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Trump approves final plan to import drugs from across the border

President Donald Trump, outlining his “America First Health Plan” Thursday, announced that his administration will allow the importation of prescription drugs from Canada.

The final plan clears the way for Florida and other states to implement a program bringing medications across the border despite the strong objections of drugmakers and the Canadian government.

Florida, the biggest swing state in the presidential election, is one of six states to pass laws seeking federal approval to import drugs. Trump’s announcement came the same day counties in Florida began sending out vote-by-mail ballots.

Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, a close ally of the president, is a strong advocate of importing drugs. His administration has already advertised for a contractor to run the state program and is expected to announce Tuesday which companies have bid for the three-year, $30 million state contract.

Congress has allowed drug importation since 2003 but only if the secretary of the Department of Health and Human Services certified it is safe. That has never occurred until Secretary Alex Azar did it Wednesday, according to a letter he wrote to congressional leaders.

Implementation under the administration’s final rule “poses no additional risk to the public’s health and safety and will result in a significant reduction in the cost of covered products to the American consumer,” Azar said in the letter KHN obtained Thursday.

The rule noted, however, that HHS is unable to make any estimates about savings because it doesn’t know which drugs will be imported.

Prices are cheaper north of the border because Canada limits how much drugmakers can charge for medicines. The United States lets free market dictate drug prices.

The final rule does not allow states to import biologic drugs, including insulin.

However, the Trump administration Thursday issued a request for proposals seeking plans from private companies on how insulin could be safely brought in from other countries and made available to consumers at a lower cost than products here. The request specified that it would have to be insulin that was once in the United States and sent to other nations before being brought back.

The pharmaceutical industry has long fought efforts on importation, arguing that it would disrupt the nation’s supply chain and make it easier for unsafe or counterfeit medications to enter the market.

“We are reviewing the final rule and guidance that were released; however, we continue to have grave concerns with drug importation that exposes Americans unnecessarily to the dangers of counterfeit or adulterated drugs,” said a spokesperson for the Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America, an industry trade group. “It is alarming that the administration chose to pursue a policy that threatens public health at the same time that we are fighting a global pandemic.”

Drugmakers have suggested in the past that they might try to stop such a policy through a lawsuit.

Trump has dangled his drug importation plan in campaign speeches over the past year — and again on Thursday in North Carolina during a speech that provided a litany of his promises on health care.

“We will finally allow the safe and legal importation of drugs from Canada,” Trump said. States “can go to Canada and buy your drugs for a fraction of the price” in the U.S.

“This will be a game changer for American seniors,” Trump said. “We’re doing it very, very quickly.”

The administration proposed the regulation in December. The final rule says it takes effect in 60 days.

But individuals will not be allowed to import drugs on their own, Azar said in his letter. Instead, they will have to rely on programs run by states.

Nonetheless, officials said they are interested in studying options for consumers to benefit from importation. The administration Thursday issued another request for proposals to set up a system that would allow U.S. consumers to import drugs through local pharmacies, a senior HHS official said Friday on a call with reporters.

For decades, Americans have been buying drugs from Canada for personal use — either by driving over the border, ordering medication on the internet or using storefronts that connect them to foreign pharmacies. Though the practice is illegal, the FDA has generally permitted purchases for individual use.

About 4 million Americans import medicines for personal use each year, and about 20 million say they or someone in their household has done so because prices are much lower in other countries, according to surveys.

The practice has been especially common in retiree-rich Florida, where more than a dozen stores help consumers make the purchases and where numerous cities, counties and school districts assist employees with the transactions.

The administration envisions a system in which a Canadian-licensed wholesaler buys from a manufacturer of drugs approved for sale in Canada and exports the drugs to a U.S. wholesaler/importer under contract to a state.

Florida’s legislation — approved in 2019 — would set up two importation programs. The first would focus on getting drugs for state programs such as Medicaid, the Department of Corrections and county health departments. State officials said they expect the program to save the state about $150 million annually.

The second program would be geared to the broader state population.

The HHS final rule said the government will “in the future” allow pharmacists to import drugs from Canada, a provision that matches the law approved by Florida in 2019.

But pharmacists in Florida and across the country oppose drug importation, saying they don’t think it will ensure that counterfeit drugs are kept out of the U.S. market.

The Canadian government told HHS last spring that the country doesn’t have enough drugs to spare and the Trump plan would only worsen shortages of medicines there.

The final rule said state importation programs will have flexibility to decide which drugs to import and in what quantities.

The rule also makes clear that drug manufacturers will have to provide to importers documentation guaranteeing the medications are the same drugs as those already sold in the United States. HHS could set up regulations that require drugmakers to comply. Importers will have to send drugs to labs to certify their authenticity.

In addition to Florida, the other states seeking federal permission to buy drugs from Canada are Colorado, Maine, New Hampshire, New Mexico and Vermont.

Robert Reich on the 6 crucial races that will flip the Senate

This November, we have an opportunity to harness your energy and momentum into political power and not just defeat Trump, but also flip the Senate. Here are six key races you should be paying attention to.

1. The first is North Carolina Republican senator Thom Tillis, notable for his “olympic gold” flip-flops. He voted to repeal the Affordable Care Act, then offered a loophole-filled replacement that excluded many with preexisting conditions. In 2014 Tillis took the position that climate change was “not a fact” and later urged Trump to withdraw from the Paris Climate Accord, before begrudgingly acknowledging the realities of climate change in 2018. And in 2019, although briefly opposing Trump’s emergency border wall declaration, he almost immediately caved to pressure.

But Tillis’ real legacy is the restrictive 2013 voter suppression law he helped pass as Speaker of the North Carolina House. The federal judge who struck down the egregious law said its provisions “targeted African Americans with almost surgical precision.”

Enter Democrat Cal Cunningham, who unlike his opponent, is taking no money from corporate PACs. Cunningham is a veteran who supports overturning the Supreme Court’s disastrous Citizens United decision, restoring the Voting Rights Act, and advancing other policies that would expand access to the ballot box. 

2. Maine Senator Susan Collins, a self-proclaimed moderate whose unpopularity has made her especially vulnerable, once said that Trump was unworthy of the presidency. Unfortunately, she spent the last four years enabling his worst behavior. Collins voted to confirm Trump’s judges, including Brett Kavanaugh, and voted to acquit Trump in the impeachment trial, saying he had “learned his lesson” through the process alone. Rubbish. 

Collins’ opponent is Sara Gideon, speaker of the House in Maine. As Speaker, Gideon pushed Maine to adopt ambitious climate legislation, anti-poverty initiatives, and ranked choice voting. And unlike Collins, Gideon supports comprehensive democracy reforms to ensure politicians are accountable to the people, not billionaire donors.

Another Collins term would be six more years of cowardly appeasement, no matter the cost to our democracy. 

3. Down in South Carolina, Republican Senator Lindsey Graham is also vulnerable. Graham once said he’d “rather lose without Donald Trump than try to win with him.” But after refusing to vote for him in 2016, Graham spent the last four years becoming one of Trump’s most reliable enablers. Graham also introduced legislation to end birthright citizenship, lobbied for heavy restrictions on reproductive rights, and vigorously defended Brett Kavanaugh. Earlier this year, he said that pandemic relief benefits would only be renewed over his dead body.

His opponent, Democrat Jaime Harrison, has brought the race into a dead heat with his bold vision for a “New South.” Harrison’s platform centers on expanding access to healthcare, enacting paid family and sick leave, and investing in climate resistant infrastructure.

Graham once said that if the Republicans nominated Trump the party would “get destroyed,” and “deserve it.” We should heed his words, and help Jaime Harrison replace him in the Senate.

4. Let’s turn to Montana’s Senate race. The incumbent, Republican Steve Daines, has defended Trump’s racist tweets, thanked him for tear-gassing peaceful protestors, and parroted his push to reopen the country during the pandemic as early as May.

Daine’s challenger is former Democratic Governor Steve Bullock. Bullock is proof that Democratic policies can actually gain support in supposedly red states because they benefit people, not the wealthy and corporations. During his two terms, he oversaw the expansion of Medicaid, prevented the passage of union-busting laws, and vetoed two extreme bills that restricted access to abortions.The choice here, once again, is a no-brainer.

5. In Iowa, like Montana, is a state full of surprises. After the state voted for Obama twice, Republican Joni Ernst won her Senate seat in 2014. Her win was a boon for her corporate backers, but has been a disaster for everyone else.

Ernst, a staunch Trump ally, holds a slew of fringe opinions. She pushed anti-abortion laws that would have outlawed most contraception, shared her belief that states can nullify federal laws, and has hinted that she wants to privatize or fundamentally alter social security “behind closed doors.” 

Her opponent, Democrat Theresa Greenfield, is a firm supporter of a strong social safety net because she knows its importance firsthand. Union and Social Security survivor benefits helped her rebuild her life after the tragic death of her spouse. With the crippling impact of coronavirus at the forefront of Americans’ minds, Greenfield would be a much needed advocate in the Senate.

6. In Arizona, incumbent Senate Republican Martha McSally is facing Democrat Mark Kelly. Two months after being defeated by Democrat Kyrsten SINema for Arizona’s other Senate seat, McSally was appointed to fill John McCain’s seat following his death. Since then, she’s used that seat to praise Trump and confirm industry lobbyists to agencies like the EPA, and keep cities from receiving additional funds to fight COVID-19. As she voted to block coronavirus relief funds, McSally even had the audacity to ask supporters to “fast a meal” to help support her campaign.

Mark Kelly, a former astronaut and husband of Congresswoman Gabby Giffords, became a gun-control activist following the attempt on her life in 2011. His support of universal background checks and crucial policies on the climate crisis, reproductive health, and wealth inequality make him the clear choice. 

These are just a few of the important Senate races happening this year. 

In addition, the entire House of Representatives will be on the ballot, along with 86 state legislative chambers and thousands of local seats.

Winning the White House is absolutely crucial, but it’s just one piece of the fight to save our democracy and push a people’s agenda. Securing victories in state legislatures is essential to stopping the GOP’s plans to entrench minority rule through gerrymandered congressional districts and restrictive voting laws — and it’s often state-level policies that have the biggest impact on our everyday lives. Even small changes to the makeup of a body like the Texas Board of Education, which determines textbook content for much of the country, will make a huge difference. 

Plus, every school board member, state representative, and congressperson you elect can be pushed to enact policies that benefit the people, not just corporate donors. 

This is how you build a movement that lasts.

As face masks become the norm, many wearers quietly suffer “mask anxiety”

Dentists say they’re seeing an uptick in teeth grinding since the pandemic. A Google Trends analysis showed a surge in searches related to panic attacks. Pandemic stress is said to be part of the drive behind an increase in calls to the National Eating Disorders Association over the last few months. 

Indeed, it’s no secret that the coronavirus pandemic is taking a toll on our mental health in ways that might not even be fully aware of yet. Now, there’s also a newfound cohort of people who are struggling with “mask anxiety,” a neologism meaning a fear of, or anxieties relating to, strapping a mask on your face. With pandemic restrictions in place, such anxieties can make leaving one’s home almost impossible.

Both the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) and the World Health Organization (WHO) recommend cloth masks for the general public. Health experts strongly agree that the evidence is clear that masks can help prevent the spread of COVID-19. However, for some people, wearing a cloth mask can induce a panic attack, evoke feelings of suffocation, or lead to anxious and intrusive thoughts. According to Google Trends, the term “mask anxiety” has been on the rise since the first week of March this year; it peaked at the end of July.

Psychiatrist Dr. Melissa Shepard told Salon while the term “mask anxiety” isn’t in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5), she defines the term as any “anxious thoughts, feelings, or avoidance behaviors that come from the fear or stress of wearing a face mask.”

“They [face masks] can intensify anxiety that you already have or you can sort of develop anxiety just related to the facemask,” Shepard said. “There’s the feeling of anxiety that kind of rises up, your heart rate increases, you feel like you’re short of breath, or you start to feel dizzy and sweaty.” She added that there are often negative thought patterns that are part of this experience.

The act of wearing a face mask in the United States to slow the spread of COVID-19 has become politicized. The notion of having anxiety has been used loosely over the years, too. Shepard told Salon that the people she sees who have mask anxiety are often wearing them, just uncomfortably.

“People with the true face [mask] anxiety are almost always the ones that are actually wearing face masks, still they’re just extremely uncomfortable when they’re doing it,” Shepard said. “I’ve noticed generally people who are truly anxious about the facemasks are trying really hard to wear them; they’re just, you know, kind of silently suffering.”

Writer Nikolina Jeric is one of those people. Jeric told Salon that the mask anxiety she has today may come from when she was a kid and struggled to wear Halloween costumes that involved “anything that went around” the face.

“Now with the COVID-19 pandemic, it has become a real nightmare and for the sake of my health, I need to always test my courage each time I enter the store or public transportation,” Jeric said. “When I wear a mask, it only takes a few minutes for me to start breathing faster and shallower, despite my best efforts to control it.”

Jeric added that throughout the pandemic the anxiety has eased.

“It’s gotten better now, but a couple of times at the grocery store I didn’t think I was going to make it by the time it was my turn at the cash register,” Jeric said. “The bright lights, all the people and not being able to breathe properly make it a challenge every time I need to go buy some groceries; the same goes for taking the bus. Thankfully though I can listen to music on the ride which helps calm me down a tad.”

Blaise Ramsay, who lives in Texas, says she has struggled with mask anxiety, and before the pandemic she struggled with anxiety generally.

“I had a recent bout with it — I was shopping with my kids and my husband and suddenly it felt really hard for me to breathe,” Ramsay said. “I got dizzy and disoriented, and had to consciously tell myself ‘OK, I need to breathe, I need to breathe.'”

Ramsay said she has “literally not been able to go anywhere for prolonged periods of time,” because of the anxiety that’s induced when she wears a mask. At home, she spends her time gardening, which has always been an effective way for her to cope with her anxiety.

Shepard said that the societal shift to wearing masks, and it becoming a social norm, could relate to the anxiety.

“This whole pandemic has been anxiety-provoking for so many, because this has been one of the first times we’ve been on the edge of science and research that’s constantly emerging,” Shepard said, adding that the confusion over face masks in the beginning of the pandemic may not have helped things. (The CDC at first didn’t recommend that the general public wear cloth face masks). Shepard said that seeing people wearing masks also makes it difficult for people to read each other’s facial expressions. “That’s something that’s very socially evolutionary. . . . you need to be able to see someone’s face to be able to fully trust them.”

Likewise, the mere act of seeing people wear masks can be a trigger.

“People are wearing masks, you’re wearing a mask, and it reminds you that you’re in the middle of a pandemic, and that a lot of people have died from this and it’s really scary,” Shepard said. “It kind of kicks off all of those negative and scary cognitions that can then contribute to increasing the anxiety with the face mask.”

Shepard said if you’re struggling with mask anxiety, it’s definitely something that you can work through with a therapist.

“Some people don’t want to reach out because they feel like it’s silly, but it’s not not silly at all,” Shepard said. “And know that face masks are safe, and that it’s something that we have absolutely studied in the laboratory settings and we know that despite some of the politicization, there are no clinically significant changes in people’s biology that happen because of wearing face masks.”

With COVID-19, vaccine messaging faces an unprecedented test

The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention had a problem: A new vaccine could save lives and end a viral epidemic that had infected millions of Americans. The immunization was safe, effective, and widely available. Most insurance companies planned to cover it. But few people were taking it.

That epidemic was human papillomavirus, or HPV, a sexually transmitted infection that sometimes causes cervical cancer and other serious conditions. In 2006, after federal regulators approved the first HPV vaccine, the CDC officially recommended that all adolescent girls be immunized. In 2011, the agency extended the recommendation to boys, too.

But uptake of the vaccine was, by all accounts, abysmal. So the agency launched a campaign to promote the importance of the HPV vaccine.

Extensive fact sheets, created by a consulting firm and released on the CDC’s website, addressed parents’ concerns that the vaccine would encourage their kids to become sexually active. Doctors and nurses began delivering talking points, provided by the CDC’s communications team and disseminated by partners such as the Immunization Action Coalition, a foundation-, industry-, and government-funded nonprofit, that touted the vaccine’s cancer-preventing qualities.

Immunizations jumped. By 2017, 49 percent of adolescents were up to date with the HPV vaccine.

That figure is still below CDC goals. But the HPV campaign, focusing on a vaccine that is entirely optional and given after early childhood, has become the subject of extensive research in the years since. And, as scientists edge closer to finalizing vaccines for Covid-19, lessons from HPV and other vaccine messaging campaigns are suddenly more relevant than ever.

Indeed, while it’s possible a vaccine could be approved for public use as early as this fall, and widely available sometime next year, it’s unclear how many Americans will be willing to take it. Many analysts are optimistic that an effective vaccine will be welcomed, but surveys indicate widespread suspicion. Officials appear to be preparing a response: In early July, CDC Director Robert Redfield testified at a Senate hearing that the agency has spent months developing a plan to build Covid-19 vaccine confidence, though he offered few details.

A preliminary CDC vaccine rollout plan, published in mid-September, describes good communication as “essential” to “a successful Covid-19 vaccination program,” and notes the agency will “engage and use a wide range of partners, collaborations, and communication and news media channels” in an effort to reach different audiences.

“There’s often this assumption that if we build it, they will come,” said Kaitlin Christenson, vice president of vaccine acceptance and demand at the Sabin Vaccine Institute, a global nonprofit funded by a mix of government, pharmaceutical industry, and foundation sources. “But even the most effective vaccine is not going to produce results if it isn’t taken up and delivered effectively.”

Sometimes overlooked, vaccine messages — from brochures in doctor’s offices to Instagram posts — are as vital to a vaccine campaign as the vaccine itself, some experts say. Over the years, vaccine messaging specialists have homed in on tactics, from those generating fear to others that evoke community values, that can boost compliance.

But results have been mixed, and fundamental debates remain over the best messaging strategies. And it’s not yet clear what Covid-19 vaccine messaging campaigns — launched amid a global pandemic unfolding in the shadow of intense political polarization — will look like, let alone if they will work.

* * *

Before the early 2000s, said Glen Nowak, a health communications expert at the University of Georgia and former communications director for the CDC’s National Immunization Program, CDC leadership believed that vaccines needed little fanfare to convince the public of their value. Up until then, Nowak said, it was “assumed that vaccines will speak for themselves.” Policymakers also often leaned on state day care and school vaccination mandates to win compliance.

But “telling people to do something because you say so isn’t a really effective way of getting them to feel confident,” Nowak added. He recalled that when flu recommendations changed to include children in the early 2000s, it became “clear that public and provider communications would be needed to foster awareness and compliance with the new recommendations.” The HPV vaccine, released a few years later, underscored the idea that just posting new vaccine guidelines wasn’t enough.

With the advent of Facebook and other online social media in the 2000s, anti-vaccine messages proliferated online, sharing stories of children harmed by vaccines. At the same time, more parents began taking advantage of philosophical and religious exemption policies that let them send their kids to school unvaccinated. That trend raised alarm among public health experts and created a need for persuasive messaging, wrote Xiaoli Nan, director of the University of Maryland’s Center for Health and Risk Communication, in an email.

Today, the creation of vaccine messages, sitting at the intersection of marketing and medicine, can take months or years to unfold. Sometimes the process is spearheaded by vaccine manufacturers, hospitals, or pharmacies. Often, though, the campaigns are the work of government agencies trying to boost vaccine use or address looming concerns among hesitant parents.

The CDC’s National Center for Immunization and Respiratory Diseases has a contract with a communications firm that develops millions of dollars’ worth of educational materials and campaigns, mostly directed at flu and HPV messaging, according to Nowak. It also has its own communications team to develop materials, targeting messages based on data from the previous year about who did – or did not – have high vaccination rates.

 

In recent years, vaccine messaging has proliferated to include Twitter accounts, TV commercials, online ads, satirical campaigns, cartoon characters, doctor education efforts, brochures, posters, billboards, radio ads, and even dedicated YouTube channels.

What makes for an effective messaging campaign, though, is a more elusive question. Jody Tate, director of research and policy for the Health Policy Partnership, a consultancy, said effective messaging digs into survey and focus group data to understand people’s reluctance — whether it’s based on concerns about safety, or something more fundamental, such as a language barriers or access to medical care — and then tailors itself accordingly.

Who delivers those messages is also crucial, Tate said. Overwhelmingly, surveys find that doctors and nurses are the most trusted sources of vaccine information. A 2018 Wellcome Global Monitor survey found that roughly three-quarters of adults around the world trust their doctor or nurse ahead of family and friends, religious leaders, and celebrities. Doctors “are the ideal messengers,” Nan wrote.

Rejecting the flash of some advertising, many experts favor a simple, fact-based approach. And simple messages, repeated often, can potentially be effective, said Christopher E. Clarke, a health and environmental risk communication scholar at George Mason University. (Indeed, in a metanalysis of 14 years’ worth of influenza-related communications by the CDC, Nowak found that “visible and frequent reminders” raised vaccination rates).

Experts are divided, though, on whether a straightforward tell-the-facts approach is really enough. “There is growing evidence that traditional communication of vaccines — e.g., messages focusing on statistics — has not worked well,” Nan wrote. “More successful strategies,” she added, “rely on trustworthy messengers, telling stories rather than using statistics, and appeals to moral values.”

 

 

For all of Undark’s coverage of the global Covid-19 pandemic, please visit our extensive coronavirus archive.

In 1999, when Nowak, then director of communications for the CDC’s immunization program, looked at why more people 65 years and older weren’t getting the flu vaccine, he discovered they didn’t think the CDC’s fact-based materials — which urged high-risk groups, including the frail and elderly, to get vaccinated — applied to them. They were, after all, in their 60s and 70s. They weren’t frail or elderly, they told Nowak in focus groups. They were healthy and active.

Over the years, the agency has remade its flu and other vaccine messaging to be more positive and appeal to people’s desire to stay healthy and maintain their quality of life.

Positive framing has proven, in some cases, to work well. A study published this May, which looked specifically at HPV vaccine messaging, found that negatively worded messages could actually increase the perception of risk associated with taking vaccine itself. “Negative messaging was not a good way to communicate,” said Porismita Borah, an author of the study and an associate professor of communications at Washington State University. Kelly Moore, associate director for immunization education at the Immunization Action Coalition (IAC) and a former CDC adviser, said that “fear and uncertainty can lead to inaction.”

Instead, she said, “it is messages that are positive — messages of hope and optimism and empowerment — that encourage people to take action, because they believe that by what they are doing, they can change their destiny.”

But some experts argue that fear can offer a more effective push. The chickenpox vaccine was licensed and recommended for all children in 1995. But its uptake was poor for the first few years, said Paul Offit, director of the Vaccine Education Center at the Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia and a frequent government adviser on vaccine policy who also helped invent a rotavirus vaccine that is produced by Merck.

 

“I think people thought of chickenpox as a benign right of childhood passage,” he said. But as many as 13,000 people were hospitalized and 150 people died each year in the early 1990s as a result of chickenpox — and the vaccine’s maker, Merck, used those figures to create a more aggressive advertising TV commercial campaign, which included interviews with parents who had lost children to chickenpox. “It was dramatic, and they were criticized for that,” Offit said. But the campaign, in conjunction with increasing public school mandates, also worked: By 2014, 91 percent of U.S. children 19 to 35 months old had received one dose of the vaccine.

Similarly, HPV vaccine messaging has sometimes preyed on people’s fear: In 2016, for example, its maker, also Merck, ran ads that featured adults with cervical cancer, asking their parents if they knew a vaccine could have prevented it. Some research suggests that, at least when it comes to the HPV vaccine, anticipated regret can be a powerful motivator.

“What convinces people?” Offit asked. “Sadly, I think fear is more powerful than reason.”

* * *

Some vaccine messaging campaigns simply fail. And some messengers can also endanger messaging campaigns.

In 2002, fearing that terrorists would use smallpox as a weapon, President George W. Bush ordered half a million military members to be vaccinated against the disease before launching a voluntary program for health care and emergency workers the following year. Amid concerns that the vaccine wasn’t safe, he had himself vaccinated and announced it to the press.

But fewer than 40,000 health care workers accepted vaccination. Some people still didn’t feel the vaccine, which can cause rare but serious complications, was safe. The administration didn’t consult with doctors, critics say, and didn’t anticipate that politics would play a role in people’s decision to be vaccinated. The program was launched just months before the U.S. went to war with Iraq, and many liberals believed the vaccination campaign was propaganda.

Today’s climate poses a distinctive, uncharted challenge: No other vaccine has been made at such breakneck speed, amid such publicity, and with such political division, said Clarke.

“There is no precedent for” this challenge, he said.

With at least several months likely remaining until the most ambitious Covid-19 vaccine will potentially go to market, a recent Gallup survey found that around one in three Americans say they would not get a free, FDA-approved Covid-19 vaccine. Surveys also suggest that Black Americans are more hesitant about the vaccine than White Americans — potentially a legacy of longstanding discrimination against Black people in the health care system.

Partisanship matters, too. The Gallup survey also found that only around half of Republicans currently plan to take the vaccine when available. The country has been divided along partisan lines on many preventative measures against Covid-19. That “political divide will likely spill over to the upcoming Covid-19 vaccine,” warned Nan, who, like Clarke, believes tailoring messaging to people’s political or religious views could be essential to uptake. While other kinds of public messaging campaigns match messages with the receiver’s worldview, Nan explained the technique has rarely been used in vaccination messaging.

But Graham Dixon, a science and risk communication professor at The Ohio State University, said that a Covid-19 vaccine messaging strategy that presents a consensus not only in the scientific community, but among policymakers, could be effective in increasing vaccination. “There has been a great deal of political polarization in this issue,” he said, “and it’s almost inevitable that people’s decision to get a Covid-19 vaccine will land in the same way if we don’t create a messaging strategy that emphasizes a depoliticized message.”

In the past, other messaging campaigns have drawn on anti-polarization strategies to try to build consensus around contentious issues. A climate change awareness campaign from 2008, for example, featured famous political adversaries — including the left-wing pastor Al Sharpton and the right-wing evangelist Pat Robertson — sitting together on couches, talking about their shared concern about the environment.

“If and when a Covid-19 vaccine becomes available, messaging should be consistent across the political spectrum, and in a perfect world should feature influential leaders from the Republican and Democratic parties,” Dixon wrote in a follow-up email. But, he added, it was probably “wishful thinking to believe that Joe Biden and Donald Trump would appear together in a PSA encouraging Covid-19 vaccination.” 

* * *

Despite what Redfield has described as months of planning at the CDC for how to build vaccine confidence, it’s unlikely the agency will unveil official campaigns until a vaccine goes to market.

Asked in July for details about its plan, a CDC spokesperson sent Undark a link to the agency’s existing framework for vaccinating with confidence and referred further questions to the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. HHS declined repeated requests for comment and provided only unattributed information via email, writing that Operation Warp Speed (OWS) — the federal initiative to deliver 300 million doses of a safe and effective Covid-19 vaccine by January 2021 — is committed to “maximum transparency.”

Since then, CDC has released some additional details of the campaign as part of a 57-page “interim playbook” that outlines vaccination plans for local and state public health officials.

Some journalists, legislators, and scientists have accused OWS of a lack of transparency about its process for selecting vaccine candidates. That opacity, critics say, exacerbates concerns over any potential vaccines’ safety and efficacy.

If the operation’s name foreshadows more messaging from government agencies, experts caution there is reason to be wary. “The term ‘warp speed’ was an unfortunate term,” Offit said. That particular message, he said, suggests corners are being cut to create a vaccine.

“Constantly saying you’re going fast makes people think you’re going recklessly fast,” said Arthur Caplan, a medical ethicist at New York University’s Grossman School of Medicine.

Beth Bell, a clinical professor of global health at the University of Washington and member of the CDC’s Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices, said she’s not sure how the name came about. (The committee is not directly involved in the nuts and bolts of vaccine messaging.) “I think those of us who are looking at recommendations are quite serious about not cutting corners and not sacrificing safety for speed,” Bell said.

To convince Americans already concerned about vaccine safety to take a vaccine developed at record — or warp — speed, transparency will be key: “Loud and clear throughout this period of preparation, and when a vaccine is available, it’s going to need to be very clear what we know about the vaccine, and frankly, what we don’t know,” said Jason Schwartz, a health policy scholar at Yale University.

Experts believe that vaccine messaging that presents more information — even if that information is incomplete, or changes as more evidence emerges — can sway people toward vaccine confidence. “I understand why members of the public are skeptical and hesitant right now,” said Moore, the Immunization Action Coalition staffer, during a conversation in July. “Someone recently asked me if I would take the first vaccine that rolls off the line, and I said, ‘I would like to see the data and then I’ll make my decision.’ If that’s my approach, then I respect others for having the same approach.”

Nonetheless, experts hope that a safe, effective vaccine — and any messaging that accompanies it — will be welcomed by the majority of Americans who will have to receive it to reach herd immunity.

“I’d like to think it would be like the end of the movie ‘Contagion,'” Offit said, “where everybody’s lining up to get this vaccine.”

* * *

Jillian Kramer is a journalist whose work has appeared in The New York Times, National Geographic, Scientific American, and more.

This article was originally published on Undark. Read the original article.

The president wants you dead — and so do his friends and advisers. It’s that simple

The president of the United States wants you dead.

Throughout the dystopian horror of the past four years, critics of the Trump administration have speculated, with persuasive evidence and analysis, that Donald Trump and his gaggle of ghouls — Jared Kushner, Bill Barr, Stephen Miller, et al. — are both incompetent to prevent death and indifferent to the onslaught of death if the victims, whether they lose their lives in a largely preventable pandemic, a natural disaster caused by climate change, or at the hands of police or right-wing terrorists, are not white, rich and Republican.

Recent revelations should force Americans to consider an even darker reality, and gather insight into the malevolence of humanity that is typically accessible only in barbaric episodes of history and frightening stories of literature. The most powerful man in the federal government delights in the infliction of pain, misery and grief.

To understand Trump as a sadist, it is helpful to use Occam’s razor. The 14th-century Franciscan friar William of Ockham submitted that in order to solve problems, a theorist should begin by cutting away the hypotheses that contain unnecessary complications. The fewer assumptions against reason one makes, the likelier one will stumble upon the truth. (He didn’t actually invent this principle, but used it so often his name was attached to it.) 

Bob Woodward recently released recordings and his new book have demolished Trump’s last remaining defense of ignorance or delusion regarding COVID-19. As Trump made clear to Woodward in numerous conversations over a period of months, he always understood that the virus was easily transmissible and, in his own words, “deadly stuff.”

Mike Lofgren, a longtime Republican congressional aide who worked as a staffer on both the House and Senate budget committees, recently wrote, “The stupidest leader imaginable randomly might have gotten something right; Trump’s one hundred-percent record of failure was carefully calculated to achieve a specific result: mass death and a ready-made scapegoat.”

Jared Kushner, according to a recent story in Vanity Fair, made the evil calculation early in the pandemic that it would only hurt Democratic states, and thereby cause more political harm to Democratic candidates for office than to Trump. It is now inarguable, as polls show Trump failing to gain on Joe Biden in the presidential race, with senior citizens moving toward the former vice president, that Trump has exacted no benefit from the ongoing failure to impose widespread testing and tracing measures, or to fully supply health care workers with personal protective equipment.

Sharpening Occam’s razor, it is important to note that Trump’s cruelty surpasses indifference. He is not only refusing to help — he is actively promoting the spread of the virus with his mockery of masks and packed indoor rallies. 

Any biographer of Trump will explain that he is a hedonist. This is a man born into wealth and luxury who rarely, if ever, does anything that does not satisfy his ego, bring him pleasure or enhance his profits. As hundreds of thousands of Americans die, and the pandemic causes considerable damage to Trump’s re-election campaign, what hypothesis remains other than the horror that Trump derives gratification from presiding over widespread death and chaos?

Perhaps it is the single most satisfying stroke of his ego to realize that he has the ability to save people’s lives, but chooses not to do so. It is by now common to compare Trump to a cult leader. As Jonestown, Heaven’s Gate, the Order of the Solar Temple and many other cults have demonstrated, the leaders of especially destructive cult movements eventually turn on their own people, ordering mass suicide as the ultimate exercise of power.

Before Trump’s recent indoor rally in Nevada, a television reporter asked whether he was concerned about the event increasing infections of COVID-19. The president laughed, explaining that he wasn’t worried because he’d be on a stage, standing “very far away” from his unmasked supporters. Trump voters are willing to risk their lives for the glorification of their leader, and that is thrilling — even fun — for him to watch. 

Trump’s tendency to laugh at inappropriate moments is particularly chilling and revealing.

He has shown little or no concern for the Pacific Northwest, where the worst wildfires in the history of the country are destroying countless homes, incinerating ecosystems and wildlife, and have killed more than 30 people.

When Wade Crowfoot, head of California’s Natural Resources Agency, challenged Trump on his refusal to act on climate change during a meeting to discuss the fires, the president turned his head and began to laugh. He chuckled again when he told Crowfoot, in reference to irrefutable evidence that the planet is warming due to human activity, “The science doesn’t know.”

It’s all fun and games for Trump.

Americans can gain similar insight into Trump’s homicidal philosophy of political power by observing him defend Kyle Rittenhouse, a self-deputized right wing vigilante who shot three Black Lives Matter protesters in Kenosha, Wisconsin, last month, killing two of them. Trump also brazenly calls for extrajudicial assassinations from law enforcement, recently declaring in an interview that “There has to be retribution” when reacting to the news that federal forces had killed Michael Reinoehl, the left-wing activist accused of shooting a member of the far-right group Patriot Prayer in Portland, Oregon.

Edgar Allan Poe has a story about a man under the spell of the “imp of the perverse.” He kills only for the rush of doing something he knows he should not. Poe writes that when “we peer into the abyss, we grow sick and dizzy.” The normal human instinct is to turn away in retreat of danger and evil. There are those, however, who “unaccountably remain,” guided by a thought that “chills the very marrow of our bones with the fierceness of the delight of its horror. It is merely the idea of what would be our sensations during the sweeping precipitancy of a fall from such a height.”

Donald Trump has descended into the abyss. He is attempting to take America with him. It is for us to decide whether we will follow.

Republicans are pushing state-level measures to block defunding of police

Roughly a month before Minneapolis police officers murdered George Floyd, a 42-year-old man named Michael Ramos was killed by police in Austin, Texas.

The blazing Texas heat was beginning to let up on the evening of Friday, April 24, when eight police officers cornered Ramos in an apartment parking complex. The officers were responding to a call about possible drug use, and they arrived on the scene with guns drawn.

Body camera footage later revealed a terrified Ramos trying to comply with every demand, all while telling officers he does not know what he had done wrong. When a policeman hit him with a so-called “less lethal” projectile, Ramos took shelter inside his car. A few seconds later, he tried to drive out of the parking lot. Ramos was shot and killed, and no gun wass found in or around his car.

Throughout the Austin-based protests against police brutality, Michael Ramos’s name became a rallying cry alongside George Floyd’s. On August 13, Austin’s progressive city council voted unanimously to cut the city’s $434 million police budget by one third. That figure includes $20 million in immediate cuts, and a year-long process to transition an additional roughly $130 million out of the police budget. The Republican outcry was swift.

Ken Paxton, the state’s attorney general, chalked up the move to another example of “cancel culture.” Gov. Greg Abbott (R-Texas) accused the city council of shirking their duties to uphold public safety. But he didn’t stop there.

Abbott recently unveiled a “Back the Blue” pledge, promising not to defund the police. He urged candidates and voters to sign it. The pledge reads, in part, “Defunding our police departments would invite crime into our communities and put people in danger. That is why I pledge to support any measure that discourages or stops efforts to defund police departments in Texas.”

As the November elections approach, Abbott is one of hundreds of GOP leaders and lawmakers focusing on “law and order.” Echoing President Trump — the self-styled “law and order” president — Republicans are using threats, histrionic pledges and legislation to scare cities considering police reform.

In Austin, City Councilman Greg Casar has not minced words about Abbott’s recent posturing.

“He doesn’t miss a political opportunity to punch down at movements for civil rights,” Casar says. “The governor is trying to hurt the Black Lives Matter movement and attack the civil rights movement for his own political benefit.”

Casar drafted the city council’s three-tiered proposal to reform the Austin Police Department, which calls for a “Reimagine Public Safety” fund that would allocate more money toward mental health initiatives. People with mental illness are 16 times more likely to be killed by police officers. A recent survey by the Police Executive Research Forum discovered that the average police officer spends only eight hours in “Crisis Intervention Training,” a mental health initiative often criticized for being ineffective or improperly implemented. Meanwhile, that same research study found that new police recruits spend 60 hours learning how to use guns.

When it comes to access to mental health care, Texas is the worst state in the nation. It’s also one of the states with the highest incarceration rates, and currently, Texas’ largest cities spend more money on policing than anything else. Yet Abbott has vehemently opposed any budget cuts and has recently threatened Texas cities who are considering police reform.

Shortly after the city council’s vote, Abbott said he plans to introduce legislation that would freeze property tax revenues for any city that cuts police budgets. Abbott has also threatened to employ the Texas Department of Public Safety, a state police force, to help “stand in the gap” and defend Austin residents, even as that department has come under fire for spending hundreds of hours tracking and arresting police brutality protesters. Attorney Jessica Pishko, who has extensively researched policing, says both of the governor’s proposals are, at best, unrealistic.

“The fact is cities are going to have to reduce budgets this year,” Pishko says, citing the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic. “But [police] unions exert a lot of power, and chiefs and sheriffs don’t like their budgets cut.”

Indeed, the Austin Police Association has taken to Twitter to repeatedly rail against the city council’s budget proposal. But Pishko says the dialogue about defunding the police is about much more than reform. While some polls show that Americans do not favor eliminating police forces, the majority of them support some level of police reform and the Black Lives Matter movement, two facts that Pishko says scare Republicans.

“The Republican Party as led by Trump has made it quite obvious that their goal is white supremacy and racism, and the idea that there are white people out there who don’t support that is pretty scary to them,” she says. “So, you’re seeing politicians start to posture, and be more aggressive in their rhetoric. They’re essentially taking on a Trumpian tone.”

That “Trumpian tone” is apparent in two new legislative proposals, one from Gov. Ron DeSantis (R-Florida), and one from Sen. Josh Hawley (R-Missouri).

On September 22, DeSantis called for a new law that would give felony penalties to protesters who block traffic without a permit, while also prohibiting grant and state funding to any municipality that “slashes” its police budget.

Hawley’s legislation is similar. His bill would authorize $15 billion for the U.S. attorney general to fund more police officer hiring and salary increases for state and local law enforcement. Any city that votes to defund the police would not have access to those funds for new hires or raises.

“[A]s violence and rioting sweeps across American cities big and small, our courageous law enforcement officers are more vital now than ever,” Hawley writes in the proposed legislation. “Democratic politicians are bending to radical activists who want to defund the police. We should do just the opposite. Our officers deserve a raise, not defunding.”

Similar rhetoric can be found in practically every corner of the U.S. A separate pledge, simply entitled “The Police Pledge,” has already received hundreds of signatures from federal, state and local officials. The pledge was initiated by Heritage Action For America, a policy advocacy organization known for funneling millions of dollars into Republican congressional campaigns.

“A lawful society — free from mob rule and violent insurrection — is not possible without Law Enforcement,” the pledge reads. When signers etch their names onto the document’s growing list of devotees, they promise to “stand with America’s Police and pledge to oppose any bill, resolution, or movement to “Defund the Police.” Those devotees include former South Carolina Gov. Nikki Haley and Gov. Brian Kemp (R-Georgia), as well as Senators Tom Cotton (R-Arkansas) and Rick Scott (R-Florida).

Jim Henson, director of the Texas Politics Project, believes Governor Abbott’s focus on policing is both a political ploy and an intended distraction. Texas has been ravaged by COVID-19, as have many of the states whose politicians have signed “The Police Pledge.”

“It’s also an opportunity for Republican elected officials to shift the public agenda, or at least attempt to shift the agenda of public discussion, away from the slog of trying to contain the pandemic,” he told local television station KXAN.

Author and former Secretary of Labor Robert Reich has accused President Trump of the very same thing.

“Trump muzzled the federal government’s most prominent and trusted immunologist, Dr. Anthony Fauci, while the White House tried to discredit him,” Reich wrote in a recent blog post. “But the Trump campaign ran fictitious ads portraying cities as overrun by violent leftwing mobs, and Trump’s shameless Fox News lackeys have consistently depicted protesters as ‘rioters’ and the ‘armed wing of the Democratic party.'”

While Pishko acknowledges the enduring legacy of “law and order” rhetoric, she claims widespread pledges, threats to freeze funding and bills targeting cities are more “aggressive” than pro-police proposals of the past.

“And I think we have Trump to credit for that,” she says. “People are tying their fates to him.”

While hundreds of Republicans continue to voice their fervent opposition to police reform, Michael Ramos’s mother is grieving her son.

Brenda Ramos has struggled to eat since her son was killed, she said in an interview aired on Austin’s NPR station, and the stress of recent months has taken a physical toll. She’s suffering from intense back pain, and hoping some change can result from Michael’s death. She wants the officer who killed her son to be prosecuted — which the Travis County district attorney has thus far failed to do — and she wants some of the city’s police funds to be re-allocated for after-school programs in Austin. Yet her greatest wish is that police violence ends.

“[The violence] got to be stopped,” she said. “It’s been happening way too long, and we all need to come together and make a change.”

Copyright © Truthout. Reprinted with permission.

Democrats to propose bill limiting Supreme Court terms to 18 years

Democratic lawmakers have drafted a bill that, if passed, would limit the tenures of Supreme Court justices on the bench to just 18 years.

In the wake of a highly contentious battle set to commence over the replacement of the late Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, who died on September 18 from complications due to pancreatic cancer, those pushing for the reform to the high court believe that it will mitigate future politicization of the institution by limiting the number of appointments made by presidents to just twice every four-year presidential term.

The legislation is set to be introduced by three members of Congress, Representatives Ro Khanna (D-California), Joe Kennedy III (D-Massachusetts) and Don Beyer (D-Virginia).

Limiting how long justices could serve on the court to just 18 years “would save the country a lot of agony and help lower the temperature over fights for the court that go to the fault lines of cultural issues and is one of the primary things tearing at our social fabric,” Khanna said in a statement.

It’s unlikely that the bill will go anywhere during this term of Congress. While it might pass the Democratic-controlled House, the Republican-controlled Senate will more than likely oppose the idea. Even if it’s passed by both houses of Congress, it would still need the signature of President Trump, who may veto it, believing he could make more appointments in a future term in office should he win reelection in November. (If Trump is successful in appointing a replacement for Ginsburg, he will have made three appointments to the Supreme Court within a single four-year term.)

Critics of the idea have also suggested that it’s unconstitutional. However, the way the bill is framed may actually allow for changes to the court without the need for states to ratify a constitutional amendment, by giving retiring justices “senior” status. In this way, justices would not technically be retired, and would be allowed to hold onto their title as justice while not actually serving on the bench to take part in decisions. They may also rotate to lower circuit courts after taking senior status, if they wish to do so.

The plan — and its justification for avoiding the need for a constitutional amendment — is similar to one advocated in a CNN opinion article written last year by Ruth-Helen Vassilas, an associate at the London law office of Skadden, Arps, Slate, Meagher & Flom LLP; and Kermit Roosevelt, a professor at University of Pennsylvania Law School (and the great-great-grandson of President Theodore Roosevelt).

“This proposal is lawful under the Constitution,” the two wrote in 2019. “First, Congress has the authority to change the size of the court and has done so repeatedly throughout history. Second, federal judges are constitutionally entitled to ‘hold their offices’ during good behavior and not have their salaries reduced. This plan does not diminish salaries, and it is consistent with a current US law (28 US Code § 371(b)) that states explicitly that district and circuit judges who take senior status ‘retain the office.’ It follows that our legislators can assign senior status to justices, as well.”

The idea has widespread support, too. A poll conducted in May by the reform advocacy group Fix the Court found that 77 percent of Americans strongly or somewhat support restrictions for how long justices can serve on the Supreme Court, while only 23 percent are against creating such limits.

Support for tenure limits transcends partisan lines, too: In that same poll, 78 percent of Democrats supported the idea, while 79 percent of Republicans backed it as well.

At least three current justices, Fix the Court has also noted, also seem receptive to the plan. Both Justices Elena Kagan and Stephan Breyer, members of the liberal bloc of justices on the Supreme Court, have made comments supporting tenure limits within the past five years. Chief Justice John Roberts, working within the Reagan administration in 1983, also suggested the reform would be beneficial.

“A judge insulated from the normal currents of life for 25 or 30 years was a rarity then, but is becoming commonplace today. Setting a term of, say, 15 years would ensure that federal judges would not lose all touch with reality through decades of ivory tower existence,” Roberts wrote at the time.

Copyright © Truthout. Reprinted with permission.

 

Isolation and opioids during the pandemic

In our new era of nearly unparalleled upheaval, as a pandemic ravages the bodies of some and the minds of nearly everyone, as the associated economic damage disposes of the livelihoods of many, and as even the promise of democracy fades, the people whose lives were already on a razor’s edge — who were vulnerable and isolated before the advent of Covid-19 — are in far greater danger than ever before.

Against this backdrop, many of us are scanning the news for any sign of hope, any small flicker of light whose gleam could indicate that everything, somehow, is going to be okay. In fact, there is just such a flicker coming from those who have been through the worst of it and have made it out the other side.

I spoke with Rafael Rodriguez of Holyoke, Massachusetts, on a sweltering Thursday afternoon in late July. He had already spent hours that day on Zoom and, though I could feel his exhaustion through our pixilated connection, he was gracious. His salt-and-pepper beard neatly trimmed, he nodded gently in answer to my questions. “Covid-19 has made it more and more apparent how stigmatizing it is to be less fortunate,” he said. As we spoke, the number of Americans collecting unemployment benefits had just ticked up to around 30 million, or about one in every five workers, with nearly 15 million behind on their rent, and 29 million reporting that their households hadn’t had enough to eat over the preceding week. Rodriguez is an expert in what happens after eviction or when emergency aid dries up (or there’s none to be had in the first place) — what becomes, that is, of those in protracted isolation and despair.

Drug-overdose deaths were up 13% in the first seven months of this year compared to 2019, according to research conducted by the New York Times covering 40% of the U.S. population. More than 60% of participating counties nationwide that report to the Overdose Detection Mapping Application Program at the University of Baltimore saw a sustained spike in overdoses following March 19th, when many states began issuing social-distancing and stay-at-home orders. This uptick arrived atop a decades-long climb in drug-related fatalities. Last year, before the pandemic even hit, an estimated 72,000 people in the United States died of an overdose, the equivalent of sustaining a tragedy of 9/11 proportions every two weeks, or about equal to the American Covid-19 death toll during its deadliest stretch so far, from mid-April to mid-May.

What people do in the face of protracted isolation and despair is turn to whatever coping strategy they’ve got — including substances so strong they can be deadly.

“I think of opioids as technologies that are perfectly suited for making you okay with social isolation,” said Nancy Campbell, head of the Department of Science and Technology Studies at Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute and author of OD: Naloxone and the Politics of Overdose. Miraculously, an opioid overdose can be reversed with the medicine naloxone, commonly known by the brand name Narcan. But you can’t use naloxone on yourself; you need someone else to administer it to you. That’s why Campbell calls it a “technology of solidarity.” The solidarity of people looking out for one another is a necessary ingredient when it comes to preserving the lives of those in the deepest desolation.

Yet not everyone sees why we should save people who knowingly ingest dangerous substances. “I come from a small town in northeastern Pennsylvania and I have a large extended family there,” Campbell told me. She remembers a family member asking her, “Why don’t we just let them die?”

Any of us can answer that question by imagining that the person who just overdosed was the one you love most in the world — your daughter, your son, your dearest friend, your lover. Of course you won’t let them die; of course it’s imperative that they have another chance at life. There are people like Rafael Rodriguez who have dedicated themselves to ensuring that their neighbors have access to naloxone and other resources for surviving the absolute worst. One day, naloxone may indeed save someone you love. Perhaps it already has.

Another technology of solidarity has recently become commonplace in our lives: the face mask. Wearing such a mask tells others that you care about their well-being — you care enough to prevent the germs you exhale from becoming the germs they inhale, and then from becoming the germs they exhale in the company of still others. Face masks save lives. The face mask is a technology of solidarity. So is naloxone. And so is empathy.

“The sheer power of being with someone in the moment”

As Rafael Rodriguez slowly told his astonishing story, I could see on my computer screen a spartan office behind him and a single bamboo shoot, its stem curled beneath a burst of foliage. When he was younger, he said, he used food as his coping mechanism for an embattled life, over-eating to the point where doctors worried he would die. Then, at age 23, he underwent gastric bypass surgery and lost a dramatic amount of weight. The doctors were pleased, but now his only means of coping with life’s hardships had been taken away. When three of his dearest family members died in rapid succession, he began drinking. Eventually he sought something that could help him stay awake to keep drinking, and so he started using cocaine. Later on, he needed something that could ease him off cocaine in order to sleep.

“That’s where heroin came into my life,” he told me.

Using that illegal drug left him feeling ashamed, though, and soon he found himself pulling away from his remaining family members, becoming so isolated that, in 2005, he fell into a long stretch of homelessness. Only after he had spent almost a year in a residential rehabilitation facility and gotten a job that left him surrounded by supportive colleagues did Rodriguez begin to name the dark things in his past that had driven him to use drugs.

“No one ever knew that I was sexually assaulted as a child,” he explained. After years in recovery, he is now in possession of a commanding insight. During the most troubled years of his life, he was punishing himself for someone else’s grim actions.

Portugal famously decriminalized all substance use in 2001 and multimedia journalist Susana Ferreira has written that its groundbreaking model was built on an understanding that a person’s “unhealthy relationship with drugs often points to frayed relationships with loved ones, with the world around them, and with themselves.” The root problem, in other words, is seldom substance use. It’s disconnection and heartache.

In 2016, Rodriguez was hired by the Western Massachusetts Recovery Learning Community in Holyoke, where heroin use constituted a crisis long before opioid addiction registered as a national epidemic. Rodriguez now dedicates himself to supporting others in their recovery from the trauma that so often underlies addiction. And while tight funding and staffing limitations have led many community organizations across the country to reduce services during the pandemic period, the Recovery Learning Community has sought to expand to meet increasing need. When state restrictions capped the number of people the organization could allow into its indoor spaces, Rodriguez and his team improvised, offering services outside. They prepared bagged lunches, set up outlets so people could charge their phones, and distributed hand sanitizer and bottled water. And they continued to offer compassion and peer support, as they always had, to people wrestling with addiction.

Helping those in the midst of painful circumstances, Rodriguez says, isn’t about knowing the right thing to say. It’s about “the sheer power of just being with someone in the moment… being able to validate and make sure they know they’re being heard.”

In many situations, he adds, he has helped people without uttering a word.

Criminalization versus “any positive change”

It’s something of an understatement to say that, in the United States, empathy has not been our go-to answer for addiction. Our cultural tendency is to regard signs of drugs or the persistent smell of alcohol as marking users as outcasts to be avoided on the street. But medical science tells us that addiction is actually a chronic relapsing brain disease, one that often takes hold when a genetic predisposition intersects with destabilizing environmental factors such as poverty or trauma.

Regardless of the science, we tend to respond unkindly to folks in the throes of addiction. In her book Getting Wrecked: Women, Incarceration, and the American Opioid CrisisDr. Kimberly Sue describes a complex and corrupt system of prosecutors, forensic drug labs, prisons, and parole and probationary systems in which discipline is meted out primarily to low-income people, disproportionately of color, who use illegal substances. An attending physician at Rikers Island in New York, Sue is also the medical director of the Harm Reduction Coalition. The philosophical opposite of criminalization, “harm reduction” is an international movement, pioneered by people who have used or still use such drugs, to reduce their negative consequences.

“Treat people with dignity and respect, respect people’s bodily autonomy” was the way Sue described to me some of harm reduction’s core tenets. In this country, we typically expect folks to cease all substance use in order to be considered “clean” human beings. Harm reduction instead espouses a kind of compassionate incrementalism. “Any positive change,” from the decision to inject yourself with a sterile needle to carrying naloxone, is regarded as a stride toward a healthier life.

In tandem with its decision to decriminalize all substance use, Portugal put harm reduction at the heart of its national drug policies. And as of 2017 (the most recent year for which data are available), nearly two decades after that country’s groundbreaking move, the per-capita rate of drug-related fatalities in the U.S. stood 54 times higher than in Portugal.

Now, the pandemic has made addiction even more dangerous. In addition to inflicting the sort of widespread hardship that can drive people to opioids (or even greater doses of them) and to take their chances with the potent synthetic opioid fentanyl, Covid-19 has stymied efforts by Dr. Sue and others to provide effective guidance and care. In normal times, opioid users can at least protect themselves from dying of an overdose by using their drug in the company of others, so that someone can administer naloxone if it becomes necessary. Now, however, that safety mechanism has been fatally disrupted. While social distancing saves lives, stark solitude can be deadly — both as further reason for using such drugs and because no one will be present with the antidote. Referring to naloxone as a miracle medicine, Sue said that there is no medical reason why people should die of an opioid overdose.

“The reason they die is because of isolation.”

Rx: Friendship

Back in March, one of the first recommendations for reducing the transmission of the coronavirus was, of course, to stay home — but not everyone has a home, and when businesses, restaurants, libraries, and other public spaces locked their doors, some people were left without a place even to wash their hands. In Holyoke, Rafael Rodriguez and his colleagues at the Recovery Learning Community, along with staff from several other local organizations, rushed to city officials and asked that a handwashing station and portable toilets be installed for the many local people who live unhoused. Rodriguez sees such measures not only as fundamental acts of humanity, but also as essential to any viable treatment for addiction.

“It’s really hard to think about recovery, or putting down substances, when [your] basic human needs aren’t being met,” he said. In the midst of extreme summer heat, he pointed out that there wasn’t even a local cooling center for people on the streets and it was clear that, despite everything he had seen in his life, he found this astonishing. He is now part of a community movement that is petitioning the local city government for an emergency shelter.

“When you have no idea where you’re going to rest your head at night, using substances almost becomes a survival tactic,” he explained. “It’s a way to be able to navigate this cruel world.”

Meanwhile, Dr. Sue continues to care for her patients whose maladies are often rooted in systemic injustice and the kind of despair that dates back to their early lives. Affirming that substance use is indeed linked to frayed relationships, she told me that, in this pandemic moment of isolation, what drug users most often need is a sense of connection with others.

“How do I prescribe connection?” she had asked during our phone call. “How do I prescribe a friend?”

Several days later, while writing this article, I left the air-conditioned space in which I was working and walked a couple of blocks to run some errands. In the stifling midday sun, I saw a woman sitting on the ground. I realized I’d seen her before and guessed that she was homeless. Her arms and face were inflamed with a rash. She said something to me as I passed. At first, I didn’t catch it. Her words were garbled and she had to repeat herself several times before I understood.

She was asking for water.

I blinked, nodded, and went into a nearby drug store where I grabbed a water bottle, paid in a few seconds at self-checkout, and gave it to her. And yet, if I hadn’t been working on this article, I might not have done that at all. I might have passed right by, too absorbed in my life to realize she was pleading for help.

Amid the sustained isolation of a global pandemic whose end is nowhere in sight, I asked Rafael Rodriguez what lessons could be learned from people who have long experienced isolation in their lives.

“My hope is that, as a society, we gain some empathy,” he replied.

Then he added, “Now that’s a big ask.”

Copyright 2020 Mattea Kramer

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Unapologetic Black women are taking back our power

I am Black and alive, and that’s half the battle today. Seriously. I woke up. No cops shot me in my sleep or on the street. I didn’t get charged with a crime I didn’t commit. A white person didn’t tell me I didn’t live in my house and call the cops. I didn’t have a heart attack or stroke from high blood pressure, which runs on both sides of my family. I didn’t die from a health care system that fails Black women. I haven’t gotten COVID-19 (despite the myths people spread about protestors getting the virus), which we know is killing Black people at high rates. And though he tries every day in every way to make the lives of Black people impossible, the racist, vile president hasn’t killed me. 

But that’s just today. Tomorrow is another story. 

Naomi Osaka knows this, too. That’s why she made it a point to show up to the U.S. Open with her beautiful natural Black hair and with the wit and wisdom of her incredible unapologetic Blackness. Naomi, just 22 years old, chose to take a risk on the world’s stage to protest the egregious murders of Black people and show up with seven masks for each of her matches with the names of Breonna Taylor, Elijiah McClain, Ahmaud Arbery, Trayvon Martin, George Floyd, Philando Castile, and Tamir Rice — with support from their families. 

Because she is a Black woman, trust me, her career very well could have been on the line for speaking the truth: that as Black people, we are literally struggling to stay alive, hour by hour, each day at a time. 

And she won. She won the game on the court, and she won in the game of life. Naomi Osaka is proof of what can happen when you show up as an unapologetic and authentic Black woman — and take a big risk along the way. And if the masks weren’t bold enough, in her post-game interview when asked what was the message she sought to convey, she very, very unapologetically asked, “What was the message you got?”  My soul cheered upon hearing her reply so directly and emphatically. And in the time after her match, she exclaimed that her ancestors were with her and that she would not just shut up and be an athlete, because being vocal is the reason she won.

Naomi’s presence challenges us all to be better. 

How can you not listen to her? Unapologetic Black women are here to stay through all the aggressions and attempts to marginalize and silence us, whether you like it or not, make space for us or not, And we are winning whether you like that or not, too. 

It seems Naomi is also on a journey to true freedom. That made me feel that I am not alone right now. I made a choice recently, amid the national conversation on and protests for racial justice in this country, that I’m here to be in your face with all of my Black womanness. I have recently felt a merging of my identities, professionally and personally, that only my ancestors could have made possible. I am choosing to show up both at work and in personal spaces in a very unapologetic way, and I have decided that it is not just about me, but it is about all Black women taking back their power. 

I know that every time I show up authentically I am taking a risk, and I have decided that I DO NOT CARE. I am on Zoom every day with my dope natural Black hair and my dope Black T-shirts. But mostly, I am here to remind you about the power of Black women and that we are knocking down walls and building new spaces, where we are truly ourselves and we are here to normalize our brilliance, our greatness and our beauty in every form that may take. It is time to be carefree with our Blackness because no one cares for us. 

I am sure there are people who equate authenticity with “less than” or “classless.”  I don’t know about you, but I choose not to subscribe to whiteness as my standard or to the respectability politics of other Black women who may also be incredible but are accustomed to conforming to what makes white people comfortable, thereby oppressing themselves. I don’t actually care what folks think and that has taken me years and a deep, supportive network of Black sisterhood and some Black men like my husband to keep me pushing. 

And if I am being totally honest and real…It. Is. Not. Easy. 

I recently sent a note to colleagues about the “Black woman tax” we are charged, like being asked to clean up problems at work including things that are not directly my job. I am often asked to appear on panel with the other “women of color” or to be the voice for all Black women in situations where men of color and white men and women feel uncomfortable or need some street credibility to perform inclusiveness. My decisions are sometimes questioned or compared to those of white counterparts in the same field and often people are baffled by my Blackness and how I can show up authentically in these spaces. The answer: I have decided that I don’t care about the threat of potential consequences that likely shouldn’t be imposed anyway. But I know that every time I make such a decision it carries with it the possibility that I could, through no fault of my own, see a door to new opportunities close. 

As a proud Howard alum, I have been thinking a lot lately about the lessons that Chadwick Boseman left with us, specifically about the importance of finding your purpose and never, ever letting go. There is clarity in purpose and there is power in only saying yes to the things that move your spirit and your calling while saying a fierce no to the things that don’t. That no takes courage and a hell of a lot of risk. As Black women, every time we push a boundary or say no, we are absolutely risking it all because America is not built to respect that no, going all the way back to the unfair, racist and gendered tropes of Black women being made to clean up the messes of white folks. 

Often we don’t have a choice because we have bills to pay, mouths to feed, a roof over our heads to maintain, and all the other very real reasons. But because Black women are not even allowed that choice due to societal circumstances and oppression out of our control, that in itself is part of the problem. I am fortunate to have a supportive boss who lets me lead and gives me the space and honors my voice to help everyone respect Black women’s dignity. That has not always been the case in other professional settings. I know that is not every situation. I am saying that it should be. 

I am determined to make space for us by being my authentic and unapologetic self. I am saying that others need to normalize that and the burden should not be on us to be accepted or conform to white norms.

In this time of national reckoning with systemic racism, I have also had a self-reckoning: I have made the decision that my purpose is to push every boundary you lay in front of me so that you have no choice but to recognize and respect my Blackness and my identity as a Black woman. And if you don’t, I have given myself permission to leave that space. I am here to make you reckon with your whiteness, your privilege and your power. 

I am on my own journey right now, wherever that takes me. As an activist and Black woman, I simply cannot ignore this calling. And I hope that more Black women will listen to their calling, too. 

And in the end, we will all lay on that floor…finally free, whether you like it or not. Just like Naomi. 

Warren rips Trump rush to fill RBG seat as “last gasp of a right-wing, billionaire-fueled party”

In a speech on the Senate floor honoring the legacy of the late Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Sen. Elizabeth Warren on Tuesday condemned President Donald Trump and his Republican allies’ pre-election rush to fill the new Supreme Court vacancy as “the last gasp of a right-wing, billionaire-fueled party that wants to hold onto power a little longer in order to impose its extremist agenda.”

“Ruth Ginsburg was a woman who never let any man silence her,” said the Massachusetts senator. “The most fitting tribute to her is to refuse to be silenced, and to name exactly what Donald Trump and Senate Republicans are trying to do—steal another Supreme Court seat. This kind of sleazy double-dealing is the last gasp of a desperate party that is undemocratically over-represented in Congress and in the halls of power across our country.”

If Trump and the Republican-controlled Senate succeed in ramming through Trump’s Supreme Court pick before the election despite widespread public opposition, Warren said Democrats have an obligation to “explore every option we have to restore the court’s credibility and integrity.”

While Warren did not mention specific reforms, prominent Democratic lawmakers — including Sen. Ed Markey, D-Mass., and Rep. Jerry Nadler, D-N.Y. — have voiced support for adding justices to the Supreme Court if the Senate confirms Trump’s nominee. The Massachusetts senator previously said she is open to the idea, which is also backed by progressive advocacy groups like Demand Justice.

“The list of what is at stake if Republicans get their way and their extremist agenda finds a home in the nation’s highest court is truly staggering,” Warren said Tuesday, warning that a “McConnell-Trump” justice would imperil healthcare coverage for millions of people with preexisting conditions, threaten reproductive rights, disenfranchise voters, and gut climate regulations.

“Three years ago, I watched our nation rise up in the face of impossible odds and defend healthcare when Donald Trump and Mitch McConnell wanted to strip away care from millions of Americans,” Warren said. “We face those same odds today, as we again fight to protect the healthcare of those same Americans, and to protect so much more. But I have hope. Because I know that this is a righteous fight, and I know that millions of other Americans are also in this fight.”

Watch the full speech:

It’s official: Trump picks Amy Coney Barrett as his nominee to succeed Ginsburg on Supreme Court

President Donald Trump revealed his Supreme Court nominee on Saturday, barely five weeks out from the Nov. 3 election. He has chosen conservative Judge Amy Coney Barrett for the job.

If the 48-year-old law professor is confirmed, her appointment would consolidate a conservative majority in the country’s top court.

Democratic opponents, led by presidential candidate Joe Biden, have demanded that Republicans back off on replacing Ruth Bader Ginsburg — a liberal icon — until after the Nov. 3 election.

Leaders of the Republican majority in the Senate, which is tasked with confirming Supreme Court nominees, said they have enough support to hold a vote on the nomination either before the election or at worst during the “lame duck” session between the election and the inauguration of the next president in January.

“We will certainly do that this year,” Republican Senate leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., said.

If Barrett is confirmed, the Supreme Court would have a 6-3 conservative majority.

Barrett was only appointed to the bench for the first time in 2017. A deeply conservative Catholic, she is considered hostile to abortion rights — a key issue for many Republicans.

The left-leaning government watchdog group Accountable US was unimpressed with the reported choice. “Barrett has proven time and again that protecting businesses — not people — is her top priority,” said group president Kyle Herrig.

In 2018, the mother of seven was on the shortlist presented by Trump for a seat vacated by the retirement of Justice Anthony Kennedy, a position ultimately filled by Brett Kavanaugh after a ferocious confirmation battle.

For Trump, nominating a conservative judge to the Supreme Court is a way to fire up his base heading into November’s election.

But at Friday’s whirlwind campaign outings, the president also looked beyond his core supporters and in Florida — where the Latino vote is all-important — said his Democratic challenger Joe Biden has been “very bad to Hispanics.” 

“I’m a wall between the American dream and chaos,” he said.

Later in Georgia he insisted that as president he had exceeded his promises for African-Americans.

“I did more for the black community in 47 months . . . than Joe Biden did in 47 years,” he said, repeatedly swiping at Biden’s legislative record in co-sponsoring 1990s tough-on-crime legislation that many experts say resulted in high incarceration rates for Black Americans.

Biden himself did no in-person campaigning Friday, but traveled from his home in Delaware to Washington for a ceremony in the U.S. Capitol, where Ginsburg lay in state — the first woman and Jewish person to do so.

Ginsburg’s last wish, reportedly relayed to her granddaughter, was for her seat to be decided by whoever wins the next election.

Trump cast doubt upon the veracity of that in an interview Monday, suggesting it could have been a ploy made up Democratic leaders.

Republican leaders have said that if the fate of a disputed election rests with the Supreme Court, they will need a full bench of judges to prevent a deadlock.

The Democratic leadership has vowed to do everything in their power to prevent the confirmation of a new justice before the election, but with a 53-47 Republican majority in the Senate, there is little they can do to stop it.

 

 

Burned Out: When you’re sick of cooking, embrace the comfort of “sick day” food

Last night, I sat down for a late dinner — well, curled up is honestly more accurate. I smooshed myself into the corner of my couch while draped in the largest and softest sweatshirt I own, and balanced a bowl of chicken soup between my knees. It was a kind of hybrid between chicken noodle and Italian wedding soup. 

I started by rolling out some quick miniature meatballs made with some leftover ground chicken and sauteing them in a slick of olive oil. Once they browned, I pulled them out, set them aside and tossed in some garlic, roughly chopped white onion and a little leftover white wine to mingle with the browned bits. Once those were soft enough, I doused the whole thing in broth, added some frozen carrots and spinach, lemon zest, and a sprig of wilting rosemary that had been languishing in the fridge. 

The soup simmered while I half-watched the “High Maintenance” episode with Ira Glass again, then tossed in some wagon wheel pasta which, Whole Foods has the audacity to brand as a “kid’s cut.” Once those were al dente, in went the meatballs for a quick stir. I ladled a huge spoonful into a bowl and topped it with  a little shaved parmesan and an embarrassing amount of oyster crackers. 

I found the remote, began rewatching “Bored to Death” and took a bite of the soup; it was simple and earthy and bright. I washed it down with a drink of cold ginger beer and, for the first time in weeks, I felt truly soothed. I wasn’t physically unwell — other than, you know, feeling weighed down by the often crippling anxiety that comes with living through a global pandemic — but the immediate sense of warming comfort that the meal provided me is a true case for making “sick day food” when you’re sick of cooking. 

We’ve talked about this concept of culinary fatigue a lot over the past couple weeks as part of Salon’s “Burned Out” series. Thus far, we’ve covered how to grocery shop when you’re sick of cooking and how to make the most of pre-made building blocks found in the freezer section. 

This week’s exploration of “sick day” food is more about mindset than instruction — preparing foods that are equal parts comforting and nourishing, and above all, require minimal energy to make. The point of this series at large is to get you excited (or at least not dreading) being in the kitchen again, and there’s really nothing better for that than sitting down with a dish that prompts you to say, “I made this and I feel better for having done so.” 

Here are some of my favorite kinds of foods for that purpose. 

Soup’s on 

There really is nothing more comforting than a hot bowl of soup. I have some definite favorites, which tend to kind of follow a theme — chicken and rice, chicken noodle, avgolemono, matzo ball soup. But there are lots of options. Earlier this year, Joseph Neese put together a list of some of the best soup recipes on Salon Food

Whatever you choose, the benefits are the same when you’re trying to break out of a cooking slump. Soup is the ultimate one-pot meal, which provides a momentary reprieve from the monotony of dish duty, and that one pot makes multiple servings (maybe freeze some for the next time you don’t feel like cooking dinner from scratch?). Just don’t forget the sleeve of Saltines. 

Savory oatmeal 

If you typically take your oatmeal with brown sugar and cinnamon, this may sound like a bit of a stretch, but savory oatmeal is having a moment and for good reason: it’s a nourishing, stick-to-your-ribs dish that you can doctor up to fit your tastes. Here are some of the basics: 

  • Oats: Steel-cut oats work best — and make sure that if you are buying packets that they are flavorless. 
  • Aromatics: Grab some garlic, onions, scallions or spices and let them bloom a bit in oil or butter to serve as a base for your oatmeal. Add your oats to the mix and cook them until warmed through.
  • Liquid: Sure, you can use water, but feel free to mix things up. To imbue the dish with a little more umami, go for vegetable or chicken stock. For a little creaminess, add a splash of cream or oat milk. 
  • Toppings and add-ins: The sky’s the limit, honestly. Mix and match items like shredded parmesan, crumbled bacon, hearty greens, pine nuts, pumpkin seeds, pickled vegetables, crispy mushrooms and soft-boiled eggs. 

Carbs and butter 

There’s that quote, “Simplicity is the essence of happiness,” that, while ridiculously overused as an Instagram caption by wellness influencers, is honestly great advice in the kitchen. Sometimes two ingredients are such an ideal pair that it doesn’t make sense to mess with perfection. Case in point, carbs and butter. 

When I was a kid, buttered noodles were my go-to “sick day” food. White rice with a pat of golden butter was what got me though mono when I was in high school. Just last night, I found myself lusting after this Japanese Butter Knife and the promise of slathering golden curls of chilled butter onto thick slabs of toast. 

Of course you can augment these dishes — add some cracked black pepper to your pasta, soy sauce to your butter rice or a drizzle of warmed honey to your toast — but also consider sticking to the basics, buying items that are just a touch nicer than what you typically buy. Fresh pasta, bakery-quality bread, cultured butter. It makes a difference. 

Don’t forget drinks

Hydration is key when you’re sick (of cooking). But seriously, there are drinks that I don’t tend to consistently keep in the house unless I’m not feeling well. Ginger ale, jugs of orange juice, Sprite, coconut water. 

Perhaps it’s something different for you. My best friend, for instance, swears that Vitamin Water and matcha lattes heal her overnight. But trust me when I say it’s going to help. “Self-care” is of those phrases that has become so culturally ubiquitous that it’s almost been rendered meaningless, but ladling out a hot bowl of soup and pouring yourself a cold glass of whatever-your-choice seems like a pretty good place to start.

 

“The Comey Rule” will likely trigger Trump, and series star Michael Kelly couldn’t be happier

Showtime’s new two-part series, “The Comey Rule,” based on former FBI director James Comey’s best-selling book “A Higher Loyalty,” should come with a trigger warning for Donald Trump because it’s going to send him into a Twitter frenzy. In fact, as one of the stars of the series, Michael Kelly—you know him as Doug Stamper from “House of Cards” among other shows — explained during our “Salon Talks” episode that during the filming of the series there were often conversations on the set about what type of tweets Trump would unleash upon the show once it airs. Kelly wasn’t sure how Trump might describe his depiction of former deputy FBI director Andy McCabe, but he was confident that would include the hashtag “loser.”

What will anger Trump in this series? Let me count the ways. For starters, it lays out the origins of the FBI investigation into the Trump campaign’s numerous ties to Vladimir Putin and Russia, which makes a compelling case why such an investigation was not just merited, but required. There are also scenes making the case against Trump’s former National Security Advisor Michael Flynn for blatantly lying to the FBI about his conversations with Russian officials, further making the case that Trump protects criminals as long as they remain loyal.

And then there’s Brendan Gleeson’s depiction of Trump, which reads like a needy, dumber version of Don Corleone from “The Godfather.” That was no mistake, as Kelly explained, given Trump’s clear desire to be a mobster and be surrounded by criminals. To that point, Kelly noted that Trump would prefer more aides like his Doug Stamper character from “House of Cards,” who would literally kill to protect his boss, Frank Underwood, than people like the FBI’s Andy McCabe who put America first. 

Kelly hopes the show, which also stars award-winning actor Jeff Daniels as James Comey and Holly Hunter as Sally Yates, will serve as a reminder in the final weeks of the 2020 campaign of Trump’s dangerous attacks on the rule of law and his attempts to destroy the FBI along with any other entity or person that sought to hold Trump accountable. And that, too, will likely trigger the thin-skinned Trump to lash out on Twitter. Watch my “Salon Talks” with Kelly here, or read a Q&A of our conversation below.

This interview has been lightly edited for clarity and length.

When you were on the set shooting this project, did you ever talk about how Donald Trump is likely going to hate-tweet this show many times? He’s going to hate it because it’s truthful. It was based on Jim Comey’s book, “A Higher Loyalty.” And he hates McCabe, and he hates [Peter] Strzok, and he hates Lisa Page and all of these people are essential to the show. So I’m not kidding; was there ever a discussion like, “Trump’s going to hate this, he’s going to tweet about it”?

It was constantly being discussed. And I think I would be so incredibly proud if I saw a tweet go out: “This actor, Michael Kelly, playing fake Andrew McCabe!” I would just be over the moon. My manager, he’s already claimed the right to frame it for me. If he does indeed tweet about “D-List actor Michael Kelly.”

Is there a nickname you would like from Trump?

You’ve got to figure “loser” is going to be in there, right? That’s one of his favorite words. “D-List,” guess that would probably feel the best.

You play former deputy FBI director Andrew McCabe in “The Comey Rule,” but so many fans remember you as Doug Stamper from “House of Cards.” Were you drawn to this role because politics is involved? And does a political element make you more interested in playing a character?

Well, I’m not saying that I’m this expert by any means on politics, but it is a great interest of mine. I studied political science in college prior to falling into acting, and I’ve always been into politics. I lobby on the Hill for seniors, with Republicans and Democrats. I’m very involved politically. When I heard that Billy Ray, who I had worked with on “Secret in Their Eyes,” was doing this project, I immediately responded to his tweet with, “Who am I playing?” I jokingly said that and felt so blessed and fortunate to actually be offered a role in it. I was kidding, but half-kidding. This is something that is so appealing to me because we are so inundated with the crazy in politics today.

“House of Cards” was the crazy show during the Obama administration. Then “House of Cards” kind of became irrelevant with the new crazy in real life. So for me, this is a story that people probably have forgotten. How it all started, where it all came from, what actually happened around that 2016 election. It’s great to be a part of something that is a reminder to the American people at a time when probably a lot of people need to be reminded of just how crazy this all is. I think it’s a great thing to go back to and relive.

The series lays out the Hillary [Clinton] investigation and then the origins of the investigation into Donald Trump’s team, Russia and Michael Flynn in great detail. And that’s why I can say that Trump’s not going to be happy with it because it lays it out in a very easy to understand way. But I have to ask you, you played Doug Stamper for Frank Underwood, literally you did anything he needed. Do you think Trump likes the Doug Stampers of this world more than being surrounded by the Andy McCabe’s of the world who were ethical?

A hundred percent. I think he would love to have someone as efficient as Doug Stamper on his staff. I jokingly tweeted at him saying, “Hey man, I’ll take the hit for America. I’ll come be your chief of staff.” I jokingly tweeted that at him because he has not had, in my opinion, a competent chief of staff, or at least one chief of staff who’s been allowed to actually steer him in the right direction. Right? He might’ve had a competent chief of staff, but he’s not allowed that chief of staff to do the work that he needs to do.

It’s a good point. Brendan Gleeson plays Trump in the series. I think people are going to be surprised because first you watch him and try to judge if it a good impression or not. We just naturally do that. But at the end of watching it, I really found, and I want to see if this resonates or not with you. He plays Trump like Marlon Brando in “The Godfather” plays Don Corleone. I know Comey has talked about Trump being like Sammy the Bull, and it comes up. Did you get any of that? What was your take on Brendan Gleeson’s depiction of Trump?

I thought that he threaded that needle perfectly between an impression and just sort of what Billy Ray asked us all to do, grab the essence of the character. I said to him, “Do you want me to do McCabe?” And he was like, “No, there’s not really enough to . . . He’s not like Trump. He doesn’t have that mannerism, that way of speaking that’s so identifiable.” So with McCabe, he was like, “Grab the essence.” But with Brendan Gleeson, what he did with Trump is to me like a masterclass in acting because I watched it and I’m just like, “Wow!” He didn’t do Trump. He really kind of just was Trump.” And I do believe that, and I didn’t talk to Brendan Gleeson about anything other than potentially visiting Niagara Falls while we were in Toronto and I said, “You have to go.” That’s all we talked to him about really, and Ireland.

So I can’t speak for him, but my impression of it, what I saw him do, yes, I think there is definitely some mob boss in there. And I think that that is a great thing to throw in there because he really acts like one, he speaks like one. The president acts like one at times. I don’t think he could have nailed that any more than he did.

In your role as McCabe you play a man who served for over two decades in the FBI before getting fired by Trump just hours before his pension. Yes, Donald Trump is that vindictive. And I know it had the veneer of “Sessions did it,” and it was civil servant, but let’s be blunt. We know what Trump is really about. Did you talk to Andy McCabe in preparing for this role?

I did. Funny enough, I didn’t have time to even read the Comey book and I also didn’t want to be influenced by the Comey book, even though that’s what the story is. I wanted to understand, and like Billy asked for, get to the essence of my guy. I read Andy’s book and I asked if I could speak to him and he was open to that. Originally the correspondence started over email and then text.

One day I was sitting here in the apartment and I get a text from Andy McCabe saying, “Hey, I’m in the city. Do you want to meet up for coffee?” And I was like, “I’m on my bike, dude, I’ll be right there.” And I hopped on my bike and I went over to meet him. And what was going to be a coffee, ended up turning into like a two-hour lunch and hangout. It was all that I could have asked for because I got to understand him and really just be with the man, and sort of like Billy said, grab the essence of who he is and what he is.

There was a scene where you’re talking on the phone as McCabe to Trump and he even takes a shot at McCabe’s wife, Jill, who lost an election. I remember that. My sister went to Duke with Jill and knows her a little bit, but has not kept in touch as much. But it really shows the pettiness and the vindictiveness of Donald Trump to bring up McCabe’s wife. Not that she got funding from the Clintons, which she actually didn’t get directly, but that she lost an election. Did McCabe share any of that with you — how petty and vindictive Donald Trump was to his family?

No, I didn’t feel comfortable at our first face-to-face meeting asking about that particular moment or anything about his wife other than that how we both are very much alike with our families. But I know me as a man and I know him as a man, and I know it’s just something you don’t do. It’s off the books to any normal person with a conscience or any level of empathy. You don’t go there. You can say what you will about her campaign contributions. Look, you can say what you will about any of it. You just don’t say that to a man about his wife. It’s as unforgivable in my opinion, as what they did to Andrew McCabe, and in my opinion, wrongfully terminating him just hours before his pension kicks in.

The series is based on James Comey’s book. Was Comey ever there during the shooting? Was he consulted by Billy Ray, the writer and director?

Oh yeah. They talked at length, but you know, I heard Billy say in an interview last week that “Comey’s book was a jumping-off point for me.” He went and spoke with Republicans, Democrats on the Hill, people he knows, sources he won’t identify obviously. Billy Ray is a great writer and he’s a great writer because he does his research and he did his research on this. While Comey’s book was the jumping-off point, obviously it’s not all kind to James Comey, either. And yes, [Comey] was there on set. I did not get to meet James Comey. It was not when I was working, but it was when Jeff and Brendan were working.

One of the greatest things about this project is it’s going to piss off people on the left and the right, but it’s going to cause people to talk. And I think more importantly right now, we all need to talk as a country. We need to talk to people on the right and talk to people on the left because we are so divided like never before. Everyone thought we were divided during W, we were divided during Obama. No, this is division. And if we don’t talk, this is just going to get further and further apart. So I felt like Billy Ray did an incredible job of going beyond Comey’s book and really just getting this true story out there to the people.

Jeff Daniels does a great job as James Comey and showing his human side. There was such a big internal debate talked about in the show in July 2016 about if Comey was going to announce the findings of the investigation to Hillary’s emails. The whole idea of should he go alone? Should he go with the AG? Should he go with the DAG, with Sally Yates or not? He chooses to go alone. And I wondered watching it, was it naivety or was it ego that he ultimately went alone? He knew there’d be some blowback, but it was off the charts what he got as a result on both sides in response to going there, making an announcement and actually even saying things like, “She’s extremely careless.” What was your take on it?

I don’t think it was his ego that made him do what he did. I think that one thing that I’ve learned about James Comey through all of this is that he believed that he was doing the right thing. I think he was painted into a corner. I think it’s addressed in the show, there was no scenario in which he was going to do the right thing. You do it with the AG, you’re going to look like a political hack. James Comey believes, and to this day, I’m sure believes, it’s very hard for me to speak for him, but what I understand about him is that he is an apolitical man. And he thought, my reputation in this town, my reputation as this man is that I am apolitical. And that if I do this and I do it in an apolitical way, it’s going to be the right thing to do. I believe that he believed he was doing the right thing. And I think to question that in hindsight is pretty tough and unfair.

When the Comey letter came out in October 2016, it changed the trajectory of the campaign. I understand it more now from watching this in terms of why he had to do that. Did you have a different outlook on it after seeing the way this was shot and after hearing the dialogue that was based in reality?

One of the things that I hope people take from this is that you understand that these are people, all of these people in this story, were people who were put in extraordinary circumstances. They are ordinary people put in extraordinary circumstances that never before seen norms being broken daily that we had never seen politically ever. You realize that these men and women are just like you and I. This is just what they do for a living. They chose to serve their country. They could all make a lot more money in the private sector. They chose to do what they thought was right for the American people. And to see that spin or be spun on its head and turned upside-down and made out to be these horrible people, that’s the part that kills me.

That, and the fact that they didn’t come out publicly and say about the Russia investigation because we all know that it’s not a hoax. We all know that in 2016, whether Trump was privy to it or not, whether he endorsed it or not, whether he welcomed it or not, we know that Russia interfered in the election, and we know that they did it to help get Donald Trump elected. And the crazy thing is, is we know by all intelligence services that it’s happening again in 2020, and they are burying that. For people to see that part of the story, I think is really important right now. When, as a country and – sorry, I don’t mean to get all riled up and political here – but when as a country did we all of a sudden decide to be the people who are like, “Yeah, Russia! I want what Russia wants!” What happened? What was that great hockey movie in the ’80s?

“Miracle on Ice.”

“Miracle on Ice!” Where is that?

We won the Olympic gold medal. We defeated Russia. Well, that’s the world we live in now where Donald Trump has made things partisan that should not be partisan. So it’s no big deal if Russia attacks us and it’s no big deal if they give arms to the Taliban. He makes life and death and COVID a partisan issue, which to me is beyond politics. It’s criminal. That’s my thinking.

I’m with you.

There’s this meeting you have in the series, I wish we could start the scene right here, where they’re sitting around the table and they show Carter Page, George Papadopoulos, Manafort and Michael Flynn and they go, “Why are all these Trump people tied to Russia?” And that’s the question. If they did not investigate that, we would be saying, “Why didn’t you investigate these ties?” And then you have the Trump Tower meeting on top of that in July 2016. I’m hoping people take that away as well. If they go, “Wow, now I get what the origins of this investigation was and it should have been investigated.” Is that what you hope that comes out of this as well?

A hundred percent. I think when Peter Strzok is saying in that meeting, he’s like name after name comes up on the projector and it’s like red, blinking red, also blinking red. You can’t make it up. This happened. And the way they were able to spin the findings from that is . . . the spin has never been like this. You can spin something, sure. They’re spinning the COVID response. He didn’t want to panic the country? The man who said, “The caravan’s coming! They’re going to . . . Antifa’s going to take your suburbs!” “I don’t, I didn’t want to cause panic.” Come on, man! Come on!

You had a tweet a few days ago, which I think sums up so much. “How is anyone still defending this man?” And that is my sentiment exactly: “Please explain to me what you see in him.” Well look, in the world of Trump. It’s not safe inside because of COVID and it’s not safe outside because of climate change. This is Trump’s America. Do you ever talk to Trumpers?

Yes, of course I do. I’m a big Atlanta Braves fan and so I have a lot of people from the South who follow me and I try to engage with them as often as possible and have these discussions about “How can you possibly still support this man?” And to the people who say, “religion” and they’re pro-life, right? You don’t really have a counterargument to that other than, “Well how about the gun laws and how about COVID? Are those not lives too?” But at least at that point, I’m like, “You know what, okay, that is your very strong religious belief. But just know that that is a man who just prior to the election was saying that he was for abortion.” He’s a con man. He is P.T. Barnum, only with a darker side.

I’ve been in New York for over two decades. I know who he is. I know what he is. I have met him. I have been around him and I watched his wife dismiss my wife like she was a peasant. These are the people that they are. He pushed me aside. I was having a conversation with Chris Matthews, an old friend of mine. That’s who he is, man. And you know, I get it. If you’re pro-life, I get it, sure, okay, fine. There’s nothing I can say to take you away from that. Yes, he went to the pro-life march, but know that it wasn’t because that’s what he believes. He knows that the only way he’s going to be elected.

It’s interesting what you said about the personal experience. It kind of colors a lot of things. It’s anecdotal, but it says so much about Trump, which is he’s lived this elitist life where there is a backstage pass to life and everyone is born into wealth. Yet, he’s the biggest victim of everything. I don’t know why that resonates with this base because a lot of them truly are struggling to put food on their table. I’m not wired intellectually to understand that. I really am not kidding. I just don’t understand that.

That’s the problem for me is that these discussions back and forth with people on the right, quite often, some people who are not as fortunate as I am. And I’m like, “You don’t understand. I’m going to be fine. Financially, this guy is not all that bad for me. I’m fighting for you. I’m fighting for my children. I’m fighting for the Supreme Court seats. I’m fighting for climate change. I’m fighting for all the things that matter to me, but I’m fighting for you. I’m trying to help you.”

I guess it’s very hard because there is a wall put up and people don’t like to be told that they’re wrong, right? So if you voted for Donald Trump in 2016, there will be a large group of people who will vote for him in 2020 because they don’t want to be wrong. They think he’s been great. He’s been great for the economy. They don’t take into account that there was six straight years of economic growth, at least six straight years of economic growth under Obama/Biden. Sometimes they just don’t want to hear it because they don’t want to be wrong.

Turning back to “The Comey Rule,” tell everyone why should they tune in?

I think everyone should tune in because like I said earlier about being inundated with a new crazy every day, which we are, it’s just a very kind reminder of where it all started and how it all started and what the FBI was actually looking at simultaneously with the Hillary emails. I think it breaks it down for people in a very easy to understand way that happens to be an incredibly compelling story as well. And a story about how these men and women in the FBI and how they’re people just like you and I. They have families just like you and I, and they are good people who could have a great life in the private sector who chose to serve this country and do what they felt was right in their hearts. They’re the good guys.

A kind reminder, because this is a dangerous time, when you question and you have a president who is discrediting our intelligence agencies, the CIA, the FBI, everybody who speaks out against him is wrong. The first thing a dictator does is discredit the media. He did that. Then you discredit your intelligence services, then you just say whatever you want. So I think I would like people to see that. I would also like people to have discussions. This show, I really believe, is going to upset people on the left and the right. And I think for people to have discussions about what happened and what is happening to our country, if we can all talk, we can all go a lot further. And it’s just so good! It’s really well done. Billy Ray knocked it out of the park and I’m so proud to be a part of it. I just can’t wait for people to see it.

“The Comey Rule” limited series airs Sunday and Monday, Sept. 27-28 at 9 p.m. on Showtime.

Legal experts are freaking out about Bill Barr’s actions to help Trump win

Legal experts are increasingly alarmed by Attorney General William Barr’s efforts to help President Donald Trump win re-election.

The attorney general has joined the president in attacking voting integrity and civil rights demonstrators, and he has described his role in the election in explicitly religious terms that show Barr believes he represents “moral discipline and virtue” against “individual rapacity,” reported The Guardian.

“His abuses have only escalated as we have gotten closer and closer to the election, and as the president has felt more and more politically vulnerable,” said Donald Sherman, deputy director of the Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington. “I can’t put it more plainly than this: The attorney general is a threat to American citizens having free and fair access to the vote, and is a threat to American having their votes counted.”

Barr has recently asked federal prosecutors to consider charging protesters with sedition and designated New York City, Portland and Seattle as “anarchy” zones, which helps Trump whip up hysteria about public safety.

“I think this attorney general is demonstrably more committed to the political success of the president, and the president’s political agenda than any attorney general in history I can think of,” said Neil Kinkopf, a Georgia State law professor who worked in the Office of Legal Counsel under Bill Clinton.

Kinkopf testified against Barr during his 2019 confirmation hearing, when he warned senators the deeply conservative Washington veteran believed in giving the chief executive “breathtaking” powers.

“When I testified against him, I recognized how dangerous the unitary executive theory is,” Kinkopf said. “But what I didn’t appreciate, and I don’t think anybody appreciated, was just how fully he would deploy that theory in advance not of rule-of law values, but in order to advance both the president’s political agenda, and I think more deeply for Barr, his own social and religious commitments.”

The attorney general has accused Black Lives Matter protesters of fomenting chaos as part of a socialist revolution, and he has described himself as a bulwark in a battle between good and evil. 

“The attorney general sees himself clearly as fighting culture wars that are to him moral and religious,” Kinkopf said, “and those are deeper, I think, commitments for him than the commitment to federalism, and so to the extent that the balance of federal and state power gets in the way of achieving what he wants to achieve in the culture wars, he’s willing to cast that aside.

“So if there weren’t a culture war angle on it, I think he would take the position that states and local governments should be left to police their own communities, and the federal government should keep its nose out,” Kinkopf added. “But because he sees something at stake in the current protests that jeopardizes what he feels as being the proper order of society, he’s not troubled about using federal power to pursue what he views as being the right results.”

Here’s why the latest Texas polls are so ominous for the GOP — even if Trump wins the state

More polls on the 2020 presidential race have come in for Texas — and once again, former Vice President Joe Biden is within striking distance of President Donald Trump, who is ahead by only 3% in a New York Times/Siena poll and by 5% in a Quinnipiac poll. Texas is still in play for Biden, but even if Trump ultimately wins the Lone Star State, these polls are an ominous sign for the GOP and underscore the inroads Democrats are making in a state that Republicans can no longer take for granted.

Texas’ U.S. Senate race is another ominous sign for the GOP. Incumbent Sen. John Cornyn is ahead of Democratic challenger M.J. Hegar, but only by single digits. According to polls released in September, Cornyn is winning the race by 6% (New York Times/Siena and Morning Consult), 2% (the Tyson Group), 5% (YouGov), 4% (Public Policy Polling) or 8% (Quinnipiac). If these polls are accurate, Cornyn will probably be reelected on November 3. But the very fact that Hegar is doing as well as she is in Texas is bad news for the Republican Party and demonstrates that Republicans are having to work harder in a state where they could usually count on double-digit victories back in the 1990s and 2000s.

Some pundits continue to describe Texas a “deep red state,” but at this point, a more accurate description would be “light red.” While Republicans still have an advantage in statewide races in Texas, that advantage is smaller than it was 20 or 30 years ago.

It isn’t hard to understand why so many Democratic strategists have been pessimistic about Texas. The last Democratic nominee to win Texas in a presidential race was Jimmy Carter in 1976, and during the 1980s, 1990s and 2000s, Texas was a state in which Democrats performed well at the local level but struggled badly in statewide races. Democratic strategists viewed Texas as state where Democrats were mayors or city council members and performed well in some congressional districts but struggled when it came to gubernatorial and U.S. Senate races. Democratic Texas Gov. Ann Richards was voted out of office in 1994, and the state has only had Republican governors since then.

But in 2018, Democrat Beto O’Rourke performed shockingly well when he challenged incumbent Texas Sen. Ted Cruz in a U.S. Senate race. O’Rourke lost to Cruz, but only by 2% — which was a major departure from all the double-digit victories that Texas Republicans enjoyed in statewide races in the 1990s and 2000s. After Cruz was reelected, GOP strategists were hoping that O’Rourke’s campaign was a fluke. But in 2020, the single-digit leads that Trump and Cornyn are having in Texas show that it was not. The GOP’s advantage in Texas hasn’t disappeared by any means, but it is shrinking.

One warning sign for Republicans in Texas came in 2016, when Trump defeated Democratic presidential nominee Hillary Clinton by 9% — compared to 2012, when Republican Mitt Romney defeated President Barack Obama by 16% in Texas. In 2012, Obama lost to Republican Sen. John McCain by 12% in Texas.

There are plenty of deep red states where Trump is almost certain to win, including Utah, Idaho, Wyoming, Alabama, West Virginia and Nebraska — and he can carry those states without a great deal of effort. But in 2020, Trump is having to work extra hard to avoid a Biden victory in Texas. Similarly, Cornyn — in light of O’Rourke’s performance in 2018 — is taking nothing for granted in his battle against Hegar.

Demographics are not advantageous for Republicans in Texas, a state that is only 41% non-Hispanic white, according to the U.S. Census Bureau. Texas is a state where a non-white minority dominates the electorate, but if Democrats can increase turnout among Latino and African-American voters in the Lone Star State, it could be a major headache for the GOP.

Moreover, Texas’ major urban centers lean Democrat, including Houston, Austin, San Antonio, El Paso and Dallas. But a heavy turnout among the GOP base in rural counties has given Republicans an advantage in Texas.

Texas has the most electoral votes of any red state: 38, to be exact. It has been a major cushion for GOP candidates in presidential races, but Republicans are having to work harder and harder to hold onto that cushion. And the harder Republicans have to work in statewide races in Texas, the worse it will be for the GOP in the long run.

Federal judge blocks Texas’ elimination of straight-ticket voting

Less than three weeks before early voting begins in Texas, a U.S. district judge has blocked the state from eliminating straight-ticket voting as an option for people who vote in person this November.

In a ruling issued late Friday, U.S. District Judge Marina Garcia Marmolejo cited the coronavirus pandemic, saying the elimination of the voting practice would “cause irreparable injury” to voters “by creating mass lines at the polls and increasing the amount of time voters are exposed to COVID-19.”

The court also found that the GOP-backed law “imposes a discriminatory burden on African-American and Hispanic voters” and is “likely to cause confusion among voters.”

In her ruling, Marmolejo acknowledged the burden the decision could put on local and state election officials, who will have to recalibrate voting machines or reprint ballots. But she reasoned that the potential harm for those suing, including the Texas Association for Retired Americans, was “outweighed by the inconveniences resulting.”

The popular practice of straight-ticket voting allowed general-election voters to vote for all of the candidates of either party in an election by simply picking a straight-ticket option at the top of the ballot. But Texas Republican lawmakers championed a change to the law during the 2017 legislative session, arguing it would compel voters to make more-informed decisions because they would have to make a decision on every race on a ballot.

Most states don’t allow for one-punch voting, but its elimination in Texas met intense opposition from Democrats who fear the change will be most felt among voters of color and lead to voter dropoff, particularly in blue urban counties that have the longest ballots in the state. In Harris County, for example, ballots can go on for pages because of the number of state district judges and other local officials up for election.

Over the past four presidential elections, one-punch voting has generally proved more popular among Democrats in Texas’ 10 largest counties.

Although the change was signed into law almost three years ago, a last-minute amendment to the legislation delayed its implementation until this year’s general election. The delay proved ill conceived for the majority party in 2018 when down-ballot Republicans faced a rout in urban counties where Democrats were aided by straight-ticket voting.

Democrats sued the state in March to overturn the law. They celebrated the judge’s order on Friday.

“Time and time again Republican leadership has tried to make it harder to vote and time and time again federal courts strike it down,” Texas Democratic Party Chair Gilberto Hinojosa said in a statement after the ruling. “Texas Democrats will have to continue to win at the ballot box to protect the right vote. Until the new Texas majority wipes out these out-of-touch Republicans, Texas Democrats will never stop fighting for Texans in court.”

Multiple voting cases have ended up in court in Texas in the months since the coronavirus pandemic began. Democrats sued to expand eligibility for mail-in voting, but those attempts have so far failed. Meanwhile, in July, Gov. Greg Abbott added six days to the early voting period, moving the start date up to Oct. 13 from Oct. 19, citing the contagion. He is currently facing a lawsuit over his extension from members of his own party.

The Texas Tribune is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media organization that informs Texans — and engages with them — about public policy, politics, government and statewide issues. 

Is it time to kill calculus?

Many parents relish reliving moments from our childhoods through our children, and doing homework with them is its own kind of madeleine. For Steve Levitt of “Freakonomics” fame — who is, in his own words, “someone who uses a lot of math in my everyday life” — a trip down memory lane vis-a-vis math homework became a moment of frustrated incredulity rather than gauzy reverie. “Perhaps the single most important development over the last 50 years has been the rise of data and computers, and yet the curriculum my children were learning seemed to have been air-dropped directly from my own childhood,” he told me. “I couldn’t see anything different about what they were learning than what I learned, even though the world had transformed completely. And that didn’t make sense.”

Levitt has made a career of questioning the received dogma. In this case, what he saw was that “A mathematical way of thinking, numeracy, data literacy, is far more important today than it has been; the ability to visualize data, the ability to make sense out of a pile of numbers, has never been more important, but you wouldn’t know that from looking at the math curriculum.” Data combined with the use of mathematical ideas had transformed the way he and others look at the world. Should data also change the way we teach mathematics?

* * *

In most schools, children are grounded in basic arithmetic in elementary school, and then, somewhere between middle school and high school, force-fed the “algebra-geometry-algebra sandwich”. The first year of algebra (“Algebra I”) continues to reinforce basic arithmetic, and then brings in fractions. The familiar starts to give way to the unfamiliar when variables and functions are introduced. That’s when “x the unknown” makes its first appearance in word problems and linear equations, which for many marks a first sign of confusion rather than buried epistemological treasure.

Things then take a big turn, and math class time-travels to the days of ancient Greece for lessons in formal geometric proofs (“Geometry”) that Euclid would have little trouble stepping in to substitute teach. Following that is a yearlong return to algebra (“Algebra II: The Sequel!”), which given the previous year’s partial hiatus from x’s and y’s and numbers first requires a lengthy review and then finally a return to new functions (exponentials, logarithms, polynomials) that either amuse or irritate you, depending on your taste, predilections, and teacher.

For some math stops here. For others there is often an honors track that speeds things up. Increasingly, honors or not, students get to pre-calculus or calculus, which is often revisited in the first year of college, and is the last bit of formal math a person will ever taste. Apologies to the reader for any unhappy flashbacks – or indigestion — incurred.

The sandwich – and actually the entire mathematical meal — has had a long shelf-life. If Levitt felt like his kids were air-dropped into his childhood math classes, odds are this was true for his parents too. The origins of the curriculum go back to a famous 1892 “Committee of Ten” that met at the behest of the National Education Association to standardize public education. Like any good committee their first act was to create more committees – nine to be exact – each tasked with the consideration of a “principal subject which enters into the programmes of secondary schools in the United States and into the requirements for admission to college”. Each of these subcommittees then considered “the proper limits of its subject, the best methods of instruction, the most desirable allotment of time for the subject, and the best methods of testing the pupils’ attainments therein.” Mathematics was one of them. So was Latin and Greek. 

Pre-college mathematics education at that time was like today, composed of arithmetic, geometry, and algebra. The committee had recommendations for each of these areas. The teaching of arithmetic should be “abridged by omitting entirely those subjects which perplex and exhaust the pupil without affording any really valuable mental discipline, and enriched by a greater number of exercises in simple calculation and in the solution of concrete problems.” That could stand as a mission statement today for the teaching of any kind of mathematics. “Concrete geometry” would be part of grammar school mathematics and combined with drawing. The committee also recommended that all students, regardless of their aspirations have the same kind of mathematics education up through the first year of algebra. After that, distinctions start to emerge depending on your goals: trigonometry and more algebra for those going to “scientific schools”, “commercial arithmetic” for those thinking of a business career.

While “the pupil who solves a difficult problem in brokerage” may still learn some good mathematics,  “The movements of a race horse afford a better model of improving exercise than those of the ox on a treadmill.” Setting aside the confusing animal analogy (okay, an ox is slow, but it is really strong and why are you putting it on a treadmill?) the spirit of the metaphor reflects something of a general tension in education: how much do we teach for the world as it is today and how much for the unknown tomorrow? Specific applications or general principles?

This is a tension that is perhaps felt most keenly in the teaching of mathematics and has led to something of a back and forth in mathematics education. Among the most well-known attempts to revamp the mathematics classroom was the move in the 1960s to the “new math”, which was a reaction on the part of mathematicians – and some math teachers – that mathematics teaching had become too utilitarian, a curricular decision made decades earlier, at least in part because it was observed that our soldiers in World War II were lacking in basic mathematical skills. The energy behind that revamping of mathematics teaching was the Space Race, initiated by the surprising launch of Sputnik and a perceived “math gap” that would have to be closed in order for the United States maintain international supremacy. Getting people into space and beyond the clouds would mean that we needed to start teaching a kind of math that was already in the clouds. The “New Math” would strip mathematics to its roots, going as far down as basic set theory – Venn diagrams – and rebuild the world of numbers from the ground up.

By most accounts the program was a failure, sacrificing a direct inculcation of basic skills for the goal of exploring highly abstract general concepts, which while not completely disconnected from the day-to-day world of basic arithmetic and problem solving, was about as distant from it as the satellites it was supposed to help launch. Standards-based education and the Common Core followed soon after.

The uneasy relationship between applications and theory in the development of mathematics  curriculum is a reflection of  an ongoing – if slowly healing — rift within the discipline itself. There is pure mathematics and applied mathematics, the former a creation of mathematics for its own sake as opposed to in the service of solving a problem that is troubling someone in the real world. “Applied” is better than “impure,” I guess, although it’s an adjective that has ugly historical and elitist overtones. To the extent that engineering is a craft, it is a bias that one might trace back to the distinction between the scholar and the craftsperson, the university and the guild or technical school. In truth, a genetic family tree of math would show all kinds of connections and surprising worldly origins of even the “purest” mathematics.

Levitt’s call for a mathematics curriculum centered around data is not born of anti-intellectualism. He is quick to point out that he is not “anti-math”, rather that he is “anti-math-that-no-one-will-ever-use-in-the-first-place,” at least in the classroom. As someone who loves math, he worries that a mathematics curriculum not connected to data and computers “runs the risk of being demoted.” “If the best arguments  for mathematics is that it’s part of the education of a well-rounded citizen and that it’s good for brain development,” that may very well be the undoing of math.

By his own admission, he is a Johnny-come-lately to the challenge of curriculum reform, but his academic star-power has enabled him to attract important and influential players to his mission of bringing data and computing to mathematics education. Levitt quickly stood up a small advisory committee of like-minded people that included statistics celebrity Nate Silver of 538.com, former Secretary of Education Arne Duncan, and former Google CEO Eric Schmidt.

Levitt’s most important recruit may be Jo Boaler, the Nomellini & Olivier Professor of Education at Stanford. Boaler also directs YouCubed, a non-profit whose mission is to “inspire, educate and empower teachers of mathematics.” Her work on mathematics education is widely cited and influential. The call she received from Levitt came at a perfect time, as she is currently working with California’s Department of Education to revamp the mathematics curriculum around data.

For Boaler, the sclerotic nature of the mathematics curriculum is above all an equity issue, and for that she places calculus at the center. As Boaler points out, mathematics is usually the only subject in which kids – usually 6th graders – take a placement exam in middle school, the result of which sets them on their academic pathway through high school, on track – usually an “honors” track – to take calculus junior year of high school.

The curriculum as calculus funnel and an honors track to speed one’s ride has downstream effects. My own home institution Dartmouth College is almost surely not an outlier among its peer group in that, while calculus is not required for admission, you would be hard-pressed to find a student here who didn’t take calculus in high school. It’s only the students who have made it through the initial placement – in sixth grade! – who have the ability to show colleges that they can succeed in calculus. For Boaler, calculus is a linchpin, not in and of itself, but because of the influence it has both on the curriculum that precedes it as well as its influence on students’ college prospects moving forward.

Despite what some may think, calculus didn’t end up as the last stop on the math track just to create a final hurdle for high schoolers. It was for many years, the most applicable math – outside of arithmetic – that you could find. It continues to be of great importance in all kinds of applied contexts, from medicine to engineering to finance, where modeling change – usually in the form of a “differential equation” – is crucial. It is mainly useful in continuous contexts (think fluids or asteroids in motion) and powerful for finding “analytic solutions” (formulas) that quantify a phenomenon indirectly encoded in a differential equation. All of this is still true, except what happened is that many new and interesting phenomena also started to be represented by numbers – i.e., the data revolution occurred. This didn’t mean calculus became irrelevant, rather other important possibilities arose for mathematical thinking and learning and teaching.

Boaler calls calculus a “horrible and inequitable filter.” Some of the inequity is around gender – placement testing preferences boys over girls, a finding that may be something of a surprise to many. Equity issues may also be redounding to the academy. A calculus-successful student body may very well be contributing to an over-representation in STEM in its entering classes, or rather that an underrepresentation or under-cultivation of humanities interests. Students have only so much time to take classes in high school and only so much energy. A history-interested student may very well be taking yet another difficult math course instead of another history or government or art course simply because she knows – or believes – that she has to wrap her head around calculus, which doesn’t have great tangencies to her intellectual passions.

“Data science” is a name invented to distinguish the ideas and approaches used to analyze the new diversity and quantities of data that characterize modern data from those of classical statistics.  Done well, it is an integration of critical thinking and quantitative skills, storytelling with and through numbers, supported by evidence. It has strong connections to the humanities, both in spirit and practice, as many interesting kinds of data analyses are regularly performed on information derived from humanities subjects, often in digital humanities programs. The humanities context is reflexive, too: it’s no coincidence that the new important work now being done in data bias came out of digital humanities programs. I’d wager that a student who excels at and enjoys data science is more likely to also have interest in and see beauty in the activity of close-reading a text, or image, or artifact, or working in the humanities more generally.

Data science is also highly collaborative, which a good deal of research shows is a working style where girls (and women) excel. Some of the same studies that show boys outperforming girls on timed tests, show girls outperforming boys when the tests have a collaborative framing. If data science were a part of a high school curriculum it could provide a mechanism for girls to show their quantitative skills and it also could be a boost to humanities programs as well. It would in short allow more students to showcase their talents to colleges in ways that could benefit both students and colleges.

* * *

Last March, Boaler and Levitt convened a Data Science Summit at Stanford. What was originally supposed to be a small working group soon mushroomed into a large meeting of more than fifty people that included well known mathematics educators, representatives from industry, and mathematicians. By the end of the Stanford meeting, rather than being energized by the day, Levitt was depressed. There were all these smart people in the room, committed to the idea of changing the curriculum, but all having different ideas. “It didn’t seem like something that would happen in my lifetime,” he says.

In fact, there already has been some substantial progress made in bringing data science to the schools. Notable is the Introduction to Data Science course that was co-developed by UCLA and the Los Angeles Unified School District and is already being rolled out in 15 southern California School Districts. In addition to a curriculum there is a professional development arm to help teachers acquire the skills to teach it.

In addition to explicit materials and courses like this, data is also making its way into the curriculum in more subtle ways. As part of thoughtful redesign twenty percent of the SAT now tests the ability of prospective college students to understand data, both in the quantitative and verbal parts of the test, the latter of which includes data in the reading comprehension piece. This is all part of concerted effort by the College Board CEO David Coleman to make the SAT more relevant to what is actually being taught in the “average” first year of college. Even more, from Coleman’s perspective, if kids were going to be studying for the SAT, then that studying should be worthwhile even beyond its relevance to college admissions. Data literacy is a part of that mission.

The recognition of the centrality of data is also a part of a next generation of AP courses. The new AP Biology course has been redesigned to have a significant data analysis component. The AP footprint in computer science has been expanded to include an AP “Principles of Computer Science” course that focuses on data science and as such provides context for the a next programming course. Coleman is especially proud of the Principles course, as it has proved to be a gateway course for computing that is especially attractive to demographics that historically have been under-represented in computer science. Since its roll-out in 2016, the numbers of female, black, LatinX, and rural examinees have grown by 136%, 121%, 125% and 117% respectively. And in the first year after the Principles course was made available, enrollments in the well-known AP programming course doubled, with attendant and sustained increases in each of these populations in subsequent years. “the changes in who is doing computer science is something I’m really proud of,” Coleman says. For Coleman, data science is a pathway to STEM diversity.

Another piece is a new initiative of Coleman’s that the College Board is calling its “pre-AP curriculum”. This fall “Pre-AP Geometry with Statistics” is being piloted around the country. It is a quarter the basics of data science with the rest basic geometry. The bridging conceit that both are contexts for deductive reasoning and the course joins the certainties of deduction with the probabilities of data science. A new Pre-AP Algebra II course will also have data analysis connections inserted through the appearance of functions with more than one variable.

Work like that being done at the College Board and other places does give Levitt some hope that math curricula will change — if not for his kids, then at least for his kids’ kids. What Levitt, Boaler, and many others support – possibly as a short-term fix, but at least as a step forward – is the idea of streamlining the current curriculum. While it’s not exactly as simple as “cutting two textbooks in half and gluing them together to make a new course,” as Levitt says, there is something to that. It’s the kind of thing that he and others could imagine organizing a group of mathematicians, and data scientists around to find a way to remove a year from the AGA sandwich.

A newly streamlined curriculum would then give space for a year of data exploration and integration of computing, maybe even more mathematics exploration – again, assisted by computing. A modification may also may put less strain on any requisite teacher training than a complete rewrite. It leaves open the possibility of a math curriculum that would be relevant for all the students, with a branchpoint that would depend upon interests: algebra, geometry/algebra+data followed either data science or calculus, or both! It would be better connected – maybe with the help of ideas from the new pre-AP courses – to the overall curriculum and in that, also possibly serve the purpose of getting more kids with a range of interests and abilities interested in mathematics. The devil is in the details, but this is the kind of near-term and seemingly achievable goal that Levitt, Boaler and others are now working toward.

 

This vanishing moment and our vanishing future

Whether you’re reading this with your morning coffee, just after lunch, or on the late shift in the wee small hours of the morning, it’s 100 seconds to midnight. That’s just over a minute and a half. And that should be completely unnerving. It’s the closest to that witching hour we’ve ever been.

Since 1947, the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists has adjusted its Doomsday Clock to provide humanity with an expert estimate of just how close all of us are to an apocalyptic “midnight” — that is, nuclear annihilation. A century ago, there was, of course, no need for such a measure. Back then, the largest explosion ever caused by humans had likely occurred in Halifax, Canada, in 1917, when a munitions ship collided with another vessel, in that city’s harbor. That tragic blast killed nearly 2,000, wounded another 9,000, and left 6,000 homeless, but it didn’t imperil the planet. The largest explosions after that occurred on July 16, 1945, in a test of a new type of weapon, an atomic bomb, in New Mexico and then on August 6, 1945, when the United States unleashed such a bomb on the Japanese city of Hiroshima. Since then, our species has been precariously perched at the edge of auto-extermination.

No one knows precisely how many people were killed by the world’s first nuclear attack. Around 70,000, nearly all of them civilians, were vaporized, crushed, burned, or irradiated to death almost immediately. Another 50,000 probably died soon after. As many as 280,000 were dead, many of radiation sickness, by the end of the year. (An atomic strike on the city of Nagasaki, three days later, is thought to have killed as many as 70,000.) In the wake of the first nuclear attack, little was clear. “What happened at Hiroshima is not yet known,” the New York Times reported that August 7th and the U.S. government sought to keep it that way, portraying nuclear weapons as nothing more than super-charged conventional munitions, while downplaying the horrifying effects of radiation. Despite the heroic efforts of several reporters just after the blast, it wasn’t until a year later that Americans — and then the rest of the world — began to truly grasp the effects of such new weaponry and what it would mean for humanity from that moment onward.

We know about what happened at Hiroshima largely thanks to one man, John Hersey. He was a Pulitzer Prize-winning novelist and former correspondent for TIME and LIFE magazines. He had covered World War II in Europe and the Pacific, where he was commended by the secretary of the Navy for helping evacuate wounded American troops on the Japanese-held island of Guadalcanal. And we now know just how Hersey got the story of Hiroshima — a 30,000-word reportorial masterpiece that appeared in the August 1946 issue of the New Yorker magazine, describing the experiences of six survivors of that atomic blast — thanks to a meticulously researched and elegantly written new book by Lesley Blume, Fallout: The Hiroshima Cover-Up and the Reporter Who Revealed It to the World.

Only the essentials

When I pack up my bags for a war zone, I carry what I consider to be the essentials for someone reporting on an armed conflict. A water bottle with a built-in filter. Trauma packs with a blood-clotting agent. A first-aid kit. A multitool. A satellite phone. Sometimes I forgo one or more of these items, but there’s always been a single, solitary staple, a necessity whose appearance has changed over the years, but whose presence in my rucksack has not.

Once, this item was intact, almost pristine. But after the better part of a decade covering conflicts in South Sudan, the Democratic Republic of CongoLibya, and Burkina Faso, it’s a complete wreck. Still, I carry it. In part, it’s become (and I’m only slightly embarrassed to say it) something of a talisman for me. But mostly, it’s because what’s between the figurative covers of that now-coverless, thoroughly mutilated copy of John Hersey’s Hiroshima — the New Yorker article in paperback form — is as terrifyingly brilliant as the day I bought it at the Strand bookstore in New York City for 48 cents.

I know Hiroshima well. I’ve read it cover-to-cover dozens of times. Or sometimes on a plane or a helicopter or a river barge, in a hotel room or sitting by the side of a road, I’ll flip it open and take in a random 10 or 20 pages. I always marveled at how skillfully Hersey constructed the narrative with overlapping personal accounts that make the horrific handiwork of that weapon with the power of the gods accessible on a human level; how he explained something new to this world, atomic terror, in terms that readers could immediately grasp; how he translated destruction on a previously unimaginable scale into a cautionary tale as old as the genre itself, but with an urgency that hasn’t faded or been matched. I simply never knew how he did it until Lesley Blume pulled back the curtain.

Fallout, which was published last month — the 75th anniversary of America’s attack on Hiroshima — offers a behind-the-scenes glimpse of just how Hersey and William Shawn, then the managing editor of the New Yorker, were able to truly break the story of an attack that had been covered on the front pages of the world’s leading newspapers a year earlier and, in the process, produced one of the all-time great pieces of journalism. It’s an important reminder that the biggest stories may be hiding in plain sight; that breaking news coverage is essential but may not convey the full magnitude of an event; and that a writer may be far better served by laying out a detailed, chronological account in spartan prose, even when the story is so horrific it seems to demand a polemic.

Hersey begins Hiroshima in an understated fashion, noting exactly what each of the six survivors he chronicles was doing at the moment their lives changed forever. “Not everyone could comprehend how the atomic bomb worked or visualize an all-out, end-of-days nuclear world war,” Blume observes. “But practically anyone could comprehend a story about a handful of regular people — mothers, fathers, grade school children, doctors, clerks — going about their daily routines when catastrophe struck.”

As she points out, Hersey’s authorial voice is never raised and so the atomic horrors — victims whose eyeballs had melted and run down their cheeks, others whose skin hung from their bodies or slipped off their hands like gloves — speak for themselves. It’s a feat made all the more astonishing when one considers, as Blume reveals, that its author, who had witnessed combat and widespread devastation from conventional bombing during World War II, was so terrified and tormented by what he saw in Hiroshima months after the attack that he feared he would be unable to complete his assignment.

Incredibly, Hersey got the story of Hiroshima with official sanction, reporting under the scrutiny of the office of the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers, General Douglas MacArthur, the head of the American occupation of defeated Japan. His prior reportage on the U.S. military, including a book focused on MacArthur that he later called “too adulatory,” helped secure his access. More amazing still, the New Yorker — fearing possible repercussions under the recently passed Atomic Energy Act — submitted a final draft of the article for review to Lieutenant General Lesley Groves, who had overseen the Manhattan Project that created the atomic bomb, served as its chief booster, and went so far as to claim that radiation poisoning “is a very pleasant way to die.”

Whatever concessions the New Yorker may have made to him have been lost in the sands of time, but Groves did sign off on the article, overlooking, as Blume notes, “Hersey’s most unsettling revelations: the fact that the United States had unleashed destruction and suffering upon a largely civilian population on a scale unprecedented in human history and then tried to cover up the human cost of its new weapon.”

The impact on the U.S. government would be swift. The article was a sensation and immediately lauded as the best reporting to come out of World War II. It quickly became one of the most reprinted news pieces of all time and led to widespread reappraisals by newspapers and readers alike of just what America had done to Japanese civilians at Hiroshima and Nagasaki. It also managed to shine a remarkably bright light on the perils of nuclear weapons, writ large. “Hersey’s story,” as Blume astutely notes, “was the first truly effective, internationally heeded warning about the existential threat that nuclear arms posed to civilization.”

Wanted: A Hersey for Our Time

It’s been 74 years since Hiroshima hit the newsstands. A Cold War and nuclear arms race followed as those weapons spread across the planet. And this January, as a devastating pandemic was beginning to follow suit, all of us found ourselves just 100 seconds away from total annihilation due to the plethora of nuclear weapons on this earth, failures of U.S.-Russian cooperation on arms control and disarmament, the Trump administration’s trashing of the 2015 Iran nuclear deal, and America’s efforts to develop and deploy yet more advanced nukes, as well as two other factors that have sped up that apocalyptic Doomsday Clock: climate change and cyber-based disinformation.

The latter, according to the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, is corrupting our “information ecosphere,” undermining democracy as well as trust among nations, and so creating hair-trigger conditions in international relations. The former is transforming the planet’s actual ecosystem and placing humanity in another kind of ultimate peril. “Dangerous rivalry and hostility among the superpowers increases the likelihood of nuclear blunder,” former California Governor Jerry Brown, the executive chair of the Bulletinsaid earlier this year. “Climate change just compounds the crisis. If there’s ever a time to wake up, it’s now.”

Over the last three-plus years, however, President Donald Trump has seemingly threatened at least three nations with nuclear annihilation, including a U.S. ally. In addition to menacing North Korea with the possibility of unleashing “fire and fury” and his talk of ushering in “the end” of Iran, he even claimed to have “plans” to exterminate most of the population of Afghanistan. The “method of war” he suggested employing could kill an estimated 20 million or more Afghans, almost all of them civilians. John Hersey, who died in 1993 at the age of 78, wouldn’t have had a moment’s doubt about what he meant.

Trump’s nuclear threats may never come to fruition, but his administration, while putting significant effort into deep-sixing nuclear pacts, has also more than done its part to accelerate climate change, thinning rules designed to keep the planet as habitable as possible for humans. A recent New York Times analysis, for example, tallied almost 70 environmental rules and regulations – governing planet-warming carbon dioxide and methane emissions, clean air, water, and toxic chemicals — that have been rescinded, reversed, or revoked, with more than 30 additional rollbacks still in progress.

President Trump has not, however, been a total outlier when it comes to promoting environmental degradation. American presidents have been presiding over the destruction of the natural environment since the founding of the republic. Signed into law in 1862 by Abraham Lincoln, the Homestead Act, for instance, transformed countless American lives, providing free landfor the masses. But it also transferred 270 million acres of wilderness, or 10% of the United States, into private hands for “improvements.”

More recently, Ronald Reagan launched attacks on the Environmental Protection Agency through deregulation and budget cuts, while George W. Bush’s administration worked to undermine science-based policies, specifically through the denial of anthropogenic climate change. The difference, of course, was that Lincoln couldn’t have conceptualized the effects of global warming (even if the first study of the “greenhouse effect” was published during his lifetime), whereas the science was already clear enough in the Reagan and Bush years, and brutally self-apparent in the age of Trump, as each of them pursued policies that would push us precious seconds closer to Armageddon.

The tale of how John Hersey got his story is a great triumph of Lesley Blume’s Fallout, but what came after may be an even more compelling facet of the book. Hersey gave the United States an image problem — and far worse. “The transition from global savior to genocidal superpower was an unwelcome reversal,” she observes. Worse yet for the U.S. government, the article left many Americans reevaluating their country and themselves. It’s beyond rare for a journalist to prompt true soul-searching or provide a moral mirror for a nation. In an interview in his later years, Hersey, who generally avoided publicity, suggested that the testimony of survivors of the atomic blasts — like those he spotlighted — had helped to prevent nuclear war.

“We know what an atomic apocalypse would look like because John Hersey showed us,” writes Blume. Unfortunately, while there have been many noteworthy, powerful works on climate change, we’re still waiting for the one that packs the punch of “Hiroshima.” And so, humanity awaits that once-in-a-century article, as nuclear weapons, climate change, and cyber-based disinformation keep us just 100 clicks short of doomsday.

Hersey provided a template. Blume has lifted the veil on how he did it. Now someone needs to step up and write the world-changing piece of reportage that will shock our consciences and provide a little more breathing room between this vanishing moment and our ever-looming midnight.

Copyright 2020 Nick Turse

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Ohio election officials secretly consulted promoter of debunked voting fraud fears

On July 15, a civil rights group formed by Black union workers called on the Ohio secretary of state to make voting amid the pandemic easier and safer. It advocated placing multiple secure ballot drop boxes in counties across the state.

When a deputy to Republican Secretary of State Frank LaRose received the A. Philip Randolph Institute’s press release, he responded quickly — but not to the group. Instead, according to records obtained by ProPublica, the deputy contacted the Heritage Foundation’s Hans von Spakovsky, a leading advocate for the discredited argument that American elections are tainted by widespread voting fraud.

“I just left a voicemail at your office, but wanted to follow up via email as well,” wrote Grant Shaffer, the deputy assistant secretary of state. “If you have a few minutes, I’d love to discuss the attached press release.”

That was the second email Shaffer sent von Spakovsky’s office that day. Earlier, he had RSVP’d to an Aug. 4 virtual briefing hosted by the conservative activist. Secretaries of state are responsible for overseeing elections, and during the pandemic von Spakovsky has organized at least two remote, off-the-record strategy sessions exclusively for Republican secretaries and their staffs to discuss voting security amid what will be one of the most contested and unusual elections in generations, ProPublica reported last week.

“I’ll be happy to attend this briefing,” Shaffer wrote to von Spakovsky’s assistant. “The Secretary can attend for part of the time, and our scheduler will be following up with you shortly on that topic. Is there anything we can help out with or be prepared to present?”

It is not known what Shaffer and von Spakovsky specifically said over the phone about the drop box request, or if the call took place. But on Aug. 12, a week after the virtual briefing, and a month after Shaffer sought von Spakovksy’s counsel, LaRose issued a directive prohibiting each of Ohio’s 88 counties from installing more than one drop box within its borders.

The secretary’s office, meanwhile, never responded to the A. Philip Randolph Institute, according to the group’s lawyer, David Carey, a senior staff attorney with the American Civil Liberties Union of Ohio. He said he was “baffled” that LaRose’s deputy would reach out to von Spakovsky and not his client. “If the secretary is turning the voting systems in Ohio into a partisan endeavor, that is a matter of extremely grave concern,” he said.

LaRose’s office declined to comment, citing pending litigation about the decision. Von Spakovsky and Heritage did not respond to requests for comment.

While he hasn’t publicly opined on secure ballot boxes, von Spakovsky has repeatedlyargued that everyone besides the elderly and those with health risks should not vote absentee in any form and only vote at their polling place.

Secretaries of state have wide latitude to act in ways that can make it easier or harder to vote. While most are partisan elected officials, they are expected to carry out policies that aren’t more harmful to one party than the other.

In keeping with the national trend, a record number of Ohio’s nearly 8 million registered voters are expected to cast absentee ballots in November to avoid spreading the coronavirus at the polls. Placing a ballot in a secure drop box would give voters an alternative to both voting in person and to mailing in a ballot, especially for those worried about the tumult within the U.S. Postal Service.

Evidence suggests that Democrats are more likely to vote remotely than Republicans, and any actions limiting voting by mail could suppress turnout and hurt the party’s chances of taking the White House. Ohio is a crucial battleground state, and Cuyahoga County alone accounts for nearly a million voters spread across more than 1,200 square miles and includes the Democratic stronghold of Cleveland.

Despite the behind-the-scenes communication with von Spakovsky, the secretary appeared publicly open to the idea of adding more drop boxes, asking the state attorney general in late July for legal guidance on whether Ohio law allows for “one or more additional secure receptacles” per county.

But on Aug. 11, before the attorney general weighed in, LaRose withdrew his request and the following day issued his one-box-per-county directive.

Two weeks later, Ohio Democrats sued LaRose in state court in Columbus. In a 31-page ruling issued on Sept. 15, Judge Richard Frye found that prohibiting county election officials from adding extra drop boxes in their districts “was unreasonable and unlawful.”

“Treating voters differently without regard to obvious factors like the population and geographic size of their county is arbitrary,” he wrote.

Frye’s ruling has been stayed pending an appeal by LaRose, who is arguing the court exceeded its authority when it struck down his one-box-per-county directive. The A. Philip Randolph Institute and other voting rights groups filed a separate lawsuit over the constitutionality of LaRose’s directive late last month in federal court. The Trump campaign has intervened in that case, which is ongoing and is part of a larger effort it is carrying out over voter rules in at least a dozen lawsuits across the country.

The Ohio attorney general declined to provide a comment for this story, also citing litigation, and denied a ProPublica records request asking for the guidance the office was preparing for LaRose on the grounds that it was subject to “attorney-client privilege and/or work-product doctrines.”

Von Spakovsky, whose arguments that voting fraud is widespread have been largely debunked, began hosting secret, Republican-only meetings for state election administrators after Trump was elected, records obtained by ProPublica show. At the Aug. 4 virtual meeting, a Department of Homeland Security official was falsely introduced to attendees as their “liaison to the election community.”

Shaffer and another official from the Ohio secretary of state’s office also attended a von Spakovsky meeting in 2019, where the then-head of the Department of Justice’s Civil Rights Division appeared on a panel with the conservative lawyer, an action the former division chief under President Barack Obama called “unprecedented.”

Republicans consider von Spakovsky the leading expert on voter fraud, but his work is not peer reviewed and two years ago a judge found that his testimony on the topic was “premised on several misleading and unsupported examples” and included “false assertions.”

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These secret safety panels will pick the COVID vaccine winners

Most Americans have never heard of Dr. Richard Whitley, an expert in pediatric infectious diseases at the University of Alabama-Birmingham.

Yet as the coronavirus pandemic drags on and the public eagerly awaits a vaccine, he may well be among the most powerful people in the country.

Whitley leads a small, secret panel of experts tasked with reviewing crucial data on the safety and effectiveness of coronavirus vaccines that U.S. taxpayers have helped fund, including products from Moderna, AstraZeneca, Johnson & Johnson and others. The data and safety monitoring board — known as a DSMB — is supposed to make sure the medicine is safe and it works. It has the power to halt a clinical trial or fast-track it.

Shielding the identities of clinicians and statisticians on the board is meant to insulate them from pressure by the company sponsoring the trial, government officials or the public, according to multiple clinical trial experts who have served on such panels. That could be especially important in the pressure-cooker environment of COVID vaccine research, fueled by President Donald Trump’s promises to deliver a vaccine before Election Day.

As pharmaceutical companies work to produce one as quickly as possible, the board’s anonymity has stirred concerns that the cloak of secrecy could, paradoxically, allow undue influence. Whitley, for example, represents the specialized world these experts inhabit — a professor revered in academia who also is paid by the drug industry.

Any political pressure to rush pharmaceutical companies or lean on federal regulators to prematurely greenlight a vaccine would undermine a system put in place to ensure public safety. Calls are growing for companies and the government to be more open about who’s involved in reviewing the vaccine trials and whether board members have any conflicts of interest.

“We want to know they’re truly independent,” said Dr. Eric Topol, director of the Scripps Research Translational Institute and a specialist in clinical trials. “The lack of transparency is exasperating.”

Data and safety monitoring boards have existed for decades to vet new drugs and vaccines, acting as a backstop to help ensure unsafe products don’t make their way to the public. Typically, there’s one board for each product. This time, a joint DSMB with 10 to 15 experts will review unblinded data across trials for multiple coronavirus vaccines whose development the U.S. government has helped fund, according to five people involved in the Trump administration’s Operation Warp Speed or other coronavirus vaccine work. It is run through the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases at the National Institutes of Health and consists of outside scientists and statistical experts, not federal employees, NIH Director Francis Collins said on a call with reporters.

“Until they are convinced that there’s something there that looks promising, nothing is unblinded and sent to the FDA,” Collins said. “I doubt if there have been very many vaccine trials ever that have been subjected to this size and the rigor with which it’s being evaluated.”

The NIH safety board oversees trials in the U.S. from Moderna, Johnson & Johnson and AstraZeneca, U.S. officials and others involved in Operation Warp Speed said, but not Pfizer, which is fully funding its clinical trial work and established its own five-member safety panel. Pfizer has attested that it can conclusively determine by late October the effectiveness of its vaccine, being jointly developed with German company BioNTech. It secured a $1.95 billion purchase agreement with the Department of Health and Human Services for the first 100 million doses produced. The agreement gives HHS the option to buy an additional 500 million doses.

Moderna, Johnson & Johnson and AstraZeneca, which have either started or are aiming to soon begin large-scale trials in the U.S. involving thousands of patients, collectively have received more than $2 billion in government funds for vaccine development; billions more have been meted out under agreements similar to the HHS contract with Pfizer to buy millions of vaccine doses. Having one safety board oversee multiple trials could allow researchers to better understand the field of products and apply consistency across evaluations, clinical trial experts said in interviews.

One big advantage “could be more standardization,” said Dr. Walter Orenstein, associate director of the Emory Vaccine Center at Emory University and a former senior official at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. “They can look at that data and look at all the trials instead of just doing one trial.”

But it also means that one board has an outsize influence to dictate which coronavirus vaccines eventually succeed or come to a halt, all while most of their identities remain secret. The NIH declined to name them, saying they were “confidential” and could be identified only once a study was complete.

One exception to the mystery is Whitley, who was appointed as chair by Dr. Anthony Fauci, the nation’s top infectious disease official. Fauci said that following a “combination of input from us and from him and other colleagues, the people who had the greatest expertise in a variety of areas, including statistics, clinical trials, vaccinology, immunology, clinical work,” were selected for the panel.

Whitley’s role became public when his university announced it, an unusual move. He is a professor as well as a board member of Gilead Sciences, which recently signed a contract with Pfizer to manufacture remdesivir to treat COVID-19 patients. Whitley, who’s been on Gilead’s board since 2008, conducted research that led to remdesivir’s development.

In 2019, he was paid roughly $430,000 as a Gilead board member, according to documents filed with the Securities and Exchange Commission. That same year, he received more than $7,700 in payments from GlaxoSmithKline for consulting, food and travel, according to a federal database that tracks drug and device company payments to physicians.

GlaxoSmithKline and Sanofi are jointly developing a vaccine that’s received $2 billion from the U.S. government under Operation Warp Speed; however, Whitley, through a university spokesperson, said his DSMB has not seen any GlaxoSmithKline COVID protocols. The companies have yet to begin phase 3 trials. Although he chairs a separate GSK data and safety monitoring board for a pediatric vaccine, he was vetted and cleared by the NIH conflict-of-interest committee with its knowledge of his involvement, the spokesperson said.

“When handled responsibly, it is appropriate for physicians to collaborate with external entities,” said UAB spokesperson Beena Thannickal, saying the university works with physicians to ensure that industry engagement is appropriate. “It facilitates a critical exchange of knowledge and accelerates and advances clinical treatments and cures, and it fuels discovery.”

Multiple experts praised his skill — Dr. Walter Straus, an associate vice president at the drug company Merck & Co., said Whitley is an “éminence grise” in pediatrics whom people trust.

“I actually trust that process, and the fact that they asked Rich to do it makes me feel reassured because he’s so good,” said Dr. Jeanne Marrazzo, director of the University of Alabama-Birmingham’s division of infectious diseases.

Multiple scientists who have participated in data and safety monitoring boards maintain it’s important to keep the board anonymous to shield them against pressure or even for their safety. For example, when trials were conducted in San Francisco for HIV/AIDS research, the board was confidential to protect members from patients desperate for treatment, said Susan Ellenberg, a professor of biostatistics, medical ethics and health policy at the University of Pennsylvania who’s written extensively on the history of DSMBs.

If approached by a patient, it “would be very hard to tell you, ‘Oh I can’t help you.’ It’s an unreasonable burden,” said Ellenberg, who said she was involved in coronavirus-related safety boards but would not name them.

As part of a large-scale clinical trial, the DSMB and a statistician or team that prepares data for those individuals are generally the only ones who see unblinded data about the trial, making it clear who is getting what treatment. A firewall is set up between them and executives from the sponsoring company with financial interests in the trial. The companies sponsoring COVID vaccine trials are not part of any closed sessions during which unblinded data is reviewed. Those are limited to members of the DSMB, the NIAID executive secretary and the independent unblinded statistician who is presenting the data, a NIAID spokesperson said.

DSMB members or their family members should have no professional, proprietary or financial relationship with the sponsoring companies, and the NIAID DSMB executive secretary vetted all members for potential conflicts of interest, NIAID said in response to questions from KHN. Members are paid $200 per meeting.

“It’s generally done out of a sense of public service,” said Dr. Larry Corey of the Fred Hutchinson Cancer Research Center, who is working with NIH officials to oversee the U.S. coronavirus vaccine clinical trials. “You’re doing it because of your sense of altruism and obligation to knowing the important role it plays in clinical research and the important role it plays in preserving the scientific integrity of important trials.”

Moderna, AstraZeneca, Johnson & Johnson and Pfizer have each released protocols that include details on when their DSMBs would review unblinded information about trial participants, and at what points they could recommend pausing or stopping trials. The vaccine data and safety board organized by NIAID advises a broader oversight group consisting of the drug companies sponsoring the trial and representatives from NIAID and HHS’ Biomedical Advanced Research and Development Authority that reviews the DSMB recommendations. Ultimately, the drug company has final authority over whether to submit its data to the Food and Drug Administration.

Moderna and Johnson & Johnson are each aiming for their vaccines to have 60% efficacy, which means there would need to be 60% fewer COVID cases among vaccinated individuals in their trials. AstraZeneca’s target is 50%. The FDA has said any coronavirus vaccine must be at least 50% effective to secure approval from regulators. While the parameters of their clinical trials have similarities, there are some differences, including when and how many times the DSMB can conduct interim reviews to assess whether each vaccine works.

Pfizer is similarly aiming for its vaccine to be 60% effective. The company allows for four interim reviews of the data starting at 32 cases — a schedule that has been criticized by some researchers who contend it makes it easier for the company to stop the trial prematurely.

Pfizer declined to name the individuals on its monitoring committee, saying only that the group consisted of four people “with extensive experience in pediatric and adult infectious diseases and vaccine safety” and one statistician with a background in vaccine clinical trials. An unblinded team supporting its data-monitoring committee — which includes a medical monitor and statistician — will review severe cases of COVID-19 as they are received and any adverse events associated with the trial at least weekly.

“There is an irresolvable tension between speed and safety,” said Dr. Gregory Poland, the head of Mayo Clinic’s Vaccine Research Group. “Efficacy is pretty easy to figure out. It’s safety that’s the issue.”

California Healthline editor Arthur Allen contributed to this report.

Kaiser Health News (KHN) is a national health policy news service. It is an editorially independent program of the Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation which is not affiliated with Kaiser Permanente.

Behind Trump’s push for civil war: A deep history of white supremacist paranoia

As the longest sustained period of racial justice protests in American history segues into the heat of election season, dark shadows have appeared, from the vigilante killing of protesters in Kenosha, Wisconsin — and widespread conservative defenses of the teenage accused murderer — to ludicrous charges against protesters, including “terrorism,” to the Trump administration’s crackdown on federal antiracism training, calling it “anti-American,” and Attorney General Bill Barr’s call for protesters to be charged with sedition. 

So much for the notions that Donald Trump has no ideology, or, for that matter, that getting rid of him will make America great again. In July of 2016, I wrote about why such views were myopic: “Trump advances core paleoconservative positions,” researcher Bruce Wilson told me, including “rebuilding infrastructure, protective tariffs, securing borders and stopping immigration, neutralizing designated internal enemies and isolationism.” 

Trump’s record as president has been surprisingly consistent for such an erratic figure, with his purely rhetorical support for infrastructure as the most notable exception. And therein lies a key to the current moment: With infrastructure removed from the equation — the most broadly popular position Trump’s ever embraced — the remaining white nationalism stands out in stark relief, highlighted in the frenzied push toward violent confrontation around the election, and beyond. 

Dr. James Scaminaci III has just published a report about the long historical genesis of this recent push for Political Research Associates, “Battle With Bullets: Advancing a Vision of Civil War.” Scaminaci has a PhD in sociology from Stanford and has worked as a civilian intelligence analyst with expertise on the former Soviet Union, the former Yugoslavia, and organized crime. So the spread of social chaos, internecine violence and associated enabling ideologies is a subject he’s familiar with.

Scaminaci traces the roots of culture-war and race-war narratives as far back as the Haitian revolution of the early 19th century. He observes that Steve Bannon nurtured those carefully at Breitbart News and they have played a key role in radicalizing Trump’s base over the past five years, to the point where some of his supporters are visibly preparing themselves for violence. Some parts of this story have been relatively well covered, but Scaminaci provides a much more integrated and historically extensive account of how we reached our present state. I reached out to him recently for an interview by email to discuss some of his key insights and how they provide us with a much clearer picture of the forces pushing America toward civil war.  The following has been lightly edited for clarity and length.

In your article, you write: “Over the last several years, a narrative around the threat of civil war — and more specifically, a racial civil war — has been growing on the Right.” You observe that this comes in different versions and has deep historical roots, dating back to the colonial era. Before getting into the details, why is it important to recognize this history and learn about it? 

I wanted to convey that what we are seeing now on the right wing has a long history, a history that is either overlooked or ignored. Jill Lepore and other scholars looking at the right have noted that modern day “patriots” cast themselves as lineal descendants of the founding fathers and the American Revolution — that they are revolutionaries against the existing “tyrannical” federal government. But that history is drenched in violence and blood against Black and indigenous peoples. That context cannot be omitted. And the idea that whites are under existential threat from Black folks also needs to be put into historical context.

Second, the right-wing idea that the federal government is “tyrannical” is largely the product of white supremacist politicians, both Republican and Democratic, and intellectuals like William F. Buckley. This was the idea that post-World War II federal support for civil rights was federal overreach, was unconstitutional, and that it upset allegedly harmonious race relations in the South and eventually in the North.

According to white supremacists, the existential threat to white people in the Jim Crow South came from Black folks, whether children or adults, even touching anything that could be shared with whites. A schoolbook touched by a Black child became a Black textbook. Blacks and whites could not share drinking fountains or sit in the same seats on a bus.

What I wanted to portray in “Battle With Bullets” is that whites have long viewed any expression of nonviolent Black agency as an existential threat to themselves that required whites to resort to a brutal, genocidal racial civil war. One can understand the palpable fear of a slave revolt before 1861. But white supremacists have claimed that registering to vote, voting, moving into a white neighborhood after a history of redlining, moving into managerial or foreman positions in the workplace, or being cast as heroes or superheroes are existential threats.

You write that “The most dangerous versions of that [civil war] narrative come from leaders with paramilitary forces, while other appeals seem intended to generate a heightened sense of crisis.” Can you give an example of each and then help us understand how the two are related?

Roger Stone is a political operative who has graduated from ratfucking political operations into calling for a civil war or violence or martial law. He is an ideological chaos agent. He can help set the narrative mood for the right wing. As Chip Berlet has written, elites know how to write the score for scripted violence. Somehow, the gunmen always know who to kill. In a similar category are the numerous Christian right leaders who broadcast the same civil war message to their Christian nationalist supporters and followers. I also quoted [Dallas megachurch pastor] Robert Jeffress in the article.

David Neiwert owns the beat on tracking the transmission of fringe ideas to the conservative mainstream. Even a decade before Trump, the ideological lines were blurring.

In 2008, Michael Savage, a right-wing radio host, said, “[T]he white person is being erased from America’s future. … There is a racial element to the immigration invasion.” Then Fox News commentator Bill O’Reilly claimed, “So now, it’s becoming a race war.” The Center for American Progress went on to note that O’Reilly claimed that immigration reformers “hate America … because it’s run primarily by white, Christian men” and were seeking “to change the complexion…of America.”

That is no different from Jean Raspail’s theme in “The Camp of the Saints or the narrative at The Social Contract, a white nationalist journal which published Raspail’s novelOr Glenn Beck on Fox News in February 2009, airing his racial civil war scenario within one month of the first Black president taking office. Or a variety of Christian Right leaders during the Obama years calling for or suggesting a racial civil war is coming, including Tony Perkins, Larry Klayman and Rick Joyner.

In 2006, the Southern Poverty Law Center noted the “symbiotic dance” between white supremacist groups and John Tanton’s hardline anti-immigration movement, as well as the sharing of conspiracy narratives between white supremacists and the “patriot” militia movement.

The conservative movement, both the political and religious wings, transmit sanitized versions of white supremacist ideology. The latter is premised on preparing for, if not instigating, a racial civil war in America.

John Jackson, a scholar who covers “scientific” racism, in a recent article titled, “Going Full Nazi,”asked the question: “[W]hat is the point of drawing a line between the ‘mainstream’ and the ‘alt’ right? Perhaps there is no useful distinction to be made.” The angry white guys with guns are dangerous because they have weapons of war. But the dividing line between them and the “Fourth Generation Warfare” chaos agents creating a crisis of legitimacy is increasingly blurred.

You write that this rhetoric is rooted in a narrative adapted from the 1973 French novel you just mentioned, “The Camp of the Saints.” Can you explain its basic narrative? 

The novel has seven key ideas that its critics and proponents have noted. One, mass migration is an invasion. Two, immigrants and refugees are invaders. Three, the invaders will eventually destroy Western culture and replace Western populations. Four, the West’s political elites do not have the moral strength to defend the West. Five, the invaders must be physically removed and/or violently repelled. Six, there is a difference between the “real country” and “real citizens” and the “legal country” and “legal citizens.” Seven, multiracial, multiethnic or multi-confessional societies are not only unstable but undesirable, and lead to the “balkanization” of societies — a view also imported from Serbian genocidal propaganda into the American and global right.

The main variations within this “Camp of the Saints” worldview are whether the political elites lack moral strength to resist the invasions (“Great Replacement”), enact immoral policies which weaken Western societies to invasion (“demographic winter”) or actively collaborate with the governments of the invading migrants to facilitate the invasion (as in John Tanton’s network). The other variation distinguishes the neo-Nazis from all the other segments: whether or not the Jews are responsible for the destruction of their societies (“white genocide”).

You note that for both France and the United States, the historical roots of this narrative go back to the Haitian Revolution of 1791-1804. In the U.S. this has produced the “white genocide theory” and in France the “great replacement” theory. What distinguishes them and what draws them together?

The “white genocide” theory is premised on the fear of a Black slave revolt against the white slave-owning society. The “great replacement” theory is based on the fear of massive nonwhite immigration coupled with lower white birth rates leading to a “replacement” of the white population with a nonwhite population, and the transformation of the culture.

White supremacists use the more palatable, more sanitized “great replacement” theory interchangeably and conflate them. But they have different causal mechanisms. 

On the other hand, the neo-Nazis and other proponents of the “white genocide” narrative consider any action by Black people to improve themselves, to gain access to privileged white spheres of social action or to more equitably redistribute power and status as an existential threat. “Great replacement” proponents do not share this outlook. Nor do “great replacement” proponents, in general, blame Jews for what they consider to be massive immigration.

You write, “It would be a mistake to see these various ‘White Replacement’ narratives as isolated from mainstream conservative thought in Europe or America.” How has their influence spread through terrorist acts? 

In the right-wing information sphere, ideas swirl around, mix, recombine and mutate over time to fit changing circumstances. Raspail’s “Camp of the Saints” is foundational to this narrative or worldview. Raspail directly influenced the emergence and popularity of the “great replacement” theory, which is the catchall theory cited by white terrorists. 

But Bat Ye’or’s conception of the problem — that European elites conspire with Arab elites to produce both subservience to Islam and the “great replacement” — directly influenced the Norwegian terrorist Anders Breivik, who was motivated to provoke a decades-long civil war to stop the formation of what Ye’or called “Eurabia.” Breivik, as well as the “great replacement” narrative, have inspired numerous white terrorist acts around the globe.

Returning to the American context, How did Steve Bannon and Breitbart spread their influence? 

Bannon’s principal contribution was to use Breitbart News to mix white supremacist ideology into the Republican Party and the Christian Right, and to heavily promote Raspail’s “Camp of the Saints.” In 2015 and 2016, Breitbart was the largest driver of ideological influence on the right.

How has this spread through the Trump administration?

The “Camp of the Saints” worldview largely shapes Stephen Miller’s approach to immigration issues. Raspail’s bottom line was that “the barbarians had to be repelled” either by violence or cruelty or both. Trump’s immigration policy has been cruel, and as Adam Serwer noted, “cruelty is the point.”

You also call attention to the Christian right’s specific variant called “demographic winter,” and argue that this has played a central role in evangelical support for Trump and his wall. What should people know about that?

The term “demographic winter” appears to have come from Don Feder, communications director of the World Congress of Families [a far-right, anti-LGBT Christian group]. He is the most prominent WCF official linked to the Tanton anti-immigration network and was apparently influenced by Bat Ye’or’s “Eurabia” ideas, which circulate widely in conservative and right-wing Jewish circles.

In November 2005, Feder’s view of Muslims in France reflected the worldview of Raspail and other “Eurabia” writers. Feder blamed the French riots of that year on “demographic winter,” “lax immigration policies” and “brain-dead multiculturalism.” Where “demographic winter” differs from Raspail, the “great replacement” and the Eurabia narratives is that liberal elite support for women’s reproductive freedom and gay marriage are the principal culprits, in addition to massive Muslim immigration.

What resonates with conservative Christians and Christian nationalists is the idea that Christian (Western) civilization is under threat from nonwhite immigration, Christians are being persecuted in the West and around the world, and only a strong, authoritarian leader building a wall can save them.

Survey data supports my contention that white evangelical Protestants have a “Camp of the Saints” worldview: Seventy-eight percent favor strict limits on “legal immigration,” 76% favor “building a [border] wall,” 69% support a “temporary” Muslim ban and, 54% favor “preventing refugees from coming into the United States,” according to October 2019 PRRI data.

The last section of your article deals with the emergence of the “Boogaloo boys” during the pandemic and the Black Lives Matter protests. How can we better understand them in terms of the longer history you’ve laid out? What lessons need to be learned?

The first lesson to be learned is that Donald Trump and local elected Republican officials, especially the so-called “constitutional sheriffs,” have a much closer relationship to the armed wing of the Christian right. Bruce Wilson and David Neiwert have been tracking that.

The second lesson is that Trump is openly orchestrating armed demonstrations of force against Democratic Party governors and mayors.

The third lesson is that it is very easy to take off your camouflage fatigues and put on a Hawaiian shirt and pretend you just got concerned — but not before you spent around $2,000 on a rifle, tactical gear and ammunition. Journalists should stop being so credulous.

The last lesson is that claims that the “patriot” militia support Black Lives Matter protests are preposterous. The BLM protests are not simply about wrongful deaths at the hands of law enforcement — something a majority of whites can see and empathize with.

BLM is calling for reckoning, a “Third Reconstruction” of America — politically, economically and culturally — in the context of a deliberate confrontation with that racist, violent history. Even at the intellectual level of the “Never Trumpers,” those potentially most sympathetic to BLM, there is a blindness or an inability to confront that larger American history and the smaller Republican Party history regarding racism. To think that “angry white men with guns” have thought it through is absurd.

What’s the most important question I haven’t asked? And what’s the answer?

I do not know the answer to the question: “Why do scholars and journalists not consider the religious basis of America’s long-term crisis of legitimacy in terms of politics and science?” But I would suggest that scholars and journalists have glommed on to the least important of Richard Hofstadter’s explanations, “The Paranoid Style in American Politics,” and ignored his more trenchant analysis in “Anti-Intellectualism in American Life,” which focuses on the epistemological disruption caused by fundamentalist Protestantism. They also ignore Marty Lipset’s and Earl Raab’s use of the concept of monism in describing the right wing in “The Politics of Unreason.” Those old guys were on to something.

Thank goodness Ellen DeGeneres got her apology out of the way so audiences can laugh again

On Monday Ellen DeGeneres returned for the 18th season of her syndicated series after an investigation of accusations of workplace misconduct led to three producers to be ousted. She reminded us that the past summer has been horrible for everyone. “People are losing their jobs. People are losing loved ones to a pandemic. People are losing their homes and lives in raging fires that are going on,” she said.

“My hope,” DeGeneres offered following that litany of woe, “is that we can still be a place of happiness and joy. I still want to be the one hour a day that people can go to escape and laugh.” 

DeGeneres being who she is, she couldn’t help but point out a few funny things that happened as she eventually ramped up to what everyone was waiting for: an apology. “How was everybody’s summer? Good, yeah? Mine was great. Super terrific!” she quipped as the audience laughed along. Which is a very odd way to tell the people you offended that you’re sorry.

To be completely honest, there was absolutely no way for DeGeneres to win her turn in the apology game, but there wasn’t a way for her to lose either. Celebrity public apologies are mechanisms of necessity and convenience that achieve little to nothing beyond ensuring the show goes on if the error isn’t perceived as particularly grievous. DeGeneres’ crime was not being as kind as her brand purports her to be, and in speaking to this she said the right things in a vocal timbre that conveyed seriousness without slouching into full solemnity. In the realm of daytime TV, gloom is a real mood-killer.

DeGeneres soft-shoed past some gentle jokes into the meat of the matter in her seven-minute opener, which she declared marks a new chapter in the land of “Ellen.”

“As you may have heard, this summer there were allegations of a toxic work environment at our show and then there was an investigation,” she said. “I learned that things happened here that never should have happened. I take that every seriously and I want to say I am so sorry to the people that were affected. I know that I am in a position of privilege and power and with that comes responsibility and I take responsibility for what happens at my show.” All good.

Then she pointed out the obvious: This is “The Ellen DeGeneres Show,” and her name is Ellen DeGeneres. “My name is there,” she said, pointing to her eponymous logo mounted in one part of the studio, before repeating, “my name is there,” and pointing to her name in lights behind the audience, and adding, “my name is in underwear,” because comedy is built on the rule of threes, and “there” rhymes with “underwear.”

Then, later: “The truth is, I am that person that you see on TV,” she admitted in a moment of candor.  I am also a lot of other things. Sometimes I get sad. I get mad. I get frustrated. I get anxious. I get impatient, and I am working on all of that. I am a work in progress, and I am especially working on the impatience thing, because –” song, dance, a little selzer in her pants, “and it’s not going well, because it’s not happening fast enough, I will tell you that.”

Quite the glide into moving on, wouldn’t you say? And it’s probably enough. DeGeneres knows that she stood to lose her audience’s trust if she said nothing as opposed to saying precisely enough and not a pennyweight more, to satisfy an audience that’s more interested in giggling at her games and watching lucky audiences members score prizes. And throughout the week, she reminded them of that. In the new “Ellen” chapter her live audience consists of faces streamed in via Internet video onto person-sized screens propped up in the studio – “like a regular audience,” the host remarked, “except now I’m watching you on TV while you’re watching me on TV.”

Then she announced every one of them would be getting a 65-inch TV shipped to their homes.

BuzzFeed, the outlet that broke the first in-depth reports concerning the toxic workplace at “The Ellen DeGeneres Show,” followed the premiere with responses from former employees as well as a current one, each of whom gave DeGeneres fair to poor reviews for her broadcast mea culpa. Several took issue with her jokey approach to the very serious subject of their mistreatment. “It’s all tactical,” one person says of her apology.

Of course it is. How could it be anything else?

So it went, with DeGeneres dancing between serious and lighthearted until the subtext of all this became crystalline. Tiffany Haddish showed up and joked that DeGeneres needs to tweak her reputation so that she’s known not as the “be kind lady” but as someone who can “be kinda crazy” – which, according to some rumors, she’s already halfway there.

Forget all that though, because “if I’ve ever let someone down, if I’ve ever hurt their feelings, I am so sorry for that. If that’s ever the case, I’ve let myself down and I’ve hurt myself as well. Because I always try to grow as a person. I look at everything that comes into my life as an opportunity to learn.”

To whom was the apology directed? That’s a good question. If she was speaking to the audience, it landed; if she meant to direct it to her employees, not so much.

In the same hour that DeGeneres issued that remorseful statement heavily seasoned with qualifying “ifs,” she proceeded to give $75,000 provided by Shutterfly to a New Orleans family in need. Their story is quintessential “Ellen” heart-tugging material – a young man with dreams of attending medical school deferring his dreams to raise his siblings following his mother’s untimely death, thereby saving them from losing their home. Questions about how this impacts their taxes will have to come later; before that, on Tuesday, DeGeneres regaled us with a story about how one of her dogs broke its leg.

Subsequent episodes airing throughout the week beamed the likes of Kris Jenner and Alec Baldwin into the studio, two people who have endured their share of bad headlines and lent their support to DeGeneres in wake of all the hurt she endured thanks to the bad publicity. It makes Jenner so happy every single day to be watching “Ellen” again, the “Keeping Up with the Kardashians” matriarch effused.

Obviously DeGeneres and her celebrity pals want to move past this, and where the stars go, so goes America.

And for all appearances, America has because America’s got bigger things to worry about. The next-day ratings indicate that the size of the season premiere audience held steady with the viewership for last year’s premiere, which means she didn’t lose many people. It also means she didn’t make noticeable gains either; but a stable patient is preferable to a dying one.

Nobody should be shocked by any of this, mind you. We’re still a nation in which millions of people still watch CBS’s “Bull” despite confirmed reports that its star sexually harassed another actor who was fired after she reported her mistreatment, to say nothing of the violently devoted stans for Michael Jackson even after “Leaving Neverland” came out. Do we need to mention the pile of harassment and assault allegations lodged against the White House’s current occupant?

But unlike the stars and media titans toppled by #MeToo, no evidence has emerged that DeGeneres herself participated in the allegations of racist behavior and intimidation brought to light by a BuzzFeed investigation that published in mid-July. Merely, terrible things happened to her watch because she alleges she wasn’t adequately looking out for her 270 employees.

An April report in Variety indicating the show reduced employee pay and managers were virtually incommunicado after the pandemic forced a shutdown of its in-studio broadcast is shameful, but according to subsequent reports that’s all better now; WarnerMedia launched an internal investigation that resulted in the ouster of three top producers. The elevation of DeGeneres’ hype man Stephen “tWitch” Boss to the position of co-executive producer also sounds nice. This week Boss and DeGeneres called his mother, and who doesn’t love to listen in on a phone call between a man and his mom?

Who can say what this signifies about “Ellen” show viewers and Americans in general, other than providing evidence that given the right combination of circumstances, our good will can be bought off with smiles and jokes and a gift of state-of-the-art electronics? “The Ellen DeGeneres Show” has always dangled that payoff before viewers. Talk shows like it are designed as respites offering ersatz happiness and generosity to a viewer that, in line with the host’s desire, simply wants to bask in a bit of artificial joy. Regardless of how much or little its work environment has improved, the view in front of the camera is all laughter and smiles.

“I’m a pretty good actress, but I don’t think I’m that good that I can come out here every day for 17 years and fool you,” DeGeneres said. “This is me. And my intention is to always be the best person I can be.”

Failing that, she still does a bang-up job of playing that person on TV.

Inside the remastered “Goats Head Soup,” the end of an era for the Rolling Stones

“Goats Heads Soup,” the latest LP to enjoy the deluxe, box-set treatment from the Rolling Stones, marks a bittersweet triumph in the band’s legendary story. Released in 1973, the album concluded the Stones’ remarkable partnership with Jimmy Miller, the American expatriate producer who helmed the group’s finest album-length achievements.

Ranging from “Beggars Banquet” (1968) and “Let It Bleed” (1969) through “Sticky Fingers” (1971), “Exile on Main St.” (1972), and “Goats Head Soup,” Miller’s association with the band exists as the high-water mark in the Stones’ career. With the former drummer and innovative producer in the control booth, the Rolling Stones recorded one spectacular record after another.

During this period, Mick Jagger and Keith Richards were in superb form, to be sure—and their songwriting during this period was as stellar as it would ever be. Even still, Miller created a sound palette that accented the raunchy punch of Richards and Mick Taylor’s guitar work — not to mention the sizzle of bassist Bill Wyman and drummer Charlie Watts’ rhythm section. At the center of the maelstrom, as always, was Jagger’s lead vocals, which seemed to soar ever higher with Miller in the producer’s chair.

Listen to episode 1 of Ken’s new podcast “Everything Fab Four,” a show about the enduring legacy of the Beatles, and subscribe at Spotify, Apple PodcastsStitcher, or wherever you get your podcasts.

With the remastered “Goats Head Soup,” Miller’s technical accents burn even brighter still. Tracks like “Dancing with Mr. D.” and the chart-topping “Angie” come roaring back to life as if they were recorded yesterday. As with the recent “Let It Bleed” box set, the Stones’ music on “Goats Head Soup” benefits from the greater separation afforded by contemporary technology, rendering the band’s well-known, otherworldly groove even tighter.

Thanks to the compilation’s generous number of outtakes, listeners can observe the evolution of tunes like “Doo Doo Doo Doo Doo (Heartbreaker)” and “100 Years Ago.” With “Doo Doo Doo Doo Doo (Heartbreaker),” fans are treated to an early instrumental version of the high-octane song, as well as to Glyn Johns’s alternate mix. Billy Preston’s staggering keyboard work has rarely sounded better.

Meanwhile, “100 Years Ago” shimmers in its early demo configuration, with Jagger delivering his lead vocals against a wistful piano performance from Nicky Hopkins, arguably the finest rock session pianist of his generation. As with “Doo Doo Doo Doo Doo (Heartbreaker),” “100 Years Ago” resonates deeply as we trace its evolution from the demo through the eventual album version. Even still, the demo take of “100 Years Ago” reveals new textures of passion and meaning inherent in Jagger’s heartbreaking lyrics.

The compilation is rounded out with live performances from the Stones’ October 1973 concerts in Brussels. Given the band’s renown as one of rock’s premier stage acts, the music from their “Brussels Affair, 1973” make for an incredible experience all by itself. Indeed, the setlist from those shows—dominated, as it was, by standout cuts from the Jimmy Miller years—reveal the Stones at the top of their game as songwriters and musicians. It was a rare air that they would scarcely see again.

Pollsters were convinced Clinton would win in 2016. Can they be trusted in 2020?

If the polls are to be believed, Democratic nominee Joe Biden is the favorite to win the 2020 election against his Republican opponent, President Donald Trump. At the time of this writing, FiveThirtyEight.com, which aggregates and analyzes polls, gives him a 76 percent chance of winning; all eleven of the most recent polls listed at RealClearPolitics predict a Biden victory with an average spread of almost six points.

And yet — as anyone who followed the 2016 election remembers — pollsters heavily favored Clinton to beat Trump when she was the Democratic nominee. Clinton supporters who felt confident of her victory on election night 2016 have a right to feel once bitten, twice shy about trusting polls again. Should we all feel similarly suspicious of polling firms in the lead-up to the 2020 election? 

To answer that question starts with understanding the science of polling — and how it works (or fails, in the case of the 2016 presidential election).

“It’s sampling theory, which is just the idea that if you interview a subset of the population [and] if the sample is drawn randomly from that population, then the distribution that you get of responses should reflect the characteristics of the entire population within a known margin of error,” Dr. Alan Abramowitz, a professor of political science and polling expert at Emory University, told Salon. “That’s the science and that can be used not just for human populations, but in lots of other fields like quality control, where you might have an assembly line and you draw a sample of the products is to test for defects. It’s used in a lot of different fields.”

As Abramowitz explained, there are good reasons to question the accuracy of polls.

“The problem with public opinion polling nowadays is that because response rates are so low to telephone polls, you start using internet polls [and] you have to use a lot of special techniques to try to come up with a sample on the internet that matches the characteristics of the population,” Abramowitz pointed out. “It’s very, very hard to really say how accurate the polls are.”

Abramowitz emphasized that post-2016 polling had been quite good. “They don’t always get it right, but in the 2018 midterm elections, if you went down and looked at the polling average for all the races — like governor, senator — and where they were at polls for House districts, by and large they were pretty accurate.”

Dr. Christopher Wlezien, a professor of government at the University of Texas – Austin, had similar opinions about contemporary polling practices. Wlezien said the history of American polling began in 1916 when Literary Digest asked readers to inform their editors by mail about how they were going to vote — a non-scientific approach, as Literary Digest readers did not represent a random sample of the population. More scientific polling started being used in 1936, after Gallup correctly predicted that President Franklin Roosevelt, a Democrat, would defeat Republican challenger Alf Landon using scientific methods. (Literary Digest infamously predicted a Landon victory.)

At the same time, Wlezien explained, the challenges of conducting accurate polls as the main methods for conducting them have changed. Mail-in polls have been replaced with door-to-door polls, telephone polls and online polls over time, with each practice bringing with it certain sets of advantages and disadvantages. The overall goal, always, is to make sure that the sample size is large enough and diverse enough to accurately represent the larger population, so that the data which pollsters provide to the public is statistically likely to correlate with actual public sentiment.

So did a systematic error emerge when Clinton was viewed as the likely winner over Trump in 2016?

“The American Association for Public Opinion Research conducted an analysis of the 2016 polls,” Wlezien explained. “And some of it was published as a big report and there’s a smaller side that was published as a journal article. I happened to be on that committee on that task force. We have some familiarity with what we did and basically what the analysis shows is that the national polls were pretty good. In fact they were probably better than they’d been in the past.”

He added, that while many of the state polls were good in 2016, “a lot of the state polls were not, particularly the ones in the decisive states. And we learned a lot in that report about what the polling organizations did wrong in their polling and it has a lot to do with their underweighting non-college types. And the ones that got that right were a lot more accurate than those who didn’t, which was quite a number got that wrong. And even to the extent some were getting it right, a lot of pulling organizations pulled out of some states early, so we couldn’t really gather any of the late movement, which was toward Trump.”

He noted, hopefully, that “my understanding is that pulling organizations are aware of what went wrong in 2016 and the states, and some states at least, they’ve corrected that.”

In the end, the key to properly understanding polls is to realize that they are not meant to be prophetic.

“The problem is, of course, that polls are not predictors,” Dr. Allan Lichtman, a historian at American University who studies the science behind elections, told Salon. “I’ll repeat that: Polls are not predictors. They are abused as predictors. The easiest thing in the world is to write a story about polls. You don’t even have to get out of bed in the morning, just read the polls and write the story. And of course, we also have compilers of polls like Nate Silver [the statistician who founded FiveThirtyEight.com], whose forecasts are no better than the polls themselves. So that was the real problem with 2016, was to use the polls as predictors when they are not predictors.”

Lichtman emphasized that state polls can be unreliable, and “tend to have a large margins of error.” He also noted that “the national poll was just a point or two off of the plurality that Hillary Clinton compiled” in 2016, meaning that they were not far off the mark.

Lichtman also reviewed his own system of predicting presidential elections, one that has successfully anticipated the results of every presidential election since 1984. It uses a series of true-or-false statements that anticipate whether the incumbent party’s presidential candidate will be elected in a given year. If six or more of the statements are false, the incumbent candidate will lose; if fewer than six are false, he or she will win. His system has caused him to make predictions that were rejected by the expert consensus at the time: He anticipated that Republican candidate George H. W. Bush would defeat Democratic candidate Michael Dukakis in 1988, even when Dukakis was ahead in the polls by 17 points, and was one of the few pundits to publicly predict that Trump would beat Clinton in 2016.

“I’m sitting here in my study and I have over my shoulder a note written on the Washington Post interview where I predicted Trump’s wins. And the note says, ‘Professor, congrats! Good call!’ in a big Sharpie letter signed ‘Donald J. Trump.'”

Yet while Trump was appreciative of Lichtman’s prediction in 2016, the professor noted that “he didn’t understand the deeper meaning of the keys, which is that governing, not campaigning, counts. And when you are the incumbent president, you’re going to be judged by your record. And rather than dealing substantively with these challenges, [Trump] reverted to his 2016 playbook when he was a challenger and the result was a disaster for Trump’s reelection prospects.”

In 2020, Lichtman predicts that Biden will beat Trump, citing the poor economy, widespread social unrest, his scandals, his lack of major foreign policy successes, his losses in the 2018 midterm elections and the fact that he is not popular (or “charismatic”) beyond his own base. Lichtman’s only caveat was that, because Trump has slowed down the post office and has engaged in voter suppression, the election may be “stealable.”