion in the process. If this case does not rise to the level of defamation by a broadcaster, then nothing does.”

After the lawsuit was filed, Fox News Media released a statement, saying the network stood by its election coverage and would fight the case in court. “FOX News Media is proud of our 2020 election coverage, which stands in the highest tradition of American journalism, and will vigorously defend against this baseless lawsuit in court,” the company wrote in a statement obtained by Salon. 

As mentioned in the Dominion lawsuit, MyPillow CEO Mike Lindell, whose company is one of Fox’s largest advertisers, appeared on Carlson’s Jan. 26 primetime show to push false claims about the voting technology company. “After Fox stopped putting [Sidney] Powell and [Rudy] Giuliani on the air, Tucker Carlson and Fox knowingly broadcast lies about Dominion to a global audience by inviting Lindell on Tucker Carlson Tonight, where they knew he would repeat those lies in response to questions about why he had been banned from Twitter,” the lawsuit states. “Fox and Carlson are no fools: they knew that interviewing Lindell about his Twitter ban would prompt Lindell to repeat the lies about Dominion to explain why he had been banned in the first place.” In the weeks since that appearance, Lindell has grown increasingly angry with Fox News over the network’s refusal to allow him to appear on its programs. 

Dominion’s lawsuit marks the second voting technology company to sue Fox News over airing false claims about the 2020 election. Smartmatic, a separate company unrelated to Dominion — despite what conspiracy theorists have claimed — filed a $2.7 billion lawsuit against the cable news behemoth at the beginning of February, alleging similar levels of harm. “Fox is responsible for this disinformation campaign, which has damaged democracy worldwide and irreparably harmed Smartmatic and other stakeholders who contribute to modern elections,” Smartmatic stated after filing its lawsuit.

Fox News has since filed four motions to dismiss the Smartmatic lawsuit, calling it “meritless.” “If the First Amendment means anything, it means that Fox cannot be held liable for fairly reporting and commenting on competing allegations in a hotly contested and actively litigated election,” the network wrote in a statement accompanying those motions to dismiss. In December, before either of the voting technology companies had filed their suits, Fox News aired multiple segments aimed at debunking the baseless “machine fraud” claims repeatedly made on its own programs. Fox News anchor Eric Shawn also interviewed Dominion spokesperson Michael Steel in November, who debunked the election fraud claims. It appears that was too little, too late. 

Republicans openly embrace their racism in Trump’s absence

Republican Gov. Brian Kemp has one word for how he felt signing a new law aimed at making it significantly harder for people — especially people of color and people living in urban neighborhoods — to vote in Georgia: “Proud.”

“I was proud to sign S.B. 202 to ensure elections in Georgia are secure, fair, and accessible. I appreciate the hard work of members of the General Assembly to make it easy to vote and hard to cheat,” Kemp tweeted on Thursday, sending out a photo that drew immediate comparisons to an infamously repugnant 1960s era Alabama governor. 

There is, of course, no evidence of voters cheating in Georgia elections, or that the new law — which imposes onerous restrictions on voting, makes it easier to challenge the eligibility of voters, and opens the door to GOP takeovers of election boards — in any way addresses fraud. The law does ban handing out water to people waiting in line to vote, however. Of course, that’s not about preventing cheating but making sure voters are physically unable to handle the long lines in certain neighborhoods that were created by previous assaults on voting access. “Cheating” — like “fraud” — is one of those Trumpian code words to smear Black voters and imply there’s something inherently illegitimate about people of color having the franchise.


Want more Amanda Marcotte on politics? Subscribe to her newsletter Standing Room Only.


While Kemp would undoubtedly deny the racist intent of the law if asked outright, the visuals behind his signing photo were unmistakeable. As journalist Jill Filipovic pointed out on Twitter, “a photo of all white men signing a bill that cements their political power by disenfranchising Black voters” is “not a gaffe,” but “a deliberate message.” In case anyone was missing the message, another set of visuals drove it home: State Rep. Park Cannon, a Black Democrat, being arrested for asking to attend the signing ceremony

It might be hard to accept that Georgia Republicans, in the year 2021, would be actively trying to draw comparisons to segregationists and white supremacists of old. It’s often assumed in the media people universally view the George Wallaces and Bull Connors as villains that no one would want to emulate or be likened to. But the grim truth is that Donald Trump’s continuing popularity with the Republican base sends a clear signal to GOP politicians that their voters want their racism raw and unvarnished, not swaddled in the winks and code words that Republican leaders have long clung to for plausible deniability. So it’s likely that Kemp is not only aware that the visuals from Thursday’s signing, but that was what he was going for, knowing that the same ugly urges that fueled the pro-segregation movement in the 60s are fueling the Republican party now. 

For further evidence, look to Tennessee, where Republicans in the state legislature are waging an all-out battle to preserve and honor the memory of the Ku Klux Klan’s first Grand Wizard.

Slave trader and Confederate leader Nathan Bedford Forres is an infamous figure, even by the standards of his fellow Confederate generals. Before he helped start and lead the KKK, he spearheaded one of the ugliest war crimes of the Civil War, the Fort Pillow massacre, in which captured Union soldiers, most of them Black, were murdered rather taken prisoner. Forrest was revived as a “hero” in Tennessee in the 1960s and 1970s by segregationists who were lashing out at the gains made by Black Americans in the civil rights era.  A holiday honoring Forrest started in 1969 and a bust of his head was erected in the state capitol in the 1970s

Democrats in recent years have understandably been trying to end the holiday and get rid of the statues honoring Forrest since these continued traditions are the moral equivalent of Germany having an annual Hitler Day and putting up statues honoring goose-stepping Nazis. But these efforts have met an unbelievable amount of resistance from Republicans. They are whining about “cancel culture” as if that is somehow worse than celebrating a racist war criminal and terrorist. 

But despite an emotional presentation on Tuesday by Democratic Rep. London Lamar, in which she pointed out that Forrest “would rape me” and “take me away from my family” if “he was alive today,” the Republican-controlled general assembly refused to take the annual Nathan Bedford Forrest Day off the calendar. 

The battle over the bust in the capitol building is even nastier. In 2013, 2016, and 2017, Republicans in the assembly passed a laws meant to make it significantly harder for both state and local governments to remove statues honoring Confederate leaders. Despite the obstacles, however, the state historical commission successfully voted earlier this month to remove the bust of Forrest in the state capitol. In response, state senators are moving to replace nearly the entire commission with lackeys who will keep the bust in place. 

There is, of course, the usual lip-smacking from Forrest defenders about how this isn’t racism but “preserving history.” No one should buy that excuse, as there are ways to preserve history — perhaps honoring Forrest’s many victims? — without treating a KKK leader like a state hero. The likelier story is the simpler one: Republicans in the state are super racist and want to honor the first Grand Wizard of the KKK to celebrate white supremacy. 


Want more Amanda Marcotte on politics? Subscribe to her newsletter Standing Room Only.


Same story in Georgia. There’s no point in tying ourselves in knots trying to find some more flattering story for what Kemp and his fellow Republicans are up to. They know they look racist. They’re likely counting on it. 

Trump may be gone, but the lessons his presidency imparted on Republican leadership clearly will linger. Republican politicians believe a little more shameless racism is what gets their base motivated and activated, and frankly, they are likely correct in this belief. Progressives need to respond by redoubling their efforts at anti-racist activism and registering people of color to vote. The only way that racism is defeated is an overwhelming show of political power because clearly, appealing to the better angels of white conservatives isn’t working. 

Black lawmaker arrested for knocking on Brian Kemp’s door as he signs voter suppression law

Georgia state Rep. Park Cannon was arrested after knocking on Gov. Brian Kemp’s door as he signed sweeping voting restrictions into law on Thursday.

Cannon, an Atlanta Democrat, was charged with obstructing law enforcement officers by use of threats or violence and disrupting the general assembly, according to Georgia Public Broadcasting, after she continued knocking after state troopers asked her to stop while Kemp signed the bill behind closed doors. She was released from jail late Thursday night.

That arrest comes as three voting-rights organizations filed suit in Atlanta federal court seeking to overturn numerous provisions of the new Georgia law just signed by Kemp, describing them as “undue burdens on the right to vote,” unconstitutional under the First and 14th amendments, and violations of the Voting Rights Act. 

Georgia Public Broadcasting noted that Cannon’s arrest sparked “comparisons to civil rights and police brutality protests” stretching back to the 1960s, adding that the state constitution states that lawmakers “shall be free from arrest during sessions of the General Assembly” except for treason, felony or breach of the peace.

A video posted to social media shows Cannon trying to reason with a trooper stationed outside Kemp’s office door before ignoring his instruction to stop knocking. Two troopers are seen detaining Cannon as onlookers question why she is being arrested. Cannon was dragged through the halls of the state Capitol as witnesses continued to question the troopers’ actions.

Another video showed Cannon being dragged through metal detectors as she protests her detention.

“Why are you arresting me?” she cries. “There is no reason for me to be arrested. I am a legislator!”

Inside the locked office, Kemp — flanked by six white legislators below a painting of a notorious Georgia slave plantation — signed a sweeping law restricting absentee and early voting among other changes Democrats have decried as “voter suppression.”

The new Georgia law, which was passed along party lines in both chambers, will among other measures require voter ID for mail-in ballots, allow Republican state election officials to take over election offices in predominantly Democratic areas, restrict the use of ballot drop boxes, require mail-in ballots to be submitted 11 days before Election Day, make it a crime to serve drinks or food to voters in long lines, and limit the voting period for runoff elections — this coming after Democrats Raphael Warnock and Jon Ossoff defeated two Republican incumbents in U.S. Senate runoff races in January. The law will also replace the elected secretary of state as chair of the state election board with an official appointed by the Republican-led legislature after Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger pushed back on baseless election fraud claims. The bill excluded previous proposals to ban no-excuse mail voting entirely and restrict early voting on Sundays that advocates argued disproportionately impacted Black voters.

“Rather than grappling with whether their ideology is causing them to fail, they are instead relying on what has worked in the past,” voting rights advocate Stacey Abrams said of the bill. “Instead of winning new voters, you rig the system against their participation, and you steal the right to vote.”

Cannon, 24, is the youngest state lawmaker and one of three openly gay lawmakers elected to the House in 2016, according to CNN. She said after she was released from jail that she is not the “first Georgian to be arrested for fighting voter suppression.”

“I’d love to say I’m the last,” she tweeted, “but we know that isn’t true.”

Cannon likened the signing of the law to the mass shooting of eight people, including six Asian women, at three Atlanta-area spas last week, writing that they “are both products of a white supremacist system. Different tactics, same goal.”

“We will not live in fear and we will not be controlled. We have a right to our future and a right to our freedom,” she said. “We will come together and continue fighting white supremacy in all its forms.”

State Sen. Nikema Williams, chairwoman of the Georgia Democratic Party, was likewise arrested while protesting Kemp’s controversial election victory over Abrams in 2019, though the charges were later dropped.

Williams vowed on Thursday that Cannon’s arrest “won’t stop us from standing up for voting rights” and vowed a legal challenge to the law.

“Here in the south we know how to fight Jim Crow,” she tweeted. “We’ll see you in court.”

Warnock visited Cannon in jail, telling reporters outside the Fulton County Jail that “she did not deserve this.”

“I want to know what makes her actions so dangerous,” Warnock said, calling it a “very sad day for the state of Georgia” and a “very desperate attempt to lock out and squeeze the people out of their own democracy.”

Ossoff also offered his support on Twitter.

“I stand with Georgia State Rep. Park Cannon (@Cannonfor58), who was arrested and CHARGED WITH A FELONY for … for what?” he wrote. “For *knocking on Gov. Kemp’s office door* as she tried to observe the cowardly closed-door signing ceremony for the voter suppression law.”

Bernie King, the daughter of civil rights icon Martin Luther King Jr., condemned the arrest as “despicable.”

“It’s obviously reminiscent of everything that my father, John Lewis, C.T. Vivian, Amelia Boynton and so many others sacrificed their lives for,” she told CNN. “That we would not have to continue to use these kinds of efforts to stop injustice and, frankly, inhumanity.”

The outrage reverberated far beyond Georgia as Republicans push similar restrictions in dozens of states across the country, ostensibly in response to “voter concerns” about “election integrity” after former President Donald Trump and his allies spent months spreading lies about mail voting and fraud.

“Arresting a sitting member of a legislative body, while in session for knocking on the door of the Governor is wild and completely unacceptable,” tweeted Rep. Ilhan Omar, D-Minn. “Are there laws against knocking on the Governor’s door in Georgia, what is she actually being arrested for?”

“This is disgusting,” wrote Rep. Rashida Tlaib, D-Mich. “Everyone who remains silent about it is condoning it.”

Kemp signed the bill into law just hours after President Joe Biden decried the Republican effort to restrict ballot access as “sick” and “un-American.”

“This makes Jim Crow look like Jim Eagle,” he said at his first press conference. “This is gigantic what they’re trying to do, and it cannot be sustained.”

Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., condemned the Georgia law amid a growing Democratic push to pass H.R. 1 and the John Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act to codify voter protections nationwide.

“Since 2012 — the GA GOP has closed more than 200 polling places,” he wrote on Twitter. “Voters in mostly Black precincts now wait 8X LONGER to vote than voters in mostly white precincts. Now the GOP makes it a crime to give water to people standing in long lines THEY CREATED. Despicable! We will act.”

Trump tries to defend Capitol rioters on Fox News, gets shut down by Laura Ingraham

In a Fox News interview on Wednesday, Donald Trump strongly defended his followers who breached the Capitol on Jan. 6, insisting that they posed “zero threat” to the lawmakers who had assembled that day to confirm the results of the Electoral College. 

Trump appeared entirely convinced that the insurrection was mostly peaceful and fun-loving, only briefly clarifying to Fox News host Laura Ingraham that the rioters who breached the building “shouldn’t have done it.” He railed against law enforcement for “persecuting” the rioters, arguing that “some of them went in and they’re, they’re hugging and kissing the police and the guards.”

“You know, they had great relationships. A lot of the people were waved in and then they walked in and they walked out.” The former president then complained that “nothing happens” to left-wing protestors. “When I look at antifa and what they did to Washington,” he rambled, “and what they did to other locations, and the destruction, and frankly the killing and the beating up of people, and nothing happens to them whatsoever? Why aren’t they going after antifa?”

He also attempted to frame the rioters as patriots. “They wave American flags,” he told Ingraham. “In many cases, they are waving the American flag, and they love our country.” 

On the day of the insurrection, many of the rioters were heard chanting the phrase, “Hang Pence!” Following the riot, federal prosecutors found that a Texas man charged with participating in the Capitol had expressed intent to kill Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, D-N.Y., over Twitter. Acting U.S. Capitol Police Chief Yogananda Pittman warned lawmakers in February that many members of the right-wing radical groups that had attended the riot might have been planning another attack.

“We know that members of the militia groups that were present on January 6th have stated their desires that they want to blow up the Capitol and kill as many members as possible with a direct nexus to the State of the Union, which we know that date has not been identified,” she told members of Congress, explaining her reasoning to ramp up security around the perimeter of the Capitol building. 

Thus far, over 300 people have been charged in connection with the insurrection in early Jan. Federal authorities claim that at least 100 more may face future charges. According to CBS News, the FBI was sent over 270,000 tips from people across the country. “With their help,” said FBI Director Christopher Wray, we’ve identified hundreds of suspects and opened hundreds of investigations in all but one of our 56 field offices.”

Federal authorities have connected at least 52 rioters to various extremist groups, including the Proud Boys, Oathkeepers, QAnon, and the Three Percenters. As many of 37 rioters had current or past ties to the military and at least 5 are connected to law enforcement.

Trump went on to say that the Supreme Court should be “ashamed of itself” for not overturning the election, at which point he was coldly cut off by Ingraham. 

“Mr. …yeah, well…” Ingraham interrupted. “Speaking as a lawyer, we are not going to relitigate the past tonight,” she told Trump. 

“But speaking as a lawyer, I think, going forward, I think any candidate running for office has to have an impeccable legal strategy in place before — like come along before the election takes place, because a lot of people saw a lot of problems coming, verification problems coming, but I don’t think the legal situation was in place, and that hurts everybody along the way.”

 

The MAGA “Hunger Games”: Republican candidates go far right to compete for Trump’s endorsement

Joe Biden just had his first formal press conference and the media seem to have been temporarily mollified after weeks of hysterical hand wringing over their inability to ask the president important questions on behalf of the American people. They somehow forgot, however, to ask even one question on Thursday about the urgent topics most people in the country are grappling with on a daily basis, like the pandemic and its economic fallout, the vaccine rollout, school openings or the implementation of the American Recovery Plan. Oh well! At least they did manage to ask Biden the one burning question that has been keeping the entire country up at night: “Are you going to run for reelection in 2024?”

Sadly, this rush is to be expected. While Biden and the Democrats may just want to focus on governance for a while, there is already quite a bit of discussion about upcoming elections on the Republican side. In fact, it’s pretty much all they can talk about.

Needless to say, there is rampant speculation about whether Trump plans to run, and until that decision is made, it’s highly unlikely any other 2024 presidential hopefuls can get traction. The former president did recently make a list of Republicans he believes might be qualified to be president and they are, of course, his most loyal henchmen and accomplices. On a recent podcast, he named Florida Governor Ron DeSantis, Missouri Senator Josh Hawley, Texas Senator Ted Cruz, Kentucky Senator Rand Paul, candidate for Arkansas governor and former White House press secretary Sarah Huckabee Sanders, and South Dakota Governor Kristi Noem. Notably absent from the list were former his own vice president, Mike Pence, and former secretary of state, Mike Pompeo, which leads me to believe he probably sees them as the most likely threat to his own candidacy.

For now, Trump seems to be content to spend these first few months in exile further consolidating his power in the GOP, wreaking revenge on his enemies and playing kingmaker for the 2022 midterms. To that end, he is putting together a big dark money machine, which will likely be used to fund his own activities, and is vetting candidates for endorsement. So far, it is quite a rogue’s gallery, which reportedly has some GOP players very nervous — and for good reason.

The Washington Post’s Mike DeBonis reported on a number of Senate candidates who are way out on the fringe, beset by scandals or otherwise compromised, but who are running as hardcore Trumpists and seeking the dispensation of the man himself. He describes Rep. Mo Brooks as “an Alabama congressman who served as President Donald Trump’s warm-up act for the ‘Stop the Steal’ rally that preceded the Jan. 6 Capitol riot, urging participants to ‘start taking down names and kicking ass.'” Missouri’s Eric Greitens “had to resign the Missouri governorship in disgrace, facing criminal charges and allegations that an extramarital affair had turned violent.” Josh Mandel of Ohio paid tribute to Trump by getting himself suspended from Twitter for saying “Muslim terrorists” are among those seeking asylum at the border, a tactic he clearly adopted to get attention to his cause. These guys are just for starters.

Trump has also been trying to draft former football star Herschel Walker, currently a Texas resident, to challenge Raphael Warnock in Georgia. As The Bulwark’s Tim Miller observed, Walker is a prominent Black Trump supporter who spoke at the RNC and would seem to be a perfect choice except for the fact that Walker has admitted that he is known for playing Russian Roulette at dinner parties due to his diagnosis of a rare mental illness and in recent years seems to have never come across a conspiracy theory he doesn’t believe in, including one in which the Chinese Communist Party has allegedly funded Black Lives Matter. He is as fringe as it gets.

Trump is putting his potential endorsees through their paces. Alex Isenstadt of Politico reported this week that Trump called four potential Ohio Senate candidates vying to replace the retiring Rob Portman down to Mar-a-lago for what one person familiar with the event called a “Hunger Games” showdown. They were all there ostensibly for a House candidate’s fundraiser when Trump summoned them into a back room, seated them at a table and told them to make their case. The aforementioned Mandel sounds as if he scored well with Trump by bragging that he is “crushing” his opponents in the polling. Investment banker Mike Gibbons reminded Trump that he’d donated to his campaign while Trump’s handpicked former state GOP Chair Jane Timken said she had ground support before tech executive Bernie Moreno mentioned that his daughter worked on Trump’s campaign.

No doubt to show that he was keeping a list and checking it twice, Trump reminded Timkin that she’d once defended an Ohio lawmaker who voted for Trump’s impeachment. (Realizing she’d committed a capital crime against Trump, she later called for that congressman’s resignation.) A source later told Isenstadt that Trump was just ribbing Timkin, but there’s no doubt he brought it up to make sure all of those candidates understood that he is keeping score. There is no perceived slight too small for him to obsess over:

Over the course of the evening, Trump appeared to be fixated with Ohio Gov. Mike DeWine, whom the former president attacked last fall after DeWine called Joe Biden “president-elect” during an appearance on national television

Minority Leader Mitch McConnell has made it clear that the only thing he cares about is electability and there is a serious question as to whether or not these Trump-loving far-right candidates are electable. McConnell, after all, has been down this road before. Recall the last Alabama debacle in 2018 when he was stuck with Judge Roy Moore, a fringe extremist who was revealed during the course of the campaign that he had also had a habit of molesting under-age girls. Or you might remember a man by the name of Todd Akin, a Missouri Senate candidate who made a splash insisting that there is such a thing as “legitimate rape.” There was also the Delaware Senate candidate Christine O’Donnell who famously made an ad in which she declared “I am not a witch.” In that same election cycle, the Nevada GOP nominated Sharron Angle, who suggested that people should barter chickens for health care.

McConnell didn’t necessarily expect to win those races but he knows that the headlines all those fringe candidates made hurt the party’s chances in states where it was closer. The question now is whether that same dynamic applies today.

Some of the seats in contention are in swing states like Georgia, Pennsylvania, Arizona and North Carolina and it’s not hard to imagine that extremist Trump acolytes and scandal-ridden candidates are not a good bet. But with McConnell on Trump’s enemies list, it’s unlikely that he’ll be able to talk Trump out of backing them as he has in the past. And you never know. If the voters like Congressional Representatives like Marjorie Taylor Greene, R-Ga, or Madison Cawthorne, R-NC, they’ll love Trump’s Hunger Games MAGA candidates of 2022. 

What will it take for farmers to grow more organic cotton?

For years, organic cotton was a tough sell for the average American consumer. The consumers who did opt to pay extra for organic products tended to prioritize food, and the markup on cotton just didn’t seem worth it.

“The first concern of people, and why they gravitate toward organic, is because they are usually putting it in their mouths,” says Kathleen Delate, an Iowa State University professor and organic specialist.

But that’s all finally changing, says Delate, who joined two other researchers to produce a new study in conjunction with The Organic Center looking at the environmental impact of organic cotton compared to its conventional counterpart. The change stems in part because consumers are increasingly interested in ecosystem health across the entire commodity chain. A 2019 survey conducted by Nielsen found that 73% of global consumers said they would be willing to adjust their consumption habits to reduce their environmental footprint with nearly half saying they’d pay more for products containing organic or all-natural ingredients.

This shift has spurred demand for organic textiles, which have seen a 12% annual growth rate in recent years. In fact, according to the Organic Trade Association (OTA), organic cotton is the largest and fastest-growing organic commodity in the American marketplace that’s not a food, netting $2 billion in sales in 2019 alone.

This supply comes from more than 222,000 farmers in 19 countries who grew more than 1.1 million bales of organic cotton during the 2017-2018 growing season — the second-largest organic cotton harvest on record. Most of this production centers in India, which produces 51% of the global cotton supply. American-grown organic cotton comprises only a tiny fraction of the fiber sector. Of the 1.1 million bales grown worldwide in 2017-2018, only slightly more than 23,000 bales originated in the U.S.

That is a drop in the bucket compared to conventional cotton production — the world’s most popular natural fiber — where in 2019 alone, nearly 20 million bales of the crop were produced on American soil, accounting for $7 billion in global value. That’s a lot, considering that one bale makes more than 1,200 t-shirts.

And yet, Delate and her peers’ new research confirmed what many have long suspected: organic production results in remarkably less environmental degradation — in a sector highly dependent on genetically engineered seed and chemical inputs.

For Jessica Shade, director of science programs at The Organic Center and one of the report’s authors, the hope is to spur much-needed innovation in the industry. “It is incumbent upon universities, NGOs, and industry groups to work together toward the goal of creating an organic cotton sector steeped in the principles of ecology, health, fairness, and care,” the authors write in their report.

Why organic?

Cotton production in the U.S. centers on 17 warm southern states, with Texas leading the pack as the largest cotton producer. The Lone Star state is also the heart of the fledgling organic cotton industry in the U.S.

Conventionally grown cotton is not only one of the most traded crops on the planet — supplying billons of clothing and other various textile products each year—but it is also one of the most chemically intensive crops to produce. In the U.S., cotton ranks third after corn and soybeans as the crop that requires the most pesticides in its production. In 2019, more than 68 million pounds of pesticide were applied to cotton fields across the U.S. alone. Additionally, most conventional cotton farmers plant genetically engineered seed, resulting in higher chemical application and the engineering of more robust products that have known environmental and human health impacts. Glyphosate, the active ingredient in the widely used herbicide Roundup, made up more than one third of all pesticide use on cotton in 2019 according to the USDA. The study reads:

The U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) approved new GMO cotton varieties, Xtend and Enlist, which are each resistant to three herbicides: glyphosate, glufosinate, and dicamba, and glyphosate, glufosinate, and 2,4-D, respectively. These new GMO varieties are expected to replace the traditional Roundup Ready cotton and are anticipated to increase the amounts of these chemicals used in conventional cotton production.

Read more Civil Eats: Op-ed: After the Pandemic Flour Craze, Micro-Millers Take Stock

The researchers examined the environmental benefits of organic cotton using a survey of more than 100 growers and processors — most of whom reside in Texas. The researchers also sought information on the agronomic, manufacturing, and market challenges facing producers.

According to Shade, there has been little research to date looking at the environmental impacts of organic cotton on a large scale. More importantly, none of the research available has actively involved input from the nation’s small-scale organic cotton-producing community, Shade says.

“We wanted to do something that would look a little bit deeper and incorporate farmer and processor experiences in addition to the more academic knowledge that we have about the environmental impacts of organic cotton,” Shade notes. She says a lot of growers commented on perceivable improvements in things like soil quality and increased biodiversity on their farms since transitioning to organic.

Survey respondents cited weed management as their biggest obstacle in growing organic cotton. As Kelly Pepper, the manager of the Texas Organic Cotton Marketing Cooperative (TOCMC), attests, most organic cotton operations average 1,000 acres — which is mammoth compared to their counterparts in other organic industries — and organic management of weeds over this large terrain can be complicated. Cotton is a slow-growing crop that takes 150 to 180 days to come to maturation, giving weeds an ample opportunity to grow.

Other problems respondents cited include pest management, ensuring lack of contamination from genetically modified crops, accessing organic seed stock, the impact of extreme weather events — for example, last year’s drought in Texas slashed yields — and inadvertent pesticide contamination as well as a slew of marketplace barriers.

Organic farmers grow cotton in rotation with other crops while conventional producers are more likely to grow cotton in back-to-back seasons. Members of TOCMC also grow peanuts, wheat, corn, milo, forage sorghum, soybeans, black-eyed peas, and sesame.

These rotations mean more biodiversity, says Delate. As a result, organic farms contribute a range of ecosystem services to the regions where they are located. This approach has real and tangible impacts on soil, waterways, and human and animal health, the researcher said.

“There are higher carbon sequestration benefits with organic production in general,” Delate added. “Organic systems have always used cover crops and there are a plethora of options — rye, vetch, clovers. Cover crops add carbon — and some folks use compost and manure too, which adds to the carbon profile of the soil.”

Cotton also requires intensive water use. However, based on the researchers’ findings, organic growers appear to use less. According to the Textile Exchange, global cotton production comprises 69% of the textile industry’s water footprint. Meanwhile, organic cotton production reduces water consumption by as much as 91%. Many organic producers forgo irrigation — one study found that 80% of organic cotton production globally relies on rainfed systems — and they foster healthier soil that contains a higher percentage of organic matter, which does a better job of holding in moisture.

Beyond the farm, organic certification in the cotton industry extends to the ban on environmentally harmful chemicals at other points in the production process. This step safeguards the health of handlers and makers at further points in the value chain. Specifically, to be certified organic, the product must be free of chlorine bleach, dyes containing heavy metals, ammonia, and formaldehyde, as well as a slew of other hazardous inputs that are used in conventional cotton processing. Water is also saved in organic production processing compared to conventional production, which is generally dependent on large amounts of water for dyeing and finishing.

From farm to fashion

“Cotton is a very difficult crop to grow organically,” Pepper of TOCMC says.

Pepper used to farm more than 1,000 acres of organic upland cotton alongside his brother in the High Plains region of Texas, a fertile zone where more than 60% of the state’s cotton crop is seeded and harvested. Now, he helps more than three-dozen farmers affiliated with TOCMC find markets for their harvests from nearly 20,000 acres of combined cropland.

Despite the many challenges of growing cotton organically, Pepper also recognizes the crop’s potential. “Demand has gone absolutely crazy,” he says. “We’ve been turning away new business.”

However, the American market still favors conventional growers. “As long as conventional cotton is significantly cheaper in general it is hard for organic growers to compete,” Pepper says about current volatility in the sector. Building in more flexibility with products that blend organic and conventional cotton or permit cotton from farmers still in the three-year transition to organic would aid growers in expanding, he adds.

Read more Civil Eats: 20 Hotspots to Start Fixing Nitrogen Pollution in Agriculture

“The best way for there to be significant growth would be for large brands — and some of them have done this in the past—to have a program where they blend organic or transitional cotton with regular cotton,” Pepper says. “If they would come to farmers with a commitment to buy a certain number of pounds knowing that weather and other impacts may limit the amount available, but if the agreement is open-ended and has an attractive price, there is potential for growth.”

Patagonia offers a version of this with the “Cotton in Conversion” product line it launched last year. “Our support of this crop rewards the efforts of farmers who are committed to reaching organic cotton certification and helps them stay on the path to organic” the brand notes on its website. Other clothing brands, ranging from giants like Nike to small ones like Everlane, also have various commitments to organic production in their product lines.

“We need pioneer brands who will create an incentive for farmers to transition,” says Angela Wartes-Kahl, vice chair of the OTA’s Fiber Council. “It’s unfair to put everything on the farmer,” she adds while explaining that contracts from industry buyers are the structure needed to incentivize organic cotton’s expansion.

Jesse Daystar, chief sustainability officer for industry association Cotton Incorporated, doesn’t see a sole focus on organic as the only answer. “While organic cotton production is key to many brand sourcing strategies, relying on organic production alone is problematic for many reasons,” Daystar told Civil Eats via email. “First, cotton is purchased based upon its fiber quality, rather than by production system or geography. It could be challenging, especially for large brands, to source sufficient quantities of specific qualities of organic cotton for their apparel.”

Daystar says the support of other industry-specific tools such as the recently launched U.S. Cotton Trust Protocol, managed by his own company with the National Cotton Council among others, is one key to growing sustainability in the sector. The Protocol brands itself as “setting a new standard for more sustainably grown cotton” and claims to vet the fiber using metrics on land and water use, soil carbon and soil loss, as well as energy efficiency.

“Scaling up organic cotton production to meet the industry preferred fiber needs would be challenging, if not impossible, within the timelines set forth by many brands and organizations,” Daystar said. He wants to see sustainable fiber production take a “both and” mentality that includes both organic production and stricter standards for conventional cotton under the U.S. Cotton Trust Protocol.

The authors of the new study say the heart of their effort focuses on pushing industry partners to pursue deeper agronomic and market research to aid the sector. One effort that Delate says could be monumental is support for seed programs, like those at Texas A&M University, which aim to develop and make higher-yielding organic seed stock more widely available. The research institution houses the only program on organic cotton seed in the U.S.

Meanwhile, at Iowa State — where Delate works — there are two research programs devoted to organic corn seed stock amongst a range of other academic institutions and private sector labs working on the topic. “[Organic] needs a lot more research power,” Delate says.

Shade calls the report a “scaffolding” for growth in the fledgling organic cotton sector. “There’s been a lot of research on organics in general but cotton has gotten left behind,” she adds. But, she adds that “there’s economic opportunity and, as the tools develop, hopefully they can really help people overcome barriers in transitioning from conventional.”

America’s drinking water is surprisingly easy to poison

On Feb. 16, less than two weeks after a mysterious attacker made headlines around the world by hacking a water treatment plant in Oldsmar, Florida, and nearly generating a mass poisoning, the city’s mayor declared victory.

“This is a success story,” Mayor Eric Seidel told the City Council in Oldsmar, a Tampa suburb of 15,000, after acknowledging “some deficiencies.” As he put it, “our protocols, monitoring protocols, worked. Our staff executed them to perfection. And as the city manager said, there were other backups. … We were breached, there’s no question. And we’ll make sure that doesn’t happen again. But it’s a success story.” Two council members congratulated the mayor, noting his turn at the press conference where the hack was disclosed. “Even on TV, you were fantastic,” said one.

“Success” is not the word that cybersecurity experts use to describe the Oldsmar episode. They view the breach as a case study in digital ineptitude, a frightening near-miss and an example of how the managers of water systems continue to downplay or ignore years of increasingly dire warnings.

The experts say the sorts of rudimentary vulnerabilities revealed in the breach — including the lack of an internet firewall and the use of shared passwords and outdated software — are common among America’s 151,000 public water systems.

“Frankly, they got very lucky,” said retired Adm. Mark Montgomery, executive director of the federal Cyberspace Solarium Commission, which Congress established in 2018 to upgrade the nation’s defenses against major cyberattacks. Montgomery likened the Oldsmar outcome to a pilot landing a plane after an engine caught fire during a flight. “They shouldn’t celebrate like Tom Brady winning the Super Bowl,” he said. “They didn’t win a game. They averted a disaster through a lot of good fortune.”

The motive and identity of the hackers, foreign or domestic, remain unknown. But Montgomery and other experts say a more sophisticated hacker than the one in Oldsmar, who attempted to boost the quantity of lye in the drinking water to dangerous levels, could have wreaked havoc. They’re skeptical of the city’s assurances that “redundant” electronic monitors at the plant protected citizens from any possible harm. “If the attackers could break into the lye controls,” Montgomery said, “don’t you think they could break into the alarm system and alter the checkpoints? It’s a mistake to think a hacker could not introduce contaminated water into our water systems.” Oldsmar officials, citing the ongoing investigation, declined ProPublica’s requests for an interview or to address emailed questions about the city’s cybersecurity practices.

The consequences of a major water system breach could be calamitous: thousands sickened from poisoned drinking water; panic over interrupted supplies; widespread flooding; burst pipes and streams of overflowing sewage. (This is not merely theoretical. In 2000, a former municipal wastewater contractor in Australia, rejected for a city job, remotely manipulated computer control systems to release 264,000 gallons of raw sewage, which poured into public parks, turned creek water black, spilled onto the grounds of a Hyatt Regency Hotel and generated a stench that investigators called “unbearable.” The man was sentenced to two years in prison.)

In congressional testimony on March 10, Eric Goldstein, cybersecurity chief for the federal Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency, described the Oldsmar incident as illustrating “the gravest risk that CISA sees from a national standpoint.” He said it should be “a clarion call for this country for the risk that we face from cyberintrusions into these critical systems.”

Grave warnings have sounded for years. As far back as 2011, a Department of Homeland Security alert advised that hackers could gain access to American water systems using “readily available and generally free” internet search tools. Such admonitions have abounded in recent years. Booz Allen Hamilton’s 2019 “Cyber Threat Outlook” called America’s water utilities “a perfect target” for cyberattacks; a 2020 Journal of Environmental Engineering review found “an increase in the frequency, diversity, and complexity of cyberthreats to the water sector”; and the Cyberspace Solarium Commission’s March 2020 report warned that America’s water systems “remain largely ill-prepared to defend their networks from cyber-enabled disruption.”

Despite the warnings, and some high-profile breaches dating back a decade, the federal government has largely left cyberdefense to the water utilities. For years, it relied on voluntary industry measures, dismissing any need for new regulation. Then, in 2018, Congress included a provision addressing cybersecurity in a 129-page water bill that covered everything from river levee repairs to grants for school water fountains.

The requirements were less than demanding. Every U.S. water system serving more than 3,300 customers was obliged to conduct a self-assessment of the risks and resilience of its physical and electronic systems and prepare an emergency-response plan. Different-sized utilities got different deadlines; for the smallest covered by the law, such as Oldsmar, the self-assessment must be done by June 30, 2021, more than two and a half years after the law was signed. (Oldsmar had completed its cybersecurity review by early November but hadn’t yet incorporated its recommendations in the city’s emergency response plan before the February hack, according to a statement provided by the city manager.) Tens of thousands of U.S. water systems with fewer than 3,300 customers were exempted entirely from the law’s requirements.

Those utilities required to perform a self-assessment were not obliged to submit a report to any government agencies. The utilities merely had to attest to the Environmental Protection Agency that they had conducted the assessment. The 2018 legislation also provided $30 million for grants to help water districts deal with “risk and resilience” problems, including cyberattacks. But Congress never appropriated that money.

The water provisions fall far short of federal requirements (including penalties for violating those rules) and funding aimed at protecting electricity infrastructure, according to Montgomery. “An assessment’s a good thing,” he said. “But this is well short of what we require from energy companies. We have developed a tool for self-identification of problems. But if you’re really bad at cybersecurity, I’m not sure your self-identification is going to solve the problem.”

He also pointed to low staffing at the EPA’s Water Security Division. “The water security office is a handful of people, probably three,” Montgomery said. “It historically has not done much, if any, cybersecurity work. This is the product of 20 years of low prioritization.” The agency’s most recent report to Congress on “Drinking Water Infrastructure Needs,” submitted in 2018, identified $472.6 billion in long-term priorities, but it didn’t mention the word “cybersecurity” once in its 75 pages.

An EPA official, speaking on the condition of anonymity, agreed that the agency had only “a small team” devoted to water cybersecurity but said Oldsmar “and other recent incidents have highlighted the importance of the priority and the investments we need to make.”

The origins of the problem are clear. The vast majority of the nation’s water systems are small and publicly owned, with limited resources and aging infrastructure. As they turned to digital systems and monitors to boost efficiency while saving money and staff, they failed to install the safeguards and carry out employee training needed to secure the resulting vulnerabilities. “Every one of them had one guiding principle over the last 50 years: increased automation to lower the size of the workforce to keep costs down,” Montgomery said. “Along with that, there should have been an investment in the cybersecurity of the infrastructure. But that did not happen.”

Traditionally focused on physical risks, such as natural hazards, burst pipes and on-site intruders, most water systems also have little or no in-house IT staff. The pandemic, which encouraged remote management, has only made the problem worse. In testimony last month to the House Homeland Security Committee, former CISA Director Chris Krebs called Oldsmar’s vulnerability “probably the rule rather than the exception. … These are municipal facilities that do not have sufficient resources to have robust security programs. That’s just the way it goes.”

The industrial control systems that water districts use to manage valves, pipes and other infrastructure are notoriously open to attack. A 2018 study by IBM and a private security company found 17 major vulnerabilities in equipment widely deployed in “smart cities,” a term that refers to municipalities that manage a wide array of their systems — anything from water treatment plants to parking meters and street lamps — via the Internet. Among the security problems: Every product the group examined was still using the default passwords (such as “admin”) they came with in the box, allowing “even the most novice hacker to easily gain access to these devices.” A 2018 study by the firm Positive Technologies reported that it was able to penetrate nearly three-fourths of industrial organizations it investigated, revealing gaps offering hackers “plenty of opportunity to access critical equipment.” The most common vulnerabilities: remote-access networks, obvious passwords and software so old that the manufacturer had stopped making fixes to protect against intruders. The report found that vulnerabilities known for years often “remain untouched, because organizations are afraid to make any changes that might cause downtime.”

These industrial control systems are considered such obvious targets that hacking contests use them as quarry. At the DEFCON computer security conference, an “ICS Village” let curious programmers try to break into devices set up inside a Las Vegas hotel room — demos not connected to real-life systems — in an effort to expose weaknesses. At the event in 2018, one water pipe control system, likely used for a commercial building, had its computer screen defaced with graffiti-type messages.

The exact number of attacks on water utilities remains unknown. Many go undetected or unreported, and no federal law requires disclosure, even to regulators or law enforcement. Michael Arceneaux, managing director of the Water Information Sharing and Analysis Center, an industry group promoting cybersecurity, said water systems often refuse to reveal breaches, even to his group, out of fear that they will somehow reveal their vulnerabilities to other hackers. “It’s not something members wanted potentially floating around in some database.”

The episodes that have been made public reveal a growing array of threats, from random vandalism and disgruntled employees to identity theft and ransomware.

In Oldsmar, for example, the FBI and the Pinellas County Sheriff’s Office, which are jointly investigating, have already revealed multiple lapses. The attack took place at the city’s water treatment plant, which purifies groundwater for drinking using filters and chemicals, including small amounts of sodium hydroxide. Commonly known as lye, it is used to reduce the water’s acidity. (In considerably stronger concentrations, sodium hydroxide is also a chief ingredient in drain cleaner.)

The hack began around 8 a.m. on Feb. 5, when a plant operator noticed someone had remotely accessed the computer system that monitors and controls the chemical levels added to the water. The hackers entered through a remote access software program called TeamViewer. The city had actually replaced TeamViewer six months earlier, but it never disconnected the program, according to county Sheriff Bob Gualtieri. Logging into the system remotely was a breeze: The water plant’s computers all used a single shared password, required no two-factor verification and had no firewall in place protecting the controls from the internet, according to FBI findings described in a Massachusetts state advisory. A final vulnerability: All the computers were still running on Windows 7, a decade-old, discontinued operating system; Microsoft had stopped issuing regular software updates to plug its security vulnerabilities in January 2020.

After noticing the hacker’s morning log-in, Gualtieri later said at the press conference, the plant operator “didn’t think much of it” and didn’t contact anyone since other city employees routinely accessed the system remotely. (It’s not clear why the attacker’s use of the replaced TeamViewer software didn’t immediately raise concern.)

The hacker reappeared about 1:30 p.m., this time visibly taking over the computer, mousing around for three to five minutes and opening the plant’s control system software. After ratcheting up the water’s sodium hydroxide level from 100 parts per million to 1,100 parts per million, the intruder departed.

After watching all this, the Oldsmar plant operator quickly lowered the sodium hydroxide level and called his boss. The city contacted the county sheriff’s office nearly three hours later, at 4:17 p.m., according to an incident report on the event.

Oldsmar officials maintained that the public was never in danger. They noted that it would have taken at least 24 hours for poisoned water to start flowing out of kitchen taps, and that even if the onsite operator hadn’t intervened, the plant had backup systems monitoring the water’s chemical balance that would have sounded alarms long before then.

A small number of other incidents present the nightmarish “what-if” scenarios that scare experts, particularly from so-called state actors. Both Russia and Iran have been implicated in such accounts, according to government reports and legal actions. One such episode occurred in 2013, when a state-backed hacker sitting at his keyboard in Iran breached the computer controls at the Bowman Dam in suburban Rye, New York, with a presumed plan to open the sluice gates. The gates happened to have been manually disconnected at the time for maintenance, and the dam was actually just a narrow, 20-foot-high structure holding back a babbling brook. Federal intelligence officials speculated that the Iranians had actually intended to seize controls at the massive Arthur R. Bowman Dam in Oregon, where similar actions would have flooded thousands of homes. A federal indictment later charged that the Bowman Dam hacker worked for Iran’s Revolutionary Guard and was part of a seven-man team that successfully breached America’s biggest banks, paralyzing their computer servers and blocking customers from accessing their accounts online. The hacker remains at large, and on the FBI’s “most wanted” list. In 2019, Revolutionary Guard hackers struck again, deploying malware to launch an ultimately unsuccessful attack on a municipal water system in Israel.

In recent years, three U.S. states — New York, New Jersey and Connecticut — decided to go beyond the federal rules and adopted tougher cybersecurity measures for the water utilities within their borders. After passing new legislation, New Jersey required all public water systems with internet-connected controls to develop a cybersecurity risk-mitigation plan within 120 days, submit it to the state, create a process for reporting all cyberattacks and join a special state-government clearinghouse promoting strong cybersecurity practices. Connecticut launched a “Cybersecurity Action Plan” and began holding private annual meetings with each of the state’s largest water (and other) utilities to scrutinize the adequacy of their cyberdefenses.

For its part, New York amended its public health law to require water systems to conduct assessments of their susceptibility to cyberattacks and submit them to the state within a year. A team at the state comptroller’s office has also conducted seven cybersecurity audits of municipal water systems, in each case posting the audit publicly while reserving some findings for confidential briefings to avoid offering hackers a road map of vulnerabilities. Its audit of the city of Syracuse’s water system, for example, found shared user passwords and accounts that hadn’t been disabled long after employees left the city. The Binghamton audit discovered a video on the water department’s own webpage showcasing the treatment plant’s controls.

“There’s a tremendous amount of work that needs to be done to shore up the systems,” said assistant New York state comptroller Randy Partridge, who oversees the water system audits. Since January 2019, he said, his auditors have issued 239 findings at various municipal facilities (including water systems) regarding weak password security alone. “It’s a health and safety risk for any resident that lives in our local government. No community can really survive for any length of time without access to potable water.”

Arthur House, who served as Connecticut’s chief cybersecurity risk officer, said: “I hope it doesn’t take the poisoning of a lot of people or a catastrophic shutdown for people to say, ‘Omigosh, this is serious.’ The federal government has to have a role on this. You cannot leave something that would cripple us as a country solely in the hands of 50 different states.”

ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.