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Congress takes action against “super greenhouse gases” in coronavirus stimulus

This week, with Americans distracted by tinsel, wrapping paper, and the prospect of a much-needed $600 stimulus check, Congress achieved something that in recent years has seemed impossible: It passed legislation that will cut greenhouse gas emissions and boost clean energy spending at the same time.

Climate and energy provisions were folded into Congress’ $900 billion coronavirus stimulus package, which passed Monday night after days of political wrangling. Those components of the bill — which authorize $35 billion in clean energy spending and require the U.S. to phase down emissions of a greenhouse gas thousands of times more potent than carbon dioxide — represent the most significant action Congress has taken on global warming in over a decade.

And they provide a signal for what might be possible in the years ahead.

“Obviously, this doesn’t solve the climate crisis by any means,” said Leah Stokes, professor of political science at the University of California, Santa Barbara. “But I think it’s really great that Congress actually managed to do something for the end of the year. And it’s good news that we’re capable of doing something bipartisan.”

The most significant part of the bill for the rapidly overheating planet is a requirement for U.S. companies to cut production and use of hydrofluorocarbons, or HFCs, by 85 percent over the next 15 years. HFCs — which are commonly used in refrigerators and air-conditioning systems — were supposed to be a safe alternative to chlorofluorocarbons, the chemicals that deplete the ozone layer. But scientists discovered that when released into the atmosphere, HFCs are 1000 to 3000 times more effective than carbon dioxide at trapping heat. They are now the fastest-growing greenhouse gas in the world.

HFCs are regulated internationally by the Kigali Amendment, a 2016 update of the ozone-protecting Montreal Protocol, which was enacted in the late-1980s. Although over 100 nations have ratified the amendment — thus promising to cut global HFC emissions 80 percent or more by 2050 — the big emitters like the U.S., China, and India haven’t yet signed onto the effort.

The Congressional bill could change all that. “With the bill having just passed with bipartisan support, there’s every reason to expect [the Kigali Amendment] will go through the Senate without much controversy,” said David Doniger, a senior director of climate and energy at the Natural Resources Defense Council. “And then it should unlock ratification by other big countries.”

According to one study, phasing out HFCs around the world would avert 0.5 degrees Celsius of global warming — no small feat on a planet that has already warmed 1.2 degrees Celsius since pre-industrial times.

The relief bill also includes crucial tax credit extensions for renewable energy, and approximately $35 billion in authorized spending for research and development. Of that, $4 billion is earmarked for renewables; $6 billion for carbon capture and storage; $6.6 billion for the development of advanced nuclear technologies; and $2.9 billion for advanced research projects in energy.

Those provisions tucked into the coronavirus stimulus represent the first significant energy spending in over a decade. Back in 2009, President Obama’s Recovery Act included $90 billion for renewable energy generation, energy efficiency, and modernizing the country’s electricity grid. But since then, Congress has been reluctant to fund anything other than intermittent and occasional extensions of clean energy tax credits.

Still, the new bill isn’t a major victory for those hoping for any meaningful climate action. A lot of the spending is in the form of authorizations, which means that the money hasn’t officially been spent yet. “History shows us that there are many, many examples of authorizations that are not fully appropriated or not appropriated at all,” said Greg Dotson, a former Congressional staffer during the Obama administration and current professor of law at the University of Oregon. “An authorization by itself will not improve the nation’s energy situation.”

Dotson notes that a lot of the bill’s focus is on research, development, and other long-term projects — not deploying technology to get emissions reductions today. “You can tell this bill was a negotiation by people with different goals,” he said. “It’s generally a positive step. But it doesn’t reflect the urgency of getting emissions reductions that we really need to achieve.”

For example, according to Stokes, the bill does not include funds for the deployment of electric vehicles, or a federal tax credit for EVs. And comprehensive legislation to address the inequalities of climate change — through cleaning up air pollution in low-income communities — didn’t make it into the stimulus bill either. (The package does include $1.7 billion to help seal up drafty homes and install renewables for poorer households.)

The biggest question moving forward is whether the next Congress — which will take office in early January, two weeks before President-elect Joe Biden is sworn in — will build on this energy bill, or turn away from climate action altogether.

Best of 2020: They arrested me for playing basketball

My tidy bedroom at 1784 Devonshire Road, on the northside of Columbus, Ohio, is where I learned the craft of creating Magic through my imagination. My bedroom was my ark, a planet within a universe of physical, verbal and emotional abuse that lodged inside my home. Upholding my imagination were a couple of books, and the stacks of King, XXL, Slam, and The Source magazines that were neatly stacked inside of my closet or sprawled across my bed. 

I studied bylines just as much as I poured over the feature stories. When creating Magic inside my ark, I attached faces to the bylines. Inside my mind’s eye, me and my imaginary writer friends would bond over, and debate hip-hop and basketball. We traded cards and looked through Becketts together. I imagined flying to California to interview Nas, Jay Z, Scarface Denzel Washington, Wesley Snipes and Omar Epps. 

But despite this Magic inside my mind, real life awaited me outside of my bedroom. 

* * *

I was unwinding inside of my magical ark after a long day as an 8th grader. Before I could get comfortable and munch on an after-school snack, I saw two police officers walking toward the front door. This can’t be good. I knew I hadn’t committed a crime, but I was recently released from the Franklin County Juvenile Detention Center. My mom had developed a habit of involving the state of Ohio in our business, so I was sure that the police came to the house for me.  

This situation started with me throwing a brick through the window of a childhood friend-turned-foe.  At the conclusion of this fiasco, I served a few days in jail, and my mom had to pay $70 to the kid’s mother. But the judge played on my mother’s ignorance by suggesting that she put me on house arrest, and If I were to go outside, she should call the police and have me arrested. It must be noted that I was not required to wear an ankle monitor or report to a probation officer. Basically, the judge told my mom to put me on punishment. My mom, an uneducated general laborer, was probably too intimidated to question the judge’s agenda. As one who follows a general train of thought, my mom, as well as many others parents, fell for the false narrative that jails solve problems created by trauma, poverty, and lack of education.  

After a couple of days on house arrest, I decided to go play basketball at the local rec center, something that I did regularly. I didn’t think my mom would actually call the police on me, but unbeknownst to me, she did. A tall, Black police officer, followed by his white partner entered my bedroom. Seeing the magazines, “Night” by Eli Weisel and Asha Bandele’s “Daughter” laying around my room, the Black officer told me that I seemed like a smart kid, but I needed to follow rules If I wanted to be successful.

“Your mother told us to come get you, because you went outside when you weren’t supposed to,” he said. “She doesn’t hate you, she’s only called us because she cared. She cares about you.” With this, I was placed in handcuffs and taken to Franklin County Juvenile Detention Center. 

As a radical dreamer, I see a world where police officers provide resources that will assist parents and children in unearthing the traumas associated with unhealthy behaviors. I envision a world where when a police officer sees stacks of magazines and books inside the room of a 12-year-old kid’s room, the officer will usher the kid to a community program that will help hone his interest in hip-hop, journalism, and Black history. 

Since the killings of George Floyd and Breonna Taylor, activists have been asking city council members to redirect money from police departments to community programs. One of the theories with #DefundThePolice is that more education will reduce crime. In recent weeks, some districts have defunded police departments. Baltimore City Council voted to reallocate $22 million from its police department to recreation centers, trauma centers, and forgivable loans to Black-owned businesses. Los Angeles is reallocating $100 million dollars of police department budgeted funds to marginalized communities. Defunding police departments, I believe, is a step toward ending the culture of punishment. 

* * *

Franklin County Juvenile Detention Center sits above Interstate 71 in downtown Columbus. 

We were in our morning art class. My fellow inmates were either pretending to be, or seriously engaged in the day’s lesson. Near the front of the class, a group of baby faced inmates created art with popsicle sticks. Not me, though. Firstly, I wasn’t interested in playing with popsicle sticks. Secondly, the activity did not relate to anything that I was experiencing at home. I was less than 24 hours removed from seeing my mom tell the judge that she didn’t want me. Being creative with popsicle sticks wasn’t going to help heal me. With tears on the cliff of my eyelids, I stayed aloof, sat next to a window looking down at the cars speeding through I-71. 

Days turned into weeks in jail. We wasted time by debating who’s the best MCs and NBA players, riffing on each other, and lying about our sexual exploits. There were fist fights, too. But overall, we laughed more than we fought. We were still babies, and very much concerned with being kids. Our frolic behavior was a combination of holding on to loose threads of childhood joy, immaturity, and us being ignorant of the trap we were in. Unhealthy relationships, drug addiction, prison, rehab facilities and death awaited us. The correctional officers knew this, too.  But they weren’t community activists dedicated to appeasing underlying issues that led to juvenile delinquency. Also, many of our parents lacked the language, education, or in some cases mental faculties to understand what was going on. So, there we were. Little kids, 12-13 years old, stretching out useless hope on a road that was already predetermined with convictions and addictions.  

Mr. Wrench, a freshly dressed Black correctional officer assigned to the pod I was housed at in Franklin County Juvenile Detention Center, told us that some students from Wilberforce University were coming to the jail to engage with us. Mr. Wrench explained that Wilberforce was the first private HBCU. I’d never heard of Wilberforce or HBCUs, but I was interested. Spending time with Black college students seemed interesting. Much more interesting than that wack art class. 

The enthusiastic student-teachers regaled me with seeds of hope. Their presence was comforting, and they acted as if they’d known us for years. On the first day of class, they played a scene from the movie “Roots,” which was new to me. In the clip, Kunta Kinte, played by actor LeVar Burton, is chained and whipped until he accepts his new name, Toby. We then had a discussion about identity, how we saw ourselves, how our friends saw us, how the world sees, versus how we wanted to be seen. 

The following week, we read and discussed passages from Chinua Achebe’s “Things Fall Apart,” which was new to me, too. And once again, I was taken aback by the simple profundity, and inventiveness of a Black creator that I never heard of. Reminiscent of “Of the Meaning of Progress,” one of the student-teachers expressed special interest in me. She spent much of the class sitting next to me, helping me pore over sentences that I jotted down. I believe she understood that I was aware of my ignorance, or maybe I reminded her of a loved-one with unlimited potential that slipped through the cracks. After the readings of “Things Fall Apart,” we only saw the Wilberforce student-teachers twice. It was a four-week class, broken down to once-a-week intervals. On their last day at the jail, I cried.

For a few weeks, through books, writing and a show of concern from some college students, I experienced the magic that I used to create in my bedroom. But budgets stripped me of meaningful education given to me by Wilberforce student-teachers. I was eventually released from juvenile jail into a life of drug dealing, adoption, violence, a cocaine addiction, and a prison sentence at Parchman, Mississippi State Penitentiary. It was in Parchman where I had to unearth the power of magic as a way to cope with the calendars that I served in prison.  

As America continues to fight with moral issues, the college board has launched a national curriculum on race. The curriculum will allow students to study Black life through the slave trade and other movements led by minorities. The new curriculum is supposedly more than a traditional African American history course. As an example, a student might trace the roots of hip-hop to Jamaica, redlining, and gentrification, or conduct independent research on Black power educational institutions.  

Had I had this curriculum, or one similar been available to me as a child, it’s safe to say that I would’ve dodged prison, as well as drug addiction. Police officers are not concerned with reaching hearts and minds the way that Wilberforce student-teachers touched my heart. These college students introduced me to content that directly related to my experiences. They also brought out in me an eagerness to learn. This is why defunding police departments is important — real change comes from shifting thought patterns, but people have to be put in place to help impressionable minds wrap their minds around unhealthy thought patterns. 

12 Trump attacks on the environment since the election

In the aftermath of the Nov. 3 election, President Donald Trump has tried every trick in the book to avoid facing the reality of his loss. A barrage of lawsuits accompanied by disinformation campaigns has attempted to cast doubt on the legitimacy of the election.

But a close look at regulatory actions and executive moves shows that, even as Trump makes a show of refusing to concede or transition power to the incoming Biden administration, his team is pushing through a slew of last-minute rules and regulations.

Many of these changes will harm the environment and public health.

It isn’t surprising that an administration that has attempted to roll back more than 100 environmental protections in the past four years would step up its assault in its waning months. But that doesn’t make the continued attacks any less important. Here’s some of what’s at risk:

1. Tribal lands

Tribes and environmental groups have fought for decades against a proposed copper mine in an area of Arizona known as Oak Flat, which is a sacred site for a dozen tribes, including the San Carlos Apache.

Now the Trump administration is pushing to fast-track a deal that would transfer ownership of the land, which is in the Tonto National Forest, to Resolution Copper, a firm owned by mining companies Rio Tinto and Billiton BHP.

“Last month tribes discovered that the date for the completion of a crucial environmental review process has suddenly been moved forward by a full year, to December 2020, even as the tribes are struggling with a COVID outbreak that has stifled their ability to respond,” an investigation by The Guardianfound. “If the environmental review is completed before Trump leaves office, the tribes may be unable to stop the mine.”

2. FERC shakeup

Just days after the election, Trump switched up the leadership of the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission, which has a hand in regulating hydroelectric projects, as well as interstate transmission of electricity, oil and natural gas.

Chairman Neil Chatterjee was replaced by fellow Republican James Danly, who has a more conservative view on federal energy policy. Chatterjee, once known as a “coal guy,” had recently advocated for policies supporting distributed energy and for regional grid operators to embrace carbon pricing as a market-based solution for addressing climate change.

3. Hamstringing LWCF

The Great American Outdoors Act, a major conservation bill signed into law in August, allocated $9.5 billion to help fix national park infrastructure and permanently fund the Land and Water Conservation Fund.

But despite (falsely) hailing himself as a conservation hero at the law’s signing, Trump has already begun undermining the legislation’s effectiveness. An order signed by Interior Secretary David Bernhardt on Nov. 9 allows state and local governments to veto any land or water acquisitions made through the fund.

Chris D’Angelo at HuffPost called the move a “parting gift to the anti-federal land movement.” Montana Sen. Jon Tester, who advocated for the Land and Water Conservation Fund, wrote a letter to Bernhardt urging him to rescind the order. “This undercuts what a landowner can do with their own private property, and creates unnecessary, additional levels of bureaucracy that will hamstring future land acquisition through the Land and Water Conservation Fund,” he wrote.

In another blow, officials and conservation groups in New Mexico were surprised to learn that none of their projects proposed to receive funding through the Land and Water Conservation Fund were selected by the Department of the Interior. Some believe the move is political retribution for being critical of the Trump administration and its policies.

4. Dam raising

On Nov. 20 the Trump administration finalized a plan to raise the height of Northern California’s 600-foot Shasta Dam by 18.5 feet, which would allow for more water storage. The reservoir feeds the federally run Central Valley Project, which funnels water hundreds of miles south to cities and farms. That includes the politically connected Westlands Water District in the San Joaquin Valley, which formerly employed Interior Secretary David Bernhardt as a lawyer and lobbyist.

The state of California has strongly opposed the effort to raise the dam’s height because it would flood the McCloud River, protected as wild and scenic. Conservation groups also say the plan would threaten endangered species such as Chinook salmon, delta smelt and Shasta salamanders.

California Rep. Jared Huffman called it the “QAnon of water projects, meaning it’s laughably infeasible and just not real.”

The staunchest opposition has come from the Winnemem Wintu Tribe, which lost 90% of its sacred sites with the construction of the dam and faces the loss of its remaining sites and burial grounds if the reservoir is expanded.

5. Pesticide changes

The Environmental Protection Agency announced on Nov. 20 it was taking away a tool states can use to control how pesticides are deployed. The action could further endanger farmworkers and wildlife.

Section 24 provision of the Federal, Insecticide, Fungicide and Rodenticide Act lets states set stricter restrictions on federally regulated pesticides in response to local needs and conditions. But after numerous states sought to limit the use of the weed killer dicamba, the agency will now no longer allow states to set more protective rules for any pesticides.

6. Migratory birds

A gutting of the Migratory Bird Treaty Act of 1918 took a big step forward at the end of November, clearing the way for the administration to finalize the rule change by the end of Trump’s term.

The U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service released its Final Environmental Impact Statement to redefine the scope of the law to no longer penalize the energy industry or developers for “incidentally” killing migratory birds.

The agency’s own analysis found that the rule change would “likely result in increased bird mortality” because — without penalties — companies wouldn’t take additional precautions to help make sure birds aren’t killed by their operations.

That’s already proving true. “Since the administration began pursuing its looser interpretation of the law in April 2018, hundreds of birds have perished without penalty, according to documents compiled by conservation groups this year,” The Washington Post reported.

7. ANWR auction

The Bureau of Land Management announced on Dec. 3 that oil and gas leases in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge would go on sale on Jan. 6, following a shortened time frame for the nomination and evaluation of potential tracts to be drilled.

“Once the sale is held, the bureau has to review and approve the leases, a process that typically takes months,” The New York Times reported. “But holding the sale on Jan. 6 potentially gives the bureau opportunity to finalize the leases before Inauguration Day. That would make it more difficult for the Biden administration to undo them.”

Despite the fact that the Trump administration is intent on opening the door to drilling in the 1.6 million-acre coastal plain — one of the wildest places left in the United States — it’s still unclear how interested the oil industry will be. Or how readily they’ll be able to finance their operations. All the major U.S. banks have said they’ll no longer fund new oil and gas exploration in the Arctic.

8. Dirty air

One week into December, the administration finalized its decision declining to enact stricter standards for regulating industrial soot emissions.

This came despite the fact that the administration’s own scientists found that maintaining the current limits on tiny particles, known as PM 2.5, results in tens of thousands of early deaths each year. And despite the fact Harvard researchers found that those who have lived for decades with high levels of PM 2.5 pollution are at a greater risk of dying from COVID-19.

9. Border wall

The incoming Biden administration has vowed to not build another foot of the border wall, but the borderlands ecosystem remains under threat as the Trump administration is continuing to push ahead.

In some cases wall builders are even attempting to speed up the work.

“That’s happening from the Rio Grande Valley of Texas to Arizona’s stunning Coronado National Memorial and Guadalupe Canyon, a wildlife corridor for Mexican gray wolves and endangered jaguars,” NPR reported. “At $41 million a mile, the Arizona sections are the most expensive projects of the entire border wall.”

In Arizona they’re needlessly razing vegetation and blasting mountains for roads in remote areas to help enable construction that likely won’t even take place.

10. Harming whales and dolphins

Trump may be leaving office, but marine mammals won’t be able to rest easy. NOAA Fisheries issued a rule on Dec. 9 allowing the oil and gas industry to harm Atlantic spotted dolphins, pygmy whales, dwarf sperm whales, Bryde’s whales and other marine mammals in the Gulf of Mexico while using seismic and acoustic mapping, including air guns, to gather data on resources on or below the ocean floor.

In an effort to further efforts for oil and gas drilling, nearly 200,000 beaked whales and more than 600,000 bottlenose dolphins could be “disturbed.” And “pygmy and dwarf sperm whales are expected to be harassed to the point of potential injury, with a mean of 308 whales potentially harmed per year, according to the final rule,” E&E News reported.

11. More lease sales

The Arctic isn’t the only place where the rush is on to exploit public lands. On Dec. 9 the Bureau of Land Management updated an environmental assessment for a 2013 plan for leases to extract climate- and water-polluting tar sands on 2,100 acres in northeastern Utah. But then just days late it hit the pause button on the effort.

While that one may be on hold, the administration did kick off the sale of leases for oil drilling on 4,100 acres of federal land in California’s Kern County on Dec. 10. The first such sale in the state in eight years could be canceled by the Biden administration and if not, would face legal challenges from environmental groups.

12. Cost-benefit rule

One of the administration’s biggest parting gifts to industry — the “cost-benefit” rule — was finalized on Dec. 9. It would require the EPA to weigh the economic costs of air pollution regulations but not many of the health benefits that would arise from better protections.

“In other words, if reducing emissions from power plants also saves tens of thousands of lives each year by cutting soot, those ‘co-benefits’ should be not be counted,” in the EPA’s new analysis, the Washington Post explained.

The rule would be a big blow to efforts to improve public health and curb pollution.

“The only purpose in making this a regulation seems to be to provide a basis for future lawsuits to slow down or prevent future administrations from regulating,” Roy Gamse, an economist and former EPA deputy assistant administrator for planning and evaluation, told Reuters.

Slowing down the Biden administration will continue to be a big part of Trump’s last month in office — along with the finalization of more rule changes to add insult to injury.

Legal experts have begun mapping which rollbacks will be quick and easy to undo and those that will take sustained effort. But one thing is certain: There’s a long road ahead to reverse dangerous regulations, restore scientific integrity and make up for lost ground on climate change, extinction and other cascading crises.

My year of obsessive, indifferent baking

The baking started immediately. My eldest daughter, arriving home from college for what was supposed to be spring break — but we all knew was an indefinite campus shutdown — dropped her bags near the door and requested chocolate chip cookies. It was March 13. I haven’t taken my apron off since. I’m not unique in baking my way through this dumpster fire of a year. But what has surprised me in all of this has been discovering the limits of even the most consoling of rituals.

I don’t know how I thought this was going to go — it’s my first pandemic. I can however say that I vastly overestimated my own degree of “Keep calm and carry on” competence. In other times, getting food on the table was a pleasant occupation, a daily ritual built on equal parts muscle memory and creative expression. In other times, though, there weren’t four full-sized individuals doing their jobs and school work and managing a full slate of new, suddenly life-and-death routines all day long in the confines of one tiny, inescapable New York apartment.

The clock and the calendar, abruptly bereft of events to fill them, have contorted themselves in peculiar ways. There have been sleepless nights that felt endless. There have been many, many weekends worked straight through. There have been days when I looked up that had somehow turned into evenings. Always, there has been the need to keep everyone fed, a seemingly round the clock, out-of-tune drumbeat.

RELATED: These two-ingredient brownies are one baking hack that doesn’t sacrifice on flavor

The kitchen has long been my chief place of solace and joy. It still is — It’s just also now my prison, too. How, at the end of a day filled with grim news and constant interruptions — a delivery of groceries once easily purchased in person, a new COVID-19 case at a parent’s nursing home — does one balance the need to feel reassured, to feel civilized, with the bone-weary desire to do absolutely zilch? How does one create comfort, while simultaneously feeling so afflicted? My therapist told me I needed to create more routines. But in the chaos, where does one find them?

My cooking this year, and in particular my baking, have adapted. My most useful resource has been Jamie Oliver‘s “5 Ingredients,” a book that’s damn near prescient in its understanding of that moment in the day where extreme exhaustion and high emotion intersect. It’s dinnertime.

It was still early days when I found myself mildly dissociating as my blender chugged away on what would become a pan of brownies fashioned from only two ingredients. That’s when I knew — I think — what was different. About me. About everything.

RELATED: These three-ingredient peanut butter cookies are hands-down the best cookies in the world

I lazily stirred up something called Depression cake, a dessert made of cheap pantry ingredients which also reflected the global mood. I tinkered with box mixes for St. Louis gooey cake and supermarket pie dough for cutout cookies. Turning to both Christina Tosi and Chrissy Teigen, I pulled together meringues and crunchies and globby candies that relied on breakfast cereals.

In more ambitious moods, I made little ice cream cakes which evoked my New Jersey childhood. In less motivated humors, I squished donuts from the shop down the street in the waffle iron. I sought distraction in hot fudge and milkshakes. On two separate occasions, with two different daughters, we concluded an hours-long cryfest over our stand mixer. The younger one and I made a boxed yellow cake with buttercream frosting. The older one and I made the Alison Roman chocolate chunk shortbread cookies. We devoured our handiwork greedily and tearfully.

All of this has recalibrated my relationship with the word “bittersweet.” I have longed to nourish my family with gestures of love. I have resented the washing of another damn cup. I have discovered the connection that comes from attempting a recipe that’s a viral hit. I baked the Basque cheesecake over and over, and I was right there when one daughter went through an intense phase with that TikTok famous espresso drink.

I chopped and stirred and frosted while on Zoom with friends I haven’t seen in ages (and don’t know when I’ll see again). I repainted the kitchen. I pulled out the Instant Pot. I have overindulged, and I have lost my appetite. I’ve stood at the stove as the waves of 7 p.m. cheers floated into the city streets, and sobbed into my morning coffee at the endless, ominous drone of sirens. I’ve gone through through unfathomable amounts of sugar, butter, flour and eggs, and I don’t know if the verb I’d use for that process is “blazed” or “slogged.”

For me, cooking is now equal parts tyranny and therapy. It’s obligation and expression. Whatever it was I needed this year, I knew I couldn’t just buy it all wrapped up and ready to go. I also knew I couldn’t be that person with the Instagram perfect focaccia. So I’ve searched to find my place in the liminal space, settling somewhere that our Gov. Andrew Cuomo’s ex-girlfriend Sandra Lee somewhat infamously calls “semi-homemade.” I’ve embraced the messy half-assedness of it all, the work shirt on top and sweatpants on the bottom approach which encapsulates this entire year of doing our best and lowering the bar.

Last night, I made my family a pumpkin pizza with canned pumpkin, mozzarella, ricotta and slow cooked onions, which came together in a few minutes. I followed it with my three-ingredient peanut butter cookies, which remind me of my favorite, now shuttered bakery. As we sat together at the table, I felt acutely aware of how much we have — and how much we have lost. Another beautiful, terrible, fleeting, endless day, punctuated the only way I know how — with something a little sweet. And then we cleared the plates, and we started everything all over again.

 

Read more from our recipe box:

Seamus Mullen’s love affair with tortilla española: Find beauty in the simplicity of this dish

The former chef at Boqueria and Tertulia in New York City explores the most emblematic Spanish dish — rich with history and more like an omelette than a taco — and the story of when he learned to cook it in Spain.

I first fell in love with the tortilla española when I was in high school. For the uninitiated, this is nothing like a taco, though I confess to being confused, too. I was 16-years-old, having freshly arrived in Burgos in north-central Spain to kick off a year abroad exchange program. My retention of the Spanish language was dismal, and my knowledge of Spanish culture was very limited. I think everything I knew about Spain I learned from reading the children’s book “Ferdinand the Bull.”

Here I was, day one in a foreign country, in a bar with my host father, sipping a glass of rose wine (yes, the first thing he did was take a 16-year-old American kid to a bar to drink wine!), waiting for the tortilla he ordered, expecting some spicy Mexican taco to arrive. Instead, the waiter returned with a wedge of room-temperature, eggy, potato-heavy pie. I was confused. I assumed that I had misunderstood what we ordered, but the one word I had distinctly been able to pick out in the machine-gun fire of Castilian vocabulary, was “tortilla.” Yet here we were, about to eat a cold omelet.

I grew up on a farm in Vermont, cooking and eating delicious food from a very young age. By now, I was already a foodie (long before that divisive word existed). I tucked into that tortilla, and my life as a food lover was forever changed. With four ingredients: eggs, potato, salt, and most importantly, extra virgin olive oil, it was so simple, yet sublime. We ordered a second. And then, of course, a third. Little did I know that the tortilla española is the subject of national debate in Spain, the cause of epic arguments, the obelisk of culture. It is the cornerstone of a national culinary identity. I had to learn how to make it.

Like so many “simple” things in the kitchen, making a good tortilla takes years to perfect and requires a level of detail and attention that are lost on the uninitiated. A true master of the tortilla observes and coaxes the magic out of the humblest of pies. My first attempts were abysmal. The notorious vuelta, or flip, is where the problems usually start. When the pie is at the halfway point, the pan is covered with a plate or a lid, and the whole shebang is flipped in a single motion and then slipped back into the pan to cook on the other side.

I watched my host mother do this effortlessly, like Anna Pavlova performing a grande jeté. My first attempts were more reminiscent of Jackson Pollock paintings all over the floor, cupboard and ceiling. With practice, I mastered the vuelta, only to learn that it’s just the beginning of the journey. What I love so much about this dish is how the subtlest of changes can completely alter the final product. And while all Spaniards can agree that it is the most iconic dish, everyone has their own opinion on what constitutes a “traditional” tortilla. With onion? Heresy to some, fundamental to others. The one thing that is for certain: The fewer ingredients, the closer to its purest form. In truth, there are as many recipes for tortilla española in Spain as there are grandmothers. And to every Spaniard, their grandma’s is the one true recipe.

Here is what I have learned over the past 31 years making this dish:

  • Excellent-quality extra virgin olive oil from Spain is fundamental.
  • Peel and thinly slice waxy potatoes and then gently cook them, fully submerged in the olive oil at a low temperature until creamy, and begin to break apart, losing the sliced form.
  • Strain the potatoes and reserve the oil for next time. Season the potatoes in a bowl with a little salt.
  • Crack and gently whisk 8 eggs into large Pyrex glassware to measure (this can be done by eye once you’ve mastered the next step).
  • Add equal volume of cooked potato to the eggs (e.g. for 3 cups of eggs, add 3 cups of potato mixture).
  • Heat up 2 tablespoons of the reserved olive oil in a large non-stick pan (or very well-seasoned cast-iron) over medium-high heat. Gently roll the oil around the pan.
  • Add egg-potato mixture and gently fold edges away from the perimeter of the pan using a heat-resistant rubber spatula.
  • Leave it to set for a few minutes.
  • When the egg has just set, but the top is still very wet and uncooked, cover with a large plate and flip.
  • As quickly as possible, wipe the pan clean and add another tablespoon of oil, then carefully slip the half-cooked tortilla back into the pan. It will be ugly, fear not.
  • Carefully tuck the edges of the tortilla under to create a nice rounded exterior.
  • Once the egg sets, shake the pan gently to release it. The eggs should have a little golden-brown color.
  • Using a cake tester or a tiny knife, puncture the tortilla a few times to release hot air trapped inside so it doesn’t puff up.
  • Grab a clean plate and flip again. Touching the center to check for doneness. It should still be a little wet and runny inside.
  • Slip onto a serving plate and let cool. It should be served at room temperature.
  • The final product should be an inch or so in thickness, perfectly rounded around the edge, evenly browned, with eggs that are not too hard, and an inside that’s creamy but not too runny. The defining taste should be in the following order: egg, potato, and most importantly, olive oil.
  • Lastly, to truly understand the magic of the tortilla, it is best enjoyed in the evening, with a beer or a glass of wine.

The beauty of mastering this dish is that it becomes an important page in every cook’s repertoire. Even after mastering the dish, it’s still so easy to screw up. It requires a level of attention and observation that forces us to forget our predilection to multi-tasking and brings us into a moment of solemn craft as cooks. Being equipped to whip up a tortilla at a moment’s notice with ingredients you always have in the kitchen is a great trick to have up your sleeve.

Here’s a version from my first cookbook, “Hero Food,” that I love to make. Practice, practice and you will find beauty in the simplicity of this dish.

***

Recipe: Tortilla Española

Ingredients:

  • 8 eggs, lightly beaten
  • 4 Yukon gold potatoes, peeled and thinly sliced
  • 2 cups olive oil
  • Sea salt, as needed

Directions:

  1. Submerge the sliced potatoes in olive oil and cook on low heat for 35 minutes until the potatoes are completely cooked and begin to fall apart.
  2. Strain and reserve the olive oil. Transfer the potatoes to a mixing bowl and season with sea salt.
  3. Combine equal parts egg and potato.
  4. Heat 2 tablespoons of the reserved oil in a medium-sized non-stick pan over medium-high heat. Add the egg mixture and fold the edges away from the pan with a heat-resistant rubber spatula.
  5. Cook until the edges are just set, about 5-7 minutes, then cover with a large plate and carefully flip. Wipe out the pan with a paper towel, return to the heat with 1 tablespoon of the reserved olive oil.
  6. Add the tortilla back into the pan and continue to cook the other side, folding the edges to create a nice rounded perimeter. Flip as many more times as needed to create an attractive, rounded edge.
  7. Remove to a plate and set aside to cool. Serve with a glass of wine or beer.

By Institute of Culinary Education Chef Seamus Mullen

How to make juicy shredded chicken to use everywhere

Learning how to shred chicken is like following a map, because like all meat, chicken forms a noticeable grain as it cooks. Separating chicken along that grain results in juicy, tender shreds that are both handy for reducing prep time and incredibly versatile. A container of shredded chicken is as at home in your favorite chicken salad recipe as it is in tacos, soups, casseroles, pasta dishes, and anything else that needs a boost of protein and flavor.

Using little more than your hands — or two forks — you can easily take down a pile of leftover chicken (or chicken you made specially for shredding) and stash it away in the refrigerator for a speedy weekday lunch or simple but hearty dinner.

What kind of chicken can you shred?

The good news? Any cut of chicken, cooked pretty much any way you want! (If it’s cooked, it can be shred). If you are cooking specifically to shred: the ideal contender is poached, slow-cooked, or roasted, and shredded while still slightly warm. You’ll have a little more trouble shredding fried chicken wings, grilled chicken breast, or cooked chicken straight out of the refrigerator as these tend to be stiffer and denser with less of their natural juices intact (a problem you won’t run into using wet- or slow-heat cooking methods).

Shredding the leftover meat off the carcass of a roasted chicken is also a great way to make the most of a whole bird.

What’s the best way to shred?

Your bare hands are the best possible tools for shredding chicken. Using your hands helps prevent too-fine shreds (more on that later), and will help you locate and discard bones, skin, and cartilage more easily, while also maximizing the amount of meat you’re able to get off the bone. Hold the cooked, still-warm chicken with your non-dominant hand and firmly pinch on one side with your dominant hand to locate the grain. Pull off this first shred in the size you’d like, and the lines of the grain will show you where to pinch and pull next. Repeat until the whole piece of chicken has been shredded.

Or, use two forks—because not everyone fancies diving into a pile of chicken with their hands. Use one fork in your dominant hand to pull a shred of chicken the size you’d like (with the grain) away from the remainder, which you’ll hold in place using the fork in your non-dominant hand. The chicken will “fracture” naturally along its grain, which you can follow to help locate your next pull.

Other tips:

  • Avoid shredding the chicken too finely. The finer the shreds, the less succulent the chicken will be, and the more quickly it will dry out.
  • Refrigerate shredded chicken in an airtight container with a half-cup of the poaching liquid (if available) to keep it moist and juicy for up to three days.
  • Bring refrigerated cooked chicken to room temperature before shredding to help it separate more easily.
  • Don’t forget the skin! Separate it from chicken before cooking, season with salt and pepper, and crisp up separately on its own on a sheet pan for about 20 minutes at 375°F or until dark-golden brown and crunchy. Cool, crumble, and use as an umami-packed garnish for soups, salads, tacos—anything you like, really. Extra-crispy crispy chicken skin is truly a thing of beauty.

Put your shreds to good use: Pulled Chicken Tacos with Pineapple Salsa

Is this the way? “The Mandalorian” depicts struggling belief more realistically than that last Jedi

Until “The Mandalorianthe main “Star Wars” universe acknowledged only one spiritual truth, The Force, and the two religions devoted to it – that of the Jedi, an order devoted to light and justice, and the Sith, servants of the Dark Side. Everything in between is good guys wishing that the Force be with their allies or baddies, rebel scum or storm troopers. But what of the Jawas? Do the Tuskens believe in anything greater than themselves? We still don’t know.

But through the adventures of Din Djarin (Pedro Pascal) we’ve now seen another belief system: The Creed, followed by The Children of the Watch. The warrior sect that raised Din Djarin and hardened him in battle pits professes to follow The Way of the Mandalore and its many rules.  

The second season of “The Mandalorian” shows Din Djarin breaking the strictest of them all when he removes his helmet and allows a room filled with Empire officers and grunts to see his face, a no-go of the highest order. According to the Creed, once a Mandalorian removes their helmet in front of another living being, that person can never put it on again. It is a break with faith.

But it had to happen if he had any hope of saving Grogu, aka The Child or Baby Yoda, from the Imperial officer who kidnapped him.  Plus, he may have other reasons. In “The Believer,” the second-to-last episode of Season 2, Mando recruits his duplicitous former partner in crime Mayfeld (Bill Burr) to help him break into an Imperial mining facility – which they do, once they secure a pair of trooper outfits. These, remember, also have helmets.

The real obstacle awaits inside, where a simple visit to a terminal from which Mayfield can download the coordinates of the ship holding Grogu becomes impossible since Mayfield’s former commander happens to be in the room where it’s located.

Following a tense exchange, Mando decides to head over to facial recognition scanner, removes his helmet and exposes his face. He fulfills the mission, but he also realizes there’s no going home again.

The timing of this highly impactful decision was questionable in the eyes of some people, and if you ponder the scenario beyond his action there are other problems too. But we’re not here to discuss flimsy plot details.

Instead, the meaning of Djarin’s unmasking is what sparked hours of rumination about how that relates to the films’ and series’ treatment of belief and identity versus strict religiosity.

Within the context of any individual’s negotiation with the role religion plays in who they  are lies a necessary defining of faith as one chooses to interpret it. Mayfield infers this when he’s ribbing Mando about the faulty rules governing every type of belief system during their mission.

“Seems to me like your rules start to change when you get desperate,” he says. “I mean, look at you. You said you couldn’t take your helmet off, and now you’ve got a stormtrooper one on, so what’s the rule? Is it that you can’t take off your Mando helmet or you can’t show your face? Because there is a difference.”

In that moment Din Djarin doesn’t reply to Mayfield, and that could be because he genuinely doesn’t have answer. Showing his face a few scenes later may have been his way of starting to search those answers within himself, a very “Star Wars” way of handling hard questions.

One reason that I still find “Star Wars” and other epics enchanting to me after all these years has to do with the strict religiosity programmed into me since birth. I’m sure of it. I broke away from Catholicism a long time ago but that wiring to receive faith’s mysteries is still very much intact. I suspect many people who lost their religion still feel some version of this. The power of The Force is less fraught than organized religion. George Lucas’ version of monomyth never started any wars or led to anyone’s persecution on Earth.

Everyone can get behind the space opera’s enduring stories of good and evil, wrapped around arcs about redemption and forgiveness. But all of it stems from the Jedi mythology realized by the Skywalker Saga, and if you really delve into what it is to be a Jedi . . . honestly, it looks like a real drag. No wonder Luke eventually turned his back on that noise.

Belief as it is presented through the hero’s journey in “The Mandalorian,” however, is attainable. In the scene described above and other points in the latest season, Din Djarin acts upon the higher laws governing how to treat others and protecting the innocent as opposed to the beliefs of his sect.

The Force is exhilarating and all, but if you want to emulate a character who acts with discipline and adheres to a morally upstanding set of principles, Din Djarin’s is The Way. And this includes his decision to release his fate from determinations as to who he is and his worth as prescribed by others, which is the essence of a spiritual journey.

That series creator Jon Favreau chose to cross Din Djarin’s path with that of “Star Wars”‘ favorite son in the season finale isn’t an accident or a bad decision. Quite the opposite. Call it the culmination of an inevitability.

We know from the films that Luke eventually loses his faith, only to find it again one last time before he joins with The Force. But the Luke we see in the finale is very much a standard bearer of the Jedi, one of the few left and likely the most powerful.

Meanwhile, from the moment the bounty hunter was quested to reunite his ward Grogu, The Child, with “his kind,” a race of what Din’s superior the Armorer describes as sorcerers and enemies to their sect, the Mandalorian’s commitment to following the “Way” was bound to waver.

In Season 2 Favreau and the show’s writers steadily build toward Din Djarin grappling with what it means to be Mandalorian, which one surmises to be a major subplot of the third season.

Odysseys of identity are the core of all major “Star Wars” stories, bringing characters into confrontations between their idea of who they are and the truth of it.  With Luke, Leia, Rey and even Kylo Ren, tests of faith are always entwined with questions about family legacy.

Din Djarin isn’t haunted by such questions because he knew his parents and remembers their murder. Instead, his spiritual test may be concerned with what he was led to believe by The Watch, the militaristic zealots that raised him, and how that belief reconciles with actually being in the universe and refusing to hide. 

Until he meets other Mandalorians led by Bo-Katan (Katee Sackhoff), a dethroned royal, he believes all true Mandalorians follow the Creed. Then she shocks him by taking her helmet off and explaining that she’s not the strange one – he is.

The Watch, she tells him, is a cult. And we can only guess that a whole lot of thinking went on under that helmet after that, since Din Djarin exposes his face not once but twice before the season closes. The second time is to allow Grogu to see him for who he is, at last, before they part ways in “The Rescue,” the season finale written by Favreau. Earthlings might describe this as the start of his deprogramming.

Hopefully Grogu will return. I’m also crossing my fingers that Din Djarin’s on-and-off relationship with his helmet continues, for reasons other than wanting to gaze upon Pascal’s fine, fine visage more than once or twice a season – but not much more. From the perspective of the business side of things, we understand why Favreau may be tempted to service fans who swoon at the sight of the actor. That’s surface allure, and even that has limits. (Ergo: better to keep the people thirsty than weaken the appeal by oversaturation.)

Deepening the character’s mystery as he figures out who he is may yield higher returns over the long haul, because we get it. At some point we have to decide what to believe about ourselves and our place in the universe. And to me, that’s much more fertile ground for story development. There’s a lot about this quadrant of the galaxy and this gunslinger we have yet to discover.

The Force will be with us always and for as long as “Star Wars” burns brightly in the entertainment galaxy. But at the end of a rousing and provocative sophomore season of “The Mandalorian” I’m pleased and relieved to know that its Jedi fascination is definitely not the only way.

All episodes of “The Mandalorian” are currently streaming on Disney+.

In “The Queen’s Gambit” and beyond, chess holds up a mirror to life

In the closing sequence of “The Queen’s Gambit,” the chess-playing heroine, Beth Harmon, defeats her archrival Vasily Borgov at the Moscow Invitational. The next day she impulsively skips her flight home to join a group of adoring chess players in what appears to be Moscow’s famous Sokolniki Park. The symbolism of this moment is clear. Dressed in a blazing white coat and hat, Beth has become a chess queen with the power to move freely through a field of men.

If this use of chess to represent life feels familiar, it is largely thanks to the medieval world. As I argue in my book “Power Play: The Literature and Politics of Chess in the Late Middle Ages,” the game’s early European players turned the game into an allegory for society and changed it to mirror their world. Since then, poets and writers have used it as an allegory for love, duty, conflict and accomplishment.

The game’s medieval roots

When chess arrived in Europe through Mediterranean trade routes of the 10th century, players altered the game to reflect their society’s political structure.

In its original form, chess was a game of war with pieces representing different military units: horsemen, elephant-riding fighters, charioteers and infantry. These armed units protected the “shah,” or king, and his counselor, the “firz,” in the game’s imagined battle.

But Europeans quickly transformed the “shah” to a king, the “vizier” to the queen, the “elephants” to bishops, the “horses” to knights, the “chariots” to castles and the “foot soldiers” to pawns. With these changes, the two sides of the board no longer represented the units in an army; they now stood in for Western social order.

The game gave concrete expression to the medieval worldview that every person had a designated place. Moreover, it revised and improved the very common “three-estate” model: those who fought (knights), those who prayed (clergy) and those who worked (the rest).

Then there was the transformation of the queen. Although chess rules across medieval Europe had some variations, most initially granted the queen the power to move only one square. This changed in the 15th century, when the chess queen gained unlimited movement in any direction.

Most players would agree that this change made the game faster and more interesting to play. But also, and as the late Stanford historian Marylin Yalom argued in “The Birth of the Chess Queen,” the queen’s elevation to the strongest piece appeared first in Spain during the time when the powerful Queen Isabella held the throne.

A “mating” dance

With a powerful female figure now on the board, jokes about “mating” abounded, and poets often used chess as a metaphor for sex.

Take the 13th-century epic poem “Huon de Bordeaux.” Wanting to expose his newly hired servant, Huon, as a nobleman, King Yvoryn urges him to play chess against his prodigiously talented daughter.

“If thou can mate her,” Yvoryn says, “I promise that thou shalt have her one night in thy bed, to do with her at thy pleasure.” If Huon loses, Yvoryn will kill him.

Huon does not play chess well. But this turns out not to matter because he looks like a medieval version of “Queen’s Gambit” breakout star Jacob Fortune-Lloyd. Dizzy with desire and desperate to sleep with this heartthrob, Yvoryn’s daughter plays badly and loses the game.

In the 14th-century poem “The Avowyng of King Arthur,” chess also stands in for sex. At one key moment, King Arthur summons a noble lady to play chess; together they “sat themselves together on the side of the bed” and “began to play until dawn that was day.” The repeated “mating” on the board not-so-subtly hints at a night of lovemaking.

It also shows up to this end in “The Queen’s Gambit.” In an echo of Huon’s game, Beth plays with her friend and love interest, Townes, in his hotel room. Their match, however, is interrupted when it becomes clear that Townes doesn’t share Beth’s feelings. Later in the story, Beth plays with Harry Beltik. Their first kiss takes place over the board and prefaces their sexual consummation.

Chess as “life in miniature”

But much deeper and more interesting are the medieval allegories that use chess to reinforce societal obligations and ties between citizens.

No author did this more comprehensively than 13th-century Dominican friar Jacobus de Cessolis. In his treatise “The Book of the Morals of Men and the Duties of Nobles and Commoners on the Game of Chess,” Jacobus imagines chess as a way to teach personal accountability.

In four short sections, Jacobus moves through the gameplay and pieces, describing the ways each one contributes to a harmonious social order. He goes so far as to distinguish pawns by trade and to connect each to its “royal” partner. The first pawn is a farmer who is tied to the castle because he provides food to the kingdom. The second pawn is a blacksmith, who makes armor for the knight. The third is an attorney, who helps the bishop with legal matters. And so on.

Jacobus’ work became one of the most popular of the Middle Ages and, according to chess historian H.J.R. Murray, at one point rivaled the number of Bible copies in circulation. Even though Jacobus in his prologue implies that his book is most useful for a king, the rest of his treatise makes clear that all people – and the piece they most closely resemble – can benefit by reading his work, learning the game and mastering the lessons that come with it.

Jacobus’ allegory becomes one of the central messages of “The Queen’s Gambit.” Beth reaches her full potential only after she learns to collaborate with other players. Just like the pawn she converts in her final game, Beth becomes a figurative queen only with the help of others.

But this is not the only modern work that deploys chess in this fashion. “Star Wars,” “Harry Potter and the Sorcerer’s Stone” and “Blade Runner,” to name just a few, use versions of the game at key moments to show a character’s growth or to stand in as a metaphor for conflict.

So the next time you see a headline like “Trump Nears Checkmate” and “Gang of 10: Obama’s Checkmate,” or see an ad for a “Checkmate” infidelity test, you can thank – or curse – the medieval world.

Grandmaster Garry Kasparov’s observation ultimately holds true. “Chess,” he once quipped, “is life in miniature.”

Jenny Adams, Associate Professor of English, University of Massachusetts Amherst

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license.

Why Joe Biden’s stutter is a gift to America

In the clip, Donald Trump is standing before a throng of his worshippers, musing about character and how it is shaped by circumstances. “Can you imagine if that happened to me?” he asks, throwing out a hypothetical. “Man, would I be a bad guy. I would be the meanest man in history.” It is February of 2020, and he is speaking of the man who will defeat him in nine months. “Biden is angry. Biden is angry, everything is anger,” Trump continues, adding, “and that’s what happens when you can’t get the words out. That’s what happens when you can’t get the words out. You get angry.” Donald Trump, who sees himself as a not angry, not bad, not mean individual, is apparently imagining himself here horribly warped by a characteristic the president-elect himself wears with pride: his stutter.

That one of the most important communications positions in the world will soon be held by a man who grew up with a speech disorder is, on the surface, an achievement. It definitely takes some of the air out of the mockery, misunderstanding and snide derision Biden has endured in past several years, notably from Trump’s inner circle. In January, Lara Trump declared that “Every time he comes on stage, I’m like, ‘Joe, can you get it out? Let’s get the words out, Joe.” When confronted about it later on CNN, she did not improve the narrative by insisting that what she meant was that Biden has “very clearly a cognitive decline.” Similarly, a year ago, Eric Trump sneered to Fox News that “Biden can’t get through two sentences without stuttering.”

It’s unsurprising that a family like the Trumps, one that boasts hollowly of superhuman physical health and mental prowess, would be perturbed by a common and often treatable disorder. Yet while Joe Biden has worked to manage his stutter, he has also adroitly synthesized it into his public persona. It’s a crucial part of his self-defined origin story, something he’s referred to as “the single most defining thing” in his life. Going forward, though, what feels more significant is the ongoing influence that history of stuttering has had on his identity.

At its most basic, stuttering is a condition marked by the repetition, elongation, or pausing of one’s sounds. It affects nearly 70 million people worldwide, mostly males, and its causes are still not fully known. It runs in families (Biden’s uncle stuttered too) and varies in severity. Roughly 75% of children who stutter outgrow it. As Biden has explained, “It has nothing to do with your intelligence quotient. It has nothing to do with your intellectual makeup.” It is likewise unrelated to cognitive function. Yet cliched tropes and outmoded ideas persist. “Stuttering, when you think about it, is the only handicap that people still laugh about,” Biden has said.

It’s a sentiment echoed by author and poet Jordan Scott, whose recent children’s book “I Talk Like a River” is based on a wise metaphor his father once offered him. “False connections between stuttering and intelligence make it so difficult to live in the world as a stutterer.” (Because telecommunication can be challenging for stutterers, Scott graciously offered to be interviewed via email.)

“I do not stutter because I am nervous,” he says. “I do not stutter because I am weak or fearful. I do not stutter because I’m unintelligent. I do not need help finishing my thoughts. I do not need help saying what I am about to say.”

He adds, “When speaking, don’t we all forget words? Don’t we all hesitate or pause? Don’t we all sometimes wish we said something else or found a better word to express ourselves? This is what I often refer to as the regime of fluency or a structure of continually promulgated beliefs about how someone should sound or speak in order to be considered credible and intelligent.”

Scott says he thinks fluency “is a fiction.” “When I listen to Biden I hear vulnerability, confidence, rupture, hesitation, boldness, blockages, clarity,” he told me. “When I listen to Biden I hear the true nature of speech in all its extraordinary nuance.”

That nuance is the result of years of disciplined effort. Growing up, Joe Biden memorized poetry and practiced his recitation skills in front of a mirror to manage his stutter. As he wrote to the Stuttering Foundation of America five years ago, “When you commit yourself to a goal and when you persevere in the face of struggle, you will discover new strengths and skills to help you overcome not only this challenge but future life challenges, as well. I promise you — you have nothing to be ashamed of, and every reason to be proud.”  

That’s a message that has to keep being restated. In 2019, Joe Biden referenced his stuttering constituents, talking about “The little kid who said ‘I-I-I-I can’t talk. Wh-wh-what do I do?'” He said, “I have scores of these young women and men who I keep in contact with.” When Sarah Huckabee Sanders ignorantly mocked him on Twitter for it, the jibe must have reminded him of the kids — and nuns — in his school days who called him “Mr. Buh-buh-buh Biden.” “It’s called empathy,” he tweeted back to Sanders. “Look it up.” (She apologized and deleted the tweet.)

Like his intimate relationship with grief, Biden’s experiences of bullying have helped him recognize that particular pain in others. He has said that “I can think of nothing else that has ever stripped me of my dignity as quickly and as profoundly and as thoroughly as when I stuttered in grade school.” 

Now, in contrast, he speaks of the “great honor to mentor kids who’ve experienced the same.” One such kid, Brayden Harrington, spoke at the Democratic convention this summer. And at a town hall last winter, Biden said he would offer a college student struggling with a stutter the same advice his mother once gave him — “Don’t let this define you.”

Yet stuttering has, in many ways, defined Biden nevertheless. It’s hard to imagine that his extensive training to “think in terms of not rushing” hasn’t come in handy in the past two soul-sucking months, or that memorizing all that poetry — like Seamus Heaney’s line about “the longed-for tidal wave of justice” — was a bad idea. “God’s gift to me was my stuttering,” he has said. Imagine, if you can after these impulse control-bereft past four years, a president who thinks before speaking. Sounds like God’s gift to us.

“As a kid, the first time I saw myself reflected back to me was through the character of ‘stuttering Ken’ in the film ‘A Fish Called Wanda,'” recalls Jordan Scott. “I remember it was a Sunday morning and I was eating oatmeal with my dad when the movie came on. It was the first time I heard or saw anyone else stutter. In ‘stuttering Ken’ I saw myself. In ‘stuttering Ken’ I saw how others must see me; and I was a bumbling and weak fool; constantly bullied, wounded and maimed. I was the punchline.” But now, he says, “If I was that stuttering kid today, I’d turn on the TV and see Joe Biden.”

11 handy sugar substitutes to keep in the pantry (and the fridge)

Last weekend, I broke the number one rule I share with everyone who asks me for baking advice: to make sure you have all your ingredients beforestarting the recipe. But there I was, halfway through cracking an egg, when I looked over to the shelf where I keep dry ingredients to see my sugar jar woefully near-empty. I wasn’t about to sprint to the grocery store just for sugar (I’m also still keeping grocery trips as minimal as possible these days); I needed a sugar substitute, stat.

Luckily, because I keep a fairly stocked pantry, I had several options. There are actually a number of ingredients that mimic granulated sugar’s flavor and texture in both cooking and baking; you just need to think a bit about what you’re making and what each substitute brings to the table. For example, a ripe banana can swap in just fine when you’re baking a cake, but it wouldn’t work in, say, a caramel sauce. Not every one of these substitutions will replace sugar perfectly in every recipe you try, but they will help you achieve a similar goal in a pinch.

Here are 11 sugar substitutes to keep in mind (and the pantry).

Agave

Super-sweet agave nectar is similar to honey or maple syrup, but more runny. It can be added in place of sugar in baked goods, caramel, drinks, and most other sweet things. When baking, use two-thirds the amount of agave as sugar called for, and reduce the liquid in the recipe by 1/4 cup. (If there’s no liquid in the recipe, add 1 tablespoon of flour for every 1/4 cup sugar.)

Bananas

I don’t need to tell you how sweet bananas are. You can harness this sweetness as a sugar substitute in tons of different baked goods, like muffins and quick breads. Since bananas have more moisture than sugar, use half the amount of mashed, ripe banana as sugar called for in the recipe.

Brown Sugar

Perhaps the most likely to already be in your kitchen, brown sugar is also one of the easiest and most versatile sweeteners to sub in for granulated sugar. With a 1:1 substitution, your baked goods will taste similar in terms of sweetness, but will be a tad more caramelly in flavor, and the texture will be softer and more moist.

Coconut Sugar

Though coconut sugar and granulated sugar work in a 1:1 swap, coconut sugar will slightly change the texture and flavor of baked goods to be a bit less moist and more crumbly, which is actually quite nice in a scone or shortbread—though I’ve used it in everything from banana bread to oatmeal cookies.

Corn Syrup

Though corn syrup is often thought of as an unhealthy or “bad” sweetener—and you should never think of foods as “bad” or “good!”—the bottles you’ll find in the grocery store are perfectly safe to use in baking, with a similar nutritional profile as sugar. (It’s not the same as high-fructose corn syrup often found in packaged food.) Technically an invert sugar, corn syrup prevents sugar crystals from forming. For example, when you melt granulated sugar, it liquifies, but eventually it will want to recrystallize; corn syrup stays smooth and glossy. Use 1 1/4 cups of light corn syrup and remove 1/4 cup of liquid for every cup of sugar listed in a baking recipe.

Dates

There is more than one way to use dates when replacing sugar in a recipe. Starting with regular dates you’d find at the store: A cup of pitted dates can be soaked in water, drained, then blended into date paste, a sticky sweetener similar in texture to nut butter. Use 1 cup of date paste and add an additional 2 tablespoons of liquid for every cup of sugar called for in your recipe. Date sugar, which can be found at many grocery stores and online, can simply be subbed 1:1. With both these ingredients, expect your treats to be more subtly sweet and softer than when made with granulated sugar.

Honey

Use 1/2 to 2/3 cup honey for every cup of granulated sugar in a recipe, preparing for a slightly more floral flavor—perhaps it goes without saying, but the more honey you use, the more pronounced the floral sweetness will be—and reduce liquid in the recipe by 1/4 cup. (If there’s no liquid in the recipe, add 1 tablespoon of flour for every 1/4 cup sugar.)

Maple Syrup

Though quite subtle, the substitution of maple syrup for granulated sugar brings a caramelly, autumnal coziness to baked goods. Swap in 3/4 to 1 cup of maple syrup for every cup of granulated sugar, and reduce the liquid in the recipe by 1/4 cup. (If there’s no liquid in the recipe, add 1 tablespoon of flour for every 1/4 cup sugar.)

Molasses

Molasses, a thick syrup, is a by-product of the sugarcane or sugar-beet refining process (it’s also what makes brown sugar brown!). You can use 3/4 to 1 cup of molasses for every cup of sugar in a recipe, and reduce the liquid by 1/4 cup. (If there’s no liquid in the recipe, add 1 tablespoon of flour for every 1/4 cup sugar.) Keep in mind it is quite intense in flavor, so you may want to pair it with another sugar substitute as well, if you have one on hand.

Monk Fruit Sweetener

Liquid monk fruit sweeteners are often highly concentrated extracts, which are suited to replace sugar in dressings, sauces, and drinks—but baking, not so much. Read the package directions when deciding how much to use.

Pomegranate Molasses

Tart pomegranate molasses (made from reduced pomegranate juice) adds sweetness but also tang to drinks and sauces—try it instead of sugar when making simple syrup or grenadine.

Emily Dickinson is the unlikely hero of our time

Since her death in 1886, Emily Dickinson has haunted us in many forms.

She has been the precocious “little dead girl” admired by distinguished men; the white-clad, solitary spinster languishing alone in her bedroom; and, in more recent interpretations, the rebellious teenager bent on smashing structures of power with her torrential genius.

As the world continues to endure the ravages of COVID-19, another ghost of Dickinson steps into view. This one, about 40 years old, seems by turns vulnerable and formidable, reclusive and forward. She carries the dead weight of crises beyond her control, but remains unbowed by it.

It was while drafting my dissertation, which explores the meaning of old age in America, that I first encountered this Dickinson. She has been with me ever since.

The depths of loss

Most admirers of Dickinson’s poetry know that she spent a considerable part of her adult life in what we call self-imposed confinement, rarely venturing outside the family homestead in Amherst, Massachusetts. Less known, perhaps, is that the final 12 years of her life were passed in a state of nearly perpetual mourning.

It began with the death of her father. For all his stern comportment, Edward Dickinson had enjoyed a special relationship with Emily, his middle child. When her surviving letters declare him “the oldest and oddest sort of a foreigner,” one hears the affectionate annoyance that comes with real devotion. He died in 1874, away from home.

Loss followed loss. Favorite correspondent Samuel Bowles died in 1878. With the passing of Mary Ann Evans, otherwise known as George Eliot, in 1880, Dickinson lost a kindred spirit – a “mortal” who, in her words, had “already put on immortality” while living. A very different loss was that of Dickinson’s mother, Emily Norcross Dickinson, with whom she enjoyed little or no rapport for much of their life together, but who became at least somewhat precious to her daughter on her deathbed. That was in 1882, the same year that took from her literary idol Ralph Waldo Emerson and early mentor Charles Wadsworth.

The following year saw the death of her cherished eight-year-old nephew, Gilbert, from typhoid fever, his illness having spurred one of Dickinson’s rare excursions beyond the homestead. The year after that, Judge Otis Phillips Lord, with whom she pursued the only confirmed romantic relationship of her life, finally succumbed to an illness of several years and was wearily dubbed by the poet “our latest Lost.”

Piling on

What impact did so much grief have on the mind of one of America’s greatest visionary artists? Her letters say little enough. Writing to Mrs. Samuel Mack in 1884, however, she frankly admits: “The Dyings have been too deep for me, and before I could raise my heart from one, another has come.”

The word “deep” is an arresting choice, making it sound as though Dickinson is drowning in a pile of dead loved ones. Each time she comes up for air, yet another body is added to the great mass.

This is characteristic of Dickinson. If her imagination shrinks from visualizing breadth, it thrives on depth. Some of the most captivating images in her poetry are piles of things that cannot be piled: thunder, mountains, wind. During the Civil War, she uses the same technique to represent soldiers’ heroic and terrible sacrifice:

The price is great – Sublimely paid – Do we deserve – a Thing – That lives – like Dollars – must be piled Before we may obtain?

In describing her more personal losses of the 1870s, Dickinson seems to imagine yet another pile of human corpses rising before her eyes. Or maybe it is the same pile, her loved ones added to the dead troops whose fate she kept contemplating to the end of her own life. Seen in this light, the “Dyings” appear not just too deep but unfathomably so.

Life after death

At the time of this writing, the pile of lives that overshadows our lives is 800,000 deep and getting deeper by the hour. Dickinson’s imagery shows how keenly she would have understood what we might feel, dwarfed by a mountain of mortality that will not stop growing. The same anger, exhaustion and sense of futility were her constant companions in later life.

Fortunately, she had other companions. As recent studies have shown, Dickinson was the best kind of social networker, maintaining profoundly generative relationships by correspondence from the family homestead. Her poetic output, though greatly diminished toward the end of her life, never ceases, and its offerings include some of her richest meditations on mortality, suffering and redemption.

I never hear that one is dead Without the chance of Life Afresh annihilating me That mightiest Belief, Too mighty for the Daily mind That tilling it’s abyss, Had Madness, had it once or, Twice The yawning Consciousness, Beliefs are Bandaged, like the Tongue When Terror were it told In any Tone commensurate Would strike us instant Dead – I do not know the man so bold He dare in lonely Place That awful stranger – Consciousness Deliberately face –

These words resonate in the current crisis, during which protecting the “daily mind” has become a full-time job. News reports, with their updated death tolls, erode our intellectual and spiritual foundations. All seems lost.

But if strain and sorrow are palpable in this poem, so is courage. Dickinson’s lonely speaker chooses to express what she has felt, to measure and record the burden of loss that life has thrust upon her. Beliefs, once bandaged, may heal. And while no man has ever been bold enough to confront the deeper “Consciousness” that so many deaths expose within the human mind, the speaker will not rule out doing so herself. There is still room in this blighted world for the kind of visionary experience from which hope not only springs, but flourishes.

Living in the shadow of death, Dickinson remained enamored of life. This, as much as anything, makes her a hero of our time.

Matthew Redmond, Ph.D. Candidate, Department of English, Stanford University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license.

Inside the first chaotic days of the effort to vaccinate America

One tray of COVID-19 vaccine from pharmaceutical giant Pfizer contains 975 doses — way too many for a rural hospital in Arkansas.

But with the logistical gymnastics required to safely get the Pfizer vaccine to rural health care workers, splitting the trays into smaller shipments has its own dangers. Once out of the freezer that keeps it at 94 degrees below zero, the vaccine lasts only five days and must be refrigerated in transit.

In Arkansas — where over 40% of its counties are rural and COVID infections are climbing — solving this distribution puzzle is urgently critical, said Dr. Jennifer Dillaha, the state’s epidemiologist.

“If their providers come down with COVID-19,” Dillaha said, “there’s no one there to take care of the patients.”

Such quandaries resonate with officials in Georgia, Kentucky, Utah, Indiana, Wisconsin and Colorado. The first push of the nation’s mass COVID vaccination effort has been chaotic, marked by a lack of guidance and miscommunication from the federal level.

With Washington punting most vaccination decisions, each state and county is left to weigh where to send vaccines first and which of two vaccines authorized by the Food and Drug Administration for emergency use makes the most sense for each nursing home, hospital, local health department and even school. And after warning for months that they lacked the resources to distribute vaccines, state officials are only now set to receive a major bump in funding — $8.75 billion in Congress’ latest relief bill, which lawmakers passed late Monday.

The feat facing public health officials has “absolutely no comparison” in recent history, said Claire Hannan, executive director of the Association of Immunization Managers.

Officials who thought the H1N1 swine flu shot in 2009 was a logistical nightmare say it now looks simple in comparison. “It was a flu vaccine. It was one dose. It came at refrigerator-stable temperatures,” Hannan said. “It was nothing like this.”

Within just a few days, the logistical barriers of the vaccine made by Pfizer and BioNTech were laid bare. Many officials now hang their hopes on Moderna, whose vaccine comes in containers of 100 doses, doesn’t require deep freezing and is good for 30 days from the time it’s shipped.

The federal government had divvied up nearly 8 million doses of Pfizer and Moderna’s vaccines to distribute this week, on top of roughly 3 million Pfizer shots that were sent last week, said Army Gen. Gustave Perna, chief operating officer of the Trump administration’s Operation Warp Speed effort.

Perna said he took “personal responsibility” for overstating how many Pfizer doses states would receive.

Federal delays have led to confusion, Dillaha said: “Sometimes we don’t have information from CDC or Operation Warp Speed until right before a decision needs to be made.”

Officials in other states painted a mixed picture of the rollout.

Georgia’s Coastal Health District, which oversees public health for eight counties and has offices in Savannah and Brunswick, spent more than $27,000 on two ultra-cold freezers for the Pfizer vaccine, which it’s treating “like gold,” said Dr. Lawton Davis, its health director. Health care workers are being asked to travel, some up to 40 minutes, to get their vaccinations, because shipping them would risk wasting doses, he said. Vaccination uptake has been lower than Davis would like to see. “It’s sort of a jigsaw puzzle and balancing act,” he said. “We’re kind of learning as we go.”

In Utah, sites to vaccinate teachers and first responders starting in January had no capability to store the Pfizer vaccine, although officials are trying to secure some ultra-cold storage, a state department of health spokesperson said. Very few of Kentucky’s local health offices could store the Pfizer shots, because of refrigeration requirements and the size of shipments, said Sara Jo Best, public health director of the Lincoln Trail District. Indiana’s state health department had to identify alternative cold storage options for 17 hospitals following changes in guidance for the vaccine thermal shippers.

And in New Hampshire, where the National Guard will help administer vaccines, officials last week were still finalizing details for 13 community-based sites where first responders and health care workers are due to get vaccinated later this month. Jake Leon, a state Health and Human Services spokesperson, said that while the sites will be able to administer both companies’ vaccines, most likely they’ll get Moderna’s because of its easier transport. Even as the earliest vaccines are injected, much remains up in the air.

“It’s day to day and even then hour by hour or minute by minute — what we know and how we plan for it,” Leon said Friday. “We’re building the plane while flying it.”

In all, the Trump administration has bought 900 million COVID vaccine doses from six companies, but most of the vaccines are still in clinical studies. Even the front-runners whose shots have received FDA emergency authorization— Pfizer and BioNTech on Dec. 11, Moderna on Dec. 18 — will require months to manufacture at that scale. The Trump administration plans to distribute 20 million vaccine doses to states by early January, Perna said Saturday.

By spring, officials hope to stage broader vaccine deployment beyond top-priority populations of health care workers, nursing home residents and staff, as well as first responders.

During the effort to vaccinate Americans against H1N1, Dillaha said, health departments set up mass vaccination clinics in their counties and delivered doses to schools. But hospitals are taking charge of parts of the initial COVID immunization campaign, both because health care workers are at highest risk of illness or death from COVID-19, and to pick up the slack from health departments overwhelmed by case investigations and contact tracing from an unending stream of new infections.

Best said her workforce is struggling to keep up with COVID infections alone, much less flu season and upcoming COVID vaccinations. Public health department personnel in Kentucky shrank by 49% from 2009 to 2019, according to state data she supplied. Across the country, 38,000 state and local health positions have disappeared since the 2008 recession. Per capita spending for local health departments has dropped by 18% since 2010.

Nationally, Pfizer and Moderna have signed contracts with the federal government to each provide 100 million vaccine doses by the end of March; Moderna is set to deliver a second tranche of 100 million doses by June. States were playing it safe last week, directing Pfizer vials mainly to facilities with ultra-cold freezers, Hannan said.

“A lot of that vaccine is destined for institutional facilities,” Sean Dickson, director of health policy for West Health Policy Center, said of the Pfizer shots. The center, with the University of Pittsburgh School of Pharmacy, found that 35% of counties have two or fewer facilities to administer COVID vaccines.

The analysis found tremendous variation in how far people would need to drive for the vaccine. Residents of North Dakota, South Dakota, Montana, Wyoming, Nebraska and Kansas face the longest drives, with more than 10% living more than 10 miles from the closest facility that could administer a shot.

Counties with long driving distances between sites and a low number of sites overall “are going to be the hardest ones to reach,” said Inmaculada Hernandez, an assistant professor at the University of Pittsburgh School of Pharmacy and lead author of the analysis.

Certain vaccines could be better suited for such places, including Johnson & Johnson’s potential offering, which is a single shot, and health departments could distribute in rural areas through mobile units, she said. The company is expected to apply for FDA emergency authorization in February, Operation Warp Speed chief scientific adviser Moncef Slaoui said this month.

Until then, Pfizer and Moderna are the companies supplying doses for the country, and they’re not considered equal even though each is more than 90% effective at reducing disease.

In Wisconsin, the Moderna vaccine “gives us many more options” and “allows for us to get doses to those smaller clinics, more-rural clinics, in a way that reduces the number of logistics” needed for ultra-cold storage, Dr. Stephanie Schauer, the state’s immunization program manager, told reporters Wednesday.

Alan Morgan, head of the National Rural Health Association, echoed that the Moderna vaccine is being looked to as a “rural solution.” But he said states including Kansas have shown that a Pfizer rural rollout can be done.

“It’s where these states put a priority — either they prioritize rural or they don’t,” he said. “It’s a cautionary tale of what we may see this spring, of rural populations perhaps being second-tier when it comes to vaccination.”

Virginia, too, has a plan for getting the Pfizer vaccine to far-flung places. It’s shipping the vaccines to 18 health facilities with ultra-cold freezers across the state. The hubs are distributed widely enough so vaccinators can bring shots from there to health workers even in thinly populated areas before they spoil, said Brookie Crawford, spokesperson for the Virginia Department of Health’s central region.

Washington, on the other hand, allows hospitals without ultra-cold freezers to temporarily store Pfizer vaccines in the thermal boxes they arrive in, said Franji Mayes, spokesperson for the state’s health department. That means a box needs to be used quickly, before doses expire. “We are also working on a policy that will allow hospitals who don’t expect to vaccinate 975 people to transfer extra vaccine to other enrolled facilities,” she said. “This will reduce wasted vaccine.”

Kaiser Health News (KHN) is a national health policy news service. It is an editorially independent program of the Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation which is not affiliated with Kaiser Permanente.

Lost in the middle: Will the arrogant certainty of “centrism” destroy America?

The philosopher George Santayana famously said, “Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it.” One insight to draw from Santayana’s oft-repeated aphorism is that the repetition of clichés is likely to have little effect, given the widespread tendency to ignore pithy advice and continue witlessly recycling, recreating and reliving history.

Over the past few weeks, the Republican Party has proven itself hostile to freedom and democracy; its merciful incompetence the only thing saving whatever remains of our republic from the fascist insurrection of a con man. The absurdity of the cast members — from Rudy Giuliani and Sidney Powell to their incoherent Michigan “witness” and of course Donald Trump himself — have made the entire fiasco seem more like a satirical film than political reality. At the other multiplex on the Democratic side of town, every screen is running previews for the third version of a box office smash, “Centrist Failure,” with Joe Biden taking over the leading role from his more charismatic predecessors, Bill Clinton and Barack Obama.

The 1990s original had audiences entranced by a seductive Southerner, Clinton, who under the guidance of the Democratic Leadership Council rebranded his party as the “new Democrats,” which apparently translates into “Republicans.” Clinton cut social programs, ended “welfare as we know it” by making single mothers work low-income jobs without child care, signed a massively destructive and draconian crime bill into law, deregulated the financial industry, and approved NAFTA. Democrats throughout the mediocre commentariat largely applauded, on the grounds that right-wing policies with a friendlier face were the only way Democrats could win or maintain power, and prevent another Reagan-like figure from seizing control of the country. 

After all, they asked, wouldn’t you rather have Clinton, with his paeans to social liberalism, administrative proficiency and obvious intelligence, than George H.W. Bush? Sure — but then along came Bush’s son, holding the White House door open for the ghoulish likes of Dick Cheney and Donald Rumsfeld, and proving himself far worse than his father. Two horrific wars, the criminal ineptitude of the federal response to Hurricane Katrina, and the financial crash created fertile conditions for radical reform, but instead the “hopey-changey” Obama administration committed the first error of national politics. They failed to act on the keen insight of the aforementioned Cheney, who once told a defiant Republican senator, “We don’t negotiate with ourselves.”

Obama clearly enacted policies that improved American life. The Affordable Care Act rendered an ongoing catastrophe somewhat less deadly, he doubled Pell grants (barely keeping pace with exorbitant tuition spikes), signed the Paris climate accords and negotiated a decent nuclear deal with Iran. He also staffed his Cabinet with corporate sycophants, allowing the same banking and high-finance bandits who had liquidated working-class wealth to manage the “recovery”; dropped the “public option” from his health care proposal without a fight; and spent years attempting to reach compromise with an obstructionist opposition that he eventually admitted — rather too late — had no interest in productive policy and governance.

Obama was inarguably better for the country than a potential McCain-Palin administration would have been, let alone the planned corporate tyranny of Mitt Romney and Paul Ryan. But throughout his two terms in office, Democrats lost countless state and local offices, while obliviously arguing that demographic changes all but guaranteed their permanent ascension to power — a great victory that somehow always lies just beyond the horizon. Performing a cover version of the Clinton composition, mainstream politicians and pundits also insisted that any openings to the left would provoke a vicious backlash, manifesting in a menacing right-wing resurgence. In other words, if Obama had governed as a progressive, someone like Donald Trump might have become president.

A rational observer might assume that the victory of a reactionary psychopath who upended all normative assumptions about politics would have introduced a little humility and introspection into the centrist consensus. That observer had best not hold her breath. 

Biden hasn’t even taken the oath of office, and the centrist crew, including Obama and Biden himself, are blaming the left for Democratic losses in the Senate, House and state legislatures, citing the activist call to “defund the police” as the primary reason for the party’s poor down-ballot performance. There is no data to support this conclusion. If anything, the available evidence actually suggests that candidates with progressive positions outperformed the so-called moderates.

Lack of evidence has never stopped the centrists before. Now they’ve reached a point where information is an unnecessary impediment to their effort to overwhelm all legitimate political or ideological debate with a mélange of platitudes and bromides. 

John Harris, writing in Politico, chastises the “stupid second guessing of Biden” from the left over his corporate Cabinet choices, focusing closely on the early opposition to the potential appointment of former Chicago mayor and Obama chief of staff Rahm Emanuel. Harris claims that progressives “don’t know what they are talking about,” and then attempts to prove Emanuel’s merits by summarizing a book he co-wrote in the 1990s. He never mentions that Emanuel left Chicago as the most hated mayor in the city’s long and colorful history, earning contempt for closing dozens of schools in poor neighborhoods and then covering up video footage of the police killing of Laquan McDonald, a Black teenager, which eventually sent the officer involved to prison. 

Joe Klein, the former sage of Time magazine and champion of “radical centrism,” shared Harris’ article on his Facebook page, acting as if he had received it from the hands of Jehovah on Mt. Sinai. When I reminded Klein of the McDonald murder, observing that the country’s leading civil rights organizations and labor unions opposed Emanuel, Klein responded that I was “missing the bigger point.” 

Centrists are always threatening to make a big point, but never follow through. Here is the big point that they’ve been missing for 40 years: The neoliberal consensus is disintegrating, taking traditional party politics into oblivion, because the policies on which it was built have devastated the lives of ordinary people. Widespread privatization and the elevation of what Karl Marx called “fictitious capital” — interest, stocks and commodities, dividends and incomprehensible financial instruments of many kinds — have transformed an economic arrangement that, for all its flaws, gave at least some working-class people a chance to build stability and generational wealth into a Serengeti Plain where the powerful use their fangs and claws to rip the flesh from the weak.

The RAND Corporation — hardly an advocate of socialism or Marxism — recently reported that from 1975 to 2018, the top 1 percent, taking advantage of tax policies, corporate welfare and other built-in benefits, took in $47 trillion — that’s trillion, with 12 zeroes – that otherwise would have been distributed among the bottom 90 percent. 

Naomi Klein explains brilliantly in her book “The Shock Doctrine” that catastrophes and crises typically exacerbate inequality in various ways: They offer multinational corporations an opportunity to force out small competitors, convince governments to deregulate or surrender public land and other areas of the commons, and accelerate urban gentrification and residential segregation. It is hardly surprising then that COVID-19 has only enhanced these hideous developments. According to one report from the Center for Public Integrity, 900 companies that accepted billions in Paycheck Protection Program loans still laid off a cumulative total of 90,000 workers.

American life, for most citizens, has become a never-ending struggle, with essentials like health care, child care, and high-quality education all but inaccessible. As a recent report from NPR made clear for those sitting in the back, even many Americans who appear to have it made in the shade, earning relatively high salaries and owning substantial homes, still live paycheck to paycheck, frightened that an unexpected expense will drown them in debt.

There’s “stone cold rage in the hinterlands,” Warren Haynes shouts in the Gov’t Mule song, “Stone Cold Rage,” capturing the way that entire American towns have collapsed into conditions that resemble war zone. Small villages that once had a vibrant communal center made possible by family farming, light manufacturing employment and small retail business have become ghost towns, without much hope for middle-class or even working-class resurrection. In a previously unprecedented and horrific development, “deaths of despair” — primarily meaning those caused by suicide, drug overdose, alcoholism and obesity — began to rise in the United States a few years ago, especially among men in rural areas.   

The inhabitants of these desolate and deprived outposts have accepted a theory, albeit a terrible and dangerous one, to explain their demise. Arlie Russell Hochschild, a sociologist who spent five years conducting lengthy interviews with poor people in the Louisiana bayou, summarizes it this way:

Think of people waiting in a long line that stretches up a hill. And at the top of that is the American dream. And the people waiting in line felt like they’d worked extremely hard, sacrificed a lot, tried their best, and were waiting for something they deserved. And this line is increasingly not moving, or moving more slowly [i.e., as the economy stalls].

Then they see people cutting ahead of them in line. Immigrants, blacks, women, refugees, public sector workers. And even an oil-drenched brown pelican getting priority. In their view, people are cutting ahead unfairly. And then in this narrative, there is Barack Obama, to the side, the line supervisor who seems to be waving these people (and the pelican) ahead. So the government seemed to be on the side of the people who were cutting in line and pushing the people in line back. 

Hochschild is not seeking to excuse the obvious racism embodied in this narrative, or to deny its pervasive influence on whites who support Donald Trump and other xenophobic Republicans. She only explains that nearly everyone she interviewed articulated some version of this “deep story,” to use her words — “a story in which you lift away facts and moral judgment and just find the story that feels true.” 

A massively funded apparatus of creative thinkers and skillful personalities inundate voters with right-wing propaganda on a daily basis, creating an alternative universe in which “facts and moral judgment” drift away to make room for the hateful scapegoating of all the people Hochschild identifies above. 

What is the centrist “deep story” that might respond to this? Is there even a centrist hypothesis to explain and alter the continual decay of American life? 

Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez recently courted the scorn of centrists for stating the obvious by calling Biden’s vision for the country “hazy.” None of the attacks on her even tried to offer an alternate assessment of Biden’s prospective agenda. Of course there is time for the incoming president to communicate with more clarity and specificity, but progressives in Congress are only expressing the reasonable concern that 20 months after Biden announced his presidential candidacy, no one can honestly describe his overarching vision for governance, reform and public policy.

The progressive or leftist politics that Ocasio-Cortez represents at least offers Americans, especially those who suffer from poverty and despair, a “deep story.” The leftist deep story has the benefit of being true. It doesn’t require adherents to overlook relevant facts or suspend all moral judgment. It makes no room for racism or nativism. Instead it accurately surveys the reality on the ground, from the South Side of Chicago to the swamps of Louisiana, and offers real, actionable solutions, which double as an effective counterargument against the nationalism of the fast-rising far right. 

As psychiatrist Jonathan Metzl demonstrates in his book, “Dying of Whiteness,” many white people in “heartland” America are so deeply committed to “racial resentment” that they will actively vote and fight against their own access to medicine, education, clean air and better wages. Many of the poor people Metzl interviewed essentially took the position that it is preferable to starve than to endorse policies that might better the lot of Blacks or “illegal immigrants.” 

Of course progressives shouldn’t assume that they will convert Trump followers to democratic socialism with a few Bernie Sanders speeches and John Mellencamp records. They may, however, begin to shift some political support with active and aggressive engagement throughout the country, explaining exactly why their “deep story” is better than racial inculpation and division. 

As for the centrists, they guarantee failure, offering exactly nothing other than their own arrogance and provably false prescriptions to ordinary people confused and outraged over the decline of their communities and the precarity of their own lives.

Centrists insist that “moderation” is the only sensible approach to national politics in a large and diverse country. They might have an argument worthy of consideration if the world’s problems were moderate. But the impending climate apocalypse is not moderate, nor is the dramatic and worsening economic inequality, on a scale not seen since the Gilded Age. Those things cannot be addressed with compromises or half-measures.

Centrist equivocation will only alienate Americans from each other, while emboldening the forces of right-wing extremism, ignorance and hatred. From the 1980s onward, through recession, war terrorism, and ecological catastrophe, this story has repeated itself time and time again. How many times will the “sensible” centrists have to watch the country descend into chaos before they learn its lessons?

With vaccine delivery imminent, nursing homes must make a strong pitch to residents

Imagine this: Your elderly mother, who has dementia, is in a nursing home and COVID-19 vaccines are due to arrive in a week or two.

You think she should be vaccinated, having heard the vaccine is effective in generating an immune response in older adults. Your brother disagrees. He worries that development of the vaccine was rushed and doesn’t want your mother to be among the first people to get it.

These kinds of conflicts are likely to arise as COVID vaccines are rolled out to long-term care facilities across the country.

“This is a highly politicized environment, not only with respect to vaccines but also over the existence of the virus itself,” said Michael Dark, a staff attorney with California Advocates for Nursing Home Reform. “It’s not hard to imagine disputes arising within families.”

About 3 million people — most of them elderly — live in nursing homes, assisted living centers and group homes, where more than 105,000 residents have died of COVID-19. They should be among the first Americans to receive vaccines, along with health care workers, according to recommendations from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and various state plans.

But long-term care residents’ participation in the fastest and most extensive vaccination effort in U.S. history is clouded by a significant complication: More than half have cognitive impairment or dementia.

This raises a number of questions. Will all older adults in long-term care understand the details of the vaccines and be able to consent to getting them? If individual consent isn’t possible, how will families and surrogate decision-makers get the information they need on a timely basis?

And what if surrogates don’t agree with the decision an elderly person has made and try to intervene?

“Imagine that the patient, who has some degree of cognitive impairment, says ‘yes’ to the vaccine but the surrogate says ‘no’ and tells the nursing home, ‘How dare you try to do this?” said Alta Charo, a professor of law and bioethics at the University of Wisconsin-Madison Law School.

Addressing these issues will occur against a backdrop of urgency. Deaths in long-term care facilities are rising dramatically, with new estimates suggesting that 19 residents die of COVID-19 every hour. With viral outbreaks increasing, already-overwhelmed staffers may not have much time to sit down with residents to answer questions or have conversations with families over the phone.

Meanwhile, CVS and Walgreens, the companies operating vaccine programs at most long-term care facilities, have aggressive timetables. Both companies have said the large-scale rollout of the Pfizer-BioNTech vaccine — the first one that the Food and Drug Administration has authorized — will begin on Dec. 21.But facilities in some states may get supplies earlier. Altogether, there are more than 15,000 nursing homes and nearly 29,000 assisted living residences in the U.S.

At a meeting of the federal Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices early this month, Dr. Nancy Messonnier, director of the CDC’s National Center for Immunization and Respiratory Diseases, acknowledged the agency was “very concerned” that information about vaccines be adequately explained to long-term care residents. “It’s very important for the frail elderly not only to ensure that they are understanding the vaccine that they’re getting but also that their family members do,” she said.

Each vaccine manufacturer will be required to prepare a fact sheet describing what’s known about benefits and risks associated with a vaccine, what’s not known, and making it clear that a vaccine has received “emergency use authorization” from the FDA — a conditional endorsement that falls short of full approval. A second vaccine, from Moderna, is poised to receive this kind of authorization after an FDA meeting on Thursday.

Something that will need to be made clear to residents: while vaccines have been tested on people age 65 and older, those tests did not include individuals living in long-term care, according to Dr. Sara Oliver, a CDC expert.

Some operators have crafted communication plans around the vaccines and already begun intensive outreach. Others may not be well prepared.

Juniper Communities operates 22 senior housing communities (a standalone nursing home, multiple memory care and assisted living facilities, and two continuing care retirement communities) in Colorado, New Jersey and Pennsylvania. This week, it is planning an hour-long town hall videoconferencing session for residents and families about coronavirus vaccines. Last week, it held a similar event for staffers.

Juniper has contracted with CVS, which is requiring that every resident and staff member fill out consent forms in triplicate before being inoculated. When written consent can’t be obtained directly, verbal consent, confirmed independently, may substitute. Walgreens has similar requirements.

For residents with memory impairment, two Juniper nurses will reach out by phone to whomever has decision-making authority. “One will ask questions and obtain verbal consent; the other will serve as a witness,” said Lynne Katzmann, Juniper’s founder and chief executive officer. Separately, emails, blog posts and prerecorded voice messages about the vaccines have gone out to Juniper residents and staffers, starting at the end of November.

A key message is “we’ve done this before, not at this scale, mind you, and not at this level of import, but we do flu vaccinations annually,” said Katzmann, who plans to be the first Juniper employee to get the Pfizer vaccine when it comes to New Jersey.

At Genesis Healthcare, crucial messages are “these vaccines have been studied thoroughly, tens of thousands of people have received them already, they’re very, very effective, and no steps have been skipped in the scientific process,” said Dr. Richard Feifer, executive vice president and chief medical officer. Genesis, the nation’s largest long-term care company, operates more than 380 nursing homes and assisted living residences in 26 states, with about 45,000 employees and more than 30,000 residents.

Medical directors at each Genesis facility have been scheduling video conferences with families, residents and staffers during the past few weeks to address concerns. They’ve also distributed a letter and a question-and-answer document prepared by the Society for Post-Acute and Long-Term Care Medicine, in addition to getting information out through closed-circuit TV channels and social media.

In partnership with Brown University researchers, the company will monitor daily the side effects that its long-term care residents experience after getting coronavirus vaccines. Most reactions are expected to be mild or moderate and resolve within a few days. They include fatigue, pain at the injection site, headaches, body aches, fever and, rarely, allergic responses.

Administering the vaccine will occur over three visits for all long-term care facilities. At the first, all Genesis residents and staffers will get inoculations. At the second, three to four weeks later, those same people will get a second dose, and new staffers and residents will get a first dose. At the third, those who still qualify for a second vaccine dose will get one.

What will happen if lots of people experience uncomfortable side effects and employees don’t come in for a couple of days while recovering? “It’s a very difficult problem and we’re making contingency plans to address it,” Feifer said.

And what about continuing care retirement communities — also known as “life plan communities” — where residents in skilled nursing, assisted living and independent living can reside in close proximity?

That’s the case at Bayview in Seattle, which houses 210 residents in a 10-story building. For the moment, independent living residents aren’t on the priority list but “I know there will be a contingent of residents and staff who won’t want to be vaccinated and we’ll see if we can use those vaccines for our independent living people instead,” said Joel Smith, Bayview’s health services administrator.

Logistical challenges are sure to arise, but many operators have an acute sense of mission. “It is critical that we lead the way out of this crisis,” Feifer of Genesis said. “Nursing homes need to go first and be the first ones to address vaccine hesitancy head-on and be successful at generating a high level of acceptance. There is no alternative, no Plan B right now. We have to be successful.”

Netflix’s “Tiny Pretty Things” challenges the idea that bulimia is only a white woman’s disease

Occasionally when I’m in the midst of baking — braiding a loaf of yolk-gold challah or draping a nearly translucent round of pie dough over freshly-diced apples —  I’ll think of the day my figure skating coach brought a five-pound bag of all-purpose flour to the rink. “Imagine doing a double axel with two of these strapped to your waist,” she told me. It was January, our first training session back after the holidays. I was 14, in the throes of puberty, and already acutely aware of the way my stomach folded over the waistband of my tights. 

She propped the flour bag on the boards, squeezing it gently between her short cherry-red nails, and asked if I had any questions, while I swizzled back-and-forth slowly. I did not. She called after me as I embarked on a warm-up lap: “It’s just a matter of self-control, of taking care of yourself.” 

I only competed for a few more years after that — two concussions ended whatever career I might have had — but my coach’s words lingered like the scripture I’d spent so much of my youth memorizing. For a very long time, I equated wellness with discipline, discipline with thinness, thinness with goodness. 

This was only reinforced by the other activities I picked up as an older teenager and young adult; when I began to compete in ballroom competitions, my coach urged me to become “costume-ready” and praised me effusively when I lost 14 pounds in three weeks. I don’t think he knew that I did it by subsisting on cottage cheese topped with salsa and walking for hours on a treadmill on a steep incline. 

I’m not sure he would have cared if he had known. 

That’s what eating disorders do to you. They make you feel deeply isolated and alone, despite the fact that, according to research from the National Eating Disorder Association, an estimated 8 million Americans have an eating disorder – seven million women and one million men. 

For ballet dancers, it’s even more common; as Linda Hamilton, a New York psychologist who has worked with ballerinas with eating disorders told the Washington Post, “One out of two dancers suffer from an eating disorder. It’s still an ongoing problem and it needs to be addressed, because once ballerinas develop an eating disorder, it’s hard to recover.”

That’s one of the reasons why, when I was watching Netflix’s new fictional teen drama “Tiny Pretty Things,” which centers on students at an elite ballet academy, I braced myself for the inevitable eating disorder subplot. When it finally arrived — and I know this sounds strange — I was pleasantly surprised. It was refreshing to see a media depiction of eating disorders that didn’t center a white woman; this series focuses on the struggles of a male dancer. 

“Tiny Pretty Things” is based on the hit young adult novel by Dhonielle Clayton and Sona Charaipotra and executive produced by Michael MacLennan, who served as a writer and producer on shows like “The Fosters” and “Queer as Folk.” 

It opens dramatically on a teenage girl, Cassie Shore (Anna Maiche), dancing on a Chicago rooftop as a party carries on nearby. She’s approached by a hooded figure who presents her with a white rose and, as she attempts to resist their advances, stumbles over the edge of the roof and hits the pavement below. This accident (or perhaps attempted murder?) leaves her in a coma. 

After Cassie’s accident, Neveah Stroyer (Kylie Jefferson) is selected to take her place at the Archer School. Neveah, a Black dancer from Inglewood, Calif., was selected by the school’s president, Monique (Lauren Holly) in the hopes that the public will notice that the academy is interested in giving becoming more inclusive. 

Much of the 10-episode series focuses on Neveah’s struggles to fit in and get ahead, as well as the very heightened drama that takes place at the school. There’s competition, sabotage, familial troubles, partying, a bizarre piece of Jack the Ripper choreo, and a hefty amount of sex. Oh, and a responding officer who has the quote-worthy line: “Look, I don’t know a nutcracker from my nightstick, but I know danger when I see it.” 

It’s not a perfect series; themes like racism, queerness and identity sometimes get muddled amid the more soapy bits of melodrama. Think, as star Damon J. Gillespie aptly put it, “‘Black Swan’ meets ‘Pretty Little Liars.'” 

But the struggle of male dancer Oren Lennox(Barton Cowperthwaite) with bulimia feels achingly real. It begins with an announcement from their choreographer Topher Brooks (Shaun Benson).

“I’m to remind all the males of their physicals today,” he said. “Perhaps this will be the kick in the ass that some of you fatsos need to lose a few.” 

Oren meticulously journals his food intake. If you look closely, you can see the word “bad” next to some foods, like licorice. He begins establishing planned days to binge and purge, and starts to keep a scale next to his bed. Inevitably, he starts to get dizzy and lightheaded during practice but, as he tells one of his fellow students, he’s finally “getting results.” Despite the fact that people grow concerned for his health, it’s a cycle that seems impossible to break. 

As someone who has been there, it all felt deeply familiar — and, unlike some shows like “Degrassi” and “Beverly Hills 90210,” it’s not all resolved within a one- or two-episode arc. 

With Oren’s story, “Tiny Pretty Things” also sets itself apart from the typical media portrayals of eating disorders, which tend to fixate on them as white women’s diseases. We see this in the 1981 film “The Best Little Girl in the World,”  Netflix’s “To the Bone,” the fourth season of “Glee” and even the most recent season of “The Crown,” which explored Princess Diana’s struggles with bulimia. 

These depictions vary in their respective levels of sensitivity and, even when directors and actors attempt to nuance, many viewers who have struggled with eating disorders may find the media distressing. As Sophie Gilbert wrote in “The Atlantic,” when the trailer for “To the Bone” was released, “It prompted a flood of critiques noting that the film appeared to contain many images and scenes that could be triggering to recovering anorexics.” 

The same could be said of “Tiny Pretty Things.” Some of the scenes that depict Oren purging are really, really difficult to watch. That said, the series’ choice to show a character who is not a white woman suffering from the illness more closely resembles the real life diversity of people who need treatment. 

However, Oren is white, and while body image is an ever-present undercurrent in the series for everyone, none of the characters of color in the series are shown to struggle like he does. Data shows, however, that eating disorders are increasingly common among people, especially women, of color. It could have been interesting to see more concretely how Neveah grapples with body image expectations in a sphere that has long prized thinness and whiteness. 

As the National Eating Disorder Association reports, Black teenagers are 50% more likely than white teenagers to exhibit bulimic behavior, such as binging and purging, while “in a study of adolescents, researchers found that Hispanics were significantly more likely to suffer from bulimia nervosa than their non-Hispanic peers.” 

Additionally, men, people of color and members of the LGBTQ communty are less likely than white women to seek treatment for or be diagnosed with an eating disorder, despite displaying identical symptoms. 

In many ways, the lack of diversity in the depiction of eating disorders mirrors the lack of fictional characters of color who struggle with their mental health. In her 2017 “Bitch” essay, Nyasha Junior writes: “The lack of images of African American women with mental illness, combined with the myth of the “strong Black woman,” contributes to the mistaken notion of mental health issues as ‘a white-girl thing’ and compounds their stigma among African American women.” 

Do we need more depictions of eating disorders onscreen? It’s a tough call. In Sophie Gilbert’s “Atlantic” piece she spoke with Dr. Melissa Nishawala, the clinical director of the Eating Disorders Service at NYU Langone’s Child Study Center. 

“Because individuals struggling with anorexia nervosa often have an extreme drive to the superlative — to be the best student, to feel the most valued, and to become the thinnest — any film depicting anorexia nervosa risks igniting the quest towards starvation,” Nishawala told Gilbert. She advises that filmmakers avoid including images of bony figures, focusing on numbers (calories or weights), or depicting scenes of specific eating-disordered behaviors.

For better or worse, “Tiny Pretty Things” does all of those things, but it also breaks through the well-established cultural stereotypes of who displays those behaviors and why. Perhaps it could inspire someone who doesn’t look like they’d typically play that role seek the help they need. 

“Tiny Pretty Things” is currently streaming on Netflix.

Why vaccine hesitancy could be a bigger problem than expected

With pharmaceutical giants Moderna and Pfizer/BioNTech announcing successful vaccines last month, the COVID-19 pandemic has entered a new chapter in its history. Instead of public health experts wondering when an effective medical treatment will be available, the goal now is getting as many people vaccinated as possible. If that does not happen, the human race will not achieve herd immunity and the novel coronavirus could literally plague us for generations.

Unfortunately, not everyone can be vaccinated at once, and hence priority is being given to health care workers, residents of retirement homes, police officers, firefighters, teachers and grocery store employees in the initial phases of production. Eventually, though, vaccines will have to be more widely distributed in order to completely eradicate the coronavirus.

“I think we’re all hoping for somewhere between 70% to 75% of the population, which will achieve herd immunity,” Dr. Georges Benjamin, executive director of the American Public Health Association, told Salon.

Dr. Monica Gandhi, infectious disease doctor and professor of medicine at the University of California–San Francisco, referred Salon to the CDC’s phased allocation guidelines. Gandhi argued that “this is a very ambitious and rapid rollout campaign,” comparing the COVID-19 vaccine rollout with that of the smallpox vaccine in 1947. On that occasion, 6,350,000 were vaccinated in New York City over a period of less than a month.

“This is 2020,” Gandhi explained. “We have mass logistical capability. We have mass transit ability. We can freeze things and ship them, and there’s nothing more dire than getting people vaccinated. So because of that, I am convinced that it will happen quickly.”

Benjamin discussed the polio vaccine rollout in 1956, arguing that one of the essential qualities that made that campaign successful was the fact that “influencers” publicly got vaccinated.

“Influencers matter in terms of helping to get people to get to vaccine acceptance,” Benjamin explained. “Now in those days it was one or two very, very big people. It was Elvis Presley on ‘The Ed Sullivan Show,’ which everybody in the world watched.”

Richard Horton, the editor-in-chief of the medical journal “The Lancet,” made a similar point in a recent editorial, where he observed that the World Health Organization played a key role in making sure the smallpox vaccine was widely taken.

“Although the agency could not compel countries to take smallpox eradication seriously, its moral leadership was important. WHO staff were not merely technical advisers,” Horton writes. “They became ardent advocates. The agency led the global campaign by creating a special targeted programme. Clear objectives were set. The ultimate goal was eradication. But along the way, secondary objectives were set, such as completeness of reporting.”

It is hard to calculate how many lives will be saved by the COVID-19 vaccine rollout plan as it is currently being implemented.

“There are too many moving parts,” Benjamin told Salon when explaining why it is difficult to predict exactly how many lives will be saved by the vaccines. Adding that he is optimistic that the vaccines will “have a significant impact on both morbidity and mortality over time,” he emphasized that the success of the mass vaccinations will depend on how many people get vaccinated, how quickly America’s infrastructure is able to distribute the vaccines and “how compliant we remain in those non-pharmacological interventions of masking: keeping our distance and washing our hands. It’s a package.”

In terms of the vaccine itself, Dr. Russell Medford, Chairman of the Center for Global Health Innovation and Global Health Crisis Coordination Center, told Salon by email that Americans should feel confident about its effectiveness.

“Americans should expect, with 95% certainty, to be personally protected from developing any symptoms or complications from COVID-19 after receiving both doses of either the Moderna or Pfizer vaccines,” Medford explained. “However, we do not yet know whether being vaccinated also prevents one from harboring the SARS-CoV-2 virus and thus posing a threat of potentially infecting others. Thus, for the time being, all Americans who receive the vaccines must also rigorously practice mask wearing and social distancing.”

Medford added that “the current rapid rise in infection, hospitalizations and death will not be immediately impacted by the roll-out of the vaccine alone but the faster that Americans are vaccinated, combined with rigorous mask wearing and social distancing, the greater and more rapid that impact.” Even so, he pointed out that “If everyone is vaccinated, and given the 95% effectiveness of both the Pfizer and Moderna vaccines, transmission of the SARS-CoV-2 virus within the US population, along with COVID-19 hospitalizations and death, will effectively, if not completely, cease.”

As of this week, the US government has 200 million doses of the Pfizer and Moderna vaccines, which can each be used to treat 100 million people.

In a year of Black Lives Matter protests, Dutch wrestle (again) with the tradition of Black Pete

As Black Lives Matter protests and social uprisings spread across U.S. cities in the summer, the civil rights icon the Rev. Jesse Jackson wrote a personal letter to Dutch Prime Minister Mark Rutte over an annual tradition that many believe to be racist.

Every Dec. 5, people across the Netherlands paint their faces black and don afro wigs to celebrate the arrival of Black Pete, the blackface servant of St. Nicholas who helps to deliver presents.

With conversations about racial justice, systemic racism and anti-Black prejudice gaining fresh impetus worldwide, Jackson took issue with the Dutch leader’s defense of the Black Pete tradition.

“Your Excellency,” he wrote, “as the whole world mourns the brutal murder of George Floyd, followed by the worldwide mass protest demonstrations calling for actions to combat racism, I do not think that it was appropriate for you to explain that you understand better the sufferings of Black people . . .  and that you do not consider Black Pete as racist.”

As scholars who have researched blackface in the U.S., the Netherlands and worldwide, we believe the episode captures the evolving though ambivalent Dutch attitudes to Black Pete, and the need for a larger global reckoning regarding blackface performances in general.

In his letter, Jackson argued that the tradition of Black Pete could not “be separated from the very offensive tradition of blackface” and noted that the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. recognized that “there are times when it’s appropriate to be political, but sometimes it’s more important to be prophetic — to just do what’s right.”

A growing controversy

This year isn’t the first time that the blackface performance tradition of Black Pete has come under international scrutiny. In recent years the controversy has received growing attention outside of the Netherlands.

Backlash against the tradition has seen such U.S.-based companies as Amazon and Facebook no longer allowing the depiction of Black Pete on their sites. In the Netherlands, too, the tide seems to be turning in the wake of the Black Lives Matter protests. Prime Minister Rutte has indicated that his views on Black Pete are changing, saying he is aware of the pain these depictions and performances might cause.

Libraries across the Netherlands have silently started removing children’s books that contain illustrations of Black Pete, arguing the tradition is at odds with public decency.

And this year’s arrival of St. Nicholas by steamboat, traditionally a few weeks before Dec. 5, had him surrounded by so-called Soot Petes instead of Black ones. Rather than a completely blackened face, Soot Petes have a face streaked with lines of chimney ash — supposedly caused by their climbing through the sooty chimneys to deliver gifts. It is the only variation of Pete that is acceptable to Kick Out Black Pete, the Dutch activist organization founded in 2014 to end any racially offensive representation of the character.

In a representative national poll from November, opposition to replacing Black Pete with Soot Pete decreased from 66% to 43%. And only 19% thought that Black Pete would still exist in 10 years’ time.

However, this is only part of the story. Prime Minister Rutte indicated that a ban on Black Pete should not be a task for the central government, arguing that cultural change happens on its own. And a closer look at the national poll from this year reveals that only 17% consider Black Pete to be a racist phenomenon; instead, they see it as part of their Dutch cultural history.

The Dutch tradition of the Catholic St. Nicholas dates back to the Middle Ages, while Black Pete has often been associated with Indo-European traditions of devilish characters with a mixture of black masks, horns, faces and clothes who would occasionally accompany a white, gray-haired man bearing gifts. While the tradition of Black Pete may not have been directly related to minstrelsy or slavery, its influence was unmistakable, and in the second half of the 19th century the Dutch character of Black Pete increasingly adopted aspects of minstrelsy performances, which were a popular element of the Dutch theater repertoire at the time.

The increasing support for Soot Pete’s replacing Black Pete stems, however, not so much from a desire to be anti-racist as with people’s “being fed up with the ongoing debate” or “wanting to restore the peace during a children’s festivity,” as respondents in the national survey testified. In a final twist, Google has taken the pressure surrounding the tradition a step further, banning Soot Pete too from its advertising a couple of weeks ago, arguing that the alternative compromise, which is still supported by Kick Out Black Pete, is also based on racial stereotypes.

A global reckoning

The ambivalence surrounding Black Pete’s status in the Netherlands is not an isolated Dutch issue. Rather, it mirrors an international unease about the function and significance of blackface images and performances globally. Although often addressed as a uniquely American performance tradition and problem, blackface performances were exported globally both through blackface performances of Shakespeare’s Othello and through blackface minstrel shows.

A 2018 Dutch production of “Othello” was only the second in the country’s history to feature a black actor in the lead role — the first was the American actor Ira Aldridge’s performance in 1863. The 2018 production was well received, and the media hailed the introduction of a black actor and the production’s focus on racism — a first in Dutch Othellos. Yet an inspiration for that performance, the 2017 book “Hello White People,” which criticized Dutch blackface and focused on anti-Black racism, was derided by both left- and right-wing media for exaggerating the problem and being a poisonous product of identity politics.

Variations of the debate over blackface in Dutch traditions are playing out across the globe. The use of blackface by contemporary Japanese singers on variety shows has come under scrutiny in recent years. In the United States, television stars like Tina Fey, Jimmy Fallon, Jimmy Kimmel and Sarah Silverman have all apologized for their use of blackface in the 21st century. Meanwhile, earlier this year in Russia a pro-Kremlin television show mocked Barack Obama in a sketch featuring blackface.

[Deep knowledge, daily. Sign up for The Conversation’s newsletter.]

As Jesse Jackson warned, Black Pete cannot be understood in isolation from the history of blackface. Nor should Black Pete be addressed as an isolated Dutch problem. If we accept Prime Minister Rutte’s view that cultural change happens without government intervention, then the conversations about the history, significance and legacy of blackface performances need, we believe, to be more robust, more global and more sustained.

Ayanna Thompson, Regents Professor of English, Arizona State University and Coen Heijes, Assistant professor, University of Groningen

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Many U.S. health experts underestimated the coronavirus — until it was too late

A year ago, while many Americans were finishing their holiday shopping and finalizing travel plans, doctors in Wuhan, China, were battling a mysterious outbreak of pneumonia with no known cause.

Chinese doctors began to fear they were witnessing the return of severe acute respiratory syndrome, or SARS, a coronavirus that emerged in China in late 2002 and spread to 8,000 people worldwide, killing almost 800.

The disease never gained a foothold in the U.S. and disappeared by 2004.

Although the disease hasn’t been seen in 16 years, SARS cast a long shadow that colored how many nations — and U.S. scientists — reacted to its far more dangerous cousin, the novel coronavirus that causes COVID-19.

When Chinese officials revealed that their pneumonia outbreak was caused by another new coronavirus, Asian countries hit hard by SARS knew what they had to do, said Dr. Amesh Adalja, a senior scholar at the Johns Hopkins Center for Health Security. Taiwan and South Korea had already learned the importance of a rapid response that included widespread testing, contact tracing and isolating infected people.

The U.S., by contrast, learned all the wrong lessons.

This country’s 20-year run of good luck with emerging pathogens —including not just SARS, but also the relatively mild H1N1 pandemic, Middle East respiratory syndrome, Ebola, Zika virus and two strains of bird flu — gave us a “false sense of security,” Adalja said.

KHN’s in-depth examination of the year-long pandemic shows that many leading infectious disease specialists underestimated the fast-moving outbreak in its first weeks and months, assuming that the United States would again emerge largely unscathed. American hubris prevented the country from reacting as quickly and effectively as Asian nations, Adalja said.

During the first two decades of this century, “there were a lot of fire alarms with no fire, so people tended to ignore this one,” said Lawrence Gostin, director of Georgetown’s O’Neill Institute for National and Global Health Law, who acknowledges he underestimated the virus in its first few weeks.

In a Jan. 24 story, Dr. William Schaffner told KHN the real danger to Americans was the common flu, which can kill up to 61,000 Americans a year.

“Coronavirus will be a blip on the horizon in comparison,” said Schaffner, a professor of preventive medicine and health policy at Vanderbilt University Medical Center. “The risk is trivial.”

The same day, The Washington Post published a column by Dr. Howard Markel, who questioned China’s lockdown of millions of people. “It’s possible that this coronavirus may not be highly contagious, and it may not be all that deadly,” wrote Markel, director of the Center for the History of Medicine at the University of Michigan.

JAMA, one of the most prestigious medical journals in the world, published a podcast Feb. 18 titled, “The 2020 Influenza Epidemic — More Serious Than Coronavirus in the US.” A week later, JAMA published a large infographic illustrating the dangers of flu and minimizing the risks from the novel virus.

Dr. Paul Offit, who led development of a rotavirus vaccine, predicted that the coronavirus, like most respiratory bugs, would fade in the summer.

“I can’t imagine, frankly, that it would cause even one-tenth of the damage that influenza causes every year in the United States,” Offit told Christiane Amanpour in a March 2 appearance on PBS.

President Donald Trump picked up on many of these remarks, predicting that the coronavirus would disappear by April and that it was no worse than the flu. Trump later said the country was “rounding the turn” on the pandemic, even as the number of deaths exploded to record levels.

Caitlin Rivers, an epidemiologist and assistant professor at the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health, worried — and tweeted — about the novel coronavirus from the beginning. But she said public health officials try to balance those fears with the reality that most small outbreaks in other countries typically don’t become global threats.

New sitrep out from Wuhan pneumonia outbreak. 59 cases between 12/12 and 12/29. SARS ruled out, but no other etiology identified. Still no evidence of H2H. https://t.co/b8ZdEGIzyJ

— Caitlin Rivers, PhD (@cmyeaton) January 5, 2020

“If you cry wolf too often, people will never pay attention,” said epidemiologist Mark Wilson, an emeritus professor at the University of Michigan School of Public Health.

Experts were hesitant to predict the novel coronavirus was the big pandemic they had long anticipated “for fear of seeming alarmist,” said Dr. Céline Gounder, an infectious disease specialist advising President-elect Joe Biden.

Many experts fell victim to wishful thinking or denial, said Dr. Nicole Lurie, who served as assistant secretary for preparedness and response during the Obama administration.

“It’s hard to think about the unthinkable,” Lurie said. “For people whose focus and fear was bioterrorism, they had a world view that Mother Nature could never be such a bad actor. If it wasn’t bioterrorism, then it couldn’t be so bad.”

Had more experts realized what was coming, the nation could have been far better prepared. The U.S. could have gotten a head start on manufacturing personal protective equipment, ventilators and other supplies, said Dr. Nicholas Christakis, author of “Apollo’s Arrow: The Profound and Enduring Impact of Coronavirus on the Way We Live.”

“Why did we waste two months that the Chinese essentially bought for us?” Christakis asked. “We could have gotten billions of dollars into testing. We could have had better public messaging that we were about to be invaded. … But we were not prepared.”

Dr. Fauci doesn’t cast blame

Dr. Anthony Fauci, the nation’s top infectious disease official, isn’t so critical. In an interview, he said there was no way for scientists to predict how dangerous the coronavirus would become, given the limited information available in January.

“I wouldn’t criticize people who said there’s a pretty good chance that it’s going to turn out to be like SARS or MERS,” said Fauci, director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, noting this was “a reasonable assumption.”

It’s so easy to go back with the retrospect-o-scope and say ‘You coulda, shoulda, woulda.’

— Dr. Anthony Fauci

Fauci noted that solutions are always clearer in hindsight, adding that public health authorities lose credibility if they respond to every new germ as if it’s a national disaster. He has repeatedly said scientists need to be humble enough to recognize how little we still don’t know about this new threat.

“It’s so easy to go back with the retrospect-o-scope and say ‘You coulda, shoulda, woulda,'” Fauci said. “You can say we should have shut things down much earlier because of silent spread in the community. But what would the average man or woman on the street have done if we said, ‘You’ve got to close down the country because of three or four cases?'”

Scientists largely have been willing to admit their errors and update their assessments when new data becomes available.

“If you’re going to be wrong, be wrong in front of millions of people,” Offit joked about his PBS interview. “Make a complete ass of yourself.”

Scientists say their response to the novel coronavirus would have been more aggressive if people had realized how easily it spreads, even before infected people develop symptoms — and that many people remain asymptomatic. “For a virus to have pandemic potential, that is one of the greatest assets it can have,” Adalja said.

Although COVID-19 has a lower death rate than SARS and MERS, its ability to spread silently throughout a community makes it more dangerous, said Dr. Kathleen Neuzil, director of the Center for Vaccine Development at the University of Maryland School of Medicine.

People infected with SARS and MERS are contagious only after they begin coughing and experiencing other symptoms; patients without symptoms don’t spread either disease.

With SARS and MERS, “when people got sick, they got sick pretty badly and went right to the hospital and weren’t walking around transmitting it,” Christakis said.

Because it’s possible to quarantine people with SARS and MERS before they begin spreading the virus, “it was easier to put a moat around them,” said Offit.

Based on their knowledge of SARS and MERS, doctors believed they could contain the novel coronavirus by telling sick people to stay home. In the first few months of the pandemic, there appeared to be no need for healthy people to wear masks. That led health officials, including U.S. Surgeon General Jerome Adams, to admonish Americans not to buy up limited supplies of face masks, which were desperately needed by hospitals.

Seriously people- STOP BUYING MASKS! They are NOT effective in preventing general public from catching #Coronavirus, but if healthcare providers can’t get them to care for sick patients, it puts them and our communities at risk! https://t.co/UxZRwxxKL9

— U.S. Surgeon General (@Surgeon_General) February 29, 2020

“We are always fighting the last epidemic,” Markel said. “Our experiences with coronaviruses was that they kind of burn themselves out in warm weather and they didn’t have the capacity to spread as viciously as this one has.”

Many scientists were skeptical of early anecdotes of pre-symptomatic spread.

“It takes a lot to overturn established dogma,” Wilson said. “Jumping on an initial finding, without corroborating it, can be just as bad as missing a new finding.”

As evidence of pre-symptomatic spread accumulated, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention in April changed its advice and urged Americans to mask up in public.

I continue to be baffled that we keep making the same mistakes. It’s almost like we’re doomed to repeat this cycle endlessly.

— Dr. Amesh Adalja

Adalja notes that the CDC’s earlier advice against wearing masks was based on research that found them to be ineffective against spreading influenza. New research, however, has shown masks reduce the transmission of the novel coronavirus, which spreads mainly through respiratory droplets but can travel in the air as tiny particles.

Adalja said the U.S. should have learned from its early stumbles. Yet in spite of abundant evidence, many communities still resist mandating masks or physical distancing.

“I continue to be baffled that we keep making the same mistakes,” Adalja said. “It’s almost like we’re doomed to repeat this cycle endlessly.”

Some saw it coming

There were scientists and journalists who immediately recognized the threat from the novel coronavirus.

“We had to immediately react as if this were going to hit every corner of the Earth,” said Adalja, who began blogging about the novel virus Jan. 20. It was clear “this was not a containable virus.”

Adalja led a 2018 project identifying the features that allow emerging viruses to become pandemic. In that prescient report, Adalja and his co-authors highlighted the threat of certain respiratory viruses that use RNA as their genetic material.

The more Adalja learned about the novel coronavirus, the more it seemed to embody the very type of threat he had warned about: one with “efficient human-to-human transmissibility, an appreciable case fatality rate, the absence of an effective or widely available medical countermeasure, an immunologically naïve population, virulence factors enabling immune system evasion, and respiratory mode of spread.”

Although the CDC set the wheels of its response in motion early, establishing an incident management structure on Jan. 7, the agency’s early missteps with testing are well known. The outbreak escalated rapidly, leading the World Health Organization to declare a health emergency on Jan. 30 and the U.S. to announce a public health emergency the next day.

Adalja and other experts dismissed some of the Trump administration’s early responses, such as quarantines and a travel ban on China, as “window dressing” that “squandered resources” and did little to contain the virus.

“There was political inertia about the public health actions that could have avoided lockdowns,” Adalja said. “We let this spill into hospitals … [and] if you give a virus a three-month head start, what do you expect?”

In a Jan. 7 post on a website of the Infectious Diseases Society of America, Dr. Daniel Lucey labeled the pneumonia “Disease X,” using the WHO’s term for an emerging pathogen capable of causing a devastating epidemic, for which there are no tests, treatments or vaccines.

Lucey, adjunct professor of infectious diseases at Georgetown University Medical Center, notes that the international response was hampered by misinformation from Chinese officials. “The Chinese government said there was no person-to-person spread,” said Lucey, who traveled to China hoping to visit Wuhan. “That was a lie.”

When China revealed on Jan. 20 that 14 health workers had been infected, Lucey knew the virus would spread much farther. “To me, that was like Pandora’s box,” Lucey said. “I knew there would be more.”

When the number of infected health workers grew to 1,716 on Feb. 14, Lucey said, “I almost threw up.”

Although his blog is read by thousands of infectious disease specialists, Lucey emailed a special warning to journalists and a dozen doctors and public health officials, hoping to alert influential leaders.

“I put this heartfelt commentary in my email and just got silence,” Lucey said.

Succeeding with vaccines

At the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, scientists had studied the protein structure of coronaviruses for years.

Researchers had developed a vaccine against SARS, Fauci said, although the epidemic ended before researchers could widely test it in humans.

“We showed it was safe and induced an immune response,” Fauci said. “The cases of SARS disappeared, so we couldn’t test it. … We put the vaccine in cold storage. If SARS comes back, we will do a phase 3 [clinical] trial.”

Dr. Barney Graham, deputy director of the Vaccine Research Center, asked Chinese scientists to share the coronavirus’s genetic information. After the genome was published, Graham went immediately to work.

“We jumped all over it,” Fauci said. “We had a meeting on Jan. 10 and five days later they started [working on] a vaccine.”

Although scientists knew the COVID outbreak might end before a vaccine was needed, “we couldn’t take the chance,” Fauci said.

“We said, ‘We have no idea what is going to happen, so why don’t we just go ahead and proceed with a vaccine anyway?'”

Although his team worried about finding the money to pay for it all, Fauci told them, “‘Don’t worry about the money. I’ll find it, you do it, if we really need it, I’m sure we’ll get it.'”

Health experts hope the U.S. will learn from its mistakes and be better prepared for the next threat.

Given how many novel viruses have emerged in the past two decades, it’s likely that “pandemics are going to become more frequent,” Gounder said, making it critical to be ready for the next one.

Of all the lessons learned during the pandemic, the most important is that “we can’t be this unprepared again,” said Dr. Tom Frieden, who directed the CDC during the Obama administration.

“To me, this should be the most teachable moment of our lifetime, in terms of the need to strengthen public health in the United States and globally,” Frieden said.

But Gounder notes that U.S. public health funding tends to follow a cycle of crisis and neglect. The U.S. increased spending on public health and emergency preparedness after the 9/11 and anthrax attacks in 2001, but that funding has declined sharply over the years.

“We tend to invest a lot in that moment of crisis,” Gounder said. “When the crisis fades, we cut the budget. That leads us to be really vulnerable.”

Remember that stupid thing Donald Trump did? Hard as it is to pick, here are the top 10

We’re tentatively starting to emerge from the four year-long national nightmare of Donald Trump’s presidency, but the reckoning of what the nation endured will take years to really understand. Trump was terrible in so many ways that it’s hard to catalog them all: His sociopathic lack of regard for others. His towering narcissism. His utter ease with lying. His cruelty and sadism. The glee he took in cheating and stomping on anything good and decent. His misogyny and racism. His love of encouraging violence, only equaled by his personal cowardice. 

But of all the repulsive character traits in a man so wholly lacking in any redeemable qualities, perhaps the most perplexing to his opponents was Trump’s incredible stupidity. On one hand, it was maddening that a man so painfully dumb, a man who clearly could barely read — even on those rare occasions when he deigned to wear glasses — still had the low cunning necessary to take over the Republican Party and then the White House.

On the other hand, it was the one aspect of Trump’s personality that kept hope alive. Surely a man so stupid, his opponents believed, will one day blunder so badly he can’t be saved, even by his most powerful sycophants. That has proved to be the case as Trump fumbles his way through a failed coup, unable and unwilling to see that stealing the election from Joe Biden is a lost cause. 

Trump’s unparalleled idiocy gave us a few laughs along the way, which we sorely needed in those troubled times. With that in mind, here’s a list of the 10 most jaw-droppingly stupid moments of Trump’s White House tenure.

1) That time Trump suggested injecting household cleaners into people’s lungs to cure them of the coronavirus. Even for connoisseurs of Trumpian idiocy, it was a shocker when, after hearing that bleach and Lysol can kill the coronavirus on surfaces, got behind the podium in the White House briefing room and declared, “I see the disinfectant, where it knocks it out in a minute, one minute. … Is there a way we can do something like that by injection inside, or almost a cleaning, because, you see, it gets in the lungs, and it does a tremendous number on the lungs?”

He then pointed at his head, and said, “I’m, like, a person who has a good you-know-what.”

The situation was only made worse because this nitwit said this during the daily coronavirus “press briefing,” during that surreal period of the spring and early summer in which he held forth daily, often for hours, presenting himself as not just a leader but an expert. Never has a man believed he knew so much while knowing so little. 

2) That time he looked at a solar eclipse without eye protection — after everyone was repeatedly told not to look at the eclipse without eye protection. 

It was at this moment that I realized that Trump voters must like it that he’s an stone cold idiot, if only because they enjoy the way it triggers the liberals. 

3) That time he couldn’t admit he was wrong when he tweeted that Hurricane Dorian was going to hit Alabama, and so he drew on a weather map with a Sharpie to make it seem like he was right. 

Again, what really elevates some of the best dumbass-Trump moments is when his stupidity combines with his massive ego to create a dunderhead singularity. 

4) That time he threw paper towels at people in Puerto Rico who had just endured Hurricane Maria.

Trump’s ego plus Trump’s stupidity is just sublime. But when his stupidity combined with racism, the effect was often more chilling than funny. 

5) That time he asked members of the National Security Council if they could nuke hurricanes rather than letting them hit the U.S. 

Hurricanes drew out Trump’s fatuousness like a good cheese draws out the notes in fine wine. 

6) That time Trump was told to talk about Frederick Douglass at a Black History Month event, clearly had no idea who that was, and while trying to bullshit his way through the talk, implied that Douglass was still alive. 

Douglass is an example of somebody who’s done an amazing job and is being recognized more and more, I notice,” Trump said, using the same strategy that a sixth-grader who hasn’t read the book might employ to bluff through a book report. There was a piece of paper in front of Trump that likely had more information about the author and abolitionist who was born enslaved and died in 1895 as one of the most famous Americans, but Trump, as ever too vain to wear his glasses in public, probably couldn’t read it. 

7) That time he suggested that his much-desired border wall could just maybe be buttressed with alligator moats. 

This one was fondly remembered by the Salon staff as an iconic example of the way Trump’s racism amplifies his imbecility in an almost exponential fashion. 

8) That time he asked Canada’s prime minister, Justin Trudeau, “Didn’t you guys burn down the White House?”

At this point one almost wants to give him half-credit for remembering that the White House was burned down at one point — by the British in the War of 1812. But then one remembers that Trump has declared himself the protector and savior of American history, so much so that he’s created the “1776 Commission” in a supposed effort to preserve what he considers the proper teaching of history. All he means by that, of course, is teaching kids that the blatant racism of the past was noble and just, and not so much actual facts, let alone actual history. 

9) That time Trump “liked” a tweet praising Rihanna. 

This is a deep cut, but a personal favorite of mine, mostly because Ashley Feinberg at Slate did a detailed exploration of this topic and demonstrated it was almost certainly the result of stupidity, horniness and Trump’s short and stubby fingers. It started when Trump liked — and then unliked — a tweet by a woman named Heben Nigatu declaring, “Every new Rihanna interview makes me grow stronger. We stan a work/life balance queen!!!” 

As Feinberg noted, Rihanna’s name was trending on Twitter the night of the weird “like.” If users clicked that trending topic, they saw a photo of Rihanna lounging on a couch in a see-through leotard. As “our president is furiously, pathologically horny,”  Feinberg concludes, he likely “clicked on this photo of Rihanna while making a series of steamboat noises and sweating profusely,” which led him to a list of tweets mentioning Rihanna — including Nigatu’s tweet. At which point his fingers, which are too small to be controlled with any grace, likely slid unconsciously over the “like” button. 

As further evidence, Feinberg points out Trump had, in the past, done the same to a sexy photo of Katy Perry. 

10) When he called the Second Epistle to the Corinthians “Two Corinthians.”

This is another personal favorite, because, like many other of Trump’s dumber moments — such as when he tried to put money on a communion platter, or when he held a Bible as if he were afraid it might bite him, or when he seemed confused by the idea that he should ask God for forgiveness — it was a fun reminder that Trump’s professed Christianity is not just an act, but an act he can barely be bothered to keep going. It’s delicious because it’s a twofer, not just exposing Trump’s stupidity, but the absolute shamelessness of the Christian right leaders who backed him. (For those who may be unclear: This book of the Bible is abbreviated as “2 Corinthians” but always called “Second Corinthians.”)

Every time Trump fumbled in this way, and the Trump-friendly evangelists kept on acting like he was God’s emissary on earth, it was further evidence that most of these supposedly devout Christians don’t really care about faith or God or Jesus or any of that that stuff — they care about power. As with their beloved president, dramatic performance of public piety by so many right-wing Christian leaders is little more than a dog-and-pony show put on to sucker the rubes. 

So there’s your top 10, with the caveat that it was hard — perhaps impossible — to narrow down that number in a satisfying manner, since Trump has done unbelievably stupid crap virtually every single day for four years. But that’s why the internet gods invented social media and comment sections, so you can add your own to the list! 

The lifesaving potential of less-than-perfect donor kidneys

In 2017, Traci Evans-Simmons could no longer avoid dialysis for her failing kidneys. She had lived with a condition known as glomerulonephritis, which was destroying her renal function, since her diagnosis 16 years earlier. For the last three years, nearly every night, she has hooked herself up to machines that take the place of her functioning kidneys. It was always going to be a temporary solution. Eventually, her nephrologist had cautioned, Evans-Simmons would need a transplant to have the best quality of life.

“You cannot be on dialysis indefinitely,” she said.

So the 51-year-old resident of Charlotte, North Carolina sought access to a transplant waiting list — the first step for chronic kidney disease patients hopeful for a replacement organ. She was added to a transplant waiting list at Wake Forest University in the spring of 2019.

During a routine check-up at Wake Forest early this year to maintain her transplant eligibility, she learned that while she was steadily moving up the wait list as those above her got transplants — or died while waiting — she was still fairly low down on the roster. The team also told Evans-Simmons that her wait time was probably going to be longer because it was harder to find a match for her particular blood type. Her heart sank.

And then her team asked Evans-Simmons something she had never considered: Would she be willing to accept a kidney from a donor who had hepatitis C, a viral liver infection? The transplant coordinator said that the waiting list for organs from hepatitis C-infected donors was usually shorter — an appealing carrot to dangle for someone who had just learned she was likely to have an extended waiting period. Evans-Simmons had never heard of hepatitis C-positive kidneys — or what risks they posed. “Immediately I was like, no,” she said.

Traci Evans-Simmons, a health care worker for Atrium Health of Charlotte. “The prospects of getting a kidney are exciting and scary at the same time,” Evans-Simmons said. “While I am excited to not have to hook myself up every night, I am a little bit wary of, if I take this kidney, will I get hepatitis?”

Evans-Simmons sets up her peritoneal dialysis treatment that connects to a catheter in her abdomen and works as she sleeps. Due to her blood type, finding a matching kidney will take more time than usual. She has been on dialysis for three years.

Evans-Simmons’ daughter, Brielle, helps her stack boxes of dialysis supplies. Faced with years of waiting on dialysis, Evans-Simmons’ health care team broached the idea of receiving a kidney from a hepatitis C-positive donor.

On the two-hour drive back to Charlotte, she called a family member, who immediately searched the internet and described to Evans-Simmons the information she had found. She also discussed the option with her husband. Evans-Simmons wanted a transplant, she said. But what she couldn’t decide was whether a hepatitis C-infected kidney was too steep of a cost.

Ever since Joseph Murray successfully transplanted the first kidney from one identical twin to another on Dec. 23, 1954, the need for organs has always outstripped supply. Even with modern medicine’s latest organ-preserving technologies, about 13 Americans die each day waiting for a kidney transplant.

Historically the backbone of the kidney donor system has been made up of young people who died suddenly — in a traffic accident, for example, or from a gunshot wound. Their organs are carefully screened for disease and, where an infection is found — or even where one is considered more likely, as with the organs of drug overdose victims — the organs are typically removed from consideration for the main transplant pipeline. Some studies have suggested that the U.S. discards a larger percentage of deceased-donor kidneys than in comparably developed countries like France.

 

Transplant surgeons like Jayme Locke at the University of Alabama at Birmingham have primarily worried about the transmission of a virus from the trifecta of bloodborne pathogens: HIV, hepatitis B, or hepatitis C. The latter created the greatest worry because it was most common. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention estimates that in 2016, about 2.4 million Americans were living with hepatitis C.

The rise of the opioid epidemic, however, has forced a new reckoning. With the tragic increase in overdose deaths has come a similar rise in the supply of available donor organs — albeit from a demographic that doctors have traditionally shunned. But the arrival of better HIV and hepatitis C tests, along with a new generation of antiviral medications for hepatitis C that cure upwards of 95 percent of those infected, now has doctors like Locke — and patients like Evans-Simmons — considering kidneys that, only a few short years ago, would have never been on the table. “Every year, we throw away way more hepatitis C-positive organs than we use. So instead of throwing them away, could we actually put them in someone who could benefit?” Locke said.

In its acute stage, hepatitis C often causes no symptoms. But as it becomes chronic in more than half of people infected, hepatitis C can lead to cirrhosis — or scarring of the liver — cancer, and even death. Ironically, it can also cause kidney disease. And while the majority of cases are curable — and some people clear the virus from their bodies without treatment — at least 15,700 hepatitis C-related deaths were reported to the CDC in 2016.

Transplant surgeon Jayme Locke, shown here at the University of Alabama at Birmingham in a recent video call. “Every year, we throw away way more hepatitis C-positive organs than we use.” Locke said.

Even so, advocates say that the benefits of kidneys from hepatitis C-infected donors vastly outweigh the risks. Given the arrival of powerful new drugs for treating and controlling the viral infection, even a previously hepatitis C-negative recipient of a hepatitis C-positive kidney is far more likely to die waiting on dialysis than from the infected kidney. And that argument appears to be gaining currency: Data from the Organ Procurement and Transplantation Network (OPTN) — a public-private partnership overseen by the Department of Health and Human Services that connects health professionals involved in the U.S. transplant program — shows an increase in the number of hepatitis C-positive kidney donors each year from 2011 to the present.

But even with that increase, barriers to the use of these less-than-ideal kidneys persist — and not every expert has embraced their use. According to a survey published in the journal Kidney360 in November, only 58 percent of responding kidney transplant programs said they offer hepatitis C-positive organs to uninfected recipients.

David Roth, a nephrologist at the University of Miami, isn’t against the use of kidneys from hepatitis C-positive donors, per se, but he says he also worries that some of his patients’ desperation to get off dialysis may lead them to accept a less-than-stellar kidney. Many of his patients don’t have sophisticated medical backgrounds that make them familiar with the science, he says, which means it’s his responsibility to explain the risk in terms that they can understand.

“The decision-making process can be compromised,” Roth said. “In medicine, that’s very dangerous because then patients go down a road which they maybe can’t get out of. And that’s a real problem.” Nearly every person Evans-Simmons talked to had a different opinion on the subject. One relative told her, “I don’t think you should do it.” A physician in the medical office where she worked told Evans-Simmons to go for it. Opinions, she knew, were easy, but she was the one who would have to live with the outcome. Every option had major benefits — and serious drawbacks.

“The prospects of getting a kidney are exciting and scary at the same time,” she said. “While I am excited to not have to hook myself up every night, I am a little bit wary of, if I take this kidney, will I get hepatitis?”

* * *

Alongside professional medical certificates and images of his family, portraits of Thomas Starzl and John Najarian, pioneers of American transplant surgery, peer down from the walls of Timothy Pruett’s office at the University of Minnesota. They remind him, he says, of how the field started back in the 1950s and 60s — a time when surgeons like Starzl and Najarian took incredible risks to find their patients a liver or a kidney that would potentially save their lives. Surgeons looking for a transplantable organ had standard but strict criteria about who ideal donors should be, and the classic example would be someone under the age of 35, with no chronic medical conditions, who had died in a car accident. This demographic, the thinking was, would have the healthiest organs, and the ones most likely to work well after the stress of transplant.

The problem, Pruett says, is that “very few people die that way in this country.” (The OPTN estimates that only three in 1,000 deaths allow for organ donation.) “Our standard-criteria donor,” Pruett said, “is not the standard death.”

About half of Americans are currently registered as organ donors, according to Donate Life America, a nonprofit organ donation advocacy group — many of them enlisted through a familiar check box selection during driver’s license renewal. But even that percentage is reduced by natural barriers — chief of which is the location of death. Because a potential donor’s organs need to be nourished with oxygen-rich blood to remain viable, it is typically only those would-be donors who die in a hospital, after all potential life-saving interventions have been tried and failed, who will even have their organs considered — and the bar is necessarily high. A transplant team will evaluate such a patient’s medical condition to ensure they are a candidate for organ donation and the cause of their death hasn’t harmed their organs. The evaluation process also tests for bloodborne diseases such as hepatitis B, hepatitis C, and HIV, as well as recent risky behaviors like injection drug use.

If they are one of the rare individuals who is a candidate, the transplant team will discuss donation options with their family. If the deceased patient had authorized donation or if the patient’s next-of-kin consents to donation, an organ procurement organization can then provide information to the United Network of Organ Sharing (UNOS) — a private, non-profit organization that runs OPTN for the federal government — about the donor’s blood type and body size. UNOS’ computer algorithm then matches the organs to recipients based on blood and tissue type, body size, how desperately someone needs an organ, and how long they’ve been waiting.

If UNOS finds a potential match, they send an electronic message to the recipient’s transplant surgeon, who can accept or reject the organ. Should the surgeon decide against using the kidney (say, because the surgeon doesn’t believe it functions well enough for a patient), UNOS goes to the next match on the list and repeats the process until a surgeon accepts. If an organ is turned down outright, a patient may never know one was available. At the donor’s hospital, surgeons recover the organs, which are then infused with a special solution to remove blood, packed on ice, and transported to the recipient’s hospital. Once a kidney is closer to transplant, doctors can perform more tests to evaluate its function and may make a last-minute call that the organ isn’t suitable, even after the potential recipient has already checked into the hospital.

Even though physicians and advocates have worked hard to expand the donor pool since Starzl and Najarian began performing transplants 50 years ago, demand for organs far outstrips supply, and nowhere is that gap starker than in the world of kidney transplants. Nearly 750,000 Americans are living with end-stage renal disease (ESRD), meaning that their kidneys can no longer keep them alive on their own. Some of these individuals are too sick for a transplant or aren’t interested. But as of December 2020, nearly 92,000 Americans were on a list waiting for a kidney transplant. And while living donation — in which a family member or other living donor provides a kidney to an ailing recipient — has helped thousands of people get off dialysis, someone in the United States still dies every 110 minutes while waiting for a kidney that never comes.

Dr. Timothy Pruett in his office at the University of Minnesota in a recent video call. “Our standard-criteria donor,” Pruett said, “is not the standard death.”

With so many patients on the brink of death, surgeons have been pushing the boundaries for years. While nephrologists and transplant surgeons were — and continue to be — far more picky when choosing donor kidneys for children and young adults, for example, because those organs will need to function for far longer, they’ve come to realize that organs that fall short of the Starzl- and Najarian-era ideal can still provide older recipients with a decade of good-quality life. To provide transplant surgeons with a quantitative metric of a kidney’s quality, the Kidney Donor Profile Index (KDPI) was introduced in 2014. The index, based on transplant outcome data from UNOS’ tracking system, integrates information about the donor (their age, body mass index, ethnicity, kidney function, cause of death, and other health variables. The KDPI ranges from 0 percent to 100 percent, with 0 percent being the best possible quality organ. A KDPI score of 85 percent, on the other hand, means the organ has a risk of transplant failure greater than 85 percent of recovered kidneys.

Over time, better immunosuppressant medications have made it possible to expand the pool of potential matches without risking rejection. But a surge in opioid overdose deaths in the U.S., which began in the late 1990s, created an unprecedented supply of potential donor organs — and presented tough new questions for transplant doctors and would-be recipients. With most overdose deaths occurring in individuals aged 25 to 34, and with organs that were generally in good shape, most overdose victims would seem to make for ideal organ donors — with one small catch. People with a long history of injecting drugs often have a similarly long history of sharing with other users, exposing them to a variety of bloodborne infections. A global study from 2019 showed that about 40 percent of people who use injection drugs are currently infected with the hepatitis C virus.

Such metrics have long made the transplant community wary. The first generation of diagnostic tests used to detect hepatitis C infections, after all, relied on identifying antibodies the body produced in response to infection. But the CDC estimates it can take 8 to 11 weeks to produce enough antibodies to create a positive test result, meaning that someone could be infected with hepatitis C, but still have a false negative test result because they didn’t yet develop enough antibodies to the virus. The long lag between exposure and positive test results meant that someone who injects drugs several times each day could be exposed to the virus multiple times but still test negative, explained Christine Durand, an infectious diseases physician at Johns Hopkins University. As a result, the CDC classified an organ from anyone known to inject drugs for nonmedical reasons as being “high risk.”

A 1998 study by a group of French scientists showed just how dangerous accidental hepatitis C infection could be in kidney transplant recipients. The researchers, from Hôpital Necker in Paris, followed 499 patients who received a kidney between 1979 and 1994. Tests of the patients’ blood for hepatitis C antibodies from the time of transplant revealed that 22 percent were already infected. Their analysis revealed that these patients had 2.8 times the odds of dying during the study follow-up period, largely due to liver failure and sepsis. Early research from the U.S. showed that the results weren’t better when they evaluated transplanting kidneys from hepatitis C-positive individuals into older adults who tested negative. According to the 2011 study, seven of 13 elderly individuals who received kidneys from hepatitis C-positive donors between 2003 and 2009 developed positive hepatitis C viral loads, and only six had survived a year and a half after transplant, compared to 85 percent of similarly-aged adults who received a kidney from an uninfected donor.

But newer hepatitis C diagnostic tests that could detect the virus at very low levels have greatly reduced the latency period from about six months to one or two weeks, and the potential for inadvertently infecting someone with hepatitis C via a transplant that was considered nominally disease-free has also dropped. The chances that someone would be infected with the hepatitis C virus after a false negative test is now about 1 in 1,000, according to the OPTN. It is roughly the same for HIV.

“You have more of a likelihood of being hit by lightning than getting an infection from an increased risk donor,” said Durand. Still, the OPTN notes that unexpected transmissions from donor organs have increased in recent years and recommends that health care providers view negative tests cautiously.

Recognizing the improvements in hepatitis C treatment in transplant, the U.S. Public Health Service, which issues guidelines under the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services for assessing organs and mitigating disease transmission in the OPTN began using the term “increased risk” donor organ in place of “high risk” in 2013. The term was used for any organ that came from someone who tested negative for hepatitis C and other diseases, but met one or more risk factor criteria, including having injected drugs for nonmedical reasons within the past 12 months. The idea was to make the label more accurate and less stigmatizing, but the change did not do much to inspire confidence — nor change. “Just putting that label on will reduce — will decrease people’s likelihood of accepting that organ,” Durand said.

The reluctance doesn’t just come from patients. Indeed, physicians themselves have sometimes been hesitant to use increased risk donor organs because they, too, can overestimate the risk of infection. Passing over a potentially risky organ, however, reduces that risk.

Across the ocean, however, HIV has forced a re-calibrated view.

* * *

As a practicing physician in South Africa, Elmi Muller understands how the virus could ravage the body. While rates are coming down, some 13 percent of the country’s populace is infected with HIV, and as a kidney disease specialist, many of Muller’s patients have had HIV-associated kidney disease. HIV in their bodies directly attacks the kidneys, causing sudden, irreversible renal failure. Their only hope of survival is dialysis and transplant. In 2001, when Muller started practicing in Cape Town, South Africa had only a handful of dialysis centers to treat its population of roughly 50 million. Dialysis was reserved only for patients who were likely to receive transplants, she said. Although newer antiretroviral medications had turned AIDS, the most advanced stage of HIV, from a death sentence into a chronic condition in the U.S. and Europe, the medications remained out of reach much longer in South Africa. As a result, anyone with HIV was de facto ineligible for dialysis — even after the antiretrovirals became available in the country in 2004.

To Muller, this was a travesty. “I felt that HIV patients were generally quite young, they were economically active people, and they often had some young families. And it felt to me like our criteria for dialysis, excluding them was a problem,” she said.

Not only did Muller have to watch her own HIV-positive kidney failure patients succumb to a potentially treatable condition, she also saw otherwise healthy kidneys from HIV-positive donors discarded. To Muller, the solution was obvious: Transplant HIV-positive kidneys into the HIV-positive patients who needed them.

In 2008, Muller performed just such a transplant. Then, about a month later, she performed another. The surgeries were a resounding success, but before Muller could relish her victory, she had to face the very real blowback from her superiors, who viewed her work as being a waste of limited health resources. “The reaction locally was quite negative,” Muller said. The support of her boss, Del Kahn, along with that of a few locals and many international physicians, saved her job and career.

But Muller’s use of “compromised” organs in transplants nonetheless reverberated around the globe. Follow-up studies published in the New England Journal of Medicine showed that Muller’s HIV-positive transplant recipients fared just as well as their uninfected counterparts, raising the question of whether the same might be true for transplants involving hepatitis C infections.

Just as Muller’s HIV work was being published, a new hepatitis C treatment known as direct-acting antivirals hit the market. Compared to the existing therapy, which made use of immune stimulants called interferons, the new medications were more effective at suppressing viral replication and had fewer side effects. For the first time, said Niraj Desai, surgical director for kidney and pancreas transplants and an assistant professor of surgery at Johns Hopkins Medicine, physicians treating people with hepatitis C could talk about a cure. The key question, though, was whether the drugs would be effective in kidney transplant recipients.

It would be unethical to transplant a kidney from a hepatitis C-positive donor into a hepatitis C-negative patient without knowing if the drugs would work, so researchers started by enrolling a small group of kidney transplant recipients who were hepatitis C-positive before their transplant in a controlled study. They found that the drugs worked just as well at suppressing the disease in transplant patients as they did in healthy adults. “The next step,” Durand said, “was saying ‘Well, what about actually intentionally doing a transplant where you knew there was going to be an expected transmission?'”

Several trials, including one at the University of Pennsylvania and another at Johns Hopkins, asked a handful of patients to do just that. Both trials provided 12 weeks of direct-acting antivirals to the patients at no cost. The UPenn trial began treatment with the drugs after confirming hepatitis C transmission post-surgery, whereas the Johns Hopkins participants took their first dose immediately before. Even with all the potential risks spelled out, both trials had no problems finding participants. One year post-transplant, none of the patients in the UPenn and Johns Hopkins studies had developed any signs and symptoms of hepatitis C. Some never even showed any signs of hepatitis C viral RNA in their blood — a sign of just how effective the medications were at suppressing viral replication, says Desai, who co-led the Hopkins trial with Durand.

“We had really good success — 100 percent success rates,” Desai said. He had good reason to believe that the drugs would work as he had hoped, but “the proof is when you have the data,” he said.

Studies following patients who received hepatitis C-positive kidneys but were not part of clinical trials were nearly as good. A major difference, says Meghan Sise of Massachusetts General Hospital, was that for some patients, their insurance companies would only approve the expensive medications after the individual had formally tested positive for hepatitis C, despite the fact that transplant is virtually guaranteed to transmit the virus. Although the patients had transient signs of liver dysfunction, all finally cleared their infection. In one study first published online in August, patients’ new kidneys also remained healthy six months later.

“The risk of dying while on the waiting list is actually higher than the risk of dying from one of these transmitted infections,” said Michael Ison, a transplant infectious diseases physician at Northwestern University. “By limiting the use of these organs, we could actually be harming the patients.”

* * *

Infectious disease transplant physician Daniel Kaul at the University of Michigan says he watched these trials with interest. The results were clear that newer antivirals made transplanting less than perfect organs a viable option — far safer than remaining on dialysis. Convincing patients, however, is a different story.

Indeed, where Kaul saw benefit, some patients saw risk. The threats of dialysis were familiar — many of those on the transplant list had been navigating them for years. A potentially fatal infection, especially one with decades of stigma attached to it, however, was a total unknown. As a result, hundreds of perfectly good organs labeled “increased risk” were discarded each year, according to a study Kaul and colleagues published in 2017 in the journal Transplantation. From a patient perspective, it’s not hard to see why “increased risk” might be problematic, Kaul says. The term may make it seem like someone stands a 10 or 20 percent chance of getting hepatitis C from a transplant when, in reality, it’s more like 1 in 1,000 — or 0.1 percent odds.

“It’s far lower than the risk of organ failure, and in fact, it’s probably about the same as the risk of getting hepatitis C if you stay on dialysis for an extra year or two,” Kaul said. “So you’re not really lowering your risk of getting hepatitis C by saying no to that increased risk organ, but you’re increasing your risk of death and never getting a transplant.”

This is one of the reasons, says David Klassen, the chief medical officer at UNOS, that the U.S. Public Health Service and OPTN are moving away from calling these organs “increased risk.” This year, the Public Health Service released new guidelines that include a recommendation from an advisory committee to eliminate the “increased risk donor” terminology, which OPTN plans to implement in March. The guidelines, according to a statement provided to Undark by Sridhar V. Basavaraju, director of CDC’s Office of Blood, Organ, and Other Tissue Safety, recommended that no specific term be used to describe donors with risk factors. Instead, the statement noted, “the organ procurement organizations should ascertain donor risk factors if they occur within the 30 days prior to organ donation (for example, if someone was an IV drug user within 30 days prior to organ donation) and convey this information to transplant centers. The transplant centers should, as part of standard informed consent, explain this information to transplant recipients.”

Klassen says the old term is a relic of the days before the KDPI, when organs were considered either “increased risk” or not in a binary paradigm rather than in a spectrum of potential risk. An organ from virtually any donor has the potential to transmit hepatitis C if someone has been infected in the days before death, Klassen noted. And whether a donor kidney is known to be hepatitis C-positive or not, the arrival of direct-acting antivirals has greatly minimized the risk from the hepatitis C virus, further rendering the term obsolete.

But for individuals like Evans-Simmons, the issue is not one of terminology; she was offered a kidney from a donor known to be infected with hepatitis C. In a Facebook transplant support group, Evans-Simmons read the story of one poster who said he accepted an organ from a hepatitis C-positive donor and subsequently tested positive himself before being cured by a course of direct acting antivirals.

“While I felt, OK, believe there is a cure, at the same time, I don’t want to deal with hepatitis on top of recovering from major surgery and all the stuff that comes with the medications you have to take,” she said.

Torn, Evans-Simmons came across a newspaper article profiling Sharon Price, a 74-year-old retiree who had received the first hepatitis C-positive donor kidney at Atrium Health, Charlotte’s largest health system, in 2019. Price had grandchildren and was doing well, Evans-Simmons recalled. Accepting that kidney meant that Price was able to receive a transplant before he ever had to begin dialysis. He started on hepatitis C antiviral medication immediately after transplant, and to date has had no side effects from the treatment or from the virus.

“I have no reservations — none whatsoever — about getting a hepatitis C kidney,” Price said in a follow-up phone call with Undark.

Still, there are lingering concerns. On the one hand, Roth, the University of Miami nephrologist, says that he embraces the idea of using hepatitis C-positive and other donor organs that function fine but aren’t in pristine condition. It’s one way to help partially ease the persistent organ shortage in the country, he says. But Roth is concerned that some patients may be so eager to escape the drudgeries of dialysis that they are willing to accept a sub-par kidney.

“When you have a population of patients who are vulnerable in that regard, it’s really incumbent on us to paint a very clear picture,” Roth said. “Many of them are so anxious to get off dialysis that they will accept a lot of things that maybe they’re not 100 percent certain what they’re accepting, and I think you have to be very careful about that.”

While studies of the general population suggest that cure rates from direct-acting antivirals hover at over 95 percent — a high number, especially when compared to previous hepatitis C cure rates —  it’s still not 100 percent. Two participants in one of Sise’s trials weren’t cured after a single course of direct-acting antivirals, Sise acknowledged, though both were cured after a subsequent course. Another concern might be the development of antiviral resistance, especially as scientists try shorter courses of medications. “The more time the virus has to exist in someone’s body or only exposing patients to extremely short courses of therapy could potentially breed resistance,” Sise said.

In a 2018 review in the journal Clinical Liver Disease, a team of transplant surgeons and doctors from the University of Pennsylvania argued that organs from hepatitis C-positive donors should only be used as part of formal clinical studies at this time. The authors wrote that the procedures have too many unknowns, including the best protocols for what antivirals to take and for how long, as well as the long-term outcomes of those who have received these kidneys. Given how little researchers know about the use of kidneys from hepatitis C-positive donors, the authors wrote, “without sufficient knowledge to craft comprehensive post-transplant care plans, any further use of HCV‐infected donors, whether through a research protocol or so‐called standard of care, is arguably experimentation.” The following year, hepatologist David Goldberg, one of the co-authors of that review, participated in a meeting that developed consensus opinions on the use of such organs, one of which suggested that transplanting hepatitis-C positive organs into hepatitis C-negative patients is permissible as long as there is “rigorous informed consent.”

Evans-Simmons waves to a neighbor outsider of her home in Mint Hill, North Carolina. After reading an article profiling Sharon Price, the first patient to receive a hepatitis C-positive donor kidney at Atrium Health, she decided to add her name to the list for people willing to consider such a kidney.

But all of the lingering qualifiers still make the decision to accept an imperfect organ a weighty one for patients living with kidney disease and the gauntlet of dialysis. Evans-Simmons says she contemplated the possibility of regret — both if she accepted a hepatitis C-positive kidney and if she didn’t. But after additional conversations with her nephrologist and her family, she decided to add her name to the list for people willing to consider a kidney from a hepatitis C-positive donor.

It didn’t remove her from the other, “regular” list, nor did it obligate her to accept the kidney. Her health insurance provider also still needs to agree to pay the high cost of the direct-acting antivirals before Evans-Simmons can receive a kidney from a hepatitis C-positive donor.

She’s still not 100 percent sold on the idea, but as she waits for the day when the phone will ring with news of an available kidney — any kidney — Evans-Simmons says that she is keeping an open mind. “It’s still very concerning for me,” she said of the prospect of accepting a kidney from a hepatitis C-positive donor. “But at the same time, I’d rather try that than be on the dialysis.”

This story was produced in partnership with Scientific American.

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This series was supported in part by the National Institute for Health Care Management Foundation.

Carrie Arnold is an award-winning freelance science journalist based in Virginia. In addition to Undark, her work has appeared with Scientific American, STAT, National Geographic, Wired, and The New York Times, among other publications.

Larry C. Price is a two-time Pulitzer Prize-winning documentary photographer and multimedia journalist based in Dayton, Ohio. He previously produced award-winning photography and video footage for Undark’s Breathtaking series on air pollution, which won a George Polk Award for Environmental Reporting in 2018.

This article was originally published on Undark. Read the original article.

Sí, se puede: Latino voters are helping turn Georgia blue — and could swing the runoff

Joe Biden’s victory in Arizona is one of the big stories of the 2020 election. Biden became the first Democratic presidential candidate to carry the state in almost a quarter of a century, and only the second in more than 70 years. At the same time, Mark Kelly was elected to the U.S. Senate, meaning that the home of Barry Goldwater will soon be represented by two Democratic senators.  

These victories are the fruit of years of organizing by Latino activists and their allies. 

A similar political transformation is shaping up in Georgia, where long-term organizing by Stacey Abrams and a broad network of activists helped deliver the Deep South state to the Democratic presidential ticket for the first time in nearly three decades. Two extremely important U.S. Senate races in Georgia are now headed for runoff elections on Jan. 5.   

Together, these states highlight both the increasingly multiracial and multicultural nature of the United States and the importance of continued progressive and Democratic Party organizing in these communities. And although it might seem less obvious in Georgia than in Arizona, organizing Latino voters in the Peach State will be a key to victory in the runoffs there — and needs to be underway right now.  

In Arizona this year, Latino voters turned out in record numbers and a supermajority of them voted for Joe Biden. In a state where the Democratic ticket’s margin of victory was just over 10,000 votes, exit polls and surveys on the eve of the election suggest that Latinos voted for Biden by a margin of somewhere between 230,000 and 280,000 votes. Rising turnout by Native Americans also helped put Biden over the top.  

Latino leaders in Arizona have had strong incentives to organize. The anti-immigrant S.B. 1070 became law in 2010. That same year, the legislature banned ethnic studies in public schools. For years, Maricopa County Sheriff Joe Arpaio terrorized Latino families while bragging about his brutality. In 2016, voters knocked Arpaio out of office and raised the state’s minimum wage. This year’s election results reflected the continued strength of organizing by what one reporter called a “powerful, intersectional grassroots network of Latino, immigrant, labor and LGBTQ community organizers.”   

In Georgia, Abrams and a broad network of community leaders and organizations never stopped organizing or registering voters after her narrow defeat in the 2018 governor’s race. Not only did Biden take the state this year, but in suburban Cobb and Gwinnett counties, white Republican county commission leaders were replaced by Black Democrats. Since the Nov. 3 election, activists have continued to register new voters for the runoff.   

Latino voters in Georgia make up a smaller percentage of the electorate — about 7 percent — but exit polls suggest that Georgia Latinos backed the Democratic ticket by a 25-point margin, making them an important part of Democrats’ winning coalition. That’s a key story in American politics today. Turnout from Latino voters — led by Latinas and young people — propelled Democrats to crucial wins in Arizona and Nevada and contributed to victories in places with growing Latino populations like Pennsylvania and Wisconsin, where strong turnout by African American voters is credited with leading Democrats to victory. In Pennsylvania, where turnout among African American voters was crucial to Biden’s win, Latinos also gave the Democratic ticket an estimated 140,000 more votes than Trump. 

The experience in Virginia, where our organization has played a role in the past nine years on outreach to Latino voters, is an important case in point. Much more comparable to Georgia’s in size, the Latino vote in Virginia has played an important role in turning Virginia, once home to the capital of the Confederacy, blue over the past few election cycles. Latino voters provided the margin of victory in the 2013 governor’s race, and, in 2017, Latino voter turnout grew disproportionately compared to the general population — by 17 percent. Latino voters also played a critical role as they made up significant portions of the electorate in competitive state legislative districts, helping to flip the state legislature to the Democrats. And that vote, when engaged, can play a significant role in Georgia as well.   

National progressive campaigns and funders have too often overlooked the growing importance of the Latino vote. Trump’s campaign and the Republican Party know that the fight is at the margins, and have invested early and often in culturally competent outreach in places like Florida. 

People for the American Way and its Latinos Vote! project have worked to fill those gaps in recent years by supporting local organizers and investing in Spanish-language media. It’s important to remember that one of the progressive movement’s great organizing slogans, “Sí, se puede,” or “Yes, we can,” was born during a United Farm Workers’ campaign in Arizona in 1972, when some people thought that it would be impossible to organize in that conservative state. They said, “No se puede en Arizona.” But Dolores insisted, “Sí, se puede,” back then. That became a chant and a call to action that still inspires people to action half a century later. 

As we continue to build the grassroots and political power necessary to defeat right-wing political forces that have been radicalized by Trump, Democrats and their progressive allies must invest early and strategically in voter education and mobilization that addresses Latino community needs and mobilizes civic engagement — for the next six weeks in Georgia, and for the long run nationally. Sí, se puede en Georgia.

What Election Day 2020 revealed about progressive policies: People want them

Voters have given Joe Biden and Congress a progressive mandate to enact real change.

Americans are hungry for change, as evidenced by what happened on Election Day.

Voters handily supported progressive ballot initiatives across the country. 

In Florida, an amendment to raise the minimum wage to $15 an hour passed with 61 percent support, even though the state went for Trump. 

And that wasn’t the only successful progressive ballot initiative to succeed in a redder state: Both Montana and South Dakota voted to legalize recreational marijuana, along with the bluer states of New Jersey and Arizona. Arizona continued its progressive streak by approving a tax increase on the wealthy to fund its education system, as did Colorado. Colorado also voted to fund a public paid family leave program.

And measures tackling our brutal systems of mass incarceration and policing prevailed in multiple states: California restored the voting rights of 50,000 people with felony convictions on parole, while Michigan overwhelmingly approved a constitutional amendment limiting police powers. 

On the local level, 18 ballot initiatives addressing police violence and accountability passed in major cities across the country. And in Los Angeles, voters passed a measure to invest in communities that have been impacted by our racist police and prison systems — prioritizing jobs, housing, and alternatives to incarceration.

All these ballot victories show that bold, progressive policies are enormously popular regardless of ideology. They’re proof that embracing humanity and dignity is both a sound moral choice and a winning electoral strategy.

Every incumbent House Democrat who co-sponsored Medicare for All kept their seat in the general election – including several of them in Republican-leaning districts, like Pennsylvania Rep. Matt Cartwright, whose district went for Trump. And 92 out of the 93 co-sponsors of the Green New Deal legislation in the House won re-election, including four representatives in battleground districts.

The success of these candidates shouldn’t be surprising, given the broad support for both of these policies. A pre-election report from the nonpartisan Kaiser Family Foundation found that 53 percent of Americans favor a national health care option, including 58 percent of independents. 

Exit polling this year found that 66 percent of voters believe climate change is a serious problem. 

Support for systemic action doesn’t end there: early exit polls indicated that 57 percent of all voters across the country support the Black Lives Matter movement. The movement’s historic summer protests appear to have secured Democratic victories. A recent study found that registration of Democratic and unaffiliated voters surged in June, at the peak of the protests. That voter registration effort, combined with tireless grassroots organizing by communities of color, helped carry Biden to victory.

The writing is on the wall. Voters passed progressive ballot initiatives, even in red states; they reelected progressive candidates who embraced bold policies; and they expressed support for Medicare for All, a Green New Deal, and an end to systemic racism.

The people have given Biden and Congress a mandate for bold, progressive change. Now they must deliver.

It’s been almost 20 years since 9/11 — can we finally stop marching to disaster?

It was the end of October 2001. Two friends, Max Elbaum and Bob Wing, had just dropped by. (Yes, children, believe it or not, people used to drop in on each other, maskless, once upon a time.) They had come to hang out with my partner Jan Adams and me. Among other things, Max wanted to get some instructions from fellow-runner Jan about taping his foot to ease the pain of plantar fasciitis. But it soon became clear that he and Bob had a bigger agenda for the evening. They were eager to recruit us for a new project.

And so began War Times/Tiempo de Guerras, a free, bilingual, antiwar tabloid that, at its height, distributed 100,000 copies every six weeks to more than 700 antiwar organizations around the country. It was already clear to the four of us that night — as it was to millions around the world — that the terrorist attacks of September 11th would provide the pretext for a major new projection of U.S. military power globally, opening the way to a new era of “all-war-all-the-time.” War Times was a project of its moment (although the name would still be apt today, given that those wars have never ended). It would be superseded in a few years by the explosive growth of the Internet and the 24-hour news cycle. Still, it represented an early effort to fill the space where a peace movement would eventually develop.

All-war-all-the-time — for some of us

We were certainly right that the United States had entered a period of all-war-all-the-time. It’s probably hard for people born since 9/11 to imagine how much — and how little — things changed after September 2001. By the end of that month, this country had already launched a “war” on an enemy that then-Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld told us was “not just in Afghanistan,” but in “50 or 60 countries, and it simply has to be liquidated.”

Five years and two never-ending wars later, he characterized what was then called the war on terror as “a generational conflict akin to the Cold War, the kind of struggle that might last decades as allies work to root out terrorists across the globe and battle extremists who want to rule the world.” A generation later, it looks like Rumsfeld was right, if not about the desires of the global enemy, then about the duration of the struggle.

Here in the United States, however, we quickly got used to being “at war.” In the first few months, interstate bus and train travelers often encountered (and, in airports, still encounter) a new and absurd kind of “security theater.” I’m referring to those long, snaking lines in which people first learned to remove their belts and coats, later their hats and shoes, as ever newer articles of clothing were recognized as potential hiding places for explosives. Fortunately, the arrest of the Underwear Bomber never led the Transportation Security Administration to the obvious conclusion about the clothing travelers should have to remove next. We got used to putting our three-ounce containers of liquids (no more!) into quart-sized baggies (no bigger! No smaller!).

It was all-war-all-the-time, but mainly in those airports. Once the shooting wars started dragging on, if you didn’t travel by airplane much or weren’t deployed to Afghanistan or Iraq, it was hard to remember that we were still in war time at all. There were continuing clues for those who wanted to know, like the revelations of CIA torture practices at “black sites” around the world, the horrors of military prisons like the ones at Bagram Air Force Base in Afghanistan, Abu Ghraib in Baghdad, and the still-functioning prison complex at Guantánamo Bay, Cuba. And soon enough, of course, there were the hundreds and then thousands of veterans of the Iraq and Afghan wars taking their places among the unhoused veterans of earlier wars in cities across the United States, almost unremarked upon, except by service organizations.

So, yes, the wars dragged on at great expense, but with little apparent effect in this country. They even gained new names like “the long war” (as Donald Trump’s Secretary of Defense James Mattis put it in 2017) or the “forever wars,” a phrase now so common that it appears all over the place. But apart from devouring at least $6.4 trillion dollars through September 2020 that might otherwise have been invested domestically in healthcare, education, infrastructure, or addressing poverty and inequality, apart from creatingincreasingly militarized domestic police forces armed ever more lethally by the Pentagon, those forever wars had little obvious effect on the lives of most Americans.

Of course, if you happened to live in one of the places where this country has been fighting for the last 19 years, things are a little different. A conservative estimate by Iraq Body Count puts violent deaths among civilians in that country alone at 185,454 to 208,493 and Brown University’s Costs of War project points out that even the larger figure is bound to be a significant undercount:

“Several times as many Iraqi civilians may have died as an indirect result of the war, due to damage to the systems that provide food, health care, and clean drinking water, and as a result, illness, infectious diseases, and malnutrition that could otherwise have been avoided or treated.”

And that’s just Iraq. Again, according to the Costs of War Project, “At least 800,000 people have been killed by direct war violence in Iraq, Afghanistan, Syria, Yemen, and Pakistan.”

Of course, many more people than that have been injured or disabled. And America’s post-9/11 wars have driven an estimated 37 million people from their homes, creating the greatest human displacement since World War II. People in this country are rightly concerned about the negative effects of online schooling on American children amid the ongoing COVID-19 crisis (especially poor children and those in communities of color). Imagine, then, the effects on a child’s education of losing her home and her country, as well as one or both parents, and then growing up constantly on the move or in an overcrowded, under-resourced refugee camp. The war on terror has truly become a war of generations.

Every one of the 2,977 lives lost on 9/11 was unique and invaluable. But the U.S. response has been grotesquely disproportionate — and worse than we War Times founders could have imagined that October night so many years ago.

Those wars of ours have gone on for almost two decades now. Each new metastasis has been justified by George W. Bush’s and then Barack Obama’s use of the now ancient 2001 Authorization for the Use of Military Force (AUMF), which Congress passed in the days after 9/11. Its language actually limited presidential military action to a direct response to the 9/11 attacks and the prevention of future attacks by the same actors. It stated that the president

…is authorized to use all necessary and appropriate force against those nations, organizations, or persons he determines planned, authorized, committed, or aided the terrorist attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001, or harbored such organizations or persons, in order to prevent any future acts of international terrorism against the United States by such nations, organizations or persons.

Despite that AUMF’s limited scope, successive presidents have used it to justify military action in at least 18 countries. (To be fair, President Obama realized the absurdity of his situation when he sent U.S. troops to Syria and tried to wring a new authorization out of Congress, only to be stymied by a Republican majority that wouldn’t play along.)

In 2002, in the run-up to the Iraq War, Congress passed a second AUMF, which permitted the president to use the armed forces as “necessary and appropriate” to “defend U.S. national security against the continuing threat posed by Iraq.” In January 2020, Donald Trump used that second authorization to justify the murder by drone of Qassem Soleimani, an Iranian general, along with nine other people.

Trump steps in

In 2016, peace activists were preparing to confront a Hillary Clinton administration that we expected would continue Obama’s version of the forever wars — the “surge” in Afghanistan, the drone assassination campaigns, the special ops in Africa. But on Tuesday, Nov. 8, 2016, something went “Trump” in the night and Donald J. Trump took over the presidency with a promise to end this country’s forever wars, which he had criticized relentlessly during his campaign. That, of course, didn’t mean we should have expected a peace dividend anytime soon. He was also committed to rebuilding a supposedly “depleted” U.S. military. As he said at a 2019 press conference,

When I took over, it was a mess… One of our generals came in to see me and he said, “Sir, we don’t have ammunition.” I said, “That’s a terrible thing you just said.” He said, “We don’t have ammunition.” Now we have more ammunition than we’ve ever had.

It’s highly unlikely that the military couldn’t afford to buy enough bullets when Trump entered the Oval Office, given that publicly acknowledged defense funding was then running at $580 billion a year. He did, however, manage to push that figure to $713 billion by fiscal year 2020. This month, he actually vetoed an even larger appropriation for 2021 — $740 billion — but only because he wanted the military to continue to honor Confederate generals by keeping their names on military bases. Oh, and because he thought the bill should also change liability rules for social media companies, an issue you don’t normally expect to see addressed in a defense appropriations bill. And, in any case, Congress passed the bill with a veto-proof majority.

As Pentagon expert Michael Klare pointed out recently, while it might seem contradictory that Trump would both want to end the forever wars and to increase military spending, his actions actually made a certain sense. The president, suggested Klare, had been persuaded to support the part of the U.S. military command that has favored a sharp pivot away from reigning post-9/11 Pentagon practices. For 19 years, the military high command had hewed fairly closely to the strategy laid out by Rumsfeld early in the Bush years: maintaining the capacity to fight ground wars against one or two regional powers (think of that “Axis of Evil” of Iraq, North Korea and Iran), while deploying agile, technologically advanced forces in low-intensity (and a couple of higher-intensity) counterterrorism conflicts. Nineteen years later, whatever its objectives may have been — a more-stable Middle East? Fewer and weaker terrorist organizations? — it’s clear that the Rumsfeld-Bush strategy has failed spectacularly.

Klare points out that, after almost two decades without a victory, the Pentagon has largely decided to demote international terrorism from rampaging monster to annoying mosquito cloud. Instead, the U.S. must now prepare to confront the rise of China and Russia, even if China has only one overseas military base and Russia, economically speaking, is a rickety petro-state with imperial aspirations. In other words, the U.S. must prepare to fight short but devastating wars in multiple domains (including space and cyberspace), perhaps even involving the use of tactical nuclear weapons on the Eurasian continent. To this end, the country has indeed begun a major renovation of its nuclear arsenal and announced a new 30-year plan to beef up its naval capacity. And President Trump rarely misses a chance to tout “his” creation of a new Space Force.

Meanwhile, did he actually keep his promise and at least end those forever wars? Not really. He did promise to bring all U.S. troops home from Afghanistan by Christmas, but acting Defense Secretary Christopher Miller only recently said that we’d be leaving about 2,500 troops there and a similar number in Iraq, with the hope that they’d all be out by May 2021. (In other words, he dumped those wars in the lap of the future Biden administration.)

In the meantime in these years of “ending” those wars, the Trump administration actually loosened the rules of engagement for air strikes in Afghanistan, leading to a “massive increase in civilian casualties,” according to a new report from the Costs of War Project. “From the last year of the Obama administration to the last full year of recorded data during the Trump administration,” writes its author, Neta Crawford, “the number of civilians killed by U.S.-led airstrikes in Afghanistan increased by 330 percent.”

In spite of his isolationist “America First” rhetoric, in other words, President Trump has presided over an enormous buildup of an institution, the military-industrial complex, that was hardly in need of major new investment. And in spite of his anti-NATO rhetoric, his reduction by almost a third of U.S. troop strength Germany, and all the rest, he never really violated the post-World War II foreign policy pact between the Republican and Democratic parties. Regardless of how they might disagree about dividing the wealth domestically, they remain united in their commitment to using diplomacy when possible, but military force when necessary, to maintain and expand the imperial power that they believed to be the guarantor of that wealth.

And now comes Joe

On Jan. 20, 2021, Joe Biden will become the president of a country that spends as much on its armed forces, by some counts, as the next 10 countries combined. He’ll inherit responsibility for a nation with a military presence in 150 countries and special-operations deployments in 22 African nations alone. He’ll be left to oversee the still-unfinished, deeply unsuccessful, never-ending war on terror in Iraq, Syria, Afghanistan, Yemen and Somalia and, as publicly reported by the Department of Defense, 187,000 troops stationed outside the United States.

Nothing in Biden’s history suggests that he or any of the people he’s already appointed to his national security team have the slightest inclination to destabilize that Democratic-Republican imperial pact. But empires are not sustained by inclination alone. They don’t last forever. They overextend themselves. They rot from within.

If you’re old enough, you may remember stories about the long lines for food in the crumbling Soviet Union, that other superpower of the Cold War. You can see the same thing in the United States today. Once a week, my partner delivers food boxes to hungry people in our city, those who have lost their jobs and homes, because the pandemic has only exacerbated this country’s already brutal version of economic inequality. Another friend routinely sees a food line stretching over a mile, as people wait hours for a single free bag of groceries.

Perhaps the horrors of 2020 — the fires and hurricanes, Trump’s vicious attacks on democracy, the death, sickness and economic dislocation caused by COVID-19 — can force a real conversation about national security in 2021. Maybe this time we can finally ask whether trying to prop up a dying empire actually makes us — or indeed the world — any safer. This is the best chance in a generation to start that conversation. The alternative is to keep trudging mindlessly toward disaster.

Copyright 2020 Rebecca Gordon

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GOP lawmaker claims “Trump is listening to the many of us who are urging him to #PardonSnowden”

Republican Rep. Matt Gaetz of Florida claimed Sunday the President Donald Trump, who has just over a month left in office, “is listening to the many of us who are urging him” to pardon National Security Agency whistleblower Edward Snowden, who has been exiled in Russia since he exposed U.S. government mass surveillance in 2013.

The congressman’s comment caught the attention of Snowden, who recently secured permanent residency rights in Russia but has long said his ultimate goal is to return to the United States if he is guaranteed a fair trial. Under then-President Barack Obama, the ex-contractor was charged with theft of government property and violating the Espionage Act for leaking classified materials on surveillance to journalists.

Snowden shared Gaetz’s tweet on Sunday, noting that he is a member of Congress:

As Common Dreams has previously reported, a diverse group of lawmakers, civil liberties advocates, and other public figures have called for Trump to pardon Snowden. Various other members of Congress and rights advocates on Sunday reiterated calls for Trump to grant the whistleblower a pardon:

After Trump floated the possibility in August—before his loss to President-elect Joe Biden, Obama’s vice president, in November—the U.S.-based Freedom of the Press Foundation, for which Snowden serves as board president, emphasized that “no matter your feelings on Trump, a Snowden pardon would be a major win for those who care about fighting back against mass surveillance in the digital age.”

Following Trump’s remarks, a U.S. federal court ruled that Snowden has to pay over $5 million in book royalties and speaking fees to the U.S. government because his 2019 memoirPermanent Record, violated nondisclosure agreements he signed while working for the NSA and CIA. The ruling came in response to a lawsuit filed by the Justice Department.

Gaetz’s comment Sunday were prompted by a Twitter thread from Glenn Greenwald, who was one of the first journalists to report on leaked materials from Snowden and has long called for him to be pardoned. Greenwald noted in the series of tweets that Snowden—who announced in October that he and his wife Lindsay Mills, an American who lives with him in Russia, are expecting their first child—has used his platform to urge the president to pardon WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange:

Earlier this month, Snowden tweeted a message directed at Trump: “Mr. President, if you grant only one act of clemency during your time in office, please: free Julian Assange. You alone can save his life.”

The detention of Assange at London’s Belmarsh Prison since April 2019 has drawn intense condemnation from human rights and press freedom advocates. The Australian journalist and publisher, who famously exposed U.S. war crimes, could soon be extradited to the United States, where he faces 17 counts of espionage and one count of computer fraud.

This week, United Nations Special Rapporteur on Torture Nils Melzer called on British authorities to release Assange or place him under house arrest, citing the risk of him catching Covid-19 in prison. Melzer, who has described Assange’s detention conditions as “torture,” also said that his “rights have been severely violated for more than a decade.”