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AI’s verdict on Donald Trump: He’ll win! He’ll lose! He’ll go to jail! Shrug emoji!

Countless articles have been written in the aftermath of Donald Trump’s May 30 criminal convictions in the New York hush-money trial. There's the question of Trump's potential path to the Supreme Court, the sentence he presumably faces next month, his feelings about procedural issues, Michael Cohen’s never-ending opinions on what should happen to the twice-impeached, multiply-indicted and now felony-convicted ex-president — and that’s just a small slice of what’s been put into print or pixels since the verdicts were announced.

But all that analysis and opinion, as far as we can tell, has been provided by human observers. No one seems to have considered the views of our future robot overlords — the various AI programs that are learning and growing every day with access to the vast majority of the so-called information available on the internet. 

Salon's initial questions for the AIs were perhaps overly broad, in an effort to gauge the evaluations of various programs on the big-picture effects of the criminal verdicts. Whether the answers we received tell us more about the consequences of Trump's convictions, the criminal justice system or the limits of artificial intelligence (not to mention human intelligence) is up for debate. In any event, the resemblance between most AI responses and what might be called the conventional wisdom of the political classes was striking. Let's begin with some thoughts from ChatGPT, by far the best known of public-facing AI platforms:

  • Solidification of support: Trump’s core supporters are likely to view his convictions as politically motivated, which may strengthen their loyalty and increase voter turnout among his base.
  • Political comeback: Trump could use the convictions to fuel a political comeback, rallying his base and potentially winning elections by portraying himself as a martyr.
  • Fundraising boost: Trump may use the convictions to rally his supporters and raise funds, framing himself as a victim of a biased legal system.
  • Dominant narrative: The media coverage of Trump’s legal battles will dominate the news cycle, potentially overshadowing other political issues and candidates.

Most of that is reasonable, if not exactly groundbreaking. Trump has indeed raised millions in post-conviction donations, although he appears to have lost ground in the polls and now slightly trails President Biden in the most recent surveys.

Next we turned to the Meta AI (i.e., Facebook's), built on software called Llama 3. Its prognosis was far more pessimistic for the former president and heartening for the hashtag-resistance: 

  • Loss of political support: A conviction could lead to a significant loss of political support and credibility, potentially damaging his chances of winning the election.
  • Legal consequences: Trump could face fines, imprisonment or other legal consequences, which could impact his ability to campaign and serve as president.

As we explored more detailed and specific questions, the answers became more specific as well. We asked an AI called Claude, built by a company called Anthropic, to discuss how Trump's supporters were likely to react to the convictions. It appeared aware of MAGA loyalists' concerns about the "deep state":

  1. Anger and outrage: Many would likely express fury at what they see as a corrupt and biased legal system unfairly targeting Trump. They may believe the conviction is an effort by Trump's enemies to undermine his political influence and prevent him from running for office again.
  2. Conspiracy theories: Trump supporters might promote conspiracy theories alleging that the conviction is part of a "deep state" plot or a witch hunt orchestrated by Democrats, the media or other perceived adversaries.
  3. Rallies and protests: There could be a resurgence of "Stop the Steal"-style rallies and protests, with supporters gathering to express their solidarity with Trump and their opposition to the conviction.
  4. Increased mistrust in institutions: A conviction could further erode Trump supporters' already low trust in government institutions, the mainstream media and the democratic process itself. They may view it as validation of Trump's claims that the system is rigged against him and his followers.
  5. Continued loyalty and support: Despite a conviction, many die-hard Trump supporters would likely stand by him and continue to view him as a leader and a martyr for their cause. They may double down on their commitment to Trump and his "Make America Great Again" movement.

Meta, despite its initial skepticism about Trump's future prospects, struck a notably different tone when asked similar questions about MAGA Nation, offering a relatively sophisticated analysis that appeared informed by political science textbooks: 

[I]t's possible that a conviction could lead to Trump gaining support from his base or even gaining sympathy from some voters. This phenomenon is often referred to as the "martyr effect" or "backlash effect."

Some of his supporters might view a conviction as:

  1. Political persecution: They might believe that the legal system is unfairly targeting Trump due to his political views or actions.
  2. Overreach by the opposition: Some might see a conviction as an attempt by Trump's political opponents to discredit him and undermine his political power.
  3. An attack on their values: Trump's supporters might feel that a conviction is an attack on the values and beliefs they associate with him, such as conservatism, patriotism, or anti-establishment sentiments.

In response, they might rally around Trump, viewing him as a victim of a biased system or a political witch hunt. This could lead to increased support, donations and political engagement among his base.

ChatGPT offered observations that sometimes used virtually identical language:

  • Framing as a witch hunt: Many Trump supporters are expected to view the convictions as part of a broader political strategy to undermine him. This narrative of a "witch hunt" has been a recurring theme in Trump's rhetoric and is likely to resonate strongly with his base.
  • Distrust in the legal system: There may be a significant increase in distrust towards the judiciary and law enforcement agencies, perceived as being biased against Trump. Supporters might argue that the legal proceedings were unfair or manipulated by political adversaries.
  • Mobilization and activism: Trump’s base might become more politically active, engaging in rallies, protests and campaigns to support him and his political agenda. This could lead to heightened participation in elections and increased grassroots organizing.

Meta and ChatGPT appear to have absorbed standard political-science textbooks — but offer competing narratives about whether Democrats are exhausted or energized.

Intriguingly, the AIs offered conflicting analyses of how these convictions might affect Biden's supporters. ChatGPT has evidently consumed media narratives about liberal exhaustion:

  • Scandal fatigue: After years of continuous political scandals and controversies involving Trump, some Biden supporters might experience fatigue and become desensitized to yet another legal issue. This could lead to a more subdued reaction.
  • Media overload: Given the constant flow of news, supporters might feel overwhelmed and choose to focus on more immediate and personal concerns rather than the latest developments in Trump’s legal battles.
  • Expectation of convictions: If Biden supporters anticipated Trump’s convictions for a long time, the actual news might be met with a sense of inevitability rather than surprise or elation. This could dampen the intensity of their reaction.
  • Skepticism about impact: Some supporters might be skeptical about the practical impact of the convictions, believing that they won’t significantly change Trump’s influence or the political landscape, thus reacting less vigorously.

Claude, on the other hand, viewed the potential Democratic response in more optimistic terms, appearing to offer at least a modest celebration of the return of political norms and institutional guardrails:

In the hypothetical scenario of a criminal conviction of Donald Trump, I think it's unlikely that the reaction from Biden supporters would be muted or underwhelming…

  1. Vindication: Many Biden supporters and Democrats have long viewed Trump as corrupt and criminal. A conviction would be seen as validation of their beliefs and a victory for the rule of law. They would likely celebrate it as a triumph of justice and accountability.
  2. Political impact: Biden supporters would recognize the enormous political implications of a Trump conviction. It could severely damage Trump's prospects in the 2024 election and give Democrats a major boost. They would see it as a game-changer that shifts the political landscape in their favor.
  3. Media attention: A Trump conviction would dominate the news cycle and be discussed extensively on left-leaning media outlets and social media platforms frequented by Biden supporters. This constant exposure and commentary would keep the issue front and center and generate ongoing reactions.
  4. Contrast with Trump's conduct: Biden has framed his presidency as a return to normalcy, decency and respect for institutions after the chaos and controversy of the Trump era. A Trump conviction would underscore that contrast and be seen as a repudiation of Trump's conduct and leadership style.

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Meta seemed focused on pragmatic aspects of Democratic or liberal reactions, offering, if you will, a bit of political meta-commentary:

  1. Avoiding perceived gloating: Some supporters might deliberately avoid celebrating a Trump conviction to avoid appearing insensitive or vindictive.
  2. Concerns about political divisions: Biden supporters might be aware of the deep political divisions in the country and avoid actions that could exacerbate them.
  3. Expectation of appeals and legal challenges: A conviction might be seen as just the beginning of a lengthy legal process, potentially leading to a more subdued reaction.

The Claude AI leaned into the wildly unlikely scenario that Trump could be forced from the race and replaced by an "establishment-friendly Republican." Was this written by an old-school Beltway reporter?

Finally, there was the most important question of all: How will all this affect the November election? This remains unanswered and unanswerable IRL, and AI reactions reflected that confusion. Claude appeared to contradict its own earlier opinions about increased solidarity and righteous anger among the pro-MAGA right, leaning into the unlikely scenario that Trump could be forced out of the race and the outright nonsensical fantasy that a mainstream Republican could replace him. Was this written by an old-school Beltway political reporter?

  1. Trump's candidacy: If Trump is convicted before the 2024 election, it would likely severely damage, if not end, his presidential aspirations. He might be pressured to withdraw from the race, or face insurmountable obstacles in terms of fundraising, organization and voter support. However, if he remains defiant and continues to run, it could create an unprecedented and highly volatile situation.
  2. Democratic enthusiasm: A Trump conviction could energize and motivate Democratic voters, who would see it as a validation of their opposition to Trump and a reason to turn out to prevent a return to Trumpism. However, without Trump himself on the ballot, Democrats might struggle to replicate the record-breaking turnout and enthusiasm of the 2020 election.
  3. General election: In the general election, the impact would largely depend on who emerges as the Republican nominee. If it's a candidate closely tied to Trump and his brand of politics, they might struggle to expand their appeal beyond Trump's base and could face backlash from moderate voters turned off by the association with a convicted former president. If it's a more traditional, establishment-friendly Republican, they might have an easier time pivoting to a general election message.

Meta also seemed to ignore its own analysis of the likely response from the right, predicting various scenarios that would make Democrats party like it’s 2020. Some may conclude that these reflect "liberal bias," but they seem more closely tethered to reality than Claude's responses:

  1. Biden landslide: A conviction could lead to a significant shift in public opinion against Trump, potentially resulting in a landslide victory for Biden.
  2. Trump's base erosion: Some of Trump's supporters might abandon him due to the conviction, leading to a decline in his poll numbers and making it harder for him to win.
  3. Mobilization of Democratic voters: A conviction could energize Democratic voters, leading to higher turnout and increased motivation to vote against Trump.
  4. Increased scrutiny of Trump's fitness for office: A conviction could raise further questions about Trump's fitness for office, potentially leading to increased scrutiny from voters and the media.
  5. Legal implications: Depending on the nature of the conviction, Trump might face legal consequences that could impact his ability to run for office or serve as president.

ChatGPT provided an extensive and sometimes outside-the-box level of analysis, hinting at a possible surge of support for Robert F. Kennedy Jr. and other third-party candidates, although without mentioning any by name:

  • Trump's base: Trump’s convictions are likely to galvanize his core supporters. They may view the convictions as politically motivated and rally around him with increased fervor. This could lead to higher voter turnout among his base, motivated by a sense of grievance and loyalty.
  • Biden's base: Biden supporters could also be mobilized by the convictions, seeing them as a confirmation of Trump's unfitness for office. This could lead to increased activism and voter turnout among Democrats and independents who oppose Trump.
  • Negative perception of Trump: Swing voters and moderates who are concerned about ethical and legal standards may be swayed against Trump due to his criminal convictions. This could result in a shift towards Biden among these voters.
  • Skepticism of both candidates: Some swing voters might become disillusioned with both candidates, viewing the election as a choice between two undesirable options. This could lead to lower voter turnout among moderates or increased support for third-party candidates.
  • Dominant media coverage: Trump's legal issues will likely dominate media coverage, potentially overshadowing policy discussions. This could benefit Biden if the focus remains on Trump's legal troubles rather than on criticisms of Biden’s administration.
  • Republican Party: The GOP could experience internal divisions over Trump’s candidacy, with some members distancing themselves from him while others continue to support him fervently. This division could affect party cohesion and strategy.
  • Democratic Party: Biden’s campaign may enjoy greater unity within the Democratic Party, with a common goal of preventing Trump from returning to office. However, enthusiasm levels among progressive factions will also be crucial.

Some readers may have noticed that Google’s large-language AI, now called Gemini — the subject of significant negative media coverage since its launch — has not been mentioned. That's because Gemini has been politically neutered by its creators, and answers all election-related questions with an expression of faux-innocence: “I'm still learning how to answer this question. In the meantime, try Google Search.”

Curiously enough, Gemini offers that same answer if you ask such purely factual questions as “Who is Joe Biden?” or “What happened in the election of 1860?” Unlike the other AIs, Gemini has apparently been programmed to reach the same conclusion about politics that the computer in the 1983 movie "WarGames" reached about nuclear war — the only winning move is not to play.

Perhaps that makes Gemini the smartest AI of them all.

We need a national climate action plan — and an exit strategy from fossil fuels

While April and May are usually the hottest months in many countries in Southeast Asia, hundreds of millions of people are now suffering in South Asia from an exceptionally intense heat wave that has killed hundreds. One expert has already called it the most extreme heat event in history. Record-breaking temperatures above 122ºF were reported in the Indian capital of New Delhi and temperatures sizzled to an unheard of 127ºF in parts of India and Pakistan.

Nor was the blazing heat limited to Asia. Heat waves of exceptional severity and duration are now occurring simultaneously in many areas of the world. Mexico and parts of the U.S. have recently been in the grip of intense heat events. In southern Mexico, endangered howler monkeys in several states have been falling dead from trees in their tropical forests due to heat stroke and dehydration. Below-average rainfall throughout Mexico has led to water shortages in Mexico City and elsewhere. In some places, birds and bats, not to speak of humans, are also dying from the heat.

All of this is no coincidence. The hot and heavy hand of climate change is now upon us. Last year was the hottest on Earth in 125,000 years, and the concentration of heat-trapping carbon dioxide (CO2) in the atmosphere was the highest in 4 million years and still climbing at an ever-increasing rate. Meanwhile, global sea surface temperatures also reached a peak, causing severe massive coral bleaching in all three major ocean basins. 

The World Bank is projecting that, by 2050, there will be more than 200 million climate refugees, 20 times the 10 million refugees that have already destabilized Europe. Climate change is also putting an increasingly heavy burden on our social safety net, which could ultimately cause social order to begin to break down, generating chaos.

Nobel Prize-winning former Energy Secretary Steven Chu now claims it’s no longer possible to keep the global temperature from rising more than 1.5°C above the historical average, as the 195-nation signatories to the 2015 Paris climate agreement had hoped. In fact, he projects that the target of 2°C will also be broken and that, by 2050 the global temperature will have risen above 3°C. Nor is his pessimism unique. Hundreds of other scientists have recently forecast a strong possibility of hitting 2.5°C, which should hardly be surprising since, for well over 30 years now, global leaders have failed to heed the warnings of climate scientists by moving decisively to phase out fossil fuels and their heat-trapping gases.

What to make of such dire forecasts?

It could hardly be clearer that the world is already in the throes of a climate catastrophe. That means it’s high time for the U.S. to declare a national climate emergency to help focus us all on the disaster at hand. (Or as Samuel Johnson put it centuries ago, “When a man knows he is to be hanged in a fortnight, it concentrates his mind wonderfully.”)

Had a foreign enemy inflicted the kind of damage caused by the firestorms that swept California and the Pacific Northwest in 2020, or the hurricanes and droughts the nation has begun experiencing, the U.S. would have immediately mobilized for war.

Such a declaration of a climate emergency is long overdue. Some 40 other nations have already done so, including 2,356 jurisdictions and local governments representing more than a billion people. Of course, a declaration alone will hardly be enough. As the world’s wealthiest and most powerful nation, and the one that historically has contributed the most legacy greenhouse gases to the atmosphere, the U.S. needs to develop a coherent exit strategy from the stranglehold of fossil fuels, a strategy that could serve as an international example of a swift and thorough clean-energy transition. But at the moment, of course, this country remains the world’s largest producer and consumer of oil and natural gas and the third largest producer of coal — and should Donald Trump win in November, you can kiss any possible reductions in those figures goodbye for the foreseeable future. Sadly enough, however, though the Biden administration’s rhetoric of climate concern has been strong, in practice, this country has continued to cede true climate leadership to others.

Despite the laudable examples of smaller nations like Iceland, Norway, Sweden, Paraguay and Costa Rica that are already at, or within a percentage point or two, of being 100% powered by clean, renewable energy, the world sorely needs the U.S. as a global role model. To make a rapid, far-reaching and unrelenting break with our fossil-fuel dependency — 79% of the nation’s energy is now drawn from fossil fuels — a national mobilization would be needed, and it would have to be a genuine all-of-society effort.

National mobilization amid crisis

Fortunately, there is a historical precedent for just such a comprehensive mobilization of government and citizenry in dire circumstances: President Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s New Deal in the 1930s and the World War II years provide examples of the scale and intensity of the response needed today to reverse climate change. However, instead of gearing up to produce jobs for the unemployed or planes and tanks for a war, a concerted nationwide industrial effort is needed now to upgrade our electrical grid and produce millions of solar panels, wind turbines, batteries, carbon-capture machines and zero-emission vehicles. All too sadly, this country and the world are now in a situation even more perilous than either the Great Depression or World War II.

Rising seas pose serious threats to major American cities, including Boston, Charleston, Miami and New York, while, in recent years, millions of acres of the Midwest have been flooded by climate-related extreme weather events. Had a foreign enemy inflicted the kind of damage caused by such floods, or the firestorms that swept California and the Pacific Northwest in 2020, or the hurricanes and droughts the nation has begun experiencing with increased frequency, the U.S. would have immediately mobilized for war. Now, this country needs to do exactly that to face the climate crisis, but (even forgetting the horrifying possibility that Trump could win the coming presidential election and sink any possibility of moving on climate change nationally for years to come) how to get our act together?

As Antoine de Saint-Exupéry wrote in his classic 1943 novella, "Le Petit Prince," “A goal without a plan is just a wish.” In other words, a national climate action plan is urgently needed.

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In the Trump years of climate-science denial, any progress in controlling emissions resulted from actions by states, cities and businesses or institutions. Over the long term, however, climate policy is far too important to be left to a hodgepodge of laws and policies haphazardly applied across some of our 50 states and thousands of cities and businesses. What this country needs is a plan guided by scientific and technical analysis and based on an ambitious but attainable set of greenhouse gas-reduction quotas. Its point would not be to override the climate agendas of any city, state, or group, or the aspirations of the Green New Deal (HR 109). It would simply be to provide a reliable toolkit of measures and policies along with analyses of their costs and benefits — a compass for getting to negative carbon emission as quickly and cost-effectively as possible.

This country today has no comprehensive climate action plan that proposes clear, enforceable targets, timelines and roadmaps for climate protection and restabilization — and it desperately needs one. Call it "America’s Energy Transition: Achieving a Clean Energy Future" and imagine that it would build on previous authoritative studies, analyzing renewable-energy-generating and distribution technologies in terms of their costs, commercial readiness, resource constraints and potential efficiency. It would formulate and model competing scenarios with clusters of complementary technologies, each requiring different policies for its implementation.

A powerful, broad coalition of constituencies — environmental, labor, public health, faith-based and even progressive elements of the business community — could serve as a popular countervailing force against the fossil fuel industry.

From such an exercise, Americans would learn how to achieve the greatest greenhouse gas reductions with the most speed and cost-effectiveness, as well as the fewest unwanted impacts, while best meeting this country’s ongoing energy needs. Such a study would also reveal the demands on natural resources of each scenario along with its costs and the manufacturing capacity required.

To build trust and engagement in the final plan, regional advisory councils made up of scientists, engineers, businesspeople and major stakeholder representatives should be created to offer recommendations on how best to adapt such a plan to conditions in each part of the country. The final policy roadmap would then be designated as the “optimal energy path scenario” for the nation and provided to Congress, so that it could use the findings as a basis for funding and implementing new climate legislation.

Without political action, don’t hold your breath 

Left to its own devices, without strong public pressure, Congress might basically ignore or fail to enact legislation to implement the results of a National Climate Action Plan, especially if Congress were still controlled by the fossil fuel-loving Republican Party. A Republican stranglehold on Congress and/or the White House would undoubtedly stymie both the creation of a national climate plan and the implementation of its findings, as well as the clean-energy transition it would facilitate.

To prevent such a setback from occurring, a strong popular constituency must be built nationwide capable of exerting powerful pressure on Congress to ensure the creation of a climate plan and the appropriate legislation to make it functional. Otherwise, no matter how sound the PR campaign on its behalf, serious political obstacles would stand in the way of its adoption, even by a Democratic Congress.


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Through its lobbying, think tanks, public relations arms and advertising, the politically and economically powerful fossil fuel industry has, for decades, blocked meaningful climate legislation in both Democratic and Republican Congresses. The creation of a powerful, broad coalition of constituencies — environmental, labor, public health, faith-based and even progressive elements of the business community — could serve as a popular countervailing force against the mighty fossil fuel industry. But as a first step, that coalition would need support, guidance and a common accepted platform both to stand behind and to mobilize the public. The American environmental community could produce that platform. Yet this would not be a simple matter, due to the way that community is siloed, with each major organization catering to its own constituency, interests and funders.

To create a common consensual vision around which the national climate movement could mobilize, a broad civil society gathering should be convened to attract the leadership of all environmental and climate action groups and set the stage for the National Climate Action Plan. That gathering would, of course, focus on the roadblocks to implementing such a plan and to a swift national clean-energy transition — and how those roadblocks could be dismantled.

Put all this together and you would have a nation mobilized against the fossil fuel industry, ready to create a climate action plan and mobilize Americans in an all-of-society effort on behalf of slashing national carbon emissions in a radical fashion, accelerating a clean-energy transition and protecting our endangered world. What more could you ask for?

Why is Donald Trump obsessed with Tic Tacs?

Covering Donald Trump's various speaking engagements these past few weeks, it seems like every time I go into Getty Images to pull photos of the man, there are dozens showing him at the podium clutching a container of Tic Tacs in each hand. It took me a while to land here, sure, but on this very day, I began to question — why is the former president seemingly obsessed with the sugary treat my farmer grandfather used to keep in his shirt pocket? Turns out, the answer's simple. He loves a prop.

A deep dive into Trump + Tic Tacs on Google yields results going all the way back to 2019, with an article from The Washington Post detailing that he provided his housekeepers with strict instructions to set out "exactly two full containers and one half-full container in his bedroom bureau" daily.   

The White House press secretary at the time, Stephanie Grisham, issued a statement disputing this, saying, "The assertions made for this story are not only false, they are a disgusting attempt at invading the privacy of the First Family." But, there must have been something to it because he's still out here rattling those things around. 

In May, during a speech in Minnesota, Trump brought his Tic Tacs out for the world to see, using them to illustrate how he feels as though Biden is doing inflation wrong and he's doing it right.

"Biden blamed his economic disaster on companies shrinking the size of their Snickers bars. Can you believe that?" he said, reaching into his pockets. "But you know, it's a funny thing. I don't know if you can see it out there. Does anybody have good eyes out there? I just got this today. Somebody handed it to me, and not as a joke." 

Here, he produces for the crowd a teeny-tiny container of Tic Tacs.

"Look at the size of that sucker. This is called Biden Tic Tacs. This is inflation."


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On Saturday, Trump rolled out his candy man routine again — since it went over so well the first time — wielding his little Tacs during a speech to Christian conservative voters at a Faith & Freedom Coalition conference in Washington DC.  

At this point, it's safe to wonder if they'll make an appearance at the presidential debate on Thursday. It's easy to imagine Biden reacting to the props with something along the lines of, "Stop shaking those things at me, Jack."

But, as with everything else he does, his followers are on board with Tacs-talk. Tacs-props. And whatever else Trump has in those pockets of his.

"MAKE TIC TACS GREAT AGAIN," @TrumpMAGADONIAN tweeted after Trump's speech today, where he causally spoke of there not being a need to vote at all four years from now.

Turning back the clock even further, we're reminded that Tic Tacs were on hand during Trump's "locker room" comment, where he spoke of making a move on "Days of Our Lives" star Arianne Zucker to Access Hollywood host Billy Bush, saying, "I've got to use some Tic Tacs, just in case I start kissing her. You know I'm automatically attracted to beautiful — I just start kissing them. It's like a magnet. Just kiss. I don't even wait." 

To this, the candy company issued a statement saying, "Tic Tac respects all women. We find the recent statements and behavior completely inappropriate and unacceptable."

“He thinks that because he has a mouthful of Tic Tacs he can force himself on any woman within groping distance,” Elizabeth Warren said back in 2016, commenting on the above. 

Marketing campaigns have been built and broken over such things. But at least it's not Milk Duds. Can you imagine?

Prince William reaffirms his out and proud “Swiftie” status

Not only is Taylor Swift a ubiquitous headline artist and a certified billionaire (and counting), she's also reached "selfie" status with Prince William, first in line to the British throne.

On Friday, “The Tortured Poets Department” artist and her boyfriend, Travis Kelce, posed for photos with William and his two eldest children, Prince George and Princess Charlotte, before Swift took the stage for her Wembley gig in London as part of her Eras tour. William, who celebrated his 42nd birthday at the show, was later seen dancing to "Shake it Off," exalting and living his full life amongst the common folk. No word, however, on how many bracelets he took back to the castle with him.

In a photo from the event, posted to X by Kensington Palace, the caption reads, "Thank you @TaylorSwift for a great evening! #LondonTSTheErastour." And in it, William's smile is the biggest of the bunch.

As BBC points out, William has been a "Swiftie" for over a decade. In 2013, during a charity event at Kensington Palace, he shared a mic with Swift for a fresh take on "Livin’ on a Prayer" by Bon Jovi, and that footage is always good for a laugh. 

This might top it though:

 

 

 

By making peace with The Brat Pack, “Brats” shows Generation X how to let go

About an hour into “Brats” we watch as Andrew McCarthy leans into the window of a Carpinteria, Calif., roadside burger joint called The Spot to order a cheeseburger with lettuce, tomato, onions and pickle.

We don’t see the (youthful, we assume) employee taking his order, but that person has noticed the cameras flanking McCarthy, or else they wouldn’t have asked what he’s filming. Just a documentary, the filmmaker says. About what? he’s asked, and after a bit of casual evasion, McCarthy says. “It's about a group of actors from the ‘80s called The Brat Pack. Do you know who they were?”

“I think . . . that sounds familiar,” the person says haltingly, trying to be polite. 

“Yeah, there you go,” McCarthy concludes, as if the interaction makes the point of this exercise-meets-exorcism. “Ancient history.” 

Most of McCarthy’s interactions leading up to that moment invite another skew on that moment, since “Brats” wouldn’t exist if that three-word sobriquet didn’t haunt the star so entirely. 

The actor reached his version of peace in writing “Brat,” his 2021 memoir. But, as he explains, he never spoke with anyone else branded with the Brat Pack label, a very famous group of people whose movies and the characters they played in them influenced a generation’s image of themselves. 

In crisscrossing the country (and California, mostly) to chat with fellow Brat Packers and adjacent actors like Timothy Hutton and Jon Cryer, McCarthy shows viewers an example of what it looks like to accept one’s cultural obsolescence gracefully. 

Generation X has largely learned that lesson, I think. However, we still struggle to deal with it, alongside elder Millennials, for whom we’re skipped over in broad media analyses about cultural differences. This is strange when you consider that some of the biggest Hollywood stars are Gen Xers – Jada Pinkett Smith, Kristen Wiig, John Cena, Jason Momoa, and Jordan Peele, to cite a handful.  

BratsDemi Moore and Andrew McCarthy in "Brats" (AMC)But if Millennials dominate conversations about the life’s scary graying phase, that’s partly because Gen Z is hitting them harder on TikTok and Instagram, where they came of age first. 

Trust us — we can relate. On those platforms Gen X aren't merely your parents and grandparents. We’re low-key terrors who were allowed to run wild in the streets and drank out of garden hoses when we were thirsty. Like animals

We're also the age group alleged by the popular media to have embraced irony and disillusionment with commercialism and the status quo, so if we are misunderstood or dismissed in the endless river of generational turnover, didn't we bring that on ourselves?

So any softer consideration of what our youth meant, and what its influences contributed to popular culture, is welcome in concept. “Brats” isn’t that, not really. Instead, and probably without meaning to be, McCarthy serves as our stand-in for a common crisis of meaning and validation at a time when the sheen of accomplishments fades more quickly than ever.

Reminiscence can be a balm as well as a trap, McCarthy’s “Brats” shows us.

I’m talking about Xers, but that sobering wake-up call isn’t limited to us. Confess, Millennials, if you shuddered the tiniest bit at the report that the Hamptons cop who arrested Justin Timberlake for driving under the influence was so young that he didn’t recognize the superstar. Timberlake is 43. Weren't we all told that's the new 33?

See? Obsolescence has come for you too. Relax. Enjoy the anonymity. Grab a burger.

It is helpful to the filmmaker and to us to consider what makes the so-called Brat Pack movies such durable pieces of popular culture, starting with the fact that they were the golden tier in a burgeoning group of movies that became the first to cater specifically to the American teen and 20-something experience. 

Generation X, being the first to straddle the analog and digital age, experienced more pop culture in unison. There were only so many movies to see in a given year and a limited number of songs getting airplay on corporate radio broadcasts. No matter who you are, these movies likely represent some perception of either your adolescence or the supposedly common version Hollywood imagined for you.

Aside from Molly Ringwald, who declined to participate in “Brats,” everyone in McCarthy’s 1985 class is a Boomer. But the so-called Brat Pack films, which mainly refer to “St. Elmo’s Fire” and “The Breakfast Club,” were the gateway to an era of filmmaking that catered to 18-to-25-year-olds from the mid-'80s onward.

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Fewer people think of Emilio Estevez, Rob Lowe, Judd Nelson, Demi Moore and Ally Sheedy in those terms today. Cryer, Ringwald’s “Pretty in Pink” co-star who firmly declares in the film that he is not a Brat Pack member, is known to most for being “Two and a Half Men,” in which he starred alongside Estevez’s brother Charlie Sheen, another non-Brat Packer.

But back in 1985 reluctant Brat Pack member Judd Nelson, along with Lowe and Estevez, were main characters in David Blum’s New York Magazine piece that coined the term. McCarthy was only mentioned in passing and in the most backhanded terms.

Regardless, for years McCarthy resented his membership card. “I just thought that was terrible instantly,” he admits in “Brats. “And it turns out I was right.” He goes on to call Blum’s phrase “clever” and “witty”: “It caught the zeitgeist instantly and burned deep, and that was it,” McCarthy said. “From on my career and the career of several other people was branded, without any wiggle room, as the Brat Pack.”

What's so bad about that? Nelson, who doesn’t appear in “Brats” either, has pointed out recently that the term’s taking hold forced this chemistry-rich ensemble to scatter while stars like Matt Damon and George Clooney joined forces in many projects with great success. 

Still, McCarthy’s career chugged along better than others. He went on to star in respectable movies that were not specifically Brat Pack-related, including “Less Than Zero.” He’s also the co-lead in the “Weekend at Bernie’s” movies, and he signed on to “Mannequin” for whatever reason.

The career experience shaping “Brats” more intimately than his time as an ‘80s lead, however, is his episodic directing work. McCarthy understands the power of ordering a narrative in a way that allows people to travel beside the protagonists as they journey from irritating bafflement to epiphany. That direction lends  “Brats” more heft than the standard nostalgia stroll through a specific time and place, 1980s Hollywood in this instance. 

Anyone can experience that era (or the idea of it) from the outside thanks to myriad books, specials and academic analyses. McCarthy, along with Estevez, Lowe, Moore, Lea Thompson, Timothy Hutton and others, bring us into the emotional turmoil of being inside the craze, some of which is a bit self-aggrandizing but is largely leveling. 

Yesterday McCarthy was a teen heartthrob yearning to be taken seriously, but for whatever reason he couldn’t age into elder statesman status. Some of his peers revived their profiles by landing hit TV shows or steered their careers beyond the label in other ways. He's the guy who earned the Most Likely to Succeed superlative and did well in life as an actor, director and writer, but is bothered by the nagging suspicion that he'd have done even better if not for this single phrase that altered his fortunes.


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Reminiscence can be a balm as well as a trap, McCarthy’s “Brats” shows us. This is cemented when at long last he meets Blum, who is both sympathetic and unapologetic. 

BratsEmilio Estevez and Andrew McCarthy in "Brats" (AMC)The writer reminds McCarthy that they were all adults when he spent a few days with Estevez, Nelson and Lowe four decades ago, observing them while they drank beers . . . at the Hard Rock Café, of all places. That burger restaurant chain used to be the apex of cool.  No longer. 

“I think that we have no control of how we’re remembered,” Emilio Estevez tells McCarthy. “The toothpaste is out of the tube. It’s not coming back.” 

Instead, we can rewind and weigh what was and what that once meant to others, not just ourselves. This is where McCarthy lands after almost 40 years of hanging on to this small bitterness, looking a little lighter for having let it go.  

As Moore sagely counsels him, “The event is the event. What we make it mean is the value that it all of a sudden has.” In today’s terms, that’s ancient history – and as people of all ages say of their prime, wasn’t it a special time to live through? 

"Brats" is currently streaming on Hulu.

Power-hungry AI boom making power grids dirtier, less reliable

Artificial Intelligence’s rapid boom is causing a surge in demand for electricity that could pose challenges for the grid, and the companies behind the tech.

From simple ChatGPT queries — which themselves can consume as much electricity as a 60-watt incandescent bulb does in 10 minutes — to more complex image and video creations, to fast-growing enterprise implementation and hardware integration, the AI boom is spiking demand for power on an already-strained grid.

As Bloomberg notes, data centers already consumed more power than entire nations like Italy and Taiwan in 2023, and their energy demand has surged more than seven-fold since 2008, even as chips become more energy-efficient.

AI’s power needs will only get worse, per a Boston Consulting Group report, which pinned current power consumption by data centers at 2.5%, and forecasted up to a three-fold rise to 7.5% by 2030. This hike in demand may not be fillable by existing generation capacity, and certainly not by renewable sources.

In Texas, for example, where devastating blackouts during a winter storm killed more than 240 people in 2021, a substantial rise in energy demand could mean less reliable energy for everyone. 

“Crypto miners and data centers will be responsible for over 50% of the added growth [to power demand]. We need to take a close look at those two industries,” Texas Lieutenant Gov. Dan Patrick said in a Jun 12 post to X. “We want data centers, but it can’t be the Wild Wild West of data centers and crypto miners crashing our grid and turning the lights off.”

And while big tech firms may be committed to using green energy, the Washington Post reports that, since they run on the same grid as typical power consumers, these data centers tend to eat up much of the renewable energy available, leaving power providers to source dirty energy to fill in gaps.

“We’re flying blind”: CDC has 1M bird flu tests ready, but experts see repeat of COVID missteps

It’s been nearly three months since the U.S. government announced an outbreak of the bird flu virus on dairy farms. The World Health Organization considers the virus a public health concern because of its potential to cause a pandemic, yet the U.S. has tested only about 45 people across the country.

“We’re flying blind,” said Jennifer Nuzzo, director of the Pandemic Center at the Brown University School of Public Health. With so few tests run, she said, it’s impossible to know how many farmworkers have been infected, or how serious the disease is. A lack of testing means the country might not notice if the virus begins to spread between people — the gateway to another pandemic.

“We’d like to be doing more testing. There’s no doubt about that,” said Nirav Shah, principal deputy director of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. The CDC’s bird flu test is the only one the Food and Drug Administration has authorized for use right now. Shah said the agency has distributed these tests to about 100 public health labs in states. “We’ve got roughly a million available now,” he said, “and expect 1.2 million more in the next two months.”

But Nuzzo and other researchers are concerned because the CDC and public health labs aren’t generally where doctors order tests from. That job tends to be done by major clinical laboratories run by companies and universities, which lack authorization for bird flu testing.

As the outbreak grows — with at least 114 herds infected in 12 states as of June 18 — researchers said the CDC and FDA are not moving fast enough to remove barriers that block clinical labs from testing. In one case, the diagnostics company Neelyx Labs was on hold with a query for more than a month.

“Clinical labs are part of the nation’s public health system,” said Alex Greninger, assistant director of the University of Washington Medicine Clinical Virology Laboratory. “Pull us into the game. We’re stuck on the bench.”

The CDC recognized the need for clinical labs in a June 10 memo. It calls on industry to develop tests for the H5 strain of bird flu virus, the one circulating among dairy cattle. “The limited availability and accessibility of diagnostic tests for Influenza A(H5) poses several pain points,” the CDC wrote. The points include a shortage of tests if demand spikes.

Researchers, including former CDC director Tom Frieden and Anthony Fauci, who led the nation’s response to covid, cite testing failures as a key reason the U.S. fared so poorly with covid. Had covid tests been widely available in early 2020, they say, the U.S. could have detected many cases before they turned into outbreaks that prompted business shutdowns and cost lives.

In an article published this month, Nuzzo and a group of colleagues noted that the problem wasn’t testing capability but a failure to deploy that capability swiftly. The U.S. reported excess mortality eight times as high as other countries with advanced labs and other technological advantages.

Although the three farmworkers diagnosed with the disease this year in the United States had only mild symptoms, like a runny nose and inflamed eyes, others may not be so lucky.

A covid test vetted by the WHO was available by mid-January 2020. Rather than use it, the United States stuck to its own multistage process, which took several months. Namely, the CDC develops its own test then sends it to local public health labs. Eventually, the FDA authorizes tests from clinical diagnostic labs that serve hospital systems, which must then scale up their operations. That took time, and people died amid outbreaks at nursing homes and prisons, waiting on test results.

In contrast, South Korea immediately rolled out testing through private sector laboratories, allowing it to keep schools and businesses open. “They said, ‘Gear up, guys; we’re going to need a ton of tests,’” said Frieden, now president of the public health organization Resolve to Save Lives. “You need to get commercials in the game.”

Nuzzo and her colleagues describe a step-by-step strategy for rolling out testing in health emergencies, in response to mistakes made obvious by covid. But in this bird flu outbreak, the U.S. is weeks behind that playbook.

Ample testing is critical for two reasons. First, people need to know if they’re infected so that they can be quickly treated, Nuzzo said. Over the past two decades, roughly half of about 900 people around the globe known to have gotten the bird flu died from it.

Although the three farmworkers diagnosed with the disease this year in the United States had only mild symptoms, like a runny nose and inflamed eyes, others may not be so lucky. The flu treatment Tamiflu works only when given soon after symptoms start.

The CDC and local health departments have tried to boost bird flu testing among farmworkers, asking them to be tested if they feel sick. Farmworker advocates list several reasons why their outreach efforts are failing. The outreach might not be in the languages the farmworkers speak, for example, or address such concerns as a loss of employment.

If people who live and work around farms simply see a doctor when they or their children fall ill, those cases could be missed if the doctors send samples to their usual clinical laboratories. The CDC has asked doctors to send samples from people with flu symptoms who have exposure to livestock or poultry to public health labs. “If you work on a farm with an outbreak and you’re worried about your welfare, you can get tested,” Shah said. But sending samples to public health departments requires knowledge, time, and effort.

“I really worry about a testing scheme in which busy clinicians need to figure this out,” Nuzzo said.

The other reason to involve clinical laboratories is so the nation can ramp up testing if the bird flu is suddenly detected among people who didn’t catch it from cattle. There’s no evidence the virus has started to spread among people, but that could change in coming months as it evolves.

The fastest way to get clinical labs involved, Greninger said, is to allow them to use a test the FDA has already authorized: the CDC’s bird flu test. On April 16 the CDC opened up that possibility by offering royalty-free licenses for components of its bird flu tests to accredited labs.

Several commercial labs asked for licenses. “We want to get prepared before things get crazy,” said Shyam Saladi, chief executive officer of the diagnostics company Neelyx Labs, which offered covid and mpox tests during shortages in those outbreaks. His experience over the past two months reveals the types of barriers that prevent labs from moving swiftly.

In email exchanges with the CDC, shared with KFF Health News, Saladi specifies the labs’ desire for licenses relevant to the CDC’s test, as well as a “right to reference” the CDC’s data in its application for FDA authorization.

That “right to reference” makes it easier for one company to use a test developed by another. It allows the new group to skip certain analyses conducted by the original maker, by telling the FDA to look at data in the original FDA application. This was commonplace with covid tests at the peak of the pandemic.

At first, the CDC appeared eager to cooperate. “A right of reference to the data should be available,” Jonathan Motley, a patent specialist at the CDC, wrote in an email to Saladi on April 24. Over the next few weeks, the CDC sent him information about transferring its licenses to the company, and about the test, which prompted Neelyx’s researchers to buy testing components and try out the CDC’s process on their equipment.

But Saladi grew increasingly anxious about the ability to reference the CDC’s data in the company’s FDA application. “Do you have an update with respect to the right of reference?” he asked the CDC on May 13. “If there are any potential sticking points with respect to this, would you mind letting us know please?”

He asked several more times in the following weeks, as the number of herds infected with the bird flu ticked upward and more cases among farmworkers were announced. “Given that it is May 24 and the outbreak has only expanded, can CDC provide a date by which it plans to respond?” Saladi wrote.

The CDC eventually signed a licensing agreement with Neelyx but informed Saladi that it would not, in fact, provide the reference. Without that, Saladi said, he could not move forward with the CDC’s test — at least not without more material from the agency. “It’s really frustrating,” he said. “We thought they really intended to support the development of these tests in case they are needed.”

Shah, from the CDC, said test manufacturers should generate their own data to prove that they’re using the CDC’s test correctly. “We don’t have a shortage such that we need to cut corners,” he said. “Quality reigns supreme.”

The CDC has given seven companies, including Neelyx, licenses for its tests — although none have been cleared to use them by the FDA. Only one of those companies asked for the right of reference, Shah said. The labs may be assisted by additional material that the agency is developing now, to allow them to complete the analyses — even without the reference.

“This should have happened sooner,” Saladi told KFF Health News when he was told about the CDC’s pending additional material. “There’s been no communication about this.”

Greninger said the delays and confusion are reminiscent of the early months of covid, when federal agencies prioritized caution over speed. Test accuracy is important, he said, but excessive vetting can cause harm in a fast-moving outbreak like this one. “The CDC should be trying to open this up to labs with national reach and a good reputation,” he said. “I fall on the side of allowing labs to get ready — that’s a no-brainer.”

Clinical laboratories have also begun to develop their own tests from scratch. But researchers said they’re moving cautiously because of a recent FDA rule that gives the agency more oversight of lab-developed tests, lengthening the pathway to approval. In an email to KFF Health News, FDA press officer Janell Goodwin said the rule’s enforcement will occur gradually.

However, Susan Van Meter, president of the American Clinical Laboratory Association, a trade group whose members include the nation’s largest commercial diagnostic labs, said companies need more clarity: “It’s slowing things down because it’s adding to the confusion about what is allowable.”

Creating tests for the bird flu is already a risky bet, because demand is uncertain. It’s not clear whether this outbreak in cattle will trigger an epidemic or fizzle out. In addition to issues with the CDC and FDA, clinical laboratories are trying to figure out whether health insurers or the government will pay for bird flu tests.

These wrinkles will be smoothed eventually. Until then, the vanishingly slim numbers of people tested, along with the lack of testing in cattle, may draw criticism from other parts of the world.

“Think about our judgment of China’s transparency at the start of covid,” Nuzzo said. “The current situation undermines America’s standing in the world.”

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

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What is going on with Pizza Hut? Inside the legal battle with its biggest franchisee

Pizza Hut is currently embroiled in a back-and-forth legal battle with one of its largest franchisees. The multinational pizza chain is suing EYM Pizza over alleged underperformance and financial mismanagement, according to a report from QSR Magazine. EYM Pizza currently operates 140 restaurants across Georgia, South Carolina, Illinois, Indiana, and Wisconsin.

The suit comes in the wake of EYM abruptly closing 15 locations across Northwest Indiana, according to the Times of Northwest Indiana.

Under their franchise agreement, Pizza Hut grants EYM the right to operate its business and sell and distribute restaurant goods and services associated with Pizza Hut’s trademark. EYM is also responsible for maintaining specific operational standards, making timely payments, and taking on “necessary restaurant upgrades and transitions to delivery-focused models,” as explained by QSR. However, much of that agreement began to fall through from 2019 to 2023. Pizza Hut’s same-store sales increased seven percent during that time. On the contrary, EYM’s same-store sales decreased 10%. 

In the suit, Pizza Hut claimed EYM’s performance is “among the worst of all large Pizza Hut franchisees.” Between Feb. 2023 and Feb. 2024, more than 12% of EYM’s restaurants failed inspection. That is four times the average failure rate, Pizza Hut said in the lawsuit.

Pizza Hut also alleged EYM repeatedly fell behind on royalty payments along with payments for advertising fees, and vendor services. By December 2022, EYM was over $3 million in debt and ultimately paid that amount in full. Pizza Hut consequently issued multiple default notices throughout 2022 and 2023 following EYM’s financial mismanagement.

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In August 2023, Pizza Hut entered into a forbearance agreement with EYM. The agreement was issued to give EYM more time to catch up on its royalty payments and sell its restaurants. Despite the terms and conditions listed in the agreement, EYM failed to comply. EYM repeatedly missed deadlines for required payments during the forbearance period, QSR reported. EYM’s restaurant locations continued to underperform, so much so that they didn’t meet Pizza Hut’s sales and operations metrics. EYM also delayed putting two of its restaurants (one in Georgia, the other in South Carolina) on the market and failed to pursue several letters of intent from potential buyers, per QSR.         

The breaches led Pizza Hut to terminate the forbearance agreement in February. In April, Pizza Hut implemented a Limited Term Reinstatement Agreement (LTRA), granting EYM a second chance to comply with the aforementioned terms and conditions. EYM once again failed to comply, which prompted Pizza Hut to send final termination notices in June.


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Court documents specified that since 2016, EYM has spent $46.6 million to buy and renovate Pizza Hut restaurants nationwide. EYM was $23 million in debt as of March.

Back in March, EYM sued Pizza Hut In an attempt to keep the restaurant chain from terminating its franchise agreement. “Pizza Hut has no distinct identity like others,” EYM said in its lawsuit. “Pizza Hut has no image or identity that sticks with patrons.” The franchisee blamed COVID for causing delays in new restaurant projects slated between 2020 to 2022. It also cited pandemic-related inflation for high food and management costs.

In April, EYM’s lawsuit was dismissed by a judge who ruled in favor of Pizza Hut.

Can the so-called “Chipotle Boys” save Chipotle?

Chipotle has been at the center of much backlash in recent months.

The fast-casual burrito chain was accused of “shrinkflation” — the practice of reducing a product’s amount while still offering it at its original price — by several customers, including prominent social media star and food critic Keith Lee. A sort of trend soon emerged, in which consumers began recording Chipotle workers making their orders and then promptly walking out mid-order if the portions seemed too small for their liking. Rumors claimed that customers who recorded would receive larger portions per company protocol. And while some customers claimed they did receive more food, Chipotle later spoke out against the “hack,” saying it’s misleading and flat-out false.

Mounting criticism over Chipotle’s menu offerings also made rounds across social media. On Reddit, several consumers complained that Chipotle’s food quality has gone downhill and placed much of the blame on management. One user detailed their experience, saying they were often given “frozen” corn, rice that is “stale to the point you can break a tooth on it,” meat that is “50% of the time inedible” and far fewer portion sizes.  

“I can honestly say Chipotle [used] to be my absolute favorite restaurant, and now I hate every single thing about it,” the user wrote. 

That sentiment is shared by an overwhelming majority of Chipotle consumers. So it comes as a surprise that there exists one group of ardent restaurant regulars who eat, breathe and sleep all things Chipotle. Dubbed the “Chipotle Boys,” this particular breed of customer is a young man, typically between the ages of 18 and 28, who consumes a copious amount of Chipotle. Whether it’s a quick work lunch, a midday snack or a post-gym sesh dinner, Chipotle is always the go-to meal option, seven days a week, for the average Chipotle Boy.

The term itself came about after New York-based writer Jackson McHenry wrote on X, “overheard two twenty-something women discussing the concept of a ‘chipotle boy,’ apparently a boy who eats chipotle 5-7 days a week, ‘the chipotle boys are everywhere.’” As described by Bustle, Chipotle Boys “opt for convenience over novelty, speed over style.”

A Chipotle Boy is usually a specific kind of “bro”: either a Finance Bro who spends their lunch break at a nearby Chipotle feasting on a bowl and a side of chips; or a Gym Bro who enjoys a protein-packed meal after an arduous workout sesh. There’s also the die-hard Chipotle Boy who is keen on setting records. Take for example the Ohio man (whose name is ironically Bruce Wayne) who has eaten Chipotle for 426 straight days as of December 2017. Or the Alabama man who has eaten Chipotle nearly 500 days in a row as of April 2023.

Chipotle Boys may be the reason why Chipotle continues to perform well financially compared to other fast-casual chains. Per Forbes, Chipotle’s share price, which was up 44% year-to-date, “hit an all-time high” last month, and the company had a market capitalization of $89 billion. The company’s stock value is currently up nearly 50% since last year. In 2023, Chipotle reported its total revenue increased 14.3% to $9.9 billion year-over-year, and comparable restaurant sales increased 7.9%. The chain also plans to open between 285 to 315 new restaurants this year, according to a report from Restaurant Dive. Over 80% of those restaurants will include Chipotlanes, which will help Chipotle reach its goal of opening more than 1,000 Chipotlanes in 2024.


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Chipotle recently hopped on the “Chipotle Boys” chatter with a new promo aimed at its young male fans. Called the Chipotle Boy Bowl, the limited-time offering is available on the Chipotle app and includes chicken, black beans, corn, sour cream, cheese, guacamole, white rice, lettuce, and mild salsa.

“[T]he polls are in the official Chipotle Boy Bowl is avail starting today in the app. [F]or all my double chicken white rice black beans mild salsa corn salsa sour cream cheese guac and lettuce mans out there,” Chipotle wrote on X alongside a photo of a Chipotle Boy Starter Pack complete with AirPods, aviator sunglasses, a Patagonia Vest and a handful of bunched up Chipotle napkins.

Chipotle’s highest-margin sales are currently from digital orders, as explained by Forbes. The chain’s drive-thru lanes and rewards program touts 40 million members, which exceeds the number of members in Starbucks’ internationally lauded rewards program. Considering how prominent Chipotle Boys are, it looks like Chipotle's future is in good hands.

Pastor Robert Morris tried to scare his sex abuse victim with threat of prosecution

A Texas megachurch pastor — who admitted to “inappropriate sexual behavior” with a child — warned a victim that she “could be criminally prosecuted" for seeking restitution for the crimes against her.

Gateway Church Pastor Robert Morris, once a spiritual adviser to former President Donald Trump, admitted last weekend to a sexual relationship with a 12-year-old girl. But nearly 20 years before he would admit to his abusive behavior, he told his accuser that he couldn’t compensate her.

Emails between Morris and Cindy Clemishire dating back to 2005, obtained by NBC News, show proof of a victim’s attempt to seek justice and Morris’ threat to her.

“Twenty-three years after you began destroying my life, I am still dealing with the pain and damage you caused,” Clemishire wrote, per NBC News.

“Debbie and I really do care for you and we sincerely want God’s best for you,” Morris wrote, speaking of his wife, Debbie Morris. “My attorney advises that if I pay you any money under a threat of exposure, you could be criminally prosecuted and Debbie and I do not want that.”

Morris then directed his victim to go through his attorney going forward. The evangelical pastor allegedly abused Clemishire from December 1982 until 1987, and described his behavior as “confessed and repented of."

Morris took two years away from the church, but ultimately returned in 1989, against Clemishire’s family’s wishes.

“Men that have over 100 counts of child molestation go to prison,” Clemishire wrote in another 2005 email. “Men who pastor churches that have over 100 counts of child molestation go to prison and pay punitive damages. You have not had to do either.”

Morris, who resigned on Tuesday after decades at the helm of one of the nation’s largest churches, has yet to be charged with any crime. Per the emails, at least one other Gateway Church elder was aware of Clemishire's ask in 2005, but told NBC News that he didn't investigate the abuse as he didn't know the severity of the allegation.

Slaying the charts: The evolution of drag anthems, from Judy Garland to Madonna and beyond

Drag queens have always been at the forefront of LGBTQ+ liberation, and in the past 100 years or so, pop music has helped fuel the fight for equality by putting plenty of spiritual gas in the tank. As our cultural understanding and acceptance of drag queens continues to evolve, the playlist of drag anthems grows right alongside us. The evolution of music that engages with queening and the queens themselves who increasingly have power and resources to make music are a vibrant tapestry woven with threads of defiance, resilience and celebration.

As we commemorate Pride, it's essential to delve into the rich history of the music that has empowered and uplifted the drag community over the decades. At a time when trans rights are under a massive resurgence of legislative and judicial threats amidst a larger culture war, it's crucial to offer supportive allyship to both drag performers and trans individuals. Drag, which is the art of performing gender through costume and theatricality, often overlaps with trans identities, though the two are not synonymous. Celebrating the music and stories of drag is a way to honor this intersection and support the broader fight for trans equality.

Before the term "drag queen" entered our mainstream lexicon, pioneers like Ma Rainey and Gladys Bentley were setting the stage as prototypes for drag kinging, which was often considered somewhat more socially permissible than queening. Ma Rainey's 1928 song "Prove It On Me Blues" is often hailed as an early lesbian anthem, hinting at same-sex relationships with a boldness that was revolutionary for its time: “It's true I wear a collar and a tie, / Makes the wind blow all the while. / Don't you say I do it, ain't nobody caught me. / You sure got to prove it on me.” Ma Rainey generally wore dresses on stage, but Gladys Bentley certainly did not. Bentley was known for her tuxedo-clad performances and was a trailblazer in both music and gender expression. Bentley's audacious presence and piano performances at Harlem's speakeasies in the 1920s and 1930s challenged societal norms and laid the groundwork for future drag performers.

As blues singers began picking up the pace, they reached rock 'n' roll territory with the likes of suit-and-tie sporting Big Mama Thornton and her song "Hound Dog" in 1952, a cover of which later helped launch the career of Elvis Prestley in 1956. Of course, Elvis himself would go on to become an icon for drag kings everywhere, and “Jailhouse Rock” is a kinging staple thank to the surprisingly overt gay verse: “Number 47 said to number three / ‘You're the cutest jailbird I ever did see / I sure would be delighted with your company / Come on and do the Jailhouse Rock with me.’” It's remarkable that it was allowed on the radio in its original form at this time. During the mid-'50s, Elvis also covered several songs written and first recorded by Thornton’s friend and record labelmate, Richard Wayne Penniman, better known as Little Richard

This closeted community needed songs with queer-coded meanings that were somewhat less obvious for safety’s sake.

In 1955, Little Richard's "Tutti Frutti" exploded onto the music scene with its electrifying energy and lyrics that remain subversive even though radio stations insisted the song be sanitized for mainstream audiences: “She knows how to love me, yes indeed / Boy you don't know what she do to me.” The original lyrics of "Tutti Frutti" were rife with sexual innuendo and more than just hinted at queer identities: “Tutti Frutti, good booty / If it don't fit, don't force it / You can grease it, make it easy.” Little Richard's flamboyant persona and musical innovation made him a crucial figure in the prelude to drag queen anthems. Known as both "the king and queen of rock 'n' roll," Little Richard's career was marked by his bold stage presence, fabulous outfits, and boundary-pushing performances. His influence extended far beyond his music, inspiring countless artists, such as Prince, and challenging societal norms around gender and sexuality.

In the first half of the 1900s, we see different kinds of gender-nonconforming people writing songs with queer meanings quite near the surface level. But there have also always been many in the queer community who sadly had to fear for their lives or livelihoods, and this closeted community needed songs with queer-coded meanings that were somewhat less obvious for safety’s sake. What emerges from a need like this is the adoption of an American sweetheart and her transformation into a diva legend playfully worshipped by many a drag queen through the performance of her music, which provided solace and strength during a time of profound struggle and change.

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Judy Garland, with her powerful voice and emotional depth, became an enduring icon for the LGBTQ+ community. The slang "Friend of Dorothy" emerged as code for being gay, inspired by her role in “The Wizard of Oz.” Songs like "Over the Rainbow" became anthems of hope and resilience, resonating deeply with drag performers and their audiences as they dreamed of a better way of living and performing more freely somewhere else. Garland's influence reached a poignant peak with her death in June 1969, just before the Stonewall uprising — a pivotal moment in LGBTQ+ history when popular legend – now since debunked – has it that drag queens gathering at The Stonewall Inn were so saddened by Garland’s recent funeral that they were provoked by the evening’s usual police harassment, and they fought back.

That moment in 1969 is considered by many to be the kick-off of the LGBTQ+ civil rights movement at the end of a decade filled with many cultural shifts and new voices. The 1960s witnessed a broadening of musical influences that began to resonate with the drag community. Sam Cooke's "Twistin' the Night Away" offered a joyful escape “Somewhere up-a New York way / Where the people are so gay” and you can find “a chick in slacks” or even “a fella in blue jeans / Dancin' with an older queen / Who's dolled up in her diamond rings.” There was also the Pretty Things, fronted by bisexual singer Phil May, who challenged gender norms with their provocative performances. The Kinks favored songs that explored themes of identity and self-expression like "Dedicated Follower of Fashion," while Velvet Underground gave shout-outs to queens that Lou Reed met at Andy Warhol’s Factory — itself a safe haven rich with performance opportunities for drag queens — in songs like "Sister Ray" and "Candy Says.” These anthems were predominantly sung by male vocalists who already had enough musical success to assure them the privilege of directly pointing to the queer and the queenly without doing damage to their fame.

Disco appealed to straight and queer clubgoers alike, and this decade cemented many female vocalists in the pantheon of queening anthems.

The Kinks continued to push boundaries in the following decade with "Lola," a song that candidly addressed a romantic encounter with a trans woman. David Bowie's androgynous personas and songs like "Queen Bitch," his homage to Lou Reed, celebrated fluidity and rebellion, further cementing Bowie’s status as a drag icon. Yet queens longed for songs they could relate to from female vocalists because these were the ones they could perform in drag, and the community certainly got what it asked for when the 1970s ushered in an era of glam rock and disco, genres that overall celebrated flamboyance, defiance, and freedom. ABBA's "Dancing Queen" became a quintessential anthem for its exuberant celebration of dance that perfectly captured the spirit of the time. Cher's separation from Sonny Bono and rise as a solo artist brought her unique blend of glamour and defiance to the forefront with tracks like "Gypsys, Tramps & Thieves" and "Half-Breed" that showcased her ability to blend pop appeal with themes of outsider identity. Disco appealed to straight and queer clubgoers alike, and this decade cemented many female vocalists in the pantheon of queening anthems, from Gloria Gaynor’s “I Will Survive” to Chaka Khan’s “I’m Every Woman.”

With its civil rights still in limbo, the queer community slogged through the profound challenges of the 1980s with the onset of the AIDS crisis, which brought immense suffering and galvanized activism. Against the backdrop of a pandemic, the decade also marked a significant shift as drag culture began to gain some mainstream visibility. Diana Ross, who was already known as “the queen of disco,” achieved new heights when "I'm Coming Out" became widely understood an anthem of empowerment, celebrating self-discovery and liberation. Also often referred to as “the queen of disco,” criminally underrated avant garde drag pioneer Sylvester continued to release gay dance club hits like the Hi-NRG track “Do You Wanna Funk,” while his backing vocalists left to form The Weather Girls, whose gigantic hit "It's Raining Men" offered a jubilant celebration of queer desire and fantasy that was at odds with many activists’ calls for safer sex. Fierce allies also stepped up, with Madonna's "Material Girl" and Cyndi Lauper's "True Colors" both becoming popular anthems, the former tune for its embrace of unapologetic femininity in the style of Marilyn Monroe and the latter for its heartfelt message of acceptance and individuality.

The 1990s can be seen as a golden era for drag. Madonna’s "Vogue" defined this decade of drag with name-checks of countless divas from Greta Garbo to Rita Hayworth, who fiercely bent their genders and remain key frames of reference for queening performances. The song also paid homage to the dance style originating from the Harlem ballroom scene, a vibrant subculture where Black and Latino LGBTQ+ individuals found a haven to express their creativity and reenergize as a community. To this day, ballroom culture in Harlem and increasingly around the globe fosters a sense of genuine belonging, offering a space where participants can compete in elaborate drag and voguing competitions.

Similarly, George Michael's "Freedom! '90" became an anthem of liberation and self-expression, resonating deeply with drag performers. Although Michael was in the closet during his time with Wham!, his eventual coming out in 1998 marked a significant moment in LGBTQ+ visibility and advocacy. His journey from secrecy to openness mirrored the broader struggle for acceptance and authenticity within the queer community. Like gay men, drag queens also became more visible in the '90s. Salt-N-Pepa's "I Am the Body Beautiful," featured in the opening sequence of the classic 1995 film "To Wong Foo, Thanks for Everything! Julie Newmar," was a celebration of self-love and body positivity. RuPaul's "Supermodel (You Better Work)” catapulted drag into mainstream pop culture in 1992, celebrating the glamour and fierceness of drag performance and further solidifying the decade as a golden era for drag visibility and influence.

The new millennium gathers all these different modes of drag queen anthems together, reflecting the community's roots, its growing diversity, and the global reach of our internet age. Allyship from mighty songstresses remains on the rise. Lady Gaga's "Born This Way" affirms “I’m beautiful in my way / cause God makes no mistakes. / I’m on the right track, baby, / I was born this way.” Katy Perry asserts “I kissed a girl / and I liked it” and Taylor Swift shushes homophobes by informing them “You need to calm down / You’re being too loud.” Lizzo confirms “Everybody’s Gay,” and Beyonce made a whole album about the queer "Renaissance." See also: the four albums charting the pansexual and nonbinary evolution of Janelle Monae.

Best of all, drag queens are more able than ever to do it for themselves. Since RuPaul’s “Supermodel (You Better Work)” won two Billboard Music Awards in 1993, he’s released a whopping 15 albums. Off the back of Emmy-winning machine "RuPaul’s Drag Race" and its spinoffs, Ru has helped launch the music careers of dozens of other queens. This includes groups like the Frock Destroyers. Some of the most successful include solo performers such as Alaska Thunderfuck, Monét X Change, Bob the Drag Queen, Trixie Mattel and Jinkx Monsoon. Dubbed “Queen of All Queens” thanks to her victory in the all-winners seventh season of "RuPaul’s Drag Race All Stars," Jinkx has received critically acclaim for her Broadway runs in "Chicago" and "Little Shop of Horrors." In addition to two albums, "The Inevitable Album" and "The Ginger Snapped," her various takes on Judy Garland both in song and comedic impersonation circle back to the roots of drag culture, creating the ultimate bridge between past and present as Jinkx is slated to perform at Carnegie Hall on Valentine’s Day in 2025, where fans fervently hope she will perform some moments from Garland’s iconic album "Judy Live at Carnegie Hall."

Obviously, this is not an exhaustive list of all the legends on a drag queen’s lip sync playlist. Now that you’ve heard what’s historically trending, don’t be jealous of my boogie — just go find your own.

Prof: GOP seizes on SCOTUS’ “very accommodating view of intrusion” of Christianity in public spaces

Louisiana just became the first state to require public schools to display the Ten Commandments in classrooms — and constitutional law experts are sounding the alarm. 

Republican Gov. Jeff Landry signed the legislation, HB-71, into law Wednesdayrequiring all public schools, from kindergartens to state-funded universities, to display a poster — no smaller than 11 by 14 inches — of the Decalogue, using language and an arrangement hand-picked by the legislature, in "large, easily readable font" in each classroom.

“If you want to respect the rule of law, you’ve got to start from the original law giver, which was Moses," Landry said during the bill signing Wednesday at Our Lady of Fatima Catholic School in Lafayette (just seconds after a child collapsed behind him).

The move marks the latest effort from Louisiana's GOP-controlled legislature to usher in a conservative era following two-term Democratic Gov. John Bel Edwards' departure in January, according to CBS News. 

But the bill is "transparently unconstitutional under existing precedent" and "clearly" tied to the "Republican 2025 platform and the effort to turn the United States into a Christian nationalist state," argued Catherine Ross, a constitutional law professor specializing in the First Amendment at George Washington University. 

"Legislators and other politicians often ignore clear rulings that what they are doing violates the Constitution," Ross told Salon. "They do so in order to posture, gain political points, and challenge the court to overturn their actions."

Proponents of the new law argued that the provision has historical significance, with the text itself even declaring that the Ten Commandments are "foundational documents of our state and national government."

“The purpose is not solely religious,” Republican state Sen. Jay Morris said earlier this year, according to Nola.com. Instead, the purpose lies in the Ten Commandments' "historical significance, which is simply one of many documents that display the history of our country and foundation of our legal system," he argued.

Republican state Rep. Dodie Horton the bill's author, also previously defended the legislation, arguing at a House debate in April that the Ten Commandments form the "basis of all laws in Louisiana" and the legislation honors the nation's religious beginnings, according to the outlet.

“I’m not concerned with an atheist. I’m not concerned with a Muslim,” she responded to a question about teachers who may not adhere to the Ten Commandments. “I’m concerned with our children looking and seeing what God’s law is.”

But precedents about religious symbols and holiday declarations provide clear guidance that rebuts the defense of the law, Ross said. "Posting the Ten Commandments as part of a historical or cross cultural display of, for example, various moral codes, would pass muster. When displayed on its own, it communicates this is the official doctrine."

The posters mandated in the new Louisiana law will feature a four-paragraph "context statement" describing how the Ten Commandments "were a prominent part of American public education for almost three centuries" and must be hung in classrooms by the beginning of 2025. The state will not provide funding for the posters and instead expects donations to foot the bill for the signs.

The law also "authorizes" but does not mandate the display of other texts, including the Declaration of Independence; The Mayflower Compact, a document often dubbed America's "First Constitution" signed by religious pilgrims aboard the Mayflower in 1620; and the Northwest Ordinance, which established a government in the then-Northwest Territory and established a path for states admission into the Union.

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Caprice Roberts, a professor of constitutional law at Louisiana State University, told Salon that the law is "troubling" because requiring every classroom to post the Ten Commandments raises the potential of having "coerced captive audiences of young children" and students who will have to see them.

"The argument, certainly by the ACLU and other groups who I'm sure are already launching litigation challenges, will be that that's flatly in violation of the U.S. Constitution, the First Amendment, separation of church and state," she predicted, noting that those arguments would hinge on legal precedent like Stone v. Graham.  

The Supreme Court in the 1980 Stone v. Graham decision deemed a similar Kentucky law regarding the Decalogue unconstitutional and a violation of the Constitution's establishment clause, which bars Congress from making any law "respecting an establishment of religion" or prohibiting the free expression. The 1943 case of West Virginia State Board of Education v. Barnette, which pertained to the Pledge of Allegiance, also serves as "solid precedent," Roberts said, noting the new Louisiana measure "clearly concerns the first part" of the establishment clause, "but it also could affect the second." 

"In terms of the establishment and keeping that strict wall between church and state, we have very strong precedent in that area," she said. "But there's been some wonder as to whether the Supreme Court may be moving a bit in terms of the traditional tests [for evaluating establishment clause cases] that existed under the Lemon case, which has now been basically abandoned with Justice [Neil] Gorsuch in the Bremerton case." 

The 2022 Supreme Court Kennedy v. Bremerton School District ruling, which revolved around the district firing a public high school football coach for kneeling in personal prayer after games, ruled that the First Amendment protected an individual from government discipline for engaging in personal religious expression. While the case could have been interpreted as a separation of church and state or establishment clause case, Roberts said, the court's majority opinion, authored by Gorsuch, viewed it, instead, through the lens of an individual's right to free exercise and expression. 

"Some have said that's the beginning of the unraveling of Church and State as a precedent that respects the separation between states," she continued, noting that others argue the Bremerton decision also didn't fully endorse mandated recitation of prayer or religious displays in public schools either. But, Roberts said, the Bremerton ruling did demonstrate the court's interest in assessing establishment clause cases via "history and tradition" and "that being a part of the jurisprudence of the court now." 


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Other states like Texas, Oklahoma and Utah have seen similar proposals seeking to require the display of the Ten Commandments in classrooms, but those floundered due to threats of legal battles of such measures' constitutionality. 

Landry, on the other hand, made clear before signing the bill that he expected — and welcomed — pushback from HB-71 opponents, telling the audience at the Tennessee Republican Statesmen's Dinner over the weekend that he "can't wait to be sued."

The American Civil Liberties Union, in conjunction with Americans United for Separation Church and State, and the Freedom from Religion Foundation, declared their intention to file a lawsuit challenging the new law in a joint statement Wednesday. 

“The law violates the separation of church and state and is blatantly unconstitutional,” the groups said in a joint statement Wednesday. “The First Amendment promises that we all get to decide for ourselves what religious beliefs, if any, to hold and practice, without pressure from the government. Politicians have no business imposing their preferred religious doctrine on students and families in public schools.”

Roberts said she expects to see the challengers request an injunction to block the law from going into affect immediately — a move Ross noted isn't always immediately effective such as in the history of school integration after Brown v. the Board of Education. 

If a case against the Louisiana law, such as the anticipated complaint from the ACLU that is poised to eventually land before the justices, reaches the Supreme Court, the court is expected to defer to a history and tradition test to analyze whether HB-71 violates the establishment clause, Roberts said.

The justices may then find that the Ten Commandments were posted in public schools throughout the 19th century and well into the 20th, which was before contemporary establishment clause jurisprudence, Ross said.

Such an outcome, she added, offers another potential reason Louisiana Republicans pushed the legislation: "the hope that the current Supreme Court – which takes a very accommodating view of the intrusion of Christianity into public spaces – may take posting of the Ten Commandments as an opportunity to further undermine the separation of church and state."

But because the Supreme Court has previously decided in favor of related cases — like Bremerton and Masterpiece Cakeshop v. Colorado Civil RIghts Commission — with attention to the complaints of individuals and their individual rights to free expression, a suit challenging the new law coming from an individual within Louisiana's public school system using the same legal basis is also something to watch for, Roberts said.

"We really stand at a constitutional crossroads," she added. "One would hope that there will be protection and this fundamental right will remain, the separation of church and state and the establishment clause itself."

Trump’s dark money gets darker: How campaign finance loopholes help his criminal cases

Presidential races spent $2.4 billion in 2000. By 2020 that number had risen to $6.5 billion.

Not counting the fundraising from candidate-affiliated PACs or joint-fundraising committees, Ballotpedia informs us that through May 2024 Joe Biden raised nearly $190,000,000 and Donald Trump a little over $120,000,000. According to Open Secrets, including the other sources of Biden fundraising, that total comes to $306,014,008. As for Trump, Open Secrets reports that his total comes to $243,952,385. By the time of the fall presidential election these numbers will in all likelihood exceed several billion dollars each.

More generally, political spending on federal elections has ballooned since 2000, whencongressional races spent a combined $2.9 billion. By 2020 that number had risen to $9.9 billion. Federal and state spending on the 2022 midterms were the most expensive in history, topping $16.7 billion to break the previous record of $13.7 billion. ASince the Supreme Court decided Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission in 2010 total super PAC spending has precipitously risen Barred from formally coordinating with candidates, and fueled by dark money donations from deep-pocketed contributors, these PACs informally act as surrogates.

Before Citizens, super PACs spent $63 million to influence federal elections in 2010. Afterwards, the number rose as follows: $345 million in 2014, $822 million in 2018, and $1.3 billion in 2022. 

As Paul Waldman, columnist for The American Prospect, has written globally about campaign finance systems:

Everyone must weigh two competing considerations. The first

         is the desire for elections that retain a reasonable amount of

         integrity, and are conducted in a manner that is, for lack of a

         better term, civilized. And the second is the principle of free

         speech, that a candidate for office should be able to say what he

         wants, as often as he wants, and spend as much as he wants doing

         it, even at the risk of corruption. In most other countries, they’ve 

         decided that the first consideration is more important. In the U.S.,

         [a Supreme Court conservative majority] decided that the second 

            consideration is the one that matters.

Nearly two-thirds of the donations to U.S. Senate candidates in the 2022 midterms came from out of state contributors, reflecting an intense political tribalism in which the control of Congress has usurped the priority of local issues. A Bloomberg News analysis of the Federal Election Committee showed that “Senate candidates got 64.8% of their donations from givers outside their home states from January 2021 through Sept. 30, 2022, up from 53.6% over the same period in the run-up to the 2018 midterms.” During the same period the House campaigns “saw outside money increase to 43.5% of their hauls, up from 36.8%.”

According to Waldman, the “100 largest donors” in the United States “collectively spent 60 percent more than every small donor” defined by those who gave $200 or less combined. Before Citizens, “small donors collectively outspent the 100 largest donors by a margin of more than three to one during the 2010 midterms.” By the 2022 federal midterms, billionaires had provided 15 percent of the funding.

Big money not only talks on television, where it facilitates falsehoods and misrepresentations, but it has also involved billion-dollar advertisement campaign efforts embracing highly targeted audiences and a nearly rule-free digital world employing “grainy black and white” portrayals of candidates with “edgy horror movie soundtracks.” When it came to telling truths, falsehoods, and disinformation during the 2022 midterm elections with respect to the issues of defunding the police and abortion, for example, both parties often omitted opposing candidates’ stated positions.

Republicans have used “a variety of dishonest tactics to create the inaccurate impression that the Democratic candidates they are targeting support defunding police.” This type of deception was made easier by the different meanings given to “defund the police.” Democrats are more about half-truths and distortions that have been misleading. “Many of the Democratic ads accurately describe their Republican targets’ strict anti-abortion positions. But some others employ slippery phrasing and the power of insinuation to promote the impression that certain Republican candidates have taken more aggressive anti-abortion stands than these candidates have.”

Possible Political Reforms Should Trump Lose

If we are to ever have unfettered free and fair elections not dependent primarily on money, money, and more money, then there are several constitutional and legislative reforms that are called for. These reforms include but are not limited to abolishing the Electoral College, amending the constitutional amendment process, expanding the number and establishing term limits for Supreme Court justices, and rejecting the decision of the 2010 Citizens United..

At the same time, we will need to pass federal and state laws to prohibit all private and corporate-funded elections and adopt some type of mandatory system of publicly-funded elections. 

By law these elections should last no longer than 90 days; Thirty to secure a party’s nomination and 60 for the general election. Around the democratic world, elections typically last between two weeks and five months. Unlike in the U.S. where they typically last between 12 and 18 months or longer as when Trump announced his 2024 candidacy in November of 2022.

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Back then, the now-convicted criminal, announced earlier than any other candidate in history to stave off his forthcoming criminal indictments for election interference in 2016 and again in 2020. 

While that ploy failed, Trump has still been able to flip the narrative or invert reality. By falsely claiming that his indictments were all about the “deep state” or Joe Biden’s weaponization of justice to interfere with his running for president in 2024. These lies about our democratic institutions and the rule of law combined with campaign disinformation are at the heart of Trump’s third bid for the presidency. 

However, the day after Trump was criminally convicted on 34 felony counts by a jury of his peers for election interference in 2016, an ABC/IPSOS poll found that among voters who stated that they disliked both of the candidates, 67% said that Trump should withdraw his candidacy. 

Offsetting this good news is the bad news that post-conviction plutocrats are rallying behind Trump. This even smaller demographic cohort has an outsize role to play in the election outcomes. 

Most people refer to plutocrats as the super-rich or in this case as ultra-wealthy Republican donors like Shaun Maguire from Silicon Valley’s Sequoia Capital, Las Vegas casino owner Miriam Adelson, Pershing Square Capital Management hedge fund manager Bill Ackman, fracking pioneer and founder of Continental Resources Harold Hamm, and Blackstone Group CEO Steve Schwarzman.

Fortunately, Trump’s meeting with CEOs from the Business Roundtable last Thursday was a big bust. His disjointed and non-linear conversation promising tax cuts for the wealthy and corporations, more tariffs, and de-regulation was not well received. Nor was his disregard for bringing back more inflation based on these reckless policies in the context of a humming U.S. economy with a massive gross federal debt of $34 trillion.

Not forgetting that Trump’s previous tax cuts for the wealthy added an additional two trillion dollars to that deficit. The largest debt increase of any U.S. president in history.

These are among the reasons that  MSNBC opinion writer and editor Zeeshan Aleem has argued that the best way to keep the convicted felon from the Oval Office this coming January is for the Democrats to craft a better message, out-fundraise, out-organize, and out-mobilize the Republicans. Importantly, the Democrats' message needs to speak to the American people about “kitchen table” issues and to remind them how Biden has delivered and how he has a plan to continue with this agenda if re-elected. They also need to remind the American people not only about how the wannabe dictator under-delivered on his promises as president, but also how he has no plans whatsoever to do anything about improving the lives of ordinary people should he regain control of the White House. 

Last but not least of all, the reactionary nature of the Supreme Court majority buttressed by Trump’s three appointments who have been busy reverting backward and stripping individual rights from the American people should be underscored. As in both the 2023 striking down of the 2003 affirmative race-conscious college admissions programs and the overturning of women’s right to an abortion and reproductive freedom after nearly 50 years.

Should the insurrectionist be returned to the Oval Office in 2025, while the plutocrats are – and the CEOs from the Business Roundtable are probably not  – all in with Trump’s desire to establish an “imperial presidency” as well as his commitment to do many things that would be costly to our economy and destructive to our democratic society. 

These were summarized from Trump’s spring interviews with Time magazine, If He Wins, published April 30th in a Raw Story commentary by the editor of The Editorial Board, John Stoehr:

·  “build migrant detention camps and deploy the US military, both at the border and inland.”

·  “let red states monitor women’s pregnancies and prosecute those who violate abortion bans.”

·  “withhold funds appropriated by Congress.”

·  “fire a US Attorney who doesn’t carry out his order to prosecute someone.”

·  “[give] pardons for every one of his supporters accused of attacking the U.S. Capitol on Jan.    6, 2021, more than 800 of whom have pleaded guilty or been convicted by a jury."

·  “might not come to the aid of an attacked ally in Europe or Asia if he felt that country wasn’t paying enough for its own defense."

·  “gut the US civil service.”

·  “deploy the National Guard to American cities as he sees fit.”

·  “close the White House pandemic-preparedness office.”

·  “Staff his administration with acolytes who back his false assertion that the 2020 election was stolen.”

Unfortunately, overcoming the identity crises of Trump’s supporters rooted in their economic anxiety as well as in the racial and gender resentment of his voters who are primarily white, not college educated, evangelical and middle-class is exceedingly difficult. Also, because they ascribe to the false belief that the 2020 election was stolen and that Trump is a persecuted victim rather than a convicted felon. 

In a twisted way, it is like Trump represents the “red badge of courage” to his followers. Or as Salon’s Amanda Marcotte writes, “This is not really about convincing anyone” that Trump or his villainous allies “are innocent.” Rather, “it’s about celebrating their criminality” for being righteous outlaws or patriotic revolutionaries. 

Basically, we’re talking about justifying criminal means for obtaining political ends by using and abusing governmental power and by exploiting those allegedly forsaken “real” Americans. As a consequence, the Trumpian mindset makes it even harder to persuade Trumpists with factual realities as contrasted with fictional irrealities or distorted varieties of truth-telling. Nothing exemplifies this more than the mythical battle between the fictional Biden “crime family” versus Trump’s nonfictional criminal organization. To be more explicit, we are actually talking about a criminal enterprise and gangster politicians using as little violence and as much intimidation as necessary to accomplish their objectives.

For example, one month after the premiere of “The Apprentice,” a film about Trump in the 1980s, was well-received at the Cannes Film Festival, it is still seeking a distributor in the United States even though globally it is being viewed by audiences in Canada, Japan, Germany, France, and so on. This is because the Trump troops have been calling the film “pure fiction” and have been threatening to “file a lawsuit against any major studio or streaming service “to address the blatantly false assertions from these pretend filmmakers.”

As Michelle Goldberg has written in The New York Times, “the possibility that American audiences won’t be able to see” the film “isn’t just frustrating,” it also “suggests that Trump and his supporters have already intimidated some media companies, which seem to be pre-emptively capitulating to him.” This is just a preview of the kind of censorship that might come under a Trump regime.

Similarly, the National Review, without referring to any criminal behavior, has discussed those realities about how totally “unfit Trump is for office.” For example, Trump has been suffering from dementia according to numerous psychiatrists including Dr. Lance Dodes, a supervising analyst emeritus of the Boston Psychoanalytic Society and Institute and retired Harvard Medical School professor.  

 Sadly, for the most part, the mainstream media as well as Fox and Sinclair led by the Wall Street Journal have also been giving the former president a free pass on these issues as they prefer to dwell instead on the old age of a highly competent – whether you agree or not with his policies – President Biden.   

Boss Trump and his Criminal Enterprise Campaigning Against the Rule of Law

Trump’s pre-sentencing interview on June 10th with the New York probation department occurred “virtually from Mar-a-Lago, instead of in-person at the courthouse,” where he was accompanied by his defense attorney. It only lasted 30 minutes when it could have lasted a few hours. These highly irregular practices once again reflect the privileged treatment that Trump has received throughout his lifetime of lawlessness and unaccountability. And even now after becoming a convicted felon facing three other criminal indictments, he’s still being treated like a person who is above the law. Last Thursday, Trump came to the Capitol for the first time since January 6 to meet with Republican congresspeople who all bent the knee and kissed the ring or cheek of the Insurrectionist-in-chief.

All of this has been made worse because of our inadequate and flawed campaign laws. These have allowed Boss Trump’s fundraising to spend an estimated $100 million on his legal defenses. Otherwise, Trump may have had to drop out of the presidential race, admit to his ubiquitous lawlessness, cut several sentencing deals and plead guilty to many, if not, all of his criminal charges.

Instead, running for the 2024 presidency while delaying his criminal trials from coming to fruition before the fall election – with the duplicity of the Supreme Court and others like federal judge Aileen Cannon – has already trumped any kind of bargain-justice he would have received as a way of keeping his derriere out of prison. 

And if elected in 2024, not only would the first Criminal-in-Chief be able to skate on his remaining 44 federal felony counts, but there is also a good chance that the 47th president would find a way to escape accountability for his remaining 10 felony RICO counts, including that of criminal conspiracy to interfere with the Georgia presidential election in 2020. 

The current campaign laws and their lack of enforcement have also enabled the former president to expand the operation of the Trump Organization and its various criminal enterprises that now include the former Republican Party and the corrupt majority of the Supreme Court who are both eagerly obstructing and weaponizing justice on behalf of Trump’s organized criminality.

If this were not enough, the Trump team has also found a way to circumvent federal campaign laws. According to Marc Caputo writing for The Bulwark, Trump is outsourcing his ground game. The campaign will spend at least $100 million on it and will pay at least 3,000 canvassers to get out the vote. This will all “be financed with unlimited corporate dollars and untraceable dark money from political nonprofits that are otherwise off-limits to a federal campaign.”

Presently, the wannabe dictator and presumptive GOP nominee is running his third campaign for the nation’s most powerful office on a combination of imaginary stolen elections and “rigged” criminal indictments, judicial prosecutions, and jury convictions. Not to mention his tangible promises of vengeance and retribution against anyone or any entity that opposes him.

In a nutshell, the 2024 Trump campaign can be reduced to little more than the politics of revenge where “Republican elected officials, reactionary intellectuals, and rightwing activists demand retaliation – against the system, the Libs, the Left” and “the array of ‘Un-American’ forces they define as the enemy within.” All of which reflects the extent to which Trump has already normalized autocracy and subjugated the Republican Party to ritualistic control and humiliation.

What We Could Have for the Better, Keeping What We Already Have, or What We Could Have for the Worst 

Most, if not all, of the proposed legal changes mentioned so far in this essay seem like “pipe dreams” not because they are unreasonable or impractical but simply because they threaten the interests of powerful politicians on both sides of the political aisle. 

As Matt Lewis has explained in Filthy Rich Politicians, Americans could achieve political accountability from their elected leaders by way of common sense reforms. Unfortunately, many of the “ruling-class elites'' from both parties “have a vested interest in rejecting” these reforms because as the richer candidates get re-elected the richer they become and the longer they stay in office. 

And the longer they stay in the office the more powerful they become. One way to prevent this vicious cycle from recurring would be to establish congressional term limits in both the House and the Senate.

As I’ve argued in much greater depth in my second Trump book published two months ago,in combination these proposed legal changes and reforms would enable a new and improved multiculturally inclusive constitutional democracy directly representative of the majority of the American people.

Should Biden be re-elected this fall and without these necessary changes, then we will remain a hyperpartisan and polarized liberal democracy characterized by the old tyranny of a minority that most recently has been lawfully captured by a corrupt oligarchy courteous of Citizens United. On the other hand, should the former president and convicted felon armed with his puffed up criminal enterprise be returned to the White House, then we can expect efforts to establish a tyranny of an illiberal democracy at best or a tyranny of an authoritarian autocracy at worst. Either way, we are talking about the possibility of the United States becoming a criminal state not unlike Russia or Hungary notwithstanding America’s very large and robust political economy of capitalism.

“The Day After Tomorrow” is one of the only true climate change films. Why do scientists hate it?

Like many successful screenwriters and directors, Jeffrey Nachmanoff resides in Southern California. As a result, Nachmanoff has lived through much of the extreme weather caused by climate change: record-breaking wildfires, surreal red skies, suffocating smoke and deadly heat waves.

"Interestingly, a movie like 'The Day After Tomorrow' would probably not be greenlit today."

"It's not an exaggeration to say that it feels apocalyptic," Nachmanoff said about life in the Golden State. It also reminds him of his most commercially successful movie, "The Day After Tomorrow," a 2004 sci-fi disaster flick directed by Roland Emmerich and co-written by both the director and Nachmanoff.

"The Day After Tomorrow" is seemingly the only official box office blockbuster ever made that unambiguously features climate change as its overt "antagonist." And audiences flocked to see it, powering it to a gross of more than $552 million (in excess of $917 million in 2024). But while Emmerich's brand is indelibly associated with disaster flicks in which the world is all but demolished — think "Independence Day" or "2012" — "The Day After Tomorrow" is unique for making climate change the central focus of its plot.

Most often, when climate change appears in major motion pictures, it is as either mere background noise and set dressing or through elaborate metaphor, with "Waterworld" (1995) and "Don't Look Up" (2021) being prominent examples of the former and latter. Even though a climate-oriented version of the "Bechdel test" was recently created to rank films on their eco-awareness, it too does not focus on having movies use climate change as their explicit villain.

Given the existential risks of global heating, one might think a rare film depicting this crisis directly would be widely beloved by scientists, who could uphold it as a cultural touchstone that illustrates how chaotic and dangerous our planet is becoming. Indeed, because it turned a large profit, these same people can use sound financial arguments when clamoring for more movies to be made that follow in the example of "The Day After Tomorrow."

Instead, as Salon learned when speaking to experts, the opposite is true: "The Day After Tomorrow" is viewed by many scientists not as a triumph, but as a failure that perpetuates misinformation.

The problem isn't with the plot. "The Day After Tomorrow" raises awareness about the scientifically verified problem of climate change and correctly establishes that it threatens the future of our planet. Even better, its heroes (Dennis Quaid, Jay O. Sanders, Dash Mihok and Tamlyn Tomita) are all unapologetically nerdy scientists whose plight is to convince America's climate change denier vice president (Kenneth Welsh, an obvious nod to real-life Vice President Dick Cheney) that global collapse is coming.

Specifically, an Atlantic Ocean current system known as AMOC (the Atlantic Meridional Overturning Circulation) is going to fall apart, triggering a new ice age. As the planet in our world continues to break temperature records for heat, the movie's focus on extreme cold stands out as a fittingly ironic juxtaposition with the reality of humanity's global heating-linked tribulations. So where did the film go so wrong that it gives scientists such mixed feelings?

"In some ways, it trivializes concern about the climate crisis because it presents such a caricature of the science," Dr. Michael E. Mann, a climatologist at the University of Pennsylvania, told Salon last year. Although he praised the movie for details like depicting the real-life collapse of Antarctica's Larsen B ice shelf in 2002, Mann also said the film "gets a lot wrong."

"The animation of the 'ocean conveyor' that Dennis Quaid shows to the rapt audience at the international climate conference is actually going in the wrong direction," Mann said. "A collapse of the conveyor wouldn't cause another ice age, it would just slow the warming in some regions surrounding the North Atlantic. And it would play out over decades, not days. You don't drill an ice core on the ice shelf as he and his crew were doing in the opening scenes, but inland where you get a much longer record back in time. And an ice core record is just a series of measurements. There's no physics in it. So you couldn't use it to build a 'forecasting model' as he does in the film."

Some climate scientists are even harsher than Mann. When asked if the film could be considered a work of art, Dr. Kevin E. Trenberth, a distinguished scholar at the National Center for Atmospheric Research, replied "You are kidding?"

"I don't recall a lot except that the whole science was incredibly wrong," Trenberth went on, criticizing the movie's central premise of a rapid ice age by noting that "one does not get an ice age out of global warming."

Scientists in 2004 had similar criticisms of the movie: Climatologist Patrick Michaels told NBC News at the time that “this movie exaggerates the basic scenario" and argued "while I love the special effects of the movie, it does a disservice to public policy, like Jane Fonda did in 'The China Syndrome.' We have never made another nuclear power plant due to that movie.” Eight years later, British Antarctic Survey ocean modeller Dr Kaitlin Naughten summed up the criticism by writing that "the list of serious scientific errors in 'The Day After Tomorrow' is unacceptably long. The film depicts a sudden shutdown of thermohaline circulation due to global warming, an event that climate scientists say is extremely unlikely, and greatly exaggerates both the severity and the rate of the resulting cooling."

When it comes to the scientific inaccuracies, both screenwriters Emmerich and Nachmanoff told Salon that "The Day After Tomorrow"'s primary goal is to entertain audiences. This means that, when they decided how to represent extreme weather in their plot, their priority was doing so within the structure of a compelling and engaging three-act story. One cannot easily do this while strictly adhering to the facts, and as such Nachmanoff did not dispute the inaccuracies noted by scientists like Mann and Trenberth.

"Those are all correct, and I'm well aware of all of them," Nachmanoff said with a laugh. He added that the only inaccuracy he was not aware of prior to turning in the screenplay was that the animators had reversed the arrows of the thermohaline circulation. "It is a great little Easter egg, by the way, for climate nerds to see that in the movie," he said. "I love that it's reversed. Sometimes when I'll do a talk about the movie, I'll point it out and ask to see if any of my sharp students can identify, 'What is wrong with this picture?'"

The other inaccuracies exist out of dramatic necessity. "We were well aware that a movie that took place over five decades to show a climate shift over that timeframe would not really work," Nachmanoff said. "We absolutely knew we were taking certain liberties with the science, but it was all in the service of kind of showing the overall point, which is that the climate is fragile, that anthropogenic forces can disrupt it." Emmerich confirmed Nachmanoff's recollection.

"Climate change is a relatively slow-moving process, so in order to move the plot forward, certain things were expedited to tell the story and amplify the threat," Emmerich said. "The message of the film is important here and I wanted to reach as wide an audience as possible to have an impact — and a blockbuster achieves that."

From Emmerich's perspective, to succeed the movie needed to both engage audiences and prompt them to think more critically about environmental issues.


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"I was lucky enough to be invited along with Roland to the international premier in Mexico City… I just remember this huge cheer going up at one moment, and we both knew that was the moment in the movie that the audience was watching."

"The intention behind 'The Day After Tomorrow' was to spark a discussion on environmental issues and climate change, so that audiences would reflect and take action," Emmerich said. "Big blockbusters reach a lot of people, making pop culture a powerful tool in shaping and influencing public opinion in an effort to provoke a reaction on pressing global matters."

In fact, one could argue that the sheer potency of cinema as a medium of persuasion makes producers gun shy about making blatantly pro-climate activist motion pictures, perhaps explaining the dearth of subsequent movies as boldly plotted as "The Day After Tomorrow." Emmerich himself alluded to this possibility.

"Interestingly, a movie like 'The Day After Tomorrow' would probably not be greenlit today," he said. "As far as the film's legacy is concerned, it was ahead of its time and now is perceived as prophetic. There should be more movies and TV shows on climate change, so we need more stories tackling this urgent and important concern. Every bit helps to show people that this is going to happen. Art can wake up people, especially whenever it is an end-of-the-world scenario about life and death, where the stakes are really high, so it intensifies and heightens everything. You have to frighten people to usher in change. This is what the film aims to accomplish."

"The Day After Tomorrow" makes no attempt to hide its political leanings. Take Nachmanoff's favorite scene, which shows Americans trying to illegally cross the border into Mexico to escape the climate change-caused superstorm.

"It's a great scene, especially today when you still have all this conflict over immigration," Nachmanoff said. "I will never forget, I was lucky enough to be invited along with Roland to the international premier in Mexico City, and he and I were outside the theater. I just remember this huge cheer going up at one moment, and we both knew that was the moment in the movie that the audience was watching."

Nachmanoff added with a laugh, "We both got a big smile on our faces."

Of course, given the unpredictability of climate change-induced extreme weather, it is entirely conceivable that the joke will one day be on residents of the United States. Emmerich evoked this possibility when recalling that controversial movie moment.

"That was a very polarizing scene," Emmerich said, noting that liberals loved it but conservatives did not. He warned that climate change could result in "a massive exodus of uninhabitable areas. In that case, I think that refugees should be taken in, allowing them to have a better life, guaranteeing their survival."

When I suggested that, for all of its scientific liberties, the most inaccurate part of "The Day After Tomorrow" is that it shows Republicans apologizing for being wrong about climate change, Nachmanoff laughed and agreed. Ironically, though, the Cheney stand-in was intentionally developed to depict the conservatives of that time when they were at their most ignorant.

"I literally paraphrased something that I'd read that Dick Cheney said in the paper and put it in the mouth of the character when he says it's too expensive to implement the climate agreement," Nachmanoff said. "Then I gave Dennis Quaid's character the appropriate response, which was that the cost of doing nothing is even higher."

According to Emmerich, the reactionary attitudes of Republicans like Cheney impedes humanity's ability to protect itself through the drastic measures necessary.

"Many are still in denial about climate change, which is a problem," Emmerich said. "Nobody is really doing anything radical because nobody can do anything radical. This shows you how the whole of politics is basically in the hands of and controlled by oil companies and coal lobbyists. Also, business is a determining factor in a for profit-driven economy, where fiscal results currently outweigh the need for actions."

The director, who is currently in post-production on "Those About To Die," his ancient Rome miniseries, also said that Hollywood productions like those he helms must practice what they preach in terms of environmental sustainability.

"There are already initiatives in place for sustainable productions and reducing carbon emissions," Emmerich said. "Raising awareness is key and every effort helps, such as saving on paper, meaning not printing the script, but having it digitally available as opposed to physically."

Making Hollywood more sustainable is one thing, but empowering producers to create a movie that directly confronts climate change is quite another. When discussing why most climate change-themed films use an indirect approach — whether by stuffing the concept into the background or only addressing it metaphorically — Nachmanoff recalled that the Fox producers who agreed to finance "The Day After Tomorrow" did not want the words "global warming" used when promoting it.

"We went in for the very first marketing meeting after we had sold the script," Nachmanoff said. "And the producer, Mark Gordon, director Emmerich and I were at a big table, and we met with the entire Fox marketing team, which felt like it was a hundred people at a big long table. And one of the people at the table, I can't remember which one was in charge of marketing, said, 'Just to be clear, as per Fox's policy, we will not be using the words 'global warming' when we market this film.' I almost spit my water out!"

While Fox's decision was likely motivated by a combination of kowtowing to conservative Fox CEO Rupert Murdoch and a desire to avoid turning off audiences with a "boring" science-heavy message, Nachmanoff speculates that their cautious strategy may have ultimately worked out for the best, at least in terms of the movie's ability to reach a large audience.

"I would say we were lucky, because the movie was not marketed as an issue movie or a political movie in any way," Nachmanoff said. "It was marketed as a fun action movie, just a big, dumb spectacle adventure. As a result, it was seen by people of all political stripes" and could more effectively spread awareness.

The evidence suggests it worked. Because "The Day After Tomorrow" was a box office hit, it had a quantifiable and provable influence on public opinions. In his 2007 book "Hollywood Science," Emory University Physics Professor Sidney Perkowitz pointed out that a survey by environmental science and policy expert Anthony Leiserowitz found the movie "had a 'significant impact' on climate change risk perceptions, conceptual models, behavioral intentions, policy priorities." Seen by roughly 21 million Americans in theaters, "the film led moviegoers to have higher levels of concern and worry about global warming [and] encouraged watchers to engage in personal, political, and social action to address climate change and to elevate global warming as a national priority … The movie even appears to have influenced voter preferences."

While it may seem absurd to claim that a movie can strike such a deep chord with people, there are many films which have moved viewers so deeply that their lives were forever changed. "Top Gun" (1986) is linked to a boost in military recruiting; "Wall Street" (1987) seemingly inspired a generation of stockbrokers; "Jurassic Park" (1993) motivated many fans to pursue careers in paleontology; and "Legally Blonde" (2001) influenced countless women to become lawyers.

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In my case, "The Day After Tomorrow" is the movie that changed my life; I am living proof of the truth behind Leiserowitz's research. I still remember walking out of my Pennsylvania suburban theater in May 2004 and telling my Dad that I needed to learn about climate change, and fast; I took it as a given that if I ever fulfilled my dream of being a professional writer, I would use my career to raise awareness about the planetary crisis. Like a stockbroker who quotes Gordon Gekko or a lawyer that tries to live up to the ideals of Elle Woods, I am a climate change journalist today because of the "The Day After Tomorrow."

This calls to mind my own favorite moment from "The Day After Tomorrow." It's actually a pair of scenes, both centering on actors Tom Noonan and Amy Sloane as patrons at the New York Public Library. With books being burned so people can stay warm and the prospect of civilization's extinction right around the corner, the two nerds quibble about whether to preserve important works like the oeuvre of philosopher Frederich Nietzsche and the first book ever printed in the West, The Gutenberg Bible. Emmerich has addressed questions of artistic immortality in other films, including "2012" and "Anonymous," which questions William Shakespeare's authorship, so it was familiar territory to him.

"It came out of a brainstorming session," Nachmanoff said. "We said, 'We're in the library. What do you burn?' It's a great sort of little metaphor. Like any artist or filmmaker or musician, you naturally gravitate towards the things that influenced you. I can't speak for Roland, but he's a very, very well-read European-raised filmmaker who probably has an affinity for German literature and language. I grew up actually, believe it or not, in England, and I have a strong affinity for the words of Shakespeare. So the idea of preserving Shakespeare would certainly be high on my list."

Personally, as I argued in my 2023 retrospective on "The Day After Tomorrow," a strong case can be made that this film warrants preservation. Not only has it inspired people like me in their careers, but it stands in remarkable solitude as the sole evidence of a supposedly liberal industry actually taking a boldly liberal stand on the single greatest existential crisis of the 21st Century. Certainly it calls to mind Emmerich's answer to Salon's question about what works ought to be preserved in the event that humanity cannot control its excesses and ultimately is set back millennia by climate change.

"Any work that is meaningful, as it is part of our history and cultural heritage as a species," Emmerich said.

“Marjorie is a little slow”: Jasmine Crockett tells Jimmy Kimmel origin of iconic “butch body” slam

During a segment of "Jimmy Kimmel Live" on Thursday, Rep. Jasmine Crockett explained how her brutal roast of Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene came to be and, yes, she's still laughing about it. 

The Texas representative is a rising star in the Democratic party, but one particular moment pushed her into virality, her jab at the “bleach blonde, bad-built, butch body” Marjorie Taylor Greene on the House floor.

The now-iconic dig at the Georgia congresswoman came about during a tense verbal spat between Greene and Democratic lawmakers on the House Oversight Committee, when Greene hurled a vitriolic insult toward Crockett.

“I think your fake eyelashes are messing up what you’re reading," Greene said before Crockett retorted with the infamous one-liner, which she spun off into a merch collection a few days later.

Kimmel asked her what led up to the exchange, to which Crockett answered with another dig on her across-the-aisle colleague.

“It’s just that Marjorie is a little slow,” Crockett said. “What most people don’t know is that on this particular day, we were supposed to have our hearing at 11 a.m . . . instead, it wasn’t until, like 8 p.m.”

Crockett was referring to a hearing on a motion to hold Attorney General Merrick Garland that was postponed so Greene and her MAGA-aligned friends could stump at Donald Trump’s criminal trial. 

“So we had to wait for them to come back!” Crockett said. “We’re supposed to be talking about AG Merrick Garland, and she starts talking about Judge Merchan. So now I’m upset because it’s already late at night, I’ve been here all day, ready to work, y’all aren’t here, and she’s still talking about that failed trial. So I had to ask her if she understood, because she’s not the brightest.”

Crockett admitted that though Greene started the insult exchange, she had to shoot back after Oversight Chair James Comer kept Greene on the floor. Crockett told Kimmel she’s still not a fan of the conspiracy theorist congresswoman, telling the host that she’d be “hard-pressed to find someone dumber” in their chamber.

Watch the segment here:

Nevada judge tosses 2020 “fake electors” case

Nevada judge Mary Kay Holthus threw out the state’s case against six Republicans who attempted to subvert the will of Nevada voters and elect Donald Trump by presenting themselves as fake electors in 2020.

Per the New York Times, Holthus told state prosecutors that they filed their case in the wrong venue, an assertion that Nevada Attorney General Aaron D. Ford disputed.

“We disagree with the judge’s decision and will be appealing immediately,” spokesperson John Sadler told the Times.

A Nevada grand jury indicted the six Republicans, including Nevada GOP Chairman Michael McDonald, last December for their plot to serve as fake electors, accusing them of tampering with and submitting official documents.

Nevada stands alongside at least four other states to launch proceedings against the coordinated attempts to overturn the 2020 election, including Arizona, Wisconsin, Georgia, and Michigan. A federal prosecution of Trump’s broader efforts to subvert the election, which was indefinitely paused earlier this month, includes the state-level plots.

Despite an appeal, Holthus’ actions mark another setback to the efforts to hold a 2020 campaign to subvert the election of Joe Biden to account. The actions make it unlikely that the six fake electors will stand trial ahead of the November election, allowing several of the indicted individuals, including McDonald and Clark County GOP chair Jesse Law, to maintain their positions.

Judge Holthus, who serves as a District Court judge in Clark County, holds that the incidents of forgery took place in Carson City, not Clark County, and thus the state could not prosecute the case in her court.

“We need morals back”: Lauren Boebert preaches Ten Commandments on Bannon podcast

Rep. Lauren Boebert (R-CO) defended a Louisiana law requiring the Ten Commandments be hung in the state’s classrooms, arguing to Steve Bannon that America needs morals.

“We need morals back in our nation, back in our schools. If there's anything we are going to present in front of our children, it’s going to be, it should be the word of God,” Boebert told Bannon on his “War Room” podcast. “It’s not some woke fad of the day that you can get canceled for believing in 10 years from now."

Boebert claimed children could benefit from a religious message, one which critics say violates the fundamental constitutional principle of the separation of church and state. The Colorado congresswoman highlighted the Bible’s anti-adultery message, weeks after showing up to support Donald Trump as he stood trial for payments he made to hide his affair with Stormy Daniels.

"Also listed in the Ten Commandments is 'Thou shalt not steal.' Maybe the Left and some of these politicians are having a meltdown over having that, right there, listed in our classrooms — Thou shalt not steal,” Boebert, whose son was arrested in February on property theft charges, went on to say, per Meidas Touch News.

Boebert, who purported to be a champion of the word of God, drew attention in 2023 for committing lewd acts in public during a performance of “Beetlejuice,” which got her and her date thrown out of a Denver theater.

Meanwhile, Bannon, a former advisor to Donald Trump and the chief architect of the infamous “Muslim ban,” faces an impending prison sentence for violating a Congressional subpoena issued by the January 6th select committee after a federal appeals judge denied his plea to remain free on Thursday.

Boebert faces a Tuesday primary in Colorado’s 4th congressional district, which she chose to run in after nearly losing her seat in 2022.

“Alarm bells about Obergefell”: Sotomayor pens blistering dissent on SCOTUS marriage attack

Supreme Court Justice Sonia Sotomayor used her dissent in a case that struck at non-citizen and citizen marriage rights to issue a stark warning on the future of gay marriage rights.

The 6-3 ruling penned by Trump appointee Amy Coney Barrett in Department of State v. Muñoz held that a citizen has no “fundamental liberty interest in her noncitizen spouse being admitted to the country,” denying a couple’s plea after a U.S. citizen’s husband was denied a visa.

Opening her dissent with the central holding of the landmark 2015 Obergefell v. Hodges, that “the right to marry is fundamental as a matter of history and tradition,” the justice laid into her conservative colleagues’ destruction of the right to marry for Muñoz.

“Despite the majority’s assurance two terms ago that its eradication of the right to abortion ‘does not undermine . . . in any way’ other entrenched substantive due process rights such as ‘the right to marry,’… the Court fails at the first pass,” Sotomayor wrote in the dissent, joined by liberal justices Elana Kagan and Ketanji Brown Jackson.

As legal journalist Mark Joseph Stern noted in an X post, Sotomayor delivered a “very ominous opinion.”

“Her dissent is littered with alarm bells about Obergefell,” Stern said. “I think Justice Sotomayor is clearly correct that the Supreme Court's gratuitous attack on the constitutional rights of married couples in Muñoz—especially same-sex couples—suggests that the conservative justices hate Obergefell and may roll it back.”

Sotomayor previously opened up on the reality of life on an increasingly radical court, expressing the feeling of hopelessness amid the Court’s round of controversial decisions.

“There are days that I’ve come to my office after an announcement of a case and closed my door and cried,” Sotomayor told a crowd at Harvard Law School last month, per the New York Times. “There have been those days. And there likely will be more.”

Sotomayor, 69, has had to dodge calls from progressives who say she should resign from the court ahead of the November election and allow President Joe Biden to install a younger replacement.

Biden, who said in a fundraiser last week that the next president is “likely to have two new Supreme Court nominees,” has yet to call for her to do so.

Right-wingers rage over Trump’s new “de facto amnesty” promise

Donald Trump’s newest policy endorsement — granting green cards to college grads from abroad — is drawing fierce backlash from the anti-immigrant Republicans that propelled him to the presidency.

The departure from Trump’s immigration policy as we've known it was discussed on the “All-In” podcast, where he promised to grant work authorizing papers to international graduates.

“What I will do is: you graduate from a college, I think you should get, automatically as part of your diploma, a green card to be able to stay in this country,” Trump said. “Anybody who graduates from a college, you go in there for two years or four years, if you graduate, or if you get a doctorate degree from a college, you should be able to stay in this country.”

The eagle-eyed may notice similarities between Trump’s words and Hillary Clinton’s 2016 campaign promise to “staple” green cards to diplomas, one which Trump allies bashed at the time.

Evergreen anti-immigration hard-liners slammed Trump for his departure from his typical “America First” rhetoric, which won him his 2016 nomination, then campaigning on the construction of a border wall and the end of the Obama-era DACA, which granted some rights to lifelong U.S. residents without citizenship. 

Conservative columnist Pedro Gonzalez blasted the plan as a “de facto amnesty.”

“It’s completely unacceptable,” Gonzales wrote on X, adding that the plan would “undermine employment opportunities for American college grads who took the advice to work hard and go to school.” 

“Anyone who claims to be an immigration restrictionist and doesn’t call this out is a fraud. This is a policy that Biden himself could have come up with,” Gonzales said.


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Some expressed a desire for Trump to bring white supremacist and anti-immigrant Stephen Miller back into the advisory fold, with one X user joking that he “need[s] Stephen Miller to tattoo the actual immigration policy on the back of Trump’s hand.”

Other critics noted the potential impacts on universities, like immigration restriction activist Jeremy Beck, who told the Washington Post that the plan would “turn colleges into visa mills.”

The Trump campaign made sure to roll back his apparent endorsement of the idea in part, with campaign spokesperson Karoline Leavitt outlining a screening process to weed out “communists, radical Islamists, Hamas supporters, [and] America haters.”

Trump previously promised to deport student demonstrators who expressed concern over Israel’s military actions in Gaza.

Far-right critics say the move would give immigrants jobs that U.S. citizens could use, a claim similar to one Trump himself spouted last week in Michigan while speaking in a Detroit church. 

“They’re invading your jobs,” he said of immigrants crossing the U.S.-Mexico border.

Immigration advocates may be skeptical of Trump’s claim, and they wouldn’t be alone. Far-right social media users chimed in with their own doubts on his follow-through.

“Trump is (hopefully) misleading us with the green card stuff, to deflate the issue. I can’t see him actually going through with that proposal,” an X user wrote.

The plan comes alongside the ex-president’s proposal to launch a mass deportation of more than 10 million people, while his opponent, President Joe Biden, recently announced a clearer pathway for U.S. citizenship for the spouses of citizens.

“He is just getting started”: Another Trump presidency could totally destroy reproductive freedom

Donald Trump continues to brag about almost single-handedly demolishing Roe v. Wade, the constitutional right to an abortion that was thrown out by the Supreme Court on June, 24 2022. Two years since, Trump  and his anti-abortion allies are continuing their step-by-step efforts to whittle down reproductive rights, extending their attack to in vitro fertilization (IVF), birth control pills and other vital reproductive healthcare. 

“They're not going to stop at that,” Silvina Alarcón, political director at the advocacy group Reproductive Freedom For All, told Salon. “That is just the beginning.”

In the last two years, women all across America, and especially in red states, have been stripped of the power to decide what happens to their bodies. In Alabama, the state's highest court ruled that frozen embryos were literal children, raising the prospect that couples using IVF to have a child, and the medical professionals assisting them, could face criminal penalties. In Idaho, a near-total ban on abortion provides no exceptions for the life of a mother.

Recent polling suggests as many as one in five voters blame President Joe Biden for the 2022 Dobbs decision, when three Trump appointees joined with the Supreme Court's other conservative justices and overturned Roe v. Wade. But Alarcón explained that Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris have in fact “done more to protect reproductive freedom than any other administration,” arguing that the contrast between the Biden and previous Trump administration couldn’t be “starker.”

There's also reason to hope for a better future. If Biden were to win another term, Alarcón said, and "we are able to flip the House, hold the Senate, have four more years of the White House, we are going to have a [Democratic] trifecta that is going to allow us to have a path to be able to codify Roe into law, into the Constitution."

There's also reason for alarm. If Trump wins, regardless of the color of the state — red, blue or purple — women and others who need access to reproductive care will suffer the consequences.

Trump has boasted of his role in rolling back reproductive freedom, saying that Republican-led states imposing abortion bans in the wake of the Dobbs decision has been “a beautiful thing to watch.” He also recently suggested he would favor state limits on birth control, comments he backtracked from following widespread criticism.

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Democrats, for their part, have been seeking to highlight some of the dangers of another Trump presidency, seeing these broadly unpopular policies as a vulnerability for Republicans. At a press conference Friday, Democrats from the red states of Alabama, Kansas, and Idaho shared the harsh reality of the ongoing fight for reproductive freedom in the places they call home.

“MAGA Republicans following in the footsteps of Donald Trump, who has bragged repeatedly about his role in the Supreme Court’s decision have waged war on reproductive healthcare in this nation,” Alabama state Rep. Marilyn Lands said at a press conference, describing her state as "ground zero” in “Trump’s war against women and families.”

“What starts in Alabama seems to spread rapidly to other states,” Lands said. “Our maternal outcomes are the worst in this country because we could be the last state to extend Medicaid," she added, noting that Republicans who claim to support life have denied healthcare, including prenatal care, to its poorest residents.

Kansas Democratic Party Chair Jeanna Repass spoke emphatically about the state bans that, in Republican eyes, “are working the way they should.” She drew attention to Democratic Gov. Laura Kelly and her role in blocking aggressive Republican proposals to further roll back reproductive rights in the state, including a near-total ban on abortion and drugs such as mifepristone.

Idaho Democratic Party Chair Lauren Necochea likewise noted that Republicans in her state do not even want exemptions to their abortion ban that would protect mothers. She said she has discouraged her own daughters from raising a family in Idaho, noting that women there must be "airlifted" to other states if they face life-threatening complications during pregnancy.

Democrats also know that the issue of reproductive freedom is a winner for them, politically, and an albatross for many Republican politicians, who have sought to portray themselves before a national audience as more moderate than they are in real life.

Alarcón told Salon that Democrats are right to focus on the issue for moral reasons, but it could also help keep the party in the White House and help it regain complete control of Congress in November.

"We know that eight in 10 Americans are with us, including 58% of Republicans that say that we should have legal access to abortion," she said.

“Black Barbie was different”: Six fascinating details from Shonda Rhimes’ Netflix documentary

Barbie is everything. She's everywhere. She's in a box-office billion-dollar smash hit directed by Greta Gerwig.

However, despite all her success — especially in recent years — the one question always brought up is if Barbie is regressive to feminism and to the young girls who play with her. Sometimes this question is brought up as a way to highlight the long-standing image of whiteness that Barbie has represented in the past. But "Black Barbie," Netflix's Shonda Rhimes-produced documentary directed by Lagueria Davis, answers the burning questions by taking audiences all the way back to the inception of Barbie and, most importantly, the inception of Black Barbie.

Through the creation of Black Barbie, Black women in the toy industry were able to change history, create a new generation of Barbie fans and pave the way for new, inclusive versions of Barbie that couldn't have existed in years past. These young children who never really were able to see themselves in their toys finally had something that represented their lives and conveyed that they were just as valuable and important as their white counterparts. 

Here are six of the most interesting details from the historic makings of the Black Barbie in the documentary:

1
Rep. Maxine Waters collects Black dolls
Black BarbieBlack Barbie (Netflix)
The California representative is featured in "Black Barbie" for her love of Black dolls. Waters shared her backstory in the documentary, stating that she had 12 siblings and lived in poverty. "We were poor and so we were given toys at Christmastime. We had to go some place that was designated for poor people to come and get their toys," she said. "For my sisters, I would always make sure they got a doll, and I would say 'Oh, I don't need one.'"
 
When asked if these dolls were Black, Waters responded, "There were no Black dolls. They were all white dolls."
 
Waters added, "We didn't know a lot or think a lot about it at that time. But as you get a better knowledge and understanding about yourself and people of color, I began to understand how important it was to have a Black doll and to have someone who looked like me."
 
She continued, "Collecting Black dolls became very important to us – to say that we liked them, we appreciated them, we could afford them, and we were gonna have them."
2
The Clark doll test revealed Black children's internalized racial rejection
Black BarbieBlack Barbie (Netflix)
While Black dolls existed before Black Barbie, they tended to look like caricatures of Black women, modeling stereotypical images like Aunt Jemima. These dolls weren't seen as desirable by the Black children who played with them. Black psychologists Kenneth and Mamie further proved this with the groundbreaking Clark doll test in 1940.
 
The couple did an experiment asking Black children what their dolls preferences were. "We put them on a table: two white and two brown dolls exactly the same in every respect except color. We asked the children a number of very simple questions," Kenneth said in an archival interview.
 
The questions ranged from which dolls were white and which ones were Black. Then they were asked preference questions like which dolls they liked to play with, which dolls were nice and which were bad.
 
Kenneth said, "We found that the majority of Black children at that time did in fact ascribe the positive characteristics to the white doll and the negative characteristics to the brown doll." He asked the children which doll looked like them, "Some of those children looked at me as if I were the devil himself. It was the beginning of psychologists' understanding of the terrible damage that's done to human beings by racial rejection."
3
Beulah Mae Mitchell was one of the first few Black Mattel employees
Black BarbieBlack Barbie (Netflix)
As one of the few Black employees at Mattel, Beulah Mae Mitchell is also one of the most important. Originally from the segregated South, in 1955 Mitchell got a job as a toy tester at the Mattel factory.
 
Mitchell even worked directly with Ruth and Elliot Handler, the founders of Mattel. "We worked for the original owners, and they called themselves the mom-and-pop shop. We just loved Ruth because she was such a strong woman."
 
Mitchell worked at Mattel during the birth of Ruth's creation of Barbie. Ruth and Mitchell would go on to form a close friendship. Mitchell recalled that as they worked in the factory Ruth would ask her employees for suggestions and ask questions about the dolls. Moreover, Mitchell told Ruth, "Well, we want a Black Barbie.'"
 
Ruth said, "Well, good. We'll see."
4

Kitty Black Perkins designed the first Black Barbie at Mattel

Black BarbieBlack Barbie (Netflix)
In 1976, nearly 20 years after Mitchell started at Mattel and was promoted to the corporate side of the business, Mattel hired their first Black designer, Kitty Black Perkins. Mitchell shared that Perkins was hired as a designer for Barbie's clothes. The pair were among the very few Black employees at the corporate level of Mattel.
 
Perkins said, "I answered a blind ad. I went for the interview, and I left there thinking, 'I have to have this job. I can't do anything else.'"
 
While Black Barbie didn't come out until four years after Perkins started, her position at Mattel as a Black designer for all Barbies was significant. When she would go on to create the Black Barbie, she said, "I wanted her to reflect the total look of a Black woman." The historic 1980 Black Barbie is known for her iconic afro. "I wanted her to be the complete opposite of Barbie," Perkins said.
5

Black Barbie finally gave representation to young children who craved it

Black BarbieBlack Barbie (Netflix)
Perkins had only one group of children in her mind when making the first Black Barbie.
 
"When I designed this doll there was a need for the little Black girl to really have something she could play with that looked like her," she explained.
 
Inspired by Diana Ross and the women of the '80s, the doll was made by a team of people of color who shaped the doll in the image of Black women and girls. They changed her clothes, jewelry, skin tone, the width of her nose and even the fullness of her lips. "I knew Black Barbie was different. I never realized the magnitude," Perkins said.
6

It took 21 years for Black Barbie to come to fruition

Black BarbieBlack Barbie (Netflix)
Twenty-one years after the original release of Barbie in 1959, Black Barbie was born. When the release of Black Barbie hit the streets, children and women everywhere finally had something for themselves despite how long it took.
 
University of California Los Angeles professor Patricia A. Turner said, "[Black Barbie] allowed the Black girl to be the heroine of the story. In all of the imagined play with Barbie, she's at the center of attention. She's the belle of the ball. She's who you'd want to be. I don't think in anyone's life you should want to be the belle's best friend."
 
However positive the intention of making doll was, there were some concerns. Perkins said, "We did do a focus group. Some of the comments from the moms were about the hair being short rather than long or the dress being slim rather than full. They didn't know whether this was done intentional. Mattel at the time invited a child psychologist to discuss the whole doll. It was about the same feeling the moms had had. But when the child psychologist found out the designer was Black — it all went away."
 
Even in its success, there were challenges that Perkins and others noted that had to do with its marketing and how whiteness still played a role in how popular or promoted the white Barbies were in comparison to Black Barbies.

"Black Barbie" is now available to stream on Netflix

 

Trump Media stock tumbles post-conviction amid share dilution

The former president’s media company has seen a share price crash following his May 30 felony conviction for falsifying business records to hide hush money payments, but a recent move to dilute existing shares plunged the stock even lower.

A poisonous message to existing investors in a Tuesday filing, that the SEC had green-lit the firm to create and sell more than 14 million new shares, sent the price tumbling.

The Truth Social parent company went public in March, revealing its 2023 revenue of $4.1 million and losses of $58.2 million, climbing to a peak valuation of over $66 per share that month. 

Shares were trading well over $50 in the days leading up to the verdict before 12 jurors found Trump guilty on all 34 counts of the charges stemming from his attempts to cover up an affair. Losing nearly a third of its valuation, Trump Media pushed forward on its April plan to print more shares.

Today, shares sit at just over $25, down over 25% since Tuesday morning.

The move, which diluted existing investors’ holdings in the company, enables the organization to collect, per their estimate, just under $250 million from stock sales. Trump Media plans to use that new cash to grow its holdings, it says.

“With our S-1 declared effective, we’re expecting to be well positioned to energetically pursue TV streaming, other enhancements to the platform, and potential mergers and acquisitions,” Trump Media CEO Devin Nunes wrote in an announcement.

Trump Media has been closely tied to the former president’s net worth, with the $3-6 billion stake reportedly making up over half of his wealth. As the largest individual investor in the group, he is especially sensitive to price fluctuations.

Trump Media, and Trump’s holding in it, were mired in speculation from the group’s start, holding associations with a fraudster accounting firm and bucking charges that it serves merely as a cash-funneling service for the former president’s allies.

“Top Chef” finale does a disservice to its incredibly talented and deserving winner

First off, of course: Spoilers abound, truly.

What a peculiar ending to one of my favorite "Top Chef" seasons in a while (I joked with my brother that the subtitle for the season could've been "a preponderance of aguachile"); I'd argue that the way the judges' feedback was shown and edited in this finale felt like it was building to a Dan win, while the season editing at large seemed to favor Danny initially, and then Savannah in the back half. Not that he didn't deserve it, but the way that the episode was shaped didn't lend itself to a Danny win, quite frankly. As a result, the momentous "you are 'Top Chef'"! moment from host Kristen Kish — her first time delivering the line! — almost rang a bit hollow, unfortunately.

But we'll chat more about that momentarily.

We have a new "Top Chef!" That's something to celebrate. Danny is the first, as he put it, "Puerto Rican-Dominican-Muslim winner" and he walks away with over $300,000, staggeringly enough, which I do believe is the most any cheftestant has ever won. 

I think after two back-to-back Buddha-led seasons, in which he was ostensibly the clear frontrunner for two years straight, this season may have sort of thrown the editors for a loop. I remember after "Top Chef: Texas," when Colicchio said that eventual winner Paul Qui was so far ahead of everyone else that both production and the judges' kind of had to tamper his amazing showing down in order to make the show feel competitive, but I don't think that was the case here. Danny wasn't leagues and leagues ahead of Dan and Savannah, which further complicates and confuses all the more, unfortunately muddying what should be a celebratory, jovial winning moment. 

There's a difference between misdirection and outright misleading edits. It's never appealing to be fooled, if you will. To be honest, it felt like a bit of a bait-and-switch between Dan and Danny, actually. And for me, who rooted more for Savannah than I have for any cheftestant on this show in a very long while, I was doubly disappointed because she had so clearly come in third place. 

It’s really all just a disservice to Danny, actually, who truly did earn that win.


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I think the other thing that's frustrating, for me at least, is that Danny is immensely capable, talented and worthy of a win. For all of this squabbling now — primarily because of editing, at that  I mean, Danny is one of the most prolific challenge winners in the show's history, with seven or eight wins under his belt (I'm never sure how to include his "win" with Rasika, especially since she technically won the challenge). He deserved the win and then some and I wish the reception had been better for him, but that's not due to him, or Dan or Savannah, or even the judges for that matter.

Also, the fact that this win was aired just days after the passing of his mentor, Jamal James Kent, makes it all the more bittersweet and tragic, yet still special. Danny now has a larger platform to promote, espouse and specialize in the facets — both culinary and otherwise — for which Kent was so loved and cherished. 

This, combined with the outright misleading edit (and Savannah’s being completely out of contention due to a series of silly mistakes) certainly didn’t make this my favorite conclusion to a season. So thrilled for Danny, though — and so extremely happy with Kristen's performance as host. Hasn't she been just stellar? What a remarkable showing from her and I find her unvarnished sentimentality, enthusiasm and emotion to be so refreshingly lovely.

Tom himself has even taken to Twitter/X to vociferously defend the win. (This isn't entirely a rarity; I remember some comments from him after last year's finale, too. I think he stays pretty mum on Twitter until the entire season concludes.) What was most interesting was his concurring with random Twitter/X users that the edit was less than ideal, to put it lightly. He also reiterates just how much the judges truly disliked Dan's first course, which again makes me wonder: Had he not cooked that tuna that way, would we have had a different winner? 

Colicchio also noted "I'm not involved in the edit" and said that Danny "cooked a better meal." He also responded to a tweet that said "Dan was the winner for me" by saying "I don't remember you at Judges table," which got a chuckle out of me. He also noted that judges "really disliked the tuna course" and said that he agreed with the second sentence of someone whose tweet read "Finally watched @BravoTopChef finale. Must have been horribly edited" — which really speaks volumes, does it not?

I also generally didn't love that this great, expansive season concluded on a cruise ship with ostensibly no one else on it, but that's neither here nor there.

Anywho, let's get into my other takeaways — and stay tuned for some exclusive interviews with our winner, our finalists and some of the other top cheftestants this season: 

01
 

I guess one could argue that while Dan's menu on the whole was more consistent, Danny may have had higher highs? But I don't even know if that rings true, especially with his under-seasoned first course and his under-cooked lobster in the third. I thought Dan's third course, with the oxtail, was probably the highest-rated dish overall (for me, too, at least in terms of how it looked and sounded), though I guess Danny's dessert probably also came close. Tom really had a winning quote for it, too: "What I liked about this dessert is why I love food." And you really can't argue with that one, can you?

 

Danny's dishes may have had more flaws, but from a conceptual perspective, the judges may have deemed them more impressive or successful. The finale's coming down to two men named Dan(ny) was somewhat reminiscent of American Idol 7 when the final two were David Archuleta and David Cook. 

 

I also didn't know until literally this moment that Danny is a fellow New Jersey native, who graduated from Freehold High in 2010. You learn something every day! I wonder if he's the first winner from New Jersey?

02
 

I loved Danny's throughline of "first, significant food memories." His lobster dish with squash, persimmon, chaaza and salsa matcha was inspired, as was his dessert, which conjured images of "an eight year old kid walking through the city" with a simple treat. 

 

Also, just like in the prior episode, Danny's proclivity for lemon (in this case, a relish) seemed to really come in the clutch after Manny accidentally used all of the cantaloupe for juice and they weren't able to make compressed balls for the dessert. Also, I fondly thought back to his love for carrots; it would've been fun to see more carrot in his finale menu! 

 

I think most future cheftestants would be wise to steer clear of soba cha, the buckwheat tea, right? It didn't seem to do Dan or Danny any favors in its three appearances this season. 

03
 

I loved seeing Kristen, Savannah and Gail get a bit teary at the breakfast. Succeeding in such a way on "Top Chef" is truly a significant moment that could vastly impact a career, so I like seeing that so clearly acknowledged. Lastly, it was so cool to see everyone's legitimate awe and respect for Emeril. 

04
 

I am still struck by the vast juxtaposition between Danny's meticulous, outlined, prep list approach with Manny to Savannah's very loose, much more freeform partnership with Michelle. There’s a difference between micromanaging and leading outright and unfortunately, I think Savannah blurred that line  and ended up doing neither. At times, it even felt like Michelle was in the lead: the Epis, the pasta, the plantain (or the "mofong-no" bastardization).

 

This was supposed to be Savannah's moment in the sun, her time to shine, and I felt that she withered a bit and gave some of the big decision making to Michelle, unfortunately. She, at points, almost seemed to be giving Michelle more ownership over the menu and the dishes than she had herself, bouncing ideas off of her but almost always with a question mark at the end. Michelle would then be the more declarative one, often to the dishes' detriment, and then Savannah had no recourse when critiqued at judges' table because, of course, her name was on those dishes — not Michelle's.

 

Savannah could’ve put together a stunning meal and, to be frank, I don't understand how or why she came up with what she did. I loved the idea of her gustatory journey as a theme throughout, but why not incorporate some more Japanese food since that has been the focus of her career in recent years?

 

Danny, who was admittedly a bit brusque with Manny, was an undeniable leader.

 

Dan/Amanda was also interesting: She did indeed note the tuna texture to him as if they were trying, but he said it was what he intended on and that was that.

 

I will also note that I found it odd that no one picked Laura or Soo as a sous? Laura is so meticulous and Soo was clearly very talented. I knew Dan would go for Amanda, but peculiar picks otherwise. 

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05
 

I liked how in the breakfast scene, Dan talked about making the most out of his elevated platform and talking more about what he cares about, "making a difference beyond just food" and spreading awareness about Kennedy's. His note that he loves cooking "but also advocacy" was so telling for what he'll be able to bring to the industry and to those afflicted (and also those unafflicted) with Kennedy's or other mobility-impacting ailments.

 

I am obsessed with the myriad ways that Dan uses labneh — such fascinating applications and usages across the entire season!

 

Amanda did note the odd grapefruit/tuna consistency issue but Dan clearly wanted that  I’m curious, had he not served the tuna in that way, if he may have been told “You are Top Chef” instead. Could that have been the variable that shifts the win? I'm sure Dan asks himself that on the regular, but regardless, he did incredibly well throughout the entire season, cooked remarkable dishes, won a bunch of challenges and really showed up as someone who could be a genuine motivation for so many.

 

As he told me a few weeks back, he "always wanted to challenge" himself (he tried out for the show eleven times!) and also "inspire differently-abled people on this national scale." And he did that and then some. 

 

Lastly, I just adored that little moment of Manny's being so sweet to Dan at the end, calling him an inspiration. That was lovely. 

06
 

I usually like the loftiness and weight of the prompt of "make the best meal of your lives" in a finale, but I immediately did think about how Savannah noted in a recent episode that she performs better with more limiting circumstances. Unfortunately, this hunch did play out as anticipated.

 

I already noted her missteps in menu planning and her not-exactly-leading Michelle, but I also want to reiterate that I have long maintained that the break between the main competition and the finale can hinder some people, but I can't recall the last time it really threw someone into a tizzy like it did for Savannah  especially after completely dominating the last few challenges in Wisconsin.

 

Also, for me, the entire second half of the season was literally "The Savannah Show": I felt as though her sheer amount of screentime, her multitude of confessionals and her barrage of winner-adjacent quotes all would inevitably lead up to a victorious conclusion to her story, and I feel a bit robbed that ultimately, her finale performance was anything but. What was the payoff in giving her such a redemptive, "I've found my voice" storyline only for it to falter at the end? 

 

I liked the idea of Marcona almonds and marinated, gossamer slices of red grapes in her pasta course, but alas, it wasn't enough to counteract the less-than-ideal pasta and the overcooked lobster inside. Gail's comment about that course was so damning in an almost uncharacteristic way. There was no coming back after that. Also, Kristen really did her predecessor proud when she asked Savannah "…do you make a lot of pasta?"

 

I knew in that moment she had lost.

 

I was so happy that her first dish received great feedback, but unfortunately, that level of excitement never returned. Wish the rest of her menu had followed suit. Of course, we've discussed her mid-courses, but her dessert did indeed sound lovely: An elevated take take on a hummingbird cake/upside down pineapple mashup — but the resulting dish almost looked deflated on the plate, which I thought sort of mirrored her demeanor in the last 20 minutes or so of the finale. It must be pretty demoralizing to be standing between two men who you know have a better shot at winning than you do. I hated that for her. 

 

At the same time, though, I loved seeing the incisive takes on her food and approach. When guest judge Justin Pichetrungsi said she "has a kindhearted style about her food" that helped sum up some of her hard-to-pin-down allure. I loved her ending quotes that she looks at herself differently now, feels more confident and more willing to take chances.

 

I maintain that Savannah will go on a Melissa King "All Stars"-level run if she came back a few seasons from now. I loved how bold and inventive her food was: the jelly cake, the pave, the cheddar Caesar, all of her fried components, even the meat raffle Quick Fire dish. 

 

A few weeks back, I compared Savannah's trajectory on the show to Carla Hall's arc in her original season, and this finale performance sort of reminded me of hers, too — unfortunately. But regardless, it was a pleasure to watch how Savannah grew and flourished as the competition went on, truly coming into her own and showing her immense talent, but clearly the 6-week break totally brought that to a screeching halt and reverted her to a place that was lacking in culinary ingenuity  which we know she has in spades. I'm so excited to see what's next for her. I know she'll be an enormous presence in the culinary world, whether that's at a Japanese restaurant in North Carolina or anywhere else she might wind up. It goes without saying, but she was obviously my "fan favorite" of this season. 

07
 
Tom's quote at the final judges' table (which was actually included in one of the early-season promos) is magnificent and really sums up the entire series on the whole. He said: "By nature, what we do is ephemeral, but the experiences will last forever." 
08
 

I absolutely adored the last few minutes of the show, with Kristen's acknowledging the cast, crew and judges and with Danny's pretty remarkable concluding confessional. It was so terrific, for even just a fleeting thirty seconds or so, to see him sort of let down his bravado in the final moments of the season. He noted how he puts such pressure on himself "all the time" and how he felt good to "put up the food [he] wants to put up." He also said how proud of himself he was.

 

So honest — he has astonishing talent and I wish him the best. I know his mark in the industry will be something impactful and special and I'm so looking forward to seeing that come to fruition. 

Donald Trump claims Joan Rivers voted for him in 2016 – except she died two years before

Another eyebrow-raising comment from Donald Trump's biography "Apprentice in Wonderland" involving yet another female celebrity is making its rounds. This time it's not about Taylor Swift or Debra Messing. It's about the late comedian Joan Rivers.  

Rivers, known for her comedy and controversial hot takes on "Fashion Police," also won season eight of Trump's "Celebrity Apprentice” in 2009. In an interview with author Ramin Setoodeh for the book, Trump insists that the comedian voted for him in 2016. Sounds plausible . . . except she died from surgery complications in 2014 — two years before the 2016 election when Trump became president. 

“Joan said she was a Republican, did you know that?” Setoodeh asked Trump.

“I thought she might have been a Republican,” Trump said. “I know one thing: she voted for me, according to what she said.”

People Magazine requested Trump's spokesperson to comment on the claim and did not receive a response.

Rivers' daughter Melissa was also on "Celebrity Apprentice" with Rivers. However, Melissa was fired from the competition during that season. According to the book, Trump said, “Joan was so angry. She went crazy when I fired the daughter.”