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American boys and men are suffering — and our culture doesn’t know how to talk about it

Our men and boys are in trouble. In the U.S., nearly four times more likely than women to die by suicide. They have more emergency department visits and deaths due to overdoses. They are less likely to receive treatment for mental health issues. They have a lower rate of participation in the workforce. They are more likely to be diagnosed with ADHD and autism. They are more likely than females to drop out of high school, and the ones who do go on to college are less likely than their female peers to graduate. They are barraged with constant and conflicting messages about what it means to be a man, and the consequences of failing to live up to other people’s ideas about modern masculinity can be severe. And all of this is difficult to talk about because the simultaneous culture of misogyny and the war on women’s rights is so intense, it has created a zero sum game expectation around our basic humanity.

But acknowledging the crisis in males takes nothing from the ground women are fighting to gain. And accepting that gender is only one element in a social strata that is also incredibly unbalanced around race and class is the only useful way forward for all of us.

In his provocative new book “Of Boys and Men: Why the Modern Male Is Struggling, Why It Matters, and What to Do about It,” Brookings Institution senior fellow Richard V. Reeves peels back the misconceptions that are holding back meaningful gender equity, shows how both liberals and conservatives have made existing divides even worse, and offers simple, practical solutions for a brighter, more balanced future for all of us and our kids.

Salon talked with Reeves recently about our current inflection point, and why he hopes that he can persuade readers to agree that “terms like ‘toxic masculinity’ are profoundly unhelpful.”

This conversation has been edited and condensed for clarity.

It was interesting reading your book, having just dropped my daughter off at her university. Walking around the campus, we kept saying, “Where are the boys? Did we take her to Vassar in the 1950’s?” The gender difference was striking.

Yet as a mother of daughters and as a feminist, my initial knee jerk response to a book like this is, “Oh, boo hoo for men. Men have it hard? Do you know about women?”

What you point out almost immediately is that when we think about the patriarchy, what we are really thinking about is rich, cis, white masculinity. We’re not thinking of the ways in which our culture needs to be intersectional, needs to be thinking about the price that boys and men of color in particular are paying. So I want to start there. How do we deprogram ourselves when we think about the crisis in masculinity, starting with a crisis for men and boys of color in particular?

You’re right, that’s a big initial challenge. It’s one of the things I worked hardest on in the book — to try and get past this initial understandable trigger of the small violins for young men and boys. Frankly, I shared some of those initial reactions too.

There’s a couple of things. One is the increasing need to think about the complexity of class and race and gender altogether. There has been progress on many aspects of gender equality, much more so for women at the top than for women lower down the scale for sure. The growing gaps we see [are] by class.

There’s a danger that we lean in, but don’t look down. If we are occupying relatively high status positions, you look around and go, “What crisis?” to a large extent. It’s not that boys from more affluent backgrounds and men can’t have problems, just as girls and women from those situations can. But I go to great pains to say that this is a class and a race issue. Most men today earn less than most men did in 1979. It doesn’t mean that I’m earning less than the equivalent men did in 1979. It just means that most men. When you look at the gaps in education, they just get bigger and bigger as you go down the scale. The further down the socioeconomic scale you go, the more magnified these gender gaps get.

It is incredibly important not just to look at this from the top of the pyramid. That doesn’t mean there aren’t still problems at top of the pyramid. There are, and you can talk about some of those remaining challenges for women. But partly because of the success of the women’s movement at helping many women to do better, although not all, it requires us to just say, look, life’s much more complicated now. It’s much harder to just say that men are better off than women, because that’s not true in many cases and in many spheres, although it does remain true in some. We have to pan out. We need a wider lens to look at this problem.


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You point out that these ideas that we have around men, boys and masculinity have been weaponized by the left and the right to create confusion about the role of men and boys in America right now. For those of us who are liberal, we need to look at our complicity in that as well.

You can be aware of the patriarchy and you can take steps to protect yourself without perpetuating this idea that masculinity is inherently toxic. Talk to me about what those of us on the progressive side of the dialogue are doing wrong. 

“Terms like ‘toxic masculinity’ are profoundly unhelpful to this debate.”

If there’s one thing I’d really like to try and achieve with this conversation and with the book, is to persuade more people on the progressive side that terms like “toxic masculinity” are profoundly unhelpful to this debate. We can have discussion about what it used to mean in academia and what its history is, and so on. But the way it’s used now, just this broad brush term, is actually incredibly unhelpful. What lies beneath it is this sense that there’s something potentially inherently wrong with boys and men, that those things need to be expunged, and somehow there’s some kind of exorcism that we can go through. If we’d just get rid of that remaining bit of masculinity and if we could squeeze that out of you, then you’d be okay.

“The right thinks masculinity is the solution and the left thinks masculinity’s the problem, and both are wrong.”

That just sends a really quite negative message, particularly to younger men and to boys. They need to feel good in their skin, as we want everyone to. It’s really important that we don’t pathologize aspects of their lives without also putting them in boxes. This great moment is that we can relax a little bit about some of these distinctions without needing to pathologize them. But the right, the Josh Hawleys, so strongly have weaponized this issue, blaming feminism, blaming progressives, and there’s a reaction from the left, which is, “Actually, we think masculinity is the problem.” What happens is that the right thinks masculinity is the solution and the left thinks masculinity’s the problem, and both are wrong.

Both ironically end up inflating the importance of it, rather than just recognizing there are some differences, largely inconsequential overall, but there are some differences. Particularly when you’re raising boys and girls, it’s important to be aware of those differences, not so as to elevate them but to in some ways to make them less important. We don’t make the differences go away by imagining they don’t exist. We reduce them. We turn down the volume on them by being aware of them and helping girls and boys and men and women to manage them so they become less important.

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There’s really a weird paradox here. Because of the polarization of this debate, we’re actually making these differences and these issues of masculinity and femininity more salient, at a time when they should be becoming less salient. 

One thing is just to be careful about how we talk about this, how we engage with boys and men and don’t, out of a completely understandable desire to continue to push for girls and women, inadvertently pathologize, toxify masculinity or boys and men. We need boys and men to feel good things about being male, not just bad things.

Peggy Orenstein wrote about this. She’d ask all these boys, “What’s good about being a boy?” She just couldn’t get any good answers out of them. And one of them said to her, saying, “That’s a great question. You hear a lot about what’s bad about being a boy.” There is this sense, “Here’s all the things that are bad about being a boy,” many of which are indeed bad. But what’s good about it? Is there anything good about it? Culturally, that’s a really bad way for us to go. We’ve got to get a better balance.

It’s very important for those on the progressive side of the argument to recognize that there are some gender inequalities that are going the other way. We already mentioned college as an example. Blindness to even acknowledging that there are any gender inequalities, even when they intersect with race, serves the cause of gender equality really badly. It allows people to think, you don’t actually care about boys. And then the right comes to take that message up.

“There’s a bigger gap in college completion rates now than when Title IX was passed, just the other way around.”

It’s really hard to counter the message, “You don’t care about boys and men” if you put out, as the White House did, a gender equality document that hasn’t a single gender inequality that goes the other way. Not a single one. Even when it came to things like school discipline, it talks about the fact that Black girls are at disproportionate risk of being disciplined than white girls. That’s true, but it doesn’t mention Black boys. Anybody can look at the statistics around school discipline, and see that there’s a gender inequality affecting Black boys. And there’s a bigger gap in college completion rates now than there was in 1972, when Title IX was passed, just the other way around.

That’s important to acknowledge, even if you don’t think most of the remaining gender inequalities to be addressed are ones where women are on the wrong side of it. We can have a good arguing session about that. It’s crazy to suggest there are none, there are no aspects of life, whether it’s suicide or education. This idea that gender inequality is just baked in as one way, is a profound intellectual error. I think it’s becoming a big political mistake too.

These inequities affect everybody. It affects all of us when boys and men are in a mental health crisis. It affects everyone when you have incel culture rising up, when you have high suicidal ideation in boys and men. It’s not something that we can just say, “Well, as long as more girls are going to college, I guess, progress.”

We don’t have men and boys who are encouraged to go into primary education. They’re not teaching our children. They’re not encouraged too. There’s a disproportionate number of women in psychology and psychiatry, which is why we have this pathologizing of more traditional masculine personality traits. And then we don’t have men going into healthcare and caring professions. So, as you point out, these more stereotypically masculine behaviors are then seen as a problem. They’re seen as a problem in your five-year-old boy. They’re seen as a problem when you go to talk to your therapist, and they’re seen as a problem when you’re the patient in the hospital.

You’re right that if we just see these sorts of behaviors, which do vary, as inherently problematic, then we’re hurting everybody. One of the reasons why I think people like Jordan Peterson and others are getting such huge audiences is because they just make a lot of young men feel heard.

Take it seriously, don’t discount what’s happening. Don’t just say, “You don’t get it,” or, “This is toxic.” Say, “That’s interesting. Let’s talk about that.” This this is quite visceral for me just as a parent, as a member of society — just having more care. And then care becomes an important part of the conversation because that means you need more men caring.

I think I quote [Gloria] Steinem saying that, “Where do girls and boys get their ideas of gender roles from? From all the people around them while they’re growing up.” One of the reasons to get more men into caring professions and teaching professions is so that we don’t just perpetuate this intergenerationally. I find it really astonishing that feminists are not more worried about the fact that the teaching profession is becoming more female all the time, not just because of issues around pay, but just because of what that means, for what the signal we’re sending to the next generation. We have twice as many women flying US military jets as we do men teaching kindergarten.

How can that not be an issue? Why are we not outraged about the latter number? I’m sure I want more women flying military jets, but just in terms of the impact on the culture and the impact on the next generation, I would go as far as to say it’s more important to have men teaching kindergarten than women flying fighter jets. Not that it isn’t important to have women flying fighter jets. I want the best people defending our country. But it’s much more important to me that my boys can actually see men in the classroom and in the nursery and in the hospital, et cetera. And you get this mismatch, between the users of services and the providers of services.

In many cases it’s really inverted. Substance abuse counselors, special needs educators, et cetera, many more men and boys are using those services, but mostly being provided by women. Psychology is another great example, and also something like social work, which used to be quite gender balanced, has swung incredibly female. Who’s caring for these boys and men and in what way? Is it easier in some cases if there’s a kind of gender match between the carer and the cared for?

We’ve also got a labor shortage of lot of these areas. I think a massive effort is required to degender some of these caring professions and teaching professions. We can’t have one way degenerating in the labor market. If there are male nurses around and male carers around, it’s easier for some things, especially very intimate kinds of care, it just is easier. And vice versa.

It feels to me like we have now an almost satanic panic level of fear around letting men have access to caring professions, particularly around children. And some men have earned that. There’s a reason that we have this fear and trepidation. But if as parents and as children, we feel that men are to be feared, that the only reason a male would be a caregiver is because he’s an abuser, that tells boys something about themselves and it leaves out a population of carers.

You talk about now some ways that we can get around this. It really starts very early and it starts very simply with one particular idea that you have. I want to ask about starting boys in school late. What will be achieved by that?

In one word, equity. A slightly longer description would be to try and level the playing field developmentally in education, because boys mature more slowly than girls. There’s a gap right at the beginning, but in adolescents you see quite a big gap opening up in terms of brain development, particularly of the development of the prefrontal cortex, sometimes known as the CEO of the brain. That’s the bit that helps you to plan, to think ahead.

Adolescents in particular, there’s a period where psychologists talk about the gas and the brake. Gas is just risk taking, “Go for it, what the hell,” and the brake is like, “Maybe not, maybe I should study, maybe that’s a bad idea.” Adolescence is this period where the gets bigger, more attracted to risk taking. Obviously with puberty, sex drive increases, et cetera. At the meantime, we haven’t really developed the brake. Adolescence is a period where the gas outruns the brake, but much more so for boys as the girls and at different times for girls and boys too. Over the age of 15, some people think it’s an up to a two year gap in the development of those particular skills.

It seems like there’s so much resistance about it, because everyone is afraid that then if I send my kid to school later, he’s going to fall behind. The terror of falling behind when they’re already behind. Let them catch up.

They’re already behind. This is a great example of how really rapid and positive social change can reveal new issues and have these consequences. My basic argument is that because of these differences in the rate of brain maturation,

“The education system is currently structured to be more female friendly than male friendly. “

You get these big gaps and they occur at these critical moments in adolescence, which puts girls on average at an advantage to boys. A 16-year-old girl is older than a 16-year-old boy developmentally. She’s older in these particular skills, which are very important. They grow your GPA. They mean you print out your college letter. I’ve raised three boys and I’ve seen the difference between them and their friends at 16, 17.

By the way, what happens in upper middle class households is that huge compensatory efforts go in to propping up the boys. I quote a colleague saying, “I’m going to be your prefrontal cortex through high school. You don’t have one yet. I’m going to step in.” Through tutoring and that type of investment of time and so on, parents with means are basically just piling resources into their boys to compensate for this developmental gap. But that is not possible for a lot of others.

I’ve been doing a lot of reporting on this from private schools, and it’s striking how common it is. There’s one school in, at a prestigious east coast school that shared their data with me. I looked at the birth dates of their graduating seniors, and 20% of the boys were old for the year. Why they got held back is a different matter. It wasn’t for athletic reasons. It’s not a very athletic school. But one in five. And that number is also even in public schools, roughly what you see for summer born boys of parents with a BA. There are these massive race and class gaps in this decision to delay entry and massive gender gaps.

There’s a development gap. In many cases, private schools are suggesting very strongly to parents, “We think you should hold your boy back.” It’s not the parents. It’s the schools. Meanwhile, the public school system works on this industrial model of, everyone starts at the same time. I realize this it’s a strong proposal in many ways, although it wouldn’t require us to really change the education system very much. In my view, it would somewhat level the playing field.

Girls have always had this advantage in the school system. There’s nothing new here, but we didn’t see it because previously girls didn’t go to college. Girls were doing better in high school than boys in the ’60s. But now the gap is much bigger. By opening up all these opportunities for girls and women in education, what’s been revealed is that actually there’s a structural inequality in the education system. We couldn’t see it under conditions of patriarchal sexism or whatever language you want to use. It wasn’t visible.

Now that we’ve taken a lot of the barriers for education for girls, suddenly we’re like, wait, what’s going on? It’s not just that girls caught up. They’ve blown past. We’re realizing, wait, hold on. There’s something about the school system itself. Then of course we can add on the fact that the teaching profession is becoming more female by the year. At the heart of it, it’s just this recognition that a 16-year-old boy is younger than a 16-year-old girl. And our education system ignores that fact.

I worry that by putting them in at the same age, it means that the boys are developmentally behind. I just worry that over time that sense of always being behind, particularly for the younger boys, can then get entrenched. They spend their entire educational life feeling like they’re behind, feeling like they’re struggling. One of the results of that is the boys are much likely to be held back. That’s where we started around the need to intersect by race. One in four Black boys have been held back a grade by the time they finish high school. One in four.

The conversation has been changing over the past few years, but there is this fear, because we live in a very binary culture, that if we pay attention to boys and men, if we look at what they need and how to help them, that then we are once again going to be setting back women’s rights and we are going to set back women’s gains. What do you say to those people?

That’s an example of a broader problem, which is a politics and a discourse that is framed in zero sum terms. To pay attention to group A means ignoring group B. It’s a sense of just, if we give an inch, then “they,” the other side will take a mile. Even just an acknowledgement that there could be some issues here. If we even just acknowledge it even just an inch, boom, we’ve lost.

I think it’s completely wrong. It’s not where most people are, and it is distorting so many of our debates. This is a great example of it. It is perfectly possible to think two thoughts at once. And increasingly we need to, because I want to pay huge attention to some of the struggles with boys in education and especially Black boys and working class boys. 

I’m going to give myself permission to say, it isn’t it zero sum, and it’s not binary. Honestly, we all need to give ourselves that permission, because otherwise we’re just digging ourselves deeper and deeper into these trenches, and a growing gap emerges.

It’s one of the reasons why I eventually almost forced myself to write this book. This gap rose between what we publicly feel like our views need to be and what we’re privately worrying about. That’s the gap I’m trying to write into because I think a lot of people are really worried about boys and men, their sons, their fathers, their brothers. They’re right to be worried. Some of those worries aren’t just about the individual boy or man, because there’s some tough things happening right now. It’s dislocating for men, and our services aren’t serving well. I can’t emphasize this strongly enough. It’s just incredibly bad politics, but also to some extent it’s culturally irresponsible not to take seriously the problems of boys and men, even as we continue the fight for women’s rights. It is not zero sum.

Anybody that frames it that way, whether left or right, is not our friend. They’re not on our side, our side being ordinary folks just trying to make this work. What they’re trying to do is weaponize one kind of discontent against the other. That doesn’t help. That doesn’t help my sons. It won’t help your daughters. It won’t help any of us in the long run. We’re all just trying to make this work.

They don’t feel listened to, and they don’t feel like we’re taking their problems seriously. I quote somebody saying, “It is an axiom of politics, that if responsible people don’t deal with problems, irresponsible people will come along and exploit them.” It’s a test of our cultural responsibility right now to just take this stuff seriously, without in any way giving up any of our previous gains. I’m a diehard feminist. I hope that comes across. But if diehard feminists can’t count themselves among the people who are leading the charge to help boys and men, then we’ve lost, and this is not going to end well for us.

“Treated like human cargo”: Greg Abbott sent migrant buses to Kamala Harris’ house

WASHINGTON — Gov. Greg Abbott‘s state-funded program to bus migrants to cities run by Democrats reached a national fever pitch on Thursday, with buses dropping people off outside of Vice President Kamala Harris’ D.C. residence.

What started in the spring as a publicity stunt to draw the attention of the White House has caught fire, with other Republican officials in Arizona and Florida following suit. On Wednesday, Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis set off a national frenzy after chartering two flights of migrants to Martha’s Vineyard, an affluent vacation spot in Massachusetts. Meanwhile, Texas has ramped up its own busing efforts, sending more migrants to other Democrat-run metropolitan areas where local officials say their social services are being pushed to the limits.

The latest moves by Abbott and DeSantis this week have triggered outrage among immigration rights’ groups and Democrats who have accused the Republicans of engaging in human trafficking and treating migrants like “human cargo” to score political points.

Early Thursday morning, Abbott gleefully took credit for sending between 75 and 100 migrants to the Naval Observatory in Washington, D.C., where Harris and second gentleman Doug Emhoff reside. The move was in apparent retaliation for her comments on NBC’s “Meet the Press” in which she called the border “secure,” stoking conservative anger nationwide.

“We did [send them],” Abbott said to Lubbock radio station KFYO. “She’s the border czar, and we felt that if she won’t come down to see the border, if President [Joe] Biden will not come down and see the border, we will make sure they see it firsthand. … And listen, there’s more where that came from.”

The White House did not respond to a request for comment.

But Abbott said his office was not responsible for the two chartered planes that carried approximately 50 migrants from San Antonio to Martha’s Vineyard on Wednesday.

DeSantis claimed credit for the planes leaving Texas. He told NPR and other outlets that it was part of the state’s program to relocate migrants to a “sanctuary destination.” It’s unclear whether the migrants in the planes had any connection to Florida. The Florida Legislature set aside $12 million for the state’s migrant relocation program.

“Our office has had conversations with Governor DeSantis and his team about supporting our busing strategy to provide much-needed relief to our overwhelmed and overrun border communities,” said Renae Eze, Abbott’s spokesperson. “Though we were not involved in these initial planes to Martha’s Vineyard, we appreciate the support in responding to this national crisis and helping Texans. Governor Abbott encourages and welcomes all his fellow governors to engage in this effort to secure the border and focus on the failing and illegal efforts of the Biden-Harris Administration to continue these reckless open border policies.”

DeSantis’ office did not respond to a request for comment.

Migrants landing in Martha’s Vineyard told reporters that they didn’t know where they were, that they thought they were going to different destinations or that they were lured on to the planes with the promise of being able to get work papers. Local officials said they were given no advanced warning about the migrants but would be providing resources to support them.

Migrants in Martha’s Vineyard spoke with reporters from the Vineyard Gazette in interviews that were shared with The Texas Tribune.

Uvaldo Arcalla told a reporter he was in San Antonio in a shelter where four people slept in a room. He said they were told they would go to Martha’s Vineyard but didn’t get any concrete information like who would host them or what they would be doing there.

“It was a big surprise for everyone,” he said.

Elias Erales Perche said he was in Texas for four days when someone told him he would get food and shelter on Martha’s Vineyard. Another man who asked not to be identified said he came to the United States with his eight family members from Venezuela. He has an immigration court date on Sept. 21 in Los Angeles. He said he’s not sure why he was sent to Martha’s Vineyard but is now worried about how to make his immigration court date in California.

“I think this is all a ploy to get us to miss our court dates so we get in trouble with the law and they can deport us,” he said.

Democrats were incensed by the reports from Massachusetts.

“The Department of Justice needs to investigate Governor DeSantis for using fraud and deception to lure people out of state only to abandon them without fulfilling his false promises. Same for Greg Abbott,” U.S. Rep. Joaquin Castro, D-San Antonio, said in a tweet.

Sen. Elizabeth Warren, D-Massachusetts, tweeted that the state is “fully capable of handling asylum seekers” but that “exploiting vulnerable people for political stunts is repulsive and cruel.”

The League of United Latin American Citizens, the largest Hispanic civil rights organization in the U.S., held a news conference near the Harris residence Thursday afternoon and claimed two of the migrants on the buses had to be hospitalized after they arrived. One was a person with diabetes who went into shock and another was a baby who experienced health issues, according to Domingo Garcia, the group’s national president.

“These are human beings, these are fellow Christians,” Garcia said in front of the Apostolic Nunciature in Washington, D.C. “They are being treated like human cargo. I think it’s time that President Biden and Congress and the Senate provide humanitarian relief.”

Garcia said the migrants were being helped by a religious nonprofit.

To date, Abbott’s office says it’s transported at least 10,000 migrants to Washington, D.C., New York and Chicago — self-proclaimed sanctuary cities run by Democrats. Records show Texas has spent at least $12 million to find the rides. The trips are under the umbrella of his more than $4 billion border security initiative dubbed Operation Lone Star, intended to curb border crossings.

Republicans frequently refer to those taking the trips as “illegal immigrants,” but many of them are asylum-seekers who have been allowed to enter the country pending the outcome of their legal cases. The program initially started with bus trips to Washington, D.C., as a way to antagonize Biden over his border policies and the increase of migrants entering into Texas. But Abbott, who is running for his third term as governor on a border security platform, expanded the busing program to additional cities as he has leaned in to national attention he’s received for stoking fights with Democratic mayors, who are complaining about migrants straining their city resources.

Those complaints play right into Abbott’s favor, as he’s called those Democrats hypocrites and noted that Texas’ border communities are bearing the same strain felt by the larger metros.

New York City Mayor Eric Adams said in a statement Wednesday that the city’s safety net for receiving the migrants “is nearing its breaking point.” Adams suggested the city, which has a “right to shelter” law, may need to rethink how it can continue to support migrants upon arrival.

“In this new and unforeseen reality, where we expect thousands more to arrive every week going forward, the city’s system is nearing its breaking point,” Adams said. “As a result, the city’s prior practices, which never contemplated the busing of thousands of people into New York City, must be reassessed.”

Washington Mayor Muriel Bowser declared a public health emergency last week to deal with the migrants, creating a new government office in the process to coordinate their arrivals, which will cost an initial $10 million.

Leaders of those cities have complained that Texas is not coordinating with them or giving them notice of when buses will arrive. Advocates and aid workers who support migrants along the border, meanwhile, have said that despite the political motivations driving the initiative, Abbott is actually providing many of the migrants a useful service by offering them free and safe transportation to their final destinations.

In May, Arizona started busing migrants from the state to Washington, D.C., which has cost the state $3 million in its first three months, according to AZFamily. El Paso, a Democrat-led city, sent a bus of 35 migrants to New York in late August.

While the migrant transportation policy elicited a polarized response nationally, recent polling from Texas suggests a majority of the state’s voters support the governor’s initiative to bus migrants to other parts of the country. According to the polling, 51% approved of the policy and just 35% opposed it.

Patrick Svitek, Matthew Choi and Uriel Garcia contributed to this report.

This article originally appeared in The Texas Tribune at https://www.texastribune.org/2022/09/15/greg-abbott-texas-kamala-harris-migrant-bus/.

The Texas Tribune is a member-supported, nonpartisan newsroom informing and engaging Texans on state politics and policy. Learn more at texastribune.org.

Ringo Starr’s purely positive new “EP3” finds the light in a downtrodden world

In a world beset by madness and division, there’s always Ringo.

With “EP3,” famed Beatles drummer Ringo Starr is back with a vengeance, sharing his no-nonsense vision of peace and love. As with his previous efforts “Change the World” and “Zoom In,” “EP3” is an unabashed, sincere attempt at finding a little light in a downtrodden world.

“I am in my studio writing and recording every chance I get,” says Ringo in the press materials. “It’s what I have always done and will continue to do, and releasing EPs more frequently allows me to continue to be creative and give each song a little more love.”

And with the All-Starr Band having commenced the most recent leg of its North American tour, he’ll be spreading the love far and wide. Founded in 1989, the All-Starr Band has proven to be one of rock ‘n’ roll’s steadfast, bona fide, guaranteed good times. The latest incarnation features All-Starr veterans Steve Lukather, Colin Hay, Warren Ham, Hamish Stuart, Gregg Bissonette and Edgar Winter. And Ringo, of course.

“EP3” was recorded at Starr’s Roccabella West studio in collaboration with Lukather, Linda Perry, Dave Koz, José Antonio Rodriguez and Bruce Sugar. The EP is pure Ringo, with his trademark baritone vocals set against upbeat, even buoyant lyrics. If you’re looking for high-minded musings about the trauma and turmoil of workaday life, look elsewhere. There isn’t “A Day in the Life” to be found here.

Instead, listeners will lose themselves in Ringo’s breezy tunes. Standout tracks include “World Go Round,” with its anthemic approach to strains of peace and love that keep our planet spinning on its axis. With high-caliber musicians including Lukather on guitar and Joseph Williams on keyboards, the good-time rock inherent in “World Go Round” gives way to the bluesy “Everyone and Everything,” a Perry-penned composition about having a stake in the fate of the world.


Love the Beatles? Listen to Ken’s podcast “Everything Fab Four.”


Meanwhile, Sugar and Sam Hollander’s “Let’s Be Friends” affords Ringo with a driving dance groove, which he fills out with a funky horn arrangement. The EP arrives at a comforting close with “Free Your Soul.” Co-written by Ringo and Sugar, the song works from a gentle island groove, with Koz on tenor sax and Rodriguez on nylon guitar.

With its unvarnished positivity, “EP3” may not be for everyone. But if you’re in the mood to turn off your mind, relax and float downstream, it might be for you.

CORRECTION: An earlier version of this story attributed the writing of “Let’s Be Friends” only to Bruce Sugar, who co-wrote the song with Sam Hollander. The story has been updated. 

Legal expert surprised Trump lawyers “went along with” special master pick — it could back backfire

CNN legal analyst Paul Callan had nothing but praise for retired Senior Judge Raymond Dearie, who was appointed this week by Judge Aileen Cannon to serve as special master to oversee documents seized by the FBI from former President Donald Trump’s Mar-a-Lago resort.

However, Callan also found himself surprised that Trump lawyers would agree with Dearie, who has a reputation for fairness.

Specifically, Callan called Dearie “an excellent choice” and said that it was “very surprising that Trump lawyers went along with this.”

“He is a FISA judge, has been involved in some rulings that were adverse to Trump in prior investigations,” said Callan. “He is a fair guy, he is a bright guy, he can take fighting parties and get them together and settle cases. Tremendous respect.”

Callan also predicted that Dearie would not let Trump and his lawyers play games with the aim of stalling or delaying the DOJ’s investigation into the documents Trump had stashed at his Mar-a-Lago resort.

“He will get it done fast, that’s my bet,” he emphasized.

Watch the video below or at this link.

“He could kill 50 people on our side and it wouldn’t matter”: Graham brags that Trump is untouchable

A new book from reporters Peter Baker and Susan Glasser quotes Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-SC) as backing up former President Donald Trump’s claim that he could get away with murder and Republican voters would still support him.

The Independent has obtained a copy of Baker and Glasser’s new book, called “The Divider,” and has found that Graham told them during Trump’s first impeachment trial that there was very little anyone could do to dislodge Trump as the leader of the GOP, no matter how many crimes or misdeeds he committed.

“He could kill fifty people on our side and it wouldn’t matter,” Graham explained.

The South Carolina senator also let Glasser and Baker know that he wasn’t blind to some of the twice-impeached former president’s shortcomings, as he also described Trump as a “lying motherf*cker” who was nonetheless “a lot of fun to hang out with.”

Graham’s relationship with Trump has been the subject of much curiosity over the years, as during the 2016 campaign he refused to endorse him and said Trump was both racist and crazy.

Now, however, Graham has become one of Trump’s most ardent defenders, even after he incited a riot at the Capitol in which his supporters chanted for the hanging of Vice President Mike Pence.

Jan. 6 audio shows Oath Keepers emboldened by Trump — as he issues new violent threat

New recordings released by the House Jan 6. committee revealed that Oath Keepers were emboldened by former President Donald Trump, who is once again stoking barely-veiled threats of violence.

In the walkie-talkie app recordings released by the panel, the group’s members are heard reacting to Trump’s tweet urging Capitol rioters to “please support our Capitol Police, they are on our side.”

One member of the Oath Keepers responded by saying “he didn’t say not to do anything to the congressmen.”

The messages underscore the violent aims of the members of the groups – some of whom were at the Capitol while others were monitoring intelligence elsewhere. The recordings disclose their plans to attack members of Congress after breaching the Capitol.

“There’s no safe place in the United States for any of these motherfuckers right now,” one man said. Upon learning that members of Congress were moved into a “safety room”, the same person said: “Military principle 105: Cave means grave.”

Rioters were inspired by Trump to attack the Capitol in an attempt to thwart the certification of President Joe Biden’s victory. Even as 910 people have been charged in the Capitol insurrection so far, according to Insider, Trump’s supporters have continued to back him and he has tested their loyalty time and time again.

In an interview with conservative radio host Hugh Hewitt, Trump said on Thursday that there would be “big problems” if he were indicted for mishandling classified documents he took from the White House. 

He added that he didn’t think Americans would “stand for” charges brought against him by the Justice Department.

“I think you’d have problems in this country, the likes of which perhaps we’ve never seen before,” Trump said.  

Trump, who once again relied on coded language to make his message clear, also used certain phrases to encourage his supporters to storm the Capitol. 


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In rallies leading up to the Jan. 6 insurrection, Trump told his supporters “If you don’t fight like hell you’re not going to have a country anymore” and “We will stop the steal”. 

When the host pointed out that Trump’s comments could be called out by “legacy media” for inciting violence, he responded with: “That’s not inciting. I’m just saying what my opinion is. I don’t think the people of this country would stand for it.”

Conservative attorney George Conway reacted to his recent remarks on CNN, saying “it’s basically January 6th all over again. He’s denying inciting violence.” 

Trump has “convinced millions of people that he’s being persecuted for no valid reason,” when in fact he’s been caught stealing “government documents of the highest, highest security nature,” Conway added. 

Trump’s comments on Thursday came hours before the FBI and the Department of Homeland Security warned members of the Senate Judiciary and Homeland Security committees on the uptick in threats against federal law enforcement since the search of Trump’s Mar-a-Lago estate.

“It was stunning the number of threats that have been cataloged since the Aug. 8 search of Mar-a-Lago,” Senate Judiciary Chair Dick Durbin, D-Ill., said after the briefing. He mentioned the gunman who tried to enter an FBI building in Cincinnati, Ohio, in the days following the search. “It’s a much more dangerous environment because of the political statements made by some individuals since Aug. 8 — it’s alarming to me.”

The FBI search of Mar-a-Lago ignited a political firestorm last month. Agents found highly classified and other top-secret documents alongside empty folders with classified markings. In the case that he is indicted, Trump told Hewitt that he would “have no prohibition against running” for the presidency in 2024.

Ron DeSantis’ Martha’s Vineyard stunt is straight out of Stormfront and “border militia” rhetoric

For months, Republican governors eager to get a piece of Donald Trump’s ability to get attention through race-baiting have engaged in a bizarre and dehumanizing stunt: Sending busloads of often deeply confused refugees to places perceived as “liberal enclaves.” Texas Gov. Greg Abbott has sent buses of immigrants to Washington D.C. and New York City, claiming that he’s somehow exposing the hypocrisy of Democratic leaders who have said immigrants are welcome. In April, Gov. Ron DeSantis announced plans to use taxpayer funds to bus migrants to blue states, saying, “if you sent them to Delaware or Martha’s Vineyard or some of these places, that border would be secure the next day.”

The ugly troll leveled up this week, when DeSantis did just that, chartering planes to Martha’s Vineyard carrying about 50 people who recently arrived from Colombia and Venezuela. Martha’s Vineyard, an island off the coast of Massachusetts, is known as a vacation spot for wealthy East Coast types. It’s clear DeSantis was hoping to elicit an outraged reaction from residents that would “prove” his point about blue state liberals. That ended up backfiring, as the migrants received a warm welcome instead of a hostile reaction. As Heather “Digby” Parton wrote at Salon, the locals at Martha’s Vineyard offered “the new arrivals food and shelter, along with legal advice and emotional support.” Sen. Elizabeth Warren, D-Mass., responded by tweeting that “Massachusetts is fully capable of handling asylum seekers.” It was soon revealed that the refugees had been recruited to get on the planes with lies about how they were going to Boston to find jobs.  

Conservative media is trying to salvage this by running headlines that focus on Democratic anger, while ignoring that the anger is over the inhumane treatment and not over the idea of immigrants living in New York, D.C. or Massachusetts. But what they and DeSantis should have already known is that this stunt was unlikely to expose “liberal hypocrisy.” After all, Abbott’s been doing this for months, with little effect, for one obvious reason: The big blue cities that draw so much vitriol from right-wing pundits are already diverse places with large immigrant populations. 


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And yet, as DeSantis’ failed attempt at leveling up the troll shows, Republican politicians are still clinging to the idea that there’s a vein of liberal hypocrisy to be tapped on this front. What’s little discussed, however, is where this idea came from. The notion that white liberals want diversity for others, but not themselves, has become an article of faith on the mainstream right only recently, after being heavily hyped by folks like Tucker Carlson of Fox News. Where it came from originally, however, is from fringe white nationalist and neo-Nazi groups, and from the white supremacist forum Stormfront in particular. 

“This anti-immigrant narrative is serving as the glue that brings together various sects of the hard-right to uplift the idea that migrants are coming into the country to replace white Americans,” Freddy Cruz, a research analyst from the Southern Poverty Law Center’s Intelligence Project, told Salon. The “great replacement” is a white nationalist/neo-Nazi conspiracy theory that used to be fringe but has gained traction in the mainstream GOP in recent years. 

Since its inception, a huge obsession on Stormfront has been this notion that “elites” — though they often just come right out and call them “Jews” — want to impose “diversity” on working and middle-class neighborhoods, while living in white-only enclaves themselves. Their slogan for this is “diversity for thee, but not for me.” Just a casual search of the forum shows how much the users obsess about “the hypocrisy of rich liberals who promote ‘diversity’ but who also live in 99% white neighborhoods,” as one user griped. 

Or, in another typical Stormfront rant about “limousine liberals”: “Hey scumbags! How about sending your kids to the ‘inclusive’ public schools or living in the ‘diverse’ neighborhoods you patronizing bastards crated [sic]!?”

As one can imagine, the posters at Stormfront are ecstatic to see their ideas mainstreamed in Republican circles by Carlson, Abbott and DeSantis. As one poster said, “White people are waking up and the fact that news anchors at Fox News are pointing out liberal hypocrisy on things like rich liberals living in the Whitest neighborhoods possible is a good sign.” 


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Like DeSantis himself, the folks at Stormfront are ignoring the way the migrants were welcomed at Martha’s Vineyard, and declaring that DeSantis will “wake up the American people to the fact that Biden and his CRIMINAL JEW/NWO GANG are destroying the country with hordes of MILLIONS of illegal aliens.”

By harping on this notion that white liberals don’t want neighbors of color, white nationalists claim justification for their own racist beliefs. The idea is that, secretly, all white people are racist, and that liberals are just pretending otherwise to signal virtue. But that’s hardly the only white supremacist belief being mainstreamed by DeSantis and Abbott with these stunts. The other, equally virulent one, is that immigrants of color are “parasites” who are only here to be lazy and live off the taxpayer dime. 

Jeremy Redfern, a DeSantis aide, tweeted a picture of former president Barack Obama’s seven-bedroom home in Martha’s Vineyard with the caption, “Plenty of space.” Implicit is the idea that what immigrants are seeking is a place to live rent-free. It’s a cheekier version of the Stormfront poster who ranted that immigrants use up “all the welfare and social programs that were created for American citizens.” 

Reporters who actually spoke to the people who were taken in by DeSantis’ stunt heard a very different story, however.

 

“Whether that’s here or Boston or wherever, we just want the opportunity to work,” Yerkyn Torres, one of the migrants sent to Martha’s Vineyard, told the Washington Post

“I thought I was coming to Boston,” Ardenis Nazareth, a construction worker, told the New York Times. He explained that “I would do anything to provide for my daughters” and hoped to find work to do so. He was understandably upset at being on an island where such work opportunities are non-existent. 

Between “shipping” these folks like they’re cargo and putting out press releases saying blue states should handle “the care of these individuals,” DeSantis is borrowing the white supremacist framework that regards immigrants not as contributing members of society, but as unwelcome burdens. Like anyone who has come a long way with few resources, the recently arrived refugees obviously need some help. But, as they say themselves, they are here to join American society, to work, and to contribute. As economic studies show time and again, immigrants not only contribute to the economy, but often do so in ways that the native-born population doesn’t, such as by taking jobs in communities facing worker shortages. With the current employment boom — there are two job openings for every unemployed person right now — this racist narrative about immigrants makes even less sense. 

A stunt like this damages the people used this way, who report being lied to in order to get them on a plane to Martha’s Vineyard. It’s also dangerous on a national level. DeSantis is further helping mainstream white nationalist talking points gleaned from the very fringes of society. As Cruz from the Southern Poverty Law Center explained, “we are seeing extremist anti-immigrant militia groups celebrate DeSantis’ immigration stunt.” These are the same groups, he explained, that have taken vigilante actions such as “launching minutemen style detainments of migrants in places like Arizona and Texas.” Reviewing Stormfront, one can see how excited and emboldened these radical racists feel by these kinds of actions. The U.S. has already seen a dramatic rise in hate crimes fueled by the “great replacement” and other white nationalist conspiracy theories and ideas. DeSantis and Abbott may act like these stunts are mere trolling, but it’s contributing to a discourse that empowers white nationalists and fuels political violence. 

“Never seen anything like that”: AOC torches Republican for demeaning female witness at hearing

Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez on Thursday paused before proceeding to her line of questioning at a House Oversight Committee hearing, expressing shock over the treatment Republican Rep. Clay Higgins subjected an expert witness, Raya Salter, to moments earlier.

“Frankly, men who treat women like that in public,” said the New York Democrat, “I fear how they treat them in private.”

The committee held a hearing on the tens of billions of dollars oil companies rake in annually and their failure to mitigate the damage their extraction practices are doing to the planet, instead embarking on a “greenwashing campaign” while people in frontline communities across the U.S. and around the world face increasingly extreme weather events fueled by the heating of the planet.

The witnesses included Salter, the founder and executive director of the Energy Justice Law and Policy Center, who spoke about environmental injustice that has plagued communities like those represented by Higgins in southern Louisiana.

Salter noted in her testimony that “the extraction, processing, transportation, refining, and combustion of fossil fuels places disproportionate environmental burdens on Black, Brown, Indigenous, and poor communities.”

The industry has also been heavily invested in painting “the consumer, rather than Big Oil, as the primary climate crisis villain,” she added.

Instead of addressing Salter’s comments on the disproportionate impact oil and gas extraction has on communities of color and low-income people, Higgins illustrated her point by challenging the attorney to comment on the fact that the U.S. economy is heavily reliant on fossil fuel industries.

“Everything you have—your clothes, your glasses, your car you got here on, your phone, the table you’re sitting at, the chair, the carpet under your feet—everything you’ve got is petrochemical products,” Higgins said. “What would you do with that? Tell the world.”

“What I would do is ask you, sir, from Louisiana, to search your heart and understand why the EPA knows that toxic petrochemical facilities are some of the most toxic polluting facilities in the world and are killing Black people throughout Louisiana,” Salter replied.

Higgins later addressed the witness as “boo” and “young lady,” telling her, “You got a lot of noise, but you got no answers.”

When her turn to question the witnesses came, Ocasio-Cortez addressed Salter.

“In the four years that I have sat on this committee, I have never seen members of Congress, Republican or Democrat, disrespect a witness in the way that I have seen them disrespect you today,” the congresswoman said.

“I’ve never seen anything like that,” she added. “And for the gentleman of Louisiana, and the comfort that he felt in yelling at you like that—there’s more than one way to get a point across.”

Salter thanked the congresswoman for her “leadership and courage” and said Republicans who continue to defend the fossil fuel industry “can come for me all day long.”

Other progressives joined Ocasio-Cortez in condemning Higgins’ actions.

“Small men resort to demeaning tactics when they don’t have the wherewithal to act decently,” said Rep. Jamaal Bowman, D-N.Y., on Twitter. “Thank you, Raya Salter, for your brilliant testimony and work to rescue us from the climate catastrophe.”

Ron DeSantis tries to trump Trump with cynical, sadistic migrant flights

There were so many scandals during the Trump years that it’s hard to remember all. Some stand out, of course, like his blatant obstruction of justice in the Russia investigation and his attempted extortion against the Ukrainian government in hopes of smearing Joe Biden. And of course Trump went out with a bang, attempting a coup and inciting an insurrection. Those things got him impeached — and may end up getting him indicted. But there was so much more.

You certainly recall the horrific family separation policy at the border, which caused an international outcry and was finally reversed under pressure. Trump eventually did build segments of his silly wall, but did not get the sharp spikes on top or the alligator moat, ideas he actually raised at various points. He asked whether the Border Patrol or National Guard could shoot undocumented immigrants at border crossings (OK, maybe just in the leg) and he campaigned on the idea of reviving the hideous 1950s policy “Operation Wetback,” which rounded up immigrants (and sometimes U.S. citizens as well) and dropped them off in the Mexican desert with no food, water or money. Luckily, American law has evolved enough to prevent such inhumane practices, which I’m sure disappointed him. (These days he’s proposing a similar approach with unhoused citizens in American cities, so the idea has stuck with him.)

Trump also had what he thought was an exceedingly clever plan to bus asylum seekers waiting for their court appearances to cities in blue states. The Washington Post reported in 2019 that the point of this proposal was to “retaliate against his political rivals” and that he had been pushing the idea for more than six months. He specifically wanted officials to ship suspected criminals off to “Democrat-run” cities but couldn’t find a way to do that. Immigrants suspected of crimes are not released on bond, as are migrants who’ve been granted temporary asylum. Legal counsel for immigration officials nixed the idea, calling it “inappropriate” — largely because of liability issues and bad PR, not concern over human rights or basic decency — and it didn’t go anywhere.

Trump no doubt thought he had come up with this idea himself but most likely it was Stephen Miller, his infamous immigration adviser. who put that bug in his ear. Knowing that Trump loved to take credit for all political slogans and stunts (including “Make America Great Again,” “America First” and “Drain the Swamp”), Miller likely didn’t tell Trump that this idea had a long and disgusting history in America, most recently going back to the civil rights era when White Citizens’ Councils in the south retaliated against the Freedom Riders by rounding up Black folks and sending them to Northern cities with fake promises of jobs and opportunity, dropping them off in places where they knew no one. I’m sure they had some good laughs over that one.

I guess  that kind of stunt never falls out of fashion with the far right. Just a few months ago it came up again on Tucker Carlson’s White Power hour:

Texas Gov. Greg Abbott apparently saluted smartly and got right to work. By early August he was sending busloads of asylum-seekers to New York and Washington, D.C., “as part of the Governor’s response to the Biden Administration’s open border policies,” as an official statement from his office put it. (Never mind that the Biden administration has no such policies.)

Those two cities have been coping with the influx, and a number of charities and churches have stepped in to help. This is stretching their already stretched systems, but so far no one has even contemplated putting the migrants on buses back to Houston or San Antonio (or maybe to other red-state cities) because the officials in New York and D.C., whatever their flaws, aren’t monsters. They are trying to figure out ways to help these people find family members and get jobs and housing as they await hearings on whether they qualify to stay in the U.S.

Not to be outdone by Abbott’s stunt, the GOP’s current troll king, Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, decided this week to take Carlson’s advice to send asylum seekers to Martha’s Vineyard, the affluent resort island off the coast of Massachusetts. Even though Florida is not a border state, DeSantis has already had the state legislature appropriate millions for the purpose of sending migrants out of state. (His lieutenant governor made a major gaffe, however, when she suggested the state might use that money to send the recent influx of Cuban refugees back to that island, a huge political no-no in Florida.)


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Since DeSantis didn’t have any refugees readily available to expel this week, he used his forced deportation money to charter a couple of jets and coerce migrants who were in Texas — halfway across the country — to board them, claiming they were being sent to Boston with promises of resources and support. Instead the migrants were dropped off on Martha’s Vineyard, a famous summer resort with a year-round population of around 15,000. No one there knew they were coming, and they were essentially dumped at the island’s tiny airport like cargo. 

Since DeSantis didn’t have any refugees available in Florida, he chartered a couple of jets and coerced migrants in Texas — halfway across the country — to board them, claiming they were going to Boston and promising resources and support.

DeSantis arranged for a video crew to record this atrocity for the entertainment of the xenophobic miscreants who watch Tucker Carlson’s network. No doubt they enjoyed watching the footage of exhausted mothers and fathers with small children in their arms walking across the tarmac and wondering where the hell they were. Locals on Martha’s Vineyard rose to the occasion, somewhat redeeming the reputation of human beings by offering the new arrivals food and shelter, along with legal advice and emotional support.

DeSantis seems exceedingly proud of his immoral little stunt. He held a press conference in which he claimed that his reasoning for chartering airplanes to abduct migrants in Texas and fly them to the New England coast was to save money:

One of the reasons why we want to transfer [people is] because, obviously it’s expensive if people are coming here, you got to pay taxes, social services, and all these other things.

A lot of Floridians love this stuff, apparently. Consider, DeSantis’ “election police force,” a particularly flamboyant display of government waste. He’s up for re-election and leading Democrat Charlie Crist in the polls. Most observers don’t think it will be all that close. Greg Abbott is also running for another term (against Democrat Beto O’Rourke), and he dropped off a busload of asylum seekers in front of the Naval Observatory in D.C. this week — that’s the official residence of Vice President Kamala Harris. Abbott and DeSantis’ biggest fans are uncomfortably similar to the White Citizens’ Council members who clearly enjoyed the misery they inflicted by sending Black citizens north under false pretenses. They are cruel, immoral bigots who take pleasure in hurting others.

I’m sure the other Big Florida Man is gnashing his teeth in Mar-a-Lago over DeSantis, his likely 2024 opponent, getting all this great press for owning the libs when Trump thinks it was all his idea in the first place. If he slithers back to the White House you can bet he’ll seek to get this done on a national scale. But so will any other Republican likely to get elected to national office anytime soon. The red-state “laboratories of democracy” are leading the way. 

“She is totally in the tank”: Legal experts rip judge’s “profoundly partisan” pro-Trump ruling

A federal judge on Thursday appointed a special master to review documents seized from former President Donald Trump’s Mar-a-Lago estate, citing alleged “media leaks” and rejecting the Justice Department’s argument that Trump has no “possessory interest” over documents that are property of the government.

Trump-appointed Judge Aileen Cannon of the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of Florida appointed U.S. District Judge Raymond Dearie to review more than 11,000 documents seized by the FBI last month. Cannon wrote that she cannot accept the DOJ’s argument that Trump should not have possessed classified documents until Dearie completes his review.

 “The Court does not find it appropriate to accept the Government’s conclusions on these important and disputed issues without further review by a neutral third party in an expedited and orderly fashion,” Cannon wrote.

Cannon gave Dearie, who was appointed by Ronald Reagan, until November 30 to complete the review. Cannon wrote that she does not believe the government would “suffer an irreparable injury” to its investigation as a result of the delay but cited the threat of “leaks to the media” without offering examples of any leaks.

Cannon also rejected the DOJ’s request to resume its criminal investigation into the documents but allowed the government to review documents “for purposes of intelligence classification and national security assessments.”

The DOJ argued that the two reviews cannot be separated and plans to appeal the ruling.

The only matter on which Cannon sided with the DOJ was over who would pay the cost of the special master review, ordering Trump to cover the cost rather than split it 50-50 with taxpayers, as Trump’s lawyers proposed.

The DOJ in a filing last week warned that the delay could cause “irreparable harm” to national security.

“In order to assess the full scope of potential harms to national security resulting from the improper retention of the classified records, the government must assess the likelihood that improperly stored classified information may have been accessed by others and compromised,” the DOJ warned in the document.

The DOJ in a subsequent filing argued that Trump had no right to possess classified government documents and that Trump’s attorneys had never claimed to the court that he declassified certain documents even though he has repeatedly pushed the dubious claim publicly.

“Even if Plaintiff had declassified these records, and even if he somehow had categorized them as his ‘personal’ records for purposes of the [Presidential Records Act]—neither of which has been shown—nothing in the PRA or any other source of law establishes a plausible claim of privilege or any other justification for an injunction restricting the government’s review and use of records at the center of an ongoing criminal and national security investigation,” the DOJ said.

Cannon in her order cited “ongoing factual and legal disputes” over the documents as a reason to order a third-party review, drawing pushback from legal experts.


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“Judge Cannon’s denial is predicated on this untruth: ‘ongoing factual and legal disputes,'” wrote Ryan Goodman, a law professor at NYU School of Law. “What factual dispute? Trump never asserted he declassified the docs. Trump never asserted he made records personal. What legal dispute? Trump conceded the executive privilege argument.”

Former federal prosecutor Andrew Weissmann called Cannon a “partisan hack” and described the ruling as a “profoundly partisan piece of work.”

“She says it is ‘disputed’ that the documents are classified, but Trump never said in court he declassified them and submitted NO evidence, so the only evidence before her is that they are and are so marked.  She really is totally in the tank here,” Weissmann tweeted.

Harvard Law professor Laurence Tribe called out a portion of Cannon’s ruling in which she cites the “position formerly held by the plaintiff” as a factor in her decision.

“Cannon is openly trashing the principle that all are equal before the law. Not in her court, they’re not!” he wrote on Twitter.

“This is not just disagreeing with Cannon on a law point; this is a fundamental violation of her oath of office and distortion of the rule of law,” Weissmann agreed.

Former Solicitor General Neal Katyal called Cannon’s intervention a “terrible, terrible abuse of our legal system.”

“It was also entirely unnecessary,” he told MSNBC. “The Justice Department gave this judge an opportunity to walk back her nutso earlier opinion and instead she chose to dig her heels in.”

Conservative attorney George Conway, a prominent Trump critic, told CNN that the ruling is “absolutely a disgrace.”

“I don’t think it’s going to take very much to overturn it,” he said. “Bill Barr last week told the New York Times that the original motion by Donald Trump’s lawyers was a ‘crock of shit.’ This opinion is worse than that.”

Hawai’i shuts down its last coal plant

Hawai’i shuttered its last remaining coal-fired power plant last week, bidding farewell to a carbon-intensive energy source that the island chain has relied on for more than 150 years.

The now-retired power plant, owned by the power generation company AES, had been operating since 1992 on the island of Oahu, home to the state capital of Honolulu. It provided up to 20 percent of the Oahu’s electricity and also emitted some 1.5 million metric tons of carbon dioxide each year.

“Today marks a major milestone in Hawai’i’s clean energy transition,” Scott Glenn, Hawai’i’s chief energy officer, said in a statement.

Hawai’ian policymakers approved legislation in 2020 to phase out coal-fired power generation by the end of 2022, coinciding with the end of a 30-year contract for the AES Hawai’i coal plant in Oahu. That legislation built on previous climate commitments, including the nation’s first state law — passed in 2015 — mandating 100 percent renewable electricity generation by 2045. Since then, more than 20 other states and the District of Columbia have followed suit with similar clean-energy pledges.

Cutting coal will also help Hawai’i get to carbon neutrality by 2045, as mandated by a 2018 law. In 2017, the most recent year for which state data is available, Hawai’i produced 20.56 million metric tons of greenhouse gases, roughly 86 percent of which came from the energy sector.

The challenge now is ensuring Hawai’i has enough renewable capacity to keep up with its energy needs. AES, which supports the transition away from coal and has even helped its former coal plant workers find new jobs in renewable energy, says it’s working on six renewable energy projects across the Hawai’ian islands. Statewide, regulators have approved at least nine other solar, battery, or geothermal projects that are set to begin operating by 2024.

One solar and battery project on Oahu, called Mililani I Solar, was completed at the end of July and has been providing up to 39 megawatts of clean energy at peak times — about one-fifth the capacity of the now-retired coal plant. Miliani I also includes 156 megawatt-hours of battery capacity, allowing energy to be stored and deployed at night, when the sun isn’t shining.

Although Hawai’ian renewables are on the rise, state officials say they still can’t provide enough electricity to fully supplant fossil fuels. Hawai’i is the U.S.’s most petroleum-dependent state, and Hawaiian Electric, the state’s largest electricity supplier, predicts that some coal-fired power generation will have to be replaced with oil — at least in the near term. That replacement is expected to cause a 7 percent bump in Hawai’ians’ electricity bills, which are already some of the highest in the country.

In an interview with the Guardian, Glenn called the state’s continued oil reliance “really unfortunate” but stressed that it would only be temporary and that the move away from coal would pay dividends in the longer term. “[P]hasing out fossil fuels in favor of our own renewable resources will provide more cost stability and predictability,” he added in his statement. “[W]e will be more energy independent and show the world that every action counts.”

How the Big Lie poison continues to spread — and why it’s getting worse

Donald Trump’s Big Lie about the 2020 presidential election — which is now supported by most of the Republican Party — continues to spread across America. This infection of the mind, heart, brain, and spirit now inflicts tens of millions of Americans.

The Big Lie is animated by one absurd but intractable assumption: America is not a “real” democracy unless the Republicans win. All other electoral and political outcomes are fraudulent, illegal or otherwise illegitimate. When Republicans “win,” even if through blatant illegality and fraud, democracy is “working.” When the Republican lose, they claim that democracy is critically damaged or broken and must be “protected” according to their suggestions and rules.

As with other fascist and authoritarian movements, democracy is not understood as an ideal and norm to be nurtured, maintained and protected. It is just a means to an end, a convenient tool for amassing as much power as possible with as few restrictions as possible. Effectively, democracy is a pathway to the destruction of democracy from within.

The Big Lie and the assault on American democracy is also racialized. The votes of Black people and other nonwhite groups are a priori to be suspect, inferior and illegitimate compared to the votes of white people — more specifically, the votes of white “Christian” conservatives and other “real Americans.”

However Joe Biden and other pro-democracy leaders seek to massage the situation, there is no distinction between “MAGA Republicans” and any other kind. In its embrace of the Big Lie and its general contempt for democracy, civil rights, truth and empirical reality and any shared norms of human decency, the Republican Party has fully surrendered to racial authoritarianism.

In a recent series of posts on Twitter, David Atkins, a writer for Washington Monthly, offered the following observations on the Republican-fascists and their vision of America:

They see social and demographic changes as itself cheating them out of their birthright, such that any insurrection and fascism is a justified response. They have no birthright, none beyond the same citizenship as the rest of us, and the basic rights we all have as humans.

Nothing has been taken from them, because none of it ever belonged to them in the first place. Insofar as equity feels like oppression to them — too bad. Their prior advantages existed & exist not by right but by theft. The fact that they have lost the culture is their problem.

The fact that most people live in cities is their problem. The fact that almost everyone under 45 hates them is their problem. The fact that the pews are emptying is their problem. The fact that not even corporate America or pro sports likes them anymore? Their problem. 

What “Make America Great Again” means is “give us our hegemony back and hurt all the people we fear and see as a threat.” Too bad. We all exist in this big country together. With equal rights, social protections and equity. They are owed nothing more than the rest of us.

They see their fascist insurrection as a necessary counterreformation to re-establish their genetic, chromosomal and God-given birthright. They have no genetic, chromosomal or God-given birthright to rule. They never have. The very notion deserves maximum scorn.

Where are we now with the spreading poison of the Big Lie? CNN reports that 19 of the 35 U.S. Senate seats being contested this year feature Republican nominees who “have challenged the legitimacy of the 2020 election — rejecting, raising doubts about or taking steps to overturn President Joe Biden’s victory.” That list “includes five incumbent senators and 11 other candidates who have at least a reasonable chance of winning in November”:

The success of election deniers in Republican Senate primaries around the country — from the southern border to the northern border; in swing states, conservative states and liberal states; among established officeholders and first-time candidates — is yet more evidence of the broad support among party voters for former President Donald Trump’s lie that the election was stolen.

The 19 Republican Senate nominees on this list of election deniers and doubters join at least 11 Republican nominees for state secretary of state and at least 22 Republican nominees for governor….

Last month, the Washington Post reported that the winners of this year’s state-level Republican primaries “fit a pattern: Across the battleground states that decided the 2020 vote, candidates who deny the legitimacy of that election have claimed nearly two-thirds of GOP nominations for state and federal offices with authority over elections”:

Had those candidates held power in 2020, they would have had the electoral clout to try something that the current officeholders refused: overturning the vote and denying Biden the presidency. …

Whether they could have succeeded in practice is a matter of vigorous debate among scholars, who cite the potential for court challenges and other means of upholding the results.

But the experts agree on one thing: A close presidential contest that comes down to the outcome in states where officials are willing to try to thwart the popular will could throw the country into chaos. It would potentially delay the result, undermine confidence in the democratic system and sow the seeds of civil strife on a scale even greater than what the nation saw on Jan. 6, 2021….

The predilection among Republican primary voters toward candidates who deny the result of the last election extends well beyond Michigan, Pennsylvania and Arizona — three states that together accounted for 47 electoral votes in 2020, more than enough to flip the last election to Donald Trump.

In the 41 states that have held nominating contests this year, more than half the GOP winners so far — about 250 candidates in 469 contests — have embraced Trump’s false claims about his defeat two years ago, according to a Post analysis of every race for federal and statewide office with power over elections.

Furthermore, the proportion of “election-denying nominees” in the Post’s analysis is even higher in critical battleground states that decided the 2020 election, such as Arizona, Georgia, Michigan, Nevada, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin.


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In a new essay for the Nation, Chris Lehmann issues a real-time warning about the critical danger to American democracy this year, observing that FiveThirtyEight reports that “118 full-on election deniers” are likely to win election to Congress this fall:

The site also reports that two gubernatorial candidates poised to win are election deniers, while four more are doubters; a handful of other hardcore deniers in swing states such as Pennsylvania and Arizona can’t be ruled out of the running, either. Seven deniers are on the ballot in state attorney general and secretary of state races as well — elections that FiveThirtyEight doesn’t handicap. Some states — such as traditional swing bastions Florida and Pennsylvania — have their governors appoint secretaries of state, which brings the potential denier count up to 11 in this cycle.

It’s safe to say that no significant swath of major candidates for office have denied the legitimacy of the American electoral system since the height of militant Confederate sentiment in the antebellum South. And it’s not just the breadth of election-denying dogma on the right that’s so worrisome; it’s the down-ballot reach of the denialist field. This critical mass of election deniers bears testimony to the success of former Trump campaign manager Steve Bannon’s “precinct by precinct” strategy to consolidate grassroots power within the GOP — and to lay the groundwork to sow dissent over the outcome of a Republican-averse 2024 presidential result.

Republicans and their allies are engaged in a full-spectrum assault on American democracy that fundamentally undermines the principle of one person, one vote. This includes threats of violence, voter intimidation and harassment, efforts to take over or compromise local elections boards, legal action and legislation meant to suppress likely Democratic votes, especially among Black and brown people. 

Sometimes this is entirely explicit. Doug Mastriano, the Republican gubernatorial nominee in Pennsylvania — a Christian nationalist and fervent Trump supporter — literally prayed for the end of democracy during a Zoom call with other right-wing Christians just a week before the Jan. 6 Capitol attack. Rolling Stone’s Tim Dickinson reports:

“God I ask you that you help us roll in these dark times, that we fear not the darkness, that we will seize our Esther and Gideon moments,” [Mastriano] said, invoking a pair of Old Testament heroes who made themselves instruments of God’s vengeance. “We’re surrounded by wickedness and fear, and dithering, and inaction,” he added, “But that’s not our problem. Our problem is following Your lead.” Looking ahead to Jan 6, the man said: “I pray that… we’ll seize the power that we had given to us by the Constitution, and as well by You, providentially. I pray for the leaders also in the federal government, God, on the Sixth of January that they will rise up with boldness.” …

As he spoke, Mastriano held up letters to Mitch McConnell and Kevin McCarthy that he said Trump personally asked him to write to the Republican leaders “outlining the fraud in Pennsylvania.” He implored that Congress “disregard” the certified election results for the state, “in Jesus’ name, amen.”

The prayer meeting — one of a series of nearly two dozen “Global Prayer for Election Integrity” calls organized between election day and Jan. 6 — was organized by Jim Garlow, a prominent figure in the far-right New Apostolic Restoration movement. Garlow believes that U.S. government should operate according to biblical principles, because, “He knows best how government is to function.”

The Philadelphia Inquirer further reports that Mastriano “has promoted plans to suppress the vote in future elections,” including a ban on “no excuse” voting by mail and drop boxes, as well as a plan to require all voters to re-register, likely a violation of federal law.

If elected governor, Mastriano boasted about how he plans to interfere with election outcomes if he doesn’t get the results he wants. Mastriano said he would get to “appoint the secretary of state, who’s delegated from me the power to make the corrections to elections, the voting logs, and everything.” He added: “I could decertify every machine in the state with the, you know, with the stroke of a pen.”

NBC News recently reported on a large study of the Jan. 6 attackers by Harvard researchers, which found that the most common motivations for joining in the insurrection were “focused on former President Donald Trump and his lies about the election”:

The report adds to evidence from thousands of court documents in the more than 840 cases brought forward so far that many of those who stormed the U.S. Capitol and committed violent acts were motivated by their support for Trump and their belief in lies about the 2020 election.

A plurality of rioters cited either their support for Trump (20.6%) or Trump’s false belief that the election had been stolen (also 20.6%) as their primary motivation for their actions that led to charges on Jan. 6.

The third most frequently listed reason defendants gave to law enforcement for entering the Capitol was their belief that they were participating in “revolution, civil war, or secession.”

About the same number of defendants in the study claimed they were at the Capitol to “peacefully protest” (7%) as those who claimed they were there because of a “general interest in violence” (6.2%).

The Big Lie is central to the Republican-fascists’ plan to end American democracy. Its supporters have developed a consistent set of talking points designed to legitimate their plan and its ultimate goal as somehow “patriotic” and in service to “democracy” rather than the exact opposite. The facts, of course, are that there was no significant “election fraud” in 2020 or any other recent election. The illegal and anti-democratic behavior was entirely by Republicans — most notably the Jan. 6 attack and the nationwide plot to nullify Joe Biden’s legitimate victory.

The Republican slogan “election integrity” is thinly veiled code for voter nullification and voter suppression. When Republicans claim they want “free, fair and transparent” elections, they are attempting to create a problem that does not exist so they can impose their favored “solution” — in practice, rigging elections to ensure that they always win.

Greg Sargent of the Washington Post recently offered this overview of how the Big Lie propaganda model works in practice:

Of all the lies that Donald Trump loyalists have told this cycle, perhaps the most disgusting one is this: Their designs on our election system are motivated by nothing more than pure, angelic concerns about “election integrity.” …

These Republicans aren’t just urging rule-breaking at the polls. They’re also justifying it by claiming in advance that Democrats are the real cheaters, per CNN, thus prefabricating a phony rationale for their own chicanery.

This self-justifying ruse — Democrats will inevitably cheat, so pretty much anything goes to set things right — is absolutely foundational to right-wing efforts to corrupt democracy across the board, including laying the groundwork to steal future elections. …

 [O]ne of the ways Trump-backing, MAGA-minded conspiracy theorists are intervening in the election process across the country, sometimes encouraging poll workers or volunteer observers to violate election rules in hopes of finding evidence that Democrats might be doing the same. …

The 2020 results were confirmed by dozens of court cases and numerous audits. But no matter: The myth of a fraud-riddled 2020 will forever continue justifying whatever means Republicans decide are necessary at any given point.

Republicans are just trying to restore the integrity of our elections, you see.

For the most part, the mainstream news media and the pundit class have failed to make sense of the Age of Trump and the escalating threat from the Republican-fascist movement. As an institution, the media remains wedded to obsolescent norms and ways of understanding politics and society, especially to horserace coverage, opinion polls and a dangerous commitment to “fairness” and “balance.” 

Reporting on the Big Lie and other assaults on democracy is largely driven by an assumption that if enough people turn out to vote, the better angels and good sense of the American people will cancel out the danger. Or by the blatantly ludicrous assertion that more and better information will eventually persuade the Republican fascists to return to “reality” and to the realm of “normal” politics.

That has repeatedly been proven false. The Big Lie must be understood as the manifestation of an authoritarian, dystopian vision of society — and also as the means of forcing it into being. The Republican fascists see themselves as waging a political and religious struggle to remake American society in their own image. 

In a recent interview with Democracy Now!, reporter Luke Mogelson, who was at the Capitol on Jan. 6, said that Trump’s supporters understood their fight as “nothing less than a battle between light and dark, the godly and the godless…. [T]hat’s how many of the participants in the insurrection viewed their actions, not as a political act but as something taking place in a more timeless, kind of cosmic, spiritual framework.”

There is no way to defeat the Republican-fascist movement without understanding that framework and then discarding obsolete habits and disproven assumptions. Republicans believe themselves to be waging a divine struggle to defeat American multiracial democracy, which they perceive as godless, destructive and evil. There is no way to reason with that kind of thinking.

New Mexico official barred from office over Jan. 6 attack — under a dangerous law

A county court in Santa Fe, New Mexico, on Sept. 6 became the first in more than 150 years to disqualify a person from public office because they participated in an insurrection.

District Court Judge Francis Mathew found that Couy Griffin, a former county commissioner and founder of the group Cowboys for Trump, had participated in the violent U.S. Capitol attack on Jan. 6, 2021. Mathew invoked a nearly forgotten part of the 14th Amendment, called Section 3, which can disqualify certain people from state or federal office if they have “engaged in insurrection or rebellion” or given “aid or comfort” to the United States’ enemies.

The clause was first adopted after the Civil War to keep former Confederates from participating in politics. The amendment says that disqualified people are barred for life from either running for or being appointed to office. But Congress can vote by a two-thirds majority to waive this ban.

The clause fell into general disuse after 1872, when Congress gave amnesty to most former Confederates in a move toward reconciliation.

Some observers have argued that Section 3 disqualification should be dusted off to address the Jan. 6 mob and to stop other people who have threatened and committed violence — or tried to disrupt federal elections — from serving in government.

Mathew’s decision has also renewed talk among Democrats and good-governance groups about finding a way to use Section 3 against former President Donald Trump in order to disqualify him from ever holding office again.

We are scholars of comparative constitutional law who have worked on democratic backsliding around the world. In a forthcoming article, we point out that disqualification is potentially a useful tool to protect democracy, but it can also be dangerous — it rubs up against the basic idea of democracy as a system in which anyone can run, and voters can decide.

Washington DC Capitol RiotTrump supporters clash with police and security forces as people try to storm the US Capitol on January 6, 2021 in Washington, DC. – Demonstrators breached security and entered the Capitol as Congress debated the 2020 presidential election Electoral Vote Certification. (Brent Stirton/Getty Images)

Recent attempts at disqualification

The disqualification of Griffin is one of several efforts voters and advocacy groups have lobbied for after Jan. 6. Most of these efforts have failed to remove someone from office or prevent them from running. But the examples are still useful in understanding how disqualification might be an alternative to more punitive criminal law options.

A suit filed by a group of voters to disqualify Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, R-Ga., for example, foundered in July when a Georgia court affirmed a lower court ruling that she had not “engaged in insurrection.”


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Arizona and Wisconsin state judges have also rejected efforts to use Section 3 as a sword against those who supported the Jan. 6 insurrection. But none of these targets actually participated in the mob at the Capitol. Mere support of the rioters, or questioning the election outcome, is protected political speech under the First Amendment.

Griffin, though, engaged in a physical invasion of the Capitol.

Mathew’s careful opinion contains extensive factual findings and legal analysis. So it tees up nicely the question of whether and how disqualification from democratic office is legitimate, justified or effective in defense of democracy.

This is especially important in the U.S., where there is a lack of recent historical experience with disqualification of people working in politics.

When disqualification makes sense

Other countries make much more extensive use of political disqualification than the U.S. does, as we show in our forthcoming study.

Israel’s courts, for example, have repeatedly disqualified candidates for lack of “good character.” In Pakistan, the supreme court disqualified sitting Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif in 2017 after he was named in the Panama Papers because of corruption.

There are various costs and benefits to disqualifying someone from office, and there are also open questions of how to correctly interpret Section 3. We focus on the first question of costs and benefits here.

Democracies require robust protections for free speech and association. But these freedoms can be abused by those seeking to undermine democracy itself.

For example, Mathew documents Griffin’s persistent efforts to cast doubt on the legitimate outcome of the 2020 election and to instigate violence to derail President Joe Biden’s inauguration. Most of Griffin’s actions, however, fell far short of the threshold necessary to justify criminal penalties for incitement — the First Amendment requires that the violence be imminent.

Griffin, nonetheless, participated in a concerted threat to American democracy. Disqualification is a way to address such threats without the heavy hand of the criminal law.

Section 3, more generally, is another way to address high-level misconduct in politics. As we have explored in another study published in 2021, Congress has rarely impeached a U.S. president — and an impeached president has never actually been removed from office. Given partisan dynamics, it is unclear if impeachment could actually remove and disqualify a sitting president.

This might leave Section 3 as the best alternative.

The risks of disqualification

Mathew’s opinion suggests that Section 3’s “aid and comfort” language can go uncomfortably far. It could potentially chill legitimate political speech — including criticism of the government, or support for a foreign power — that doesn’t threaten democracy.

For example, plaintiffs justified the need to disqualify Griffin by saying that he committed “actions that normalized and incited violence” by “dehumanizing the opposition as ‘wicked’ and ‘vile.'”

Dehumanizing speech about political opponents is indeed often unhealthy for democratic practice, but it has become routine in politics.

Another challenge is that the text for Section 3 is not entirely clear about how disqualification actually works. Does it apply automatically to anyone who engages in insurrection? Or does it require some sort of either judicial or legislative process?

There is no settled answer.

In an 1869 decision, Supreme Court Chief Justice Salmon Chase suggested that Section 3 did not apply automatically — rather, disqualification occurred when Congress, or perhaps a state legislature, authorized it.

Mathew rejected the position that only Congress could make the determination and instead held that Griffin could be disqualified by order of a state court.

The potential breadth and ambiguity of Section 3 creates a risk that the measure could be repurposed, against its original aims, in a way that hurts democracy.

Donald TrumpU.S. President Donald Trump holds a copy of The Washington Post as he speaks in the East Room of the White House one day after the U.S. Senate acquitted on two articles of impeachment, on February 6, 2020 in Washington, DC. (Drew Angerer/Getty Images)

The bigger picture

Disqualification, then, is a superficial remedy to a profound problem. It might be effective against a low-level official like Griffin, but the bigger the target, the less power everyday voters have.

Imagine that some court was persuaded to disqualify Trump from a state’s 2024 presidential ballot. Such a move could be considered to disenfranchise his supporters. This could play into Trump’s beliefs that the “game is rigged.”

Whatever the correct legal answer, there is a strong case for eliminating the uncertainty around how Section 3 works. We’ve argued for a carefully crafted federal statute that clearly explains when it applies and how it works.

If disqualification is to become an effective sword to defend democratic politics, it must not become a two-edged one that later weakens the democratic process in the U.S.The Conversation

Aziz Huq, Frank and Bernice J. Greenberg Professor of Law, University of Chicago; David Landau, Mason Ladd Professor and Associate Dean for International Programs, Florida State University, and Tom Ginsburg, Leo Spitz Distinguished Service Professor of International Law, Ludwig and Hilde Wolf Research Scholar, Professor of Political Science, University of Chicago

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Americans are told to make “sacrifices” — but those at the top never have to

In the American ethos, sacrifice is often hailed as the chief ingredient for overcoming hardship and seizing opportunity. To be successful, we’re assured, college students must make personal sacrifices by going deep into debt for a future degree and the earnings that may come with it. Small business owners must sacrifice their paychecks so that their companies will continue to grow, while politicians must similarly sacrifice key policy promises to get something (almost anything!) done.

We have become all too used to the notion that success only comes with sacrifice, even if this is anything but the truth for the wealthiest and most powerful Americans. After all, whether you focus on the gains of Wall Street or of this country’s best-known billionaires, the ever-rising Pentagon budget or the endless subsidies to fossil-fuel companies, sacrifice is not exactly a theme for those atop this society. As it happens, sacrifice in the name of progress is too often relegated to the lives of the poor and those with little or no power. But what if, instead of believing that most of us must eternally “rob Peter to pay Paul,” we imagine a world in which everyone was in and no one out?

In that context, consider recent policy debates on Capitol Hill as the crucial midterm elections approach. To start with, the passage of the Biden administration’s Inflation Reduction Act promises real, historic advances when it comes to climate change, health care and fair tax policy. It’s comprehensive in nature and far-reaching not just for climate resilience but for environmental justice, too. Still, the legislation is distinctly less than what climate experts tell us we need to keep this planet truly livable.

In addition, President Biden’s cancellation of up to $20,000 per person in student loans could wipe out the debt of nearly half of all borrowers. This unprecedented debt relief demonstrates that a policy agenda lifting from the bottom is both compassionate and will stimulate the broader economy. Still, it, too, doesn’t go far enough when it comes to those suffocating under a burden of debt that has long served as a dead weight on the aspirations of millions.

In fact, a dual response to those developments and others over the past months seems in order. As a start, a striking departure from the neoliberal dead zone in which our politics have been trapped for decades should certainly be celebrated. Rather than sit back with a sense of satisfaction, however, those advances should only be built upon.

Let’s begin by looking under the hood of the IRA. After all, that bill is being heralded as the most significant climate legislation in our history and its champions claim that, by 2030, it will have helped reduce this country’s carbon emissions by roughly 40% from their 2005 levels. Since a reduction of any kind seemed out of reach not so long ago, it represents a significant step forward.

Among other things, it ensures investments of more than $60 billion in clean energy manufacturing; an estimated $30 billion in production tax credits geared toward increasing the manufacture of solar panels, wind turbines and more; about $30 billion for grant and loan programs to speed up the transition to clean electricity; and $27 billion for a greenhouse gas reduction fund that will allow states to provide financial assistance to low-income communities so that they, too, can benefit from rooftop solar installations and other clean energy developments.

The IRA also seeks to lower energy costs and reduce utility bills for individual Americans through tax credits that will encourage purchases of energy-efficient homes, vehicles and appliances. Among other non-climate-change advances, it caps out-of-pocket costs for prescription drugs, reduces health insurance premiums for 13 million Americans and provides free vaccinations for seniors.

As the nation’s biggest investment in the climate so far, it demonstrates the willingness of the Biden administration to address the climate crisis. It also highlights just how stalled this country has been on that issue for so long and how much more work there is to do. Of course, given our ever hotter planet and the role this country has played in it as the historically greatest greenhouse gas emitter of all time, anything less than legislation that will lead to net-zero carbon emissions is a far cry from what’s necessary, as this country burnsfloods and overheats in striking fashion.

Pipelines and sacrifice zones

Earlier iterations of what became the IRA recognized a historic opportunity to enact policies connecting the defense of the planet to the defense of human life and needs. Because of the resistance of Democratic Sens. Joe Manchin and Kyrsten Sinema, as well as every Senate Republican, the final version of the reconciliation bill includes worrying sacrifices. It does not, for instance, have an extension or expansion of the child tax credit, a lifeline for poor and low-income families, nor does it raise the minimum wage to $15 an hour, even though that was a promise made in the 2020 election. Gone as well are plans for free pre-kindergarten and community college, in addition to the nation’s first paid family-leave program that would have provided up to $4,000 a month to cover births, deaths and other pivotal moments in everyday life.

Biden’s landmark bill includes worrying sacrifices: no extension of the child tax credit, no $15 minimum wage, no free pre-K or community college, no paid family leave — and no real pain for fossil fuel companies.

And don’t forget to add to what’s missing any real pain for fossil-fuel companies. After all, coal baron Manchin seems to have succeeded in cutting a side deal with Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer for a massive natural gas pipeline through his home state of West Virginia — and that’s just to begin a list of concessions. Indeed, the sacrificial negotiations with Manchin to get the bill passed ensured significantly more domestic fossil-fuel production, including agreement that the Interior Department would auction off permits to drill for yet more oil and gas in the Gulf of Mexico, Alaska and possibly elsewhere, all of which will offset some of the emissions reductions from climate change-related provisions in the bill.

It’s important to note as well that, although progress was made on reducing fossil-fuel emissions, expanding health care and creating a fairer tax system, for the poor in this country, “sacrifice zones” are hardly a thing of the past. As journalist Andrew Kaufman suggests, “One thing that does seem assured, however, is that the arrival — at last — of a federal climate law has not heralded an end to the suffering [of] communities living near heavy fossil-fuel polluters.” And as Rafael Mojica, program director for the Michigan environmental justice group Soulardarity, put it, the IRA “is riddled with concessions to the big carbon-based industries that at present prey on our communities at the expense of their health, both physically and economically.”

Keep in mind that Michigan is already anything but a stranger to sacrifice zones. Case in point: the water crisis in the city of Flint as well as in Detroit. The Flint Democracy Defense League and the Michigan Welfare Rights Organization have battled lead poisoning and water shutoffs for years in the face of deindustrialization and the lack of a right to clean water in this country. Such grassroots efforts helped sound the alarm during the Flint water crisis that began in 2014 and have since linked community groups nationwide dealing with high levels of toxins in their water supply so they could learn from that city’s grassroots organizing experience. Meanwhile, so many years later, Michiganders are still protesting potential polluters like Enbridge’s aging Line 5 oil pipeline.


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There are many other examples of frontline community groups protesting the ways in which their homes are being sacrificed on the altar of the fossil-fuel industry. Take, for example, the communities in the stretch of Louisiana between New Orleans and Baton Rouge that contain hundreds of petrochemical facilities and has, eerily enough, come to be known as Cancer Alley. There, among a mostly poor and Black population, you can find some of the highest cancer rates in the country. In St. James Parish alone, there are 12 petrochemical plants and nearly every household has felt the impact of cancer. For years, Rise St. James and other local groups have been working to prevent the construction of a new plastics facility near local schools on land that once was a slave burial ground.

Then, of course, there are many other sacrifice zones where the issue isn’t fossil fuels. Take the city of Aberdeen in Grays Harbor County, Washington, once home to a thriving timber and lumber economy. After its natural landscape was stripped and the local economy declined, that largely white, rural community fell into endemic poverty, homelessness, and drug abuse. Chaplains on the Harbor, one of the few community organizations with a presence in homeless encampments across the county, has now started a sustainable farm run by formerly homeless and incarcerated young people in Aberdeen as part of an attempt to create models for the building of green communities in places rejected by so many.

Or take Oak Flat, Arizona, the holiest site for the San Carlos Apache tribe. There, a group called the Apache Stronghold is leading a struggle to protect that tribe’s sacred lands against harm from Resolution Copper, a multinational mining company permitted to extract minerals on those lands thanks to a midnight rider put into the National Defense Authorization Act in 2015. Along with a growing number of First Nations people and their supporters, it has been fighting to protect that land from becoming another sacrifice zone on the altar of corporate greed.

On the East Coast, consider Union Hill, Virginia, where residents of a historic Black community fought for years to block the construction of three massive compressor stations for fracked gas flowing from the Atlantic Coast Pipeline. Those facilities would have potentially subjected residents to staggering amounts of air pollution, but early in 2020 community organizers won the fight to stop construction.

Consider as well the work of Put People First PA!, which, in Pennsylvania communities like Grant Township and Erie, is on the tip of the spear in the fight against an invasive and devastating fracking industry that’s ripping up land and exposing Pennsylvanians to the sort of pollutants that leaders in Union Hill fought to prevent. Note as well that, in many similar places, hospitals are being privatized or shuttered, leaving residents without significant access to health care, even as the risk of respiratory illnesses and other industrially caused diseases grows.

Such disparate communities reflect a long-term history of suffering — from the violence inflicted on indigenous people to the slave plantations of the South to the expansion (and then steep decline) of industrial production in the North and West, to pipelines still snaking across the countryside. And now historic pain inflicted on low-income and poor Americans will increase thanks to a growing climate crisis, as the people of flooded and drinking water-barren Jackson, Mississippi, discovered recently.

In a world of megadroughts, superstorms, wildfires and horrific flooding guaranteed to wreak ever more havoc on lives and livelihoods, poor and low-income people are beginning to demand action commensurate with the crisis at hand.

Dark clouds blowing in from the “Equality State”

While reports on the passage of the IRA and student debt relief dominated the news cycle, another major policy announcement at the close of the summer and far from Capitol Hill slipped far more quietly into the news. It highlights yet again the “sacrifices” that poor Americans are implicitly expected to make to strengthen the economy. Just outside Jackson, Wyoming, one of the wealthiest and most unequal towns in this country, Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell committed his organization to take “forceful and rapid steps to moderate demand so that it comes into better alignment with supply and to keep inflation expectations anchored.”

Fed chair Jerome Powell called for “forceful and rapid steps to moderate demand.” That means capping wages, whose effects will fall most heavily on poor and low-income people. As he warned, that will mean “some pain for households and businesses.”

Couched in typically wonkish language, his comments — made in the “equality state” — may sound benign, but he was suggesting capping wages, an act whose effects will, in the end, fall most heavily on poor and low-income people. Indeed, he warned, mildly enough, that this would mean “some pain for households and businesses” — even as he was ensuring that the livelihoods of poor and low-income people would once again be sacrificed for what passes as the greater good.

What does it mean, for instance, to “moderate demand” for food when more than 12 million families with children are already hungry each month? It should strike us as wrong to call for “some pain” for so many households facing crises like possible evictions or foreclosures, crushing debt and a lack of access to decent health care. It should be considered inhumane to advocate for a “softer labor market” when one in three workers is already earning less than $15 an hour.

It is disingenuous to say that the economy is “overheating,” as if what’s being experienced is some strange, abstract anomaly rather than the result of decades of disinvestment in infrastructure and social programs that could have provided the basic necessities of life for everyone. Nonetheless, Powell continues to push a false narrative of scarcity and the threat of inflation to smother the powerful resurgence of courageous and creative labor organizing that we’ve seen, miraculously enough, in these pandemic years.

At this point, as a pastor and theologian, I can’t resist quoting Jesus’ choice words in the Gospel of Matthew about how poor people so often pay the price for the further enrichment of the already wealthy. In Matthew 9, Jesus asserts: “I desire mercy, not sacrifice.” The Greek word “mercy” is defined as loving kindness, taking care of the down and out. In Jesus’ parlance, mercy meant acts of mutual solidarity and societal policies that prioritized the needs of the poor, which would today translate into canceling debts, raising wages and investing in social programs.

Despite the encouraging policy-making that hit the headlines this summer, America remains a significant sacrifice zone with economic policies that justify their painful impact on the poor and marginalized as necessary for the greater good. It’s time for us to fight for a comprehensive, intersectional, bottom-up approach to the injustices that continually unfold around us.

College was necessary for me. Will my own child need it like I did?

“Maybe you should go back to college, D,” Bo, a dude who was about a decade ahead of me at Dunbar High and a fixture on the 400 block of the neighborhood, said out of his wide, shaky jowls. “Be a college man!” 

This was almost 20 years ago, when going to college felt like the answer to everything. Today, I have been a college professor myself for more than 10 years. And with the mountain of uncertainty and chaos we log onto every day, including the student debt crisis, I am questioning whether I want my own child to go to college. The LA Times recently reported on food influencers‘ ability to make and break restaurants, with some charging up to $10,000 for an Instagram post about a single meal. That’s the entirety of many people’s student loan forgiveness in one reel. Should I have my daughter start an influencing career now instead? 

The streets sucked the life out of me by my mid-20s. By 2005, most of my remaining friends were in one of two places —the penitentiary or deep in one of the city’s many cemeteries. I was lost. I didn’t have any real direction outside of guys like Bo pushing me toward school. 

“Listen to me, D,” Bo said. “You still young. F**k the streets, man. Don’t settle for no job. I gotta job. Man, job’s not the way — you have no power. But college — college people run everything!” 

“I’ll never touch another drug again,” I responded. “That’s on everything I love. I need to do something.” 

That wasn’t my first time thinking about or attempting to go to college. I had been accepted to a number of universities coming out of high school and even attended briefly, but dropped out due to depression, culture shock and a lack of guidance. 

“My man from up top went to a community college. Two years of school and he makes like $190k a year, boy!” Bo continued. “That’s better than dope money, because you can keep it!”

I had never really known a person from my neighborhood who had graduated from college.

My eyes lit up at the thought of making a small fortune, having an office and a daily agenda. But clearly there were questions I should have asked at that moment that I did not: 

  • Why didn’t Bo go to college, if it’s so simple and so lucrative?
  • Why didn’t “his man” have a name?
  • What community college did he attend?
  • What did he major in?
  • Who paid him that kind of money and what did he do? 

I was young and green in all matters dealing with being a productive citizen in a legal, structured society. Street smarts and living like an outlaw had been the foundation of my existence. I had never really known a person from my neighborhood who had graduated from college. Maybe they existed and were making so much money they didn’t have time to come back and mentor a guy like me. Maybe the people who used education as a way to escape poverty figured out the secrets of financial stability and weren’t hungry to share them. But if these imaginary people did it, then maybe I could do it too. And if I’m being 100 percent honest, once Bo mentioned that earning potential, I could not see myself doing anything else with my life. I left that corner, hopped on the nearest computer and scoured the Internet, looking for schools to attend.

I enrolled in the University of Baltimore, a small liberal arts college in the middle of the city, as a criminal justice major. I figured that I would have an edge because I’d spent some years as a criminal, and I believed in justice for us. 

My advisor, a sharp woman with an aggressive smile, welcomed me with open arms. 

“You are young and in search of education,” she told me, patting my shoulder a bit too hard. “They could use you on the force!”

“Force?” I answered, clearly confused.

“Yes, young man. The city needs more educated Black police officers.”

This woman clearly had no idea who she was talking to, so I didn’t hold anything against her. But in my first criminal justice class, I found myself in a room full of cops — or at least, men and women who looked like cops, dressed like cops and smelled like cops. I dropped that class and my other criminal justice course and scheduled another meeting with the advisor.

“I’m not the cop type,” I told her. “I need out of this major.”

I replaced the cop classes with philosophy courses. Lucky for me I had also enrolled in a political history class, taught by a brilliant professor named Dr. Eric Singer. 

There were important parts of me missing before I attended university — gaping holes that were being filled with my college education.

Dr. Singer, who was finishing his Ph.D. at the time, was young and energetic, and he had a way of explaining history as if it was a colorful soap opera full of heroes and villains and people who acted as both throughout different parts of their lives. After his first lecture, I knew I would go on to take every class this guy ever taught. Two weeks after starting his political history class, I switched my major to history, even though the research skills I was learning had quickly taught me that history majors weren’t being handed entry level positions that paid $190,000, or even $90,000, and maybe not even $60,000. But suddenly the money didn’t seem as important. In that first semester, the information I consumed started feeling way better than the mountains of cash Bo had initially sold me on. I learned about Black Americans during Reconstruction, poor drug policy, and how toxic Ronald Reagan really had been. And it was fun. There were important parts of me missing before I attended university — gaping holes in my personality, spirit, understanding of the world and ability to dream that were being filled with my college education. And I would love for my daughter to have the same feeling one day.  

I dropped out of my first try at college when I was 18 because I attended a predominantly white school, where my fellow students came from money and generations of advanced education. Culturally, I stuck out like a sixth toe. I was 25 when I got to UB. And my peers, especially the students I connected with the most, were first-generation college students and a little older, just like me. We didn’t bond at frat parties or during drinking games. Our connections were rooted in our takes on society as we worked full-time while trying to graduate. We weren’t first-generation college students because our parents were ignorant or didn’t understand the power of education. We were all from poor families, and college for the poor is still a relatively new phenomenon in America. 

The Higher Education Act of 1965 was birthed out of President Lyndon B. Johnson’s Great Society. One of its primary initiatives was to provide low-income students with the resources needed to attend college. Prior to the Higher Education Act, college was either a rich person’s game or designed for people who could work to pay their way through. Johnson’s policy opened up higher education for the rest of us. Before the cost of living and tuition skyrocketed, higher education for all was a beautiful idea; however, I’m sure Johnson didn’t know he was planting the seeds that would eventually grow into the $1.75 trillion-dollar forest of student debt we currently reside in. 

“You look good, boy, you taking care of yourself?” Bo said to me at our alma mater Dunbar High’s homecoming game the year after I finished undergrad. The two of us, draped in the school’s maroon colors, watched the game from the top of the bleachers. “You good?”

“I’m good man, just looking for a job. I want to use this degree,” I said. “Where your homeboy work, the one that gets $190k a year?” 

“Ah, man, I didn’t tell you?” Bo chuckled. “Dude is in federal prison. He was a scammer. He never went to school!” 

My first job out of college ended up being as a long-term substitute teacher at a Baltimore City public high school. On the first day, I made my way past blunt guts and crumpled up pieces of paper lining the floor around cracked-in-half desks and shells of machines that used to be computers piled in the hall right in front of my classroom. It was the most chaotic place I had ever stepped foot in — even more out of control than my own days as a Baltimore City public school student. 

I want her to have the opportunity to try things and abandon them, then revisit them and excel beyond her wildest dreams.

The school eventually hired me as a staff member because of the teacher shortage, along with my ability to connect with students and mentor them in the way I needed guidance back when I was their age. The school also promised to promote me to a leadership position after I got the necessary certifications. I enrolled in Johns Hopkins University to study education at the graduate level with the hopes of earning a Master’s and then a Ph.D. I dreamed of opening my own school one day to provide a different experience than the ones my students and I had. And while studying at Hopkins, I became addicted to creative writing in a memoir class and switched plans again.

I do want my child to have the same kinds of educational experiences and revelations. I want her to have the opportunity to try things and abandon them, then revisit them and excel beyond her wildest dreams. I never would have found my passion for storytelling and my writing career if I hadn’t stumbled into that criminal justice class I hated or gotten lost in the history class I loved. That history class sparked my interest in teaching, which led me into the school system and then to Hopkins to study education, where my love for memoir sent me back to the University of Baltimore to get my MFA. That’s where I met my first real mentor in the writing world, Marion Winik, who made me feel like I could have a career with words. Without Singer and Winik, I would not be a professor at the University of Baltimore today.

I needed college for exposure and camaraderie. But more importantly, I needed it for connections. Poor people normally aren’t able to excel inside mainstream systems because they don’t have the right connections. They can’t call an uncle or a friend of their dad’s who owns a company and is willing to look past their inexperience and offer a competitive starting salary. College has been the gateway to connections for many people like me. But do my wife and I need to spend a quarter of a million dollars to buy our daughter those kinds of connections? After all, we already made them.  

My child is my child, so my network will be her network. She won’t need a crafty teacher to trick her into loving books, because at two years old she already demands to be read to every day. She attends an elite early learning center and will probably spend her formative years in a sheltered private school — nothing like the schools I attended. She already has a schedule, a tight curriculum and parents who challenge her consistently. So if she doesn’t want to be a lawyer, a doctor, a nurse, or any profession that actually requires a degree, should we assume she will automatically go?

Should we push her to visit campuses and design her adolescence around being a competitive applicant, then spend what will likely be hundreds of thousands of dollars for her to sit in on lectures she can also watch on YouTube, read books she can check out for free from the public library, and gain access to professional networks and connections my wife and I have already established?

Maybe she will have her own reasons to want to go to college besides feeling like she has to in order to succeed. Or maybe the thing that will make her feel the way I did in history class will be sharing with her followers how good it feels to dip a gourmet grilled cheese in locally-grown tomato soup. She’s good at that already, and I hear it pays well. 

House Select Committee sheds light on Jan.6 secret service materials

The House Select Committee investigating the Jan. 6 insurrection has confirmed that it has received “thousands of exhibits” from members of the Secret Service as part of their response to the committee’s subpoena back in July.

Speaking to a group of reporters, Committee Chair Rep. Bennie Thompson (D-Miss.) revealed that the materials obtained from agents are “a combination of a number of text messages, radio traffic … thousands of exhibits.”

According to Axios, Thompson also noted that “the materials consist ‘primarily’ of texts from agents on Jan. 5 and 6, but declined to go into further detail because the committee is still reviewing them.”

“The tranches we’ve received have been significant,” Thompson said. “It’s a work in progress.”

On Wednesday, September 14, Rep. Zoe Lofgren (D-Calif.) also weighed in with more details about the investigative findings saying, “it’s been a large volume of information that we really pressed hard for the agency to release.”

The House Select Committee focused its attention on the Secret Service over the summer after Trump administration officials testified and insisted that agents played a role in the events that transpired on Jan. 6.

The news outlet noted that two incidents were highlighted during the testimonies. “Former aide Cassidy Hutchinson testified that she was told former President Trump lunged at an agent in an effort to have his motorcade drive to the Capitol, something Secret Service officials anonymously disputed,” Axios reported. “There was also testimony that former Vice President Mike Pence refused to get into his motorcade, at the urging of his detail, during the Capitol riot.”

However, she also noted that the information received wasn’t fully comprehensive.

Speaking to MSNBC News’ Nicolle Wallace, Lofgren emphasized: “There’s texts, there’s emails, there’s radio traffic, there’s all kinds of information. [Microsoft] Teams meetings,” she told MSNBC host Nicolle Wallace. “We’re going through everything that’s been provided. More is coming in.”

In wake of the latest developments, Secret Service spokesperson Anthony Guglielmi has also released a statement. Speaking to Axios, he said that the agency will “‘continue to fully cooperate with the January 6 Select committee,’ but ‘no additional text messages were recovered.'”

He also insisted that the agency provided the committee with “a significant level of detail from emails, radio transmissions, Microsoft Teams chat messages and exhibits that address aspects of planning, operations and communications surrounding January 6th.”

House rejects Trump plot to oust civil servants

U.S. House Democrats and a handful of Republicans on Thursday rejected former President Donald Trump’s plot to oust civil servants by passing the Preventing a Patronage System Act.

“The civil servants who make up our federal workforce are the engine that keeps our federal government running,” said Rep. Gerry Connolly (D-Va.), the bill’s sponsor. “We rely on their experience and expertise to provide every basic government service—from delivering the mail to helping families in the wake of natural disasters.”

“The former president’s attempt to remove qualified experts and replace them with political loyalists threatened our national security and our government’s ability to function the way the American people expect it to. Expertise, not fealty, must define our civil service,” he added.

Connolly, who chairs the House Committee on Oversight and Reform’s government operations panel, and Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick (R-Penn.) introduced H.R. 302 in response to Trump’s executive order to establish a new Schedule F category of federal employees who are easier to fire.

Although President Joe Biden rescinded the order, Trump is widely expected to seek office again in 2024, and even if he isn’t the next Republican presidential nominee, as Common Dreams has reported, other potential candidates have signaled support for the scheme.

In July, U.S. Rep. Chip Roy (R-Texas) introduced the Public Service Reform Act, which one policy expert said makes clear that “efforts to try to change the civil service aren’t just Trump necessarily, and if Republicans take control of Congress following the midterms, this may very well go from idea to specific action.”

As Connolly’s office previously outlined:

The Preventing a Patronage System Act would secure the civil service and protect federal employees from losing statutory job protections and due process rights. Specifically, the bill would prevent any position in the competitive service from being reclassified to an excepted service schedule created after September 30, 2020. The bill would also limit federal employee reclassifications to the five excepted service schedules in use prior to fiscal year 2021 and would block any reclassifications of federal employees to Schedule F pursuant to the E.O. signed on October 21, 2020.

Government Executive noted Thursday that the 225-204 vote—with three members not voting—came after the bill “passed out of the House as part of the chamber’s version of the fiscal 2023 National Defense Authorization Act in July, and companion legislation was introduced in the Senate last month.”

“The renewed focus on the issue by congressional Democrats comes after reports that conservative activists and ex-Trump administration staffers have plans to immediately revive Schedule F under the next Republican president and have already identified 50,000 employees to threaten with termination,” the outlet added. “Trump, who is mulling another run at the White House, also explicitly endorsed the idea during a political rally last month.”

Critics have condemned the GOP effort as “authoritarianism 101” and “a fascist takeover of our government.” One public policy expert warned this year that “it would be a government of the lawless leading the incompetent.”

House Democrats shared similar statements leading up to the vote Thursday.

In a tweet affirming his support for the bill, Rep. Mike Quigley (D-Ill.) told Americans that “you deserve a government made up of public servants, not political hacks.”

Now Marjorie Taylor Greene is . . . kicking people?

While in DC on Thursday to lobby for youth rights, 18-year-old Marianna Pecora, the Deputy Communications Director for Voters of Tomorrow was kicked in the back of the leg by Representative Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-GA).

In a video clip of the incident that began to make the rounds on Twitter Thursday evening, Pecora can be seen walking in front of Greene and then reacting in shock as she receives the kick.

“Marjorie Taylor Greene just kicked me and told @santiagomayer_ to move to another country,” Pecora said on Twitter.

“I’m the Deputy Communications Director @VotersTomorrow and our team is in DC this week to lobby for youth rights,” Pecora shared, along with video of the moments leading up to the kick, and after. “All the members of Congress we’ve met with so far (both Rs and Ds) have been nothing but respectful — except for @RepMTG. She kicked me.”

Just before receiving the kick, Pecora can be seen and heard asking Greene to explain how the second amendment can prevent gun violence as a hub of chatter on the subject takes place around her. After asking this question, Pecora walks in front of Greene which seems to visibly agitate her.


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“Excuse me. Excuse me. Excuse me,” Greene says to Pecora, while appearing to kick her in the back of the foot and leg region.

“You’re blocking a member of Congress,” a man guiding Greene on her path says to Pecora. “You can’t block members of Congress.”

“The funniest part about this isn’t that Marjorie Taylor Greene kicked Marianna Pecora,” tweeted Santiago Mayer, Executive Director of Voters of Tomorrow; “It’s that after all those kickboxing videos, she couldn’t even do it well lol.”

“These foolish cowards want the government to take away guns & the rights of parents to defend their children in schools,” Greene said in a tweet of her own. “You have to be an idiot to think gun control will create a utopian society where criminals disarm themselves and obey the law.”

Whoopi Goldberg highlights the “brown people issue” of immigration on “The View”

On Thursday’s episode of “The View,” host Whoopi Goldberg helped to lead a discussion centered on Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis‘ recent decision to use state funds to fly two planes of migrants to Martha’s Vineyard.

While co-host Sunny Hostin diverged the conversation into talk of how Martha’s Vineyard is a beautiful place for the transported migrants to be, mentioning that it’s one of the only places that allowed Black people to own property in the late 1800’s, Goldberg brought it back around to the fact that, as she put it, “these are people you’re playing with,” in reference to DeSantis’ maneuver.

“Here’s what’s interesting, we don’t have any problem when people come through the border from Canada,” Goldberg said. “People overstay their visas all the time . . . my point is because it’s been made into a brown people issue, it’s a problem. We don’t take care of the Haitians that are trying to come here. We don’t take care of them.”

As DeSantis spokeswoman Taryn Fenske explained on Wednesday, the impetus for the relocation of these migrants to Martha’s Vineyard was so they could be in a “sanctuary state” like Massachusetts.


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“States like Massachusetts, New York, and California will better facilitate the care of these individuals who they have invited into our country by incentivizing illegal immigration through their designation as ‘sanctuary states’ and support for the Biden Administration’s open border policies,” Fenske said. But, as Goldberg pointed out in the opening of Thursday’s episode of “The View,” these people should receive that in America because that’s what America is supposed to be all about.

“Call me crazy, but I remember the big tall green lady — you know the one that’s over the river — she kinda said ‘Give me your tired, your poor, your huddled masses yearning to breathe free, the wretched refuse of your teeming shore. Send these, the homeless, tempest-tossed to me.’ I thought that was part of what we did here in the United States,” Goldberg said. 

Watch the clip here:

Dating Leonard DiCaprio: What his history of younger girlfriends may say about him and about us

In “Dazed and Confused,” the 1993 Richard Linklater coming-of-age film set on the last day of school in 1976, Matthew McConaughey’s character has a few memorable lines. In one, McConaughey’s relaxed, swoopy-haired Wooderson says, “That’s what I love about these high school girls, man. I get older; they stay the same age.”

That role helped make McConaughey’s career. But the line seems almost like something another breakout star of the 1990s might say: Leonardo DiCaprio. DiCaprio started acting as a child, rose to prominence with a recurring role on the series “Growing Pains,” and became a megastar with “Titanic.” Despite an Oscar and Golden Globes, we talk about him these days most often in reference to his dating life, which is ridiculous.

In August, DiCaprio split from girlfriend Camila Morrone, adding more fuel to the very convincing fire that DiCaprio, who is 47, never dates a woman over 25; actor and model Morrone will turn 26 next year. This pattern was noted by writer Christina Cauterucci in 2016. In a piece in Slate, upon the occasion of the end of DiCaprio’s relationship with actor and model Kelly Rohrbach, Cauterucci wrote “to public knowledge, DiCaprio has never had a relationship with anyone who’s been old enough to avoid a military draft. In fact, about half the time, his romances have ended when his girlfriends have hit that fateful mid-20s mark, aging out of DiCaprio’s love like they’ve hit the upper threshold on the kid’s menu at Cracker Barrel.”

Though DiCaprio’s last ex-girlfriend is the age of “Titanic,” the actor appears never to have outgrown the age he was when he starred in it.

That was six years ago. Since then, along with Morrone, DiCaprio has dated Nina Agdal, again breaking up when the swimsuit model was 25. They were “having fun” at her 25th birthday party, as a source told People. But only a few months later, the relationship was over. 

This pattern is so striking, a user on Reddit came up with a now-viral chart of DiCaprio’s relationships, graphing his girlfriends over the past two decades. The average age of a DiCaprio girlfriend is 22.9.

Anyone can fall in love with anyone, and certainly relationships with a large age gap can and do work. But it’s the repetition that seems significant here, as does the fact that we can’t stop taking about it. Specifically, we can’t stop laughing about it. Social media posts and memes about DiCaprio’s preference for dating women barely old enough to rent a car quickly went viral. One Twitter user wrote, “3 things are certain in life: – death – taxes – leonardo dicaprio breaking up with his girlfriend before her pre-frontal cortex has fully developed.”

Though DiCaprio’s last ex-girlfriend is the age of “Titanic,” the actor appears never to have outgrown the age he was when he starred in it. Does surrounding himself with significantly younger women make him feel young? The opposite may end up happening, as relationship expert Dr. Carol Roderick told Yahoo! News, in an article that also cites the higher rate of divorce for couples with large age differences, “five years down the road, the differences in your goals and lifestyle may diverge.”

Such a striking pattern echoes in DiCaprio’s career choices, where he has been called out for his history of working only with male directors.

What age difference is too much, too disturbing? And why? Recently, actor and director Olivia Wilde and musician turned actor Harry Styles turned heads with their romance, which allegedly started on set of Wilde’s now-infamous film “Don’t Worry Darling.” A decade separates the two, but so do pre-conceived notions of gender and double standards. It is somehow more shocking for some people when an older woman dates a younger man, when the only shocking thing about any of these relationships might be power. Who has it? Who is holding it over the other person? Power may matter more than years. 

Did Wilde, the director, have power over Styles, the performer? Or, would their comparable renown make them more equals? Along with dating significantly younger women, DiCaprio also dates women not as famous as him. By their much younger age alone, they are less accomplished; they have had less time on this earth. Compare that power imbalance to DiCaprio’s contemporary, Keanu Reeves, who is in a long-term relationship with Alexandra Granta woman not only closer to his age, but with her own noted career as a visual artist. If you’re not established in your career or even your identity as a very young person, it may be difficult to hold your own in a relationship with a much older and more powerful (richer and more connected) one.

Failure to find a remotely age-appropriate partner may signal a lack of maturity on DiCaprio’s part, a desperation to hold on to his youthful, glory days like pants that are no longer in style, but it may also indicate deeper issues at work. Is dating generations younger a misogynistic quality, indicating contempt or a lack of respect? It’s troubling that such a striking pattern echoes in DiCaprio’s career choices, where he has been called out for his history of working only with male directors. DiCaprio hasn’t worked with a female director since 1995. What else happened in 1995? DiCaprio was 21, a year younger than the average age of his girlfriends. 


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Allegedly, DiCaprio’s latest relationship may break his streak by two years. The actor was seen in public with model Gigi Hadid, who at 27 and 20 years younger than DiCaprio, would be the oldest person he’s dated. A source told People “He really likes that she has her life together . . . She has a child and she’s mature.” 

Maybe DiCaprio is finally growing up. Maybe this is all a publicity stunt. And maybe we laugh because it’s too upsetting to consider closely what a pattern like this might say about the disposability of women, women’s value and the misogyny of some powerful men.

 

“It’s America’s genre”: Thandiwe Newton defends her land in “God’s Country,” a modern-day western

“God’s Country,” directed by Julian Higgins, who co-wrote it with Shaye Ogbonna, is a knockout, a precise and exacting film about consent and respect, confrontation and vengeance. The story takes place in Montana where Sandra (Thandiwe Newton) — the sole person of color on screen — teaches at a local college. She lives alone in a big house on the edge of a canyon. One day, two brothers, Nathan (Joris Jarsky) and Samuel (Jefferson White) park their truck on her property. She leaves them a note about this. When she sees the truck again, she asks them nicely not to park there. They ignore her request, and she retaliates. They respond violently, and that prompts Sandra to involve the local sheriff’s deputy, Wolf (Jeremy Bobb). This only causes this feud to escalate. 

However, Sandra is also troubled by some difficulties at work including the appointment of a new dean, and a situation that develops between her colleague, Arthur (Kai Lennox), and a student, Gretchen (Tanaya Beatty). These subplots also involve issues of race and consent. 

Higgins slowly builds the drama to a shattering climax. This, along with Newton’s superb, rigorous performance — she reveals so much without dialogue — is why “God’s Country” is so fantastic. 

The filmmaker spoke with Salon about his searing drama.

Early in the film, Sandra tells her students about change, loss, and resistance, and how you feel there is nothing you can do. Her battles with the two brothers, as well as Arthur are wars of attrition. Can you talk about developing the micro and macroaggressions in the film? 

What Sandra says is what I say to my students on the last day of class — those moments in our lives when it feels like we are running up against a wall and don’t know what our options are. That is the feeling that began this whole process. Early in 2017, shortly after the election, I was speaking with my writing partner Shaye Ogbonna, about how we were feeling at that time, and all the dynamics and feelings at that moment and wanting to do something and respond to what we felt were incredibly pressing issues in the world and the country. We were angry, sad, and scared. All those feelings went into the project. Those feelings are a daily struggle for me, to navigate being alive in this time. We wanted to be honest about those feelings in a movie that people would actually want to engage with them. 

As far as the microaggressions go, this is the dramatization of the personal is political idea. We all have different experiences of the society that we share. Even being outside of an experience, we can observe what is happening around us. My mother is a feminist film scholar, and I grew up with a lot of those influences. Shaye was raised by his mother in a Black, church-oriented community. We were bringing a lot of what we experienced and seen into the movie. It’s quite a personal movie for both of us, as strange as that might seem.

What can you say about creating Sandra’s character? She is very strong and vulnerable and surprising, which is why we root for her. 

The project was to use what we’ve observed as writers — and what we know as participants in society and what we care about — and use the tools of the medium to make the audience enter Sandra’s point of view as much as we could. Thandiwe’s character is in every scene, and she is very much our lens on to what happens, and we made choices about where to put the camera to put the audience in her shoes. But it’s important that characters are three-dimensional, complex human beings who can make mistakes and have contradictory feelings and are not archetypes. It does not serve our story to have good guys and bad guys with that kind of simplistic understanding. It just doesn’t feel true. 

God's CountryThandiwe Newton in “God’s Country” (Courtesy of Ezra Olson. An IFC Films release)

The film follows the genre conventions of a Western. Did you have any films or characters in mind when you wrote “God’s Country?”

Shaye is a big Western fan. It’s not my favorite genre, to be honest, but it’s America’s genre. It makes sense in telling a story about the state of our country, and the history of our country and how things function now that we’d chose that genre. We really played into that when we were writing it. I placed Sandra as the homesteader in the classic western. Someone who wants to carve out their piece of world and left to do what they want to do. The hunters are bandits. We have the town, the sheriff, the school mistress who doesn’t know how things work. We wanted to flip those things. Those types exist and you might recognize those scenes, but we are looking do different things to subvert genre and make you aware of the expectations that you bring.

The film is about rights. Sandra feels she is well within her rights. She also doesn’t feel safe. She has issues with the process of the Dean nominations, and there is talk of right and wrong and winning. She tells Gretchen she has a right to be angry because of Arthur’s behavior. What observations do you have about these themes and why use this story to present them to comment on class, race, and other social issues without being too explicit? 

It is challenging the premise that we are supposed to buy into about the equality presented as the ideal — which isn’t the case for a majority of people in the country. We do treat people differently and they do have different experiences with things, including the rights that they are supposedly entitled to. We wanted to take a character, who is at a disadvantage in this society that has been constructed. I, the white man, is the one society is designed for. The Black woman is not considered to be at home in the society we built. Basically, we try to dramatize that, so that anyone can see that and how that works. In the scene when Sandra first turns away the hunters, she is asking for something anyone can relate to: If you want to park on my property, you need to ask me first. That’s just logical and makes sense. But in this world, she’s not allowed to say that. They know that, and she knows that. That’s the subtext of that scene. She’s strong enough to go there. We wanted to give this character some grit and it is based on how she hopes the world could someday be. That is where is it coming from for us as writers; we want a world that works for everyone, and it makes us angry and sad that it’s not.

What can you say about the use of space and framing in the film? I kept thinking you must have studied Walker Evans photos or have other visual cues for the painterly images. 

The landscape in Montana is so big, and that’s really connected to the themes in the story. It holds so much history and has witnessed all of these struggles. But the film also takes on an existential dimension. The struggles of these little people are so inconsequential. Nature is going to be here long after we are all gone. Landscape also gives a sense of isolation, and it is a place where she wants to feel safe and comfortable, and so beautiful but at the same time, it does expose her to potential danger, so it is this irony of her being who she is in this place. 

I’m very interested in the use of silence in the film. What decisions did you make in how you let various scenes unfold without music or dialogue, just ambient sound? 

The script was written with the idea that there would be no score; it was written with sound design in mind. I’m from a small rural town in New Hampshire, and I love winter and that feeling of being outdoors in a snow-blanketed field and there is a sense of quiet — which is easy to drown out with music, or sound design. The film is designed to allow that experience to understand the concept of silence where there is a lot of sound going on, that crackling proximity in juxtaposition with quiet. That’s the sound of winter to me. The wind, crows, trains, there is thematic purpose to these things but it’s not something you are to notice, but an experience you have. So much tension and suspense come from quiet. 

There are scenes of rain and water throughout the film. Can you discuss why you included them? 

In therapy, water imagery is emotional overflow; it’s called flooding. And water imagery is always associated with an excess of emotion. It teases out what we learn about her backstory while also keeping viewers intrigued about what is going on with her. It comes out in her more private moments, where she is contemplating a photo, or having an experience on her own. This idea that something is brewing inside of her and getting strong as the movie goes along. I like when a movie has an abstract set of images because it allows you to access more of the fairy tale and mythic quality. The burden of what she has to deal with and carry just by existing is what we wanted to express. To me, that makes what she does, so much more courageous. She is still striving, given everything she has experienced, to make the world work the way she hopes it could work.


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The film asks a very pointed question: How much do you choose to be the person you are? What is your response? 

That is about as clear a statement of the question of the movie as occurs. I think every day about these cycles or ours — personal, national, and social — cycles we seem to be stuck in because we refuse to be honest about our own history. Is there a way to interrupt these cycles that we seem to keep returning to? That is the challenge of the movie. We made the movie to provoke that conversation. We hope by asking those questions, we allow people to contemplate those things. That is the thing that continues to trouble us.  

“God’s Country” is in theaters Friday, Sept. 16. Watch a trailer via YouTube.

No Senate moves on same-sex marriage protection until after midterms

A vote on legislation to protect same-sex marriage has been in the works, with a bipartisan group of senators hoping to get it on the table sooner rather than later, but that vote has now been delayed.

Sen. Tammy Baldwin (D-Wis.), the chief sponsor of the Respect for Marriage Act that would hopefully secure marriage equality nationwide, announced on Thursday that the Senate will not get around to voting on the issue until after November’s midterm elections.

“I’m still very confident that the bill will pass,” Baldwin said in a quote obtained from Politico

The primary reason given for the delay is that negotiators were unable to gather 10 Republicans to break a filibuster and Baldwin, Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer and Sen. Kyrsten Sinema (D-Ariz.) agreed that “they’d rather have a successful result than a failed vote that might help Democrats politically but set back their effort to codify same-sex marriage,” according to Politico.

Justin Goodman, a spokesperson for Schumer, issued a statement on his behalf saying he is “extremely disappointed that there aren’t 10 Republicans in the Senate willing to vote yes on marriage equality legislation at this time.” 


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Several senators involved with the vote made separate statements to clarify any further political angle that this delay could imply. In a statement from Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.) he says “I’m convinced that this is going to pass. The people who have been negotiating it want an outcome. I reject the idea that the timing decision was political. But quite honestly, it even takes that off the table.”

Sen. Roy Blunt (R-Mo.), weighing in with his own views on the delay, said “If I wanted [it] to pass and I was the majority leader and I wanted to get as many votes as I could possibly get, I’d wait until after the election.”

“[Schumer] is 100 percent committed to holding a vote on the legislation this year,” spokesperson Goodman assures. “[He] will not give up and will hold the bipartisan group to their promise that the votes to pass this marriage equality legislation will be there after the election.”

Baldwin, the first openly gay senator in history, has worked tirelessly on the Respect for Marriage Act in the hope that same-sex marriage will not meet the same fate as abortion rights did with the reversal of Roe V. Wade.

These are all the planets that the James Webb Space Telescope has observed so far

When the James Webb Space Telescope revealed its first five images to the public in July, the scientific community was amazed. The ambitious project had involved decades of work, and it had paid off with some of the most detailed images of the distant universe ever put together.

Foremost among these achievements is how the telescope has allowed humans to better observe and catalog exoplanets, or planets that exist outside of our solar system. NASA describes the telescope as tailor-made to study those elusive bodies — which, by virtue of their comparatively smaller size, are far harder to image than distant stars. Webb is particularly adept at observing the atmospheres of exoplanets — an exciting endeavor, as understanding their chemical composition could be the key to scientists discovering extraterrestrial life.

The thrum of news items about Webb’s findings is almost nonstop, which is why we put together this list of all the planets that Webb has observed so far. For some of these, Webb has merely observed the composition of their atmospheres; another historic image features the first ever direct image of an alien world. In addition, a recent image of Jupiter has helped redefine how we understand the largest neighbor in our own solar system.

01
Exoplanet HIP 65426 b

HIP 65426 bThis image shows the exoplanet HIP 65426 b in different bands of infrared light, as seen from the James Webb Space Telescope: purple shows the NIRCam instrument’s view at 3.00 micrometers, blue shows the NIRCam instrument’s view at 4.44 micrometers, yellow shows the MIRI instrument’s view at 11.4 micrometers, and red shows the MIRI instrument’s view at 15.5 micrometers (NASA/ESA/CSA/A Carter (UCSC), the ERS 1386 team, and A. Pagan (STScI))

This historic exoplanet marks the first time that the James Webb Telescope has ever taken a direct picture of an exoplanet. (It’s not quite the first exoplanet image ever, though: Hubble took the first, in 2008, after eight years of work.) Indeed, though grainy, these images are a reminder that telescope images are artistic renderings just as much as they are “objective” scientific depictions. There are different cameras on the telescope, each of them operating in different wavelengths and with different filters, and as a result the images of the exoplanet HIP 65426 b and its surrounding area range from bright blue and deep purple to fiery red and a tiny yellow dot. Each one uses a coronagraph to block out the light from the planet’s own sun, and then the exoplanet HIP 65426 b region is shown in varying bands of infrared light. No one image is the “correct” one; they are equally accurate, and equally beautiful, albeit from different points of view.

 

What we know about this distant world is this: it is a gas giant, estimated to be six to twelve times as massive as Jupiter. And it orbits its own star at about one hundred times as distant as Earth orbits the Sun. 

02
Jupiter as you’ve never seen it before

Webb NIRCam composite image of JupiterWebb NIRCam composite image of Jupiter from three filters – F360M (red), F212N (yellow-green), and F150W2 (cyan) – and alignment due to the planet’s rotation. (NASA, ESA, CSA, Jupiter ERS Team)

When you think of Jupiter, the fifth planet from our sun as well as the largest, the chances are you imagine it with orange, red, yellow and white swirling bands — as well as its iconic Great Red Spot south of its equator.

 

Yet as the James Webb Telescope reminds us, these images are as much interpretive as they are objective. In the case of Jupiter, the telescope has three specialized infrared filters that provided new data about Jupiter by measuring different wavelengths of light from the behemoth planet. With the help of a citizen scientist, Judy Schmidt, who translated that data into actual images, NASA scientists were able to compose a shockingly detailed view of Jupiter. You can see auroras, or beautiful light shows that appear in the sky, in Jupiter’s atmosphere. There are crackling storms, sweeping winds and unimaginable heights and lows of temperature. The false-color scheme is wildly different from what a backyard astronomer might see if they were to stare up at Jupiter.

 

One of the benefits of the James Webb Telescope, and of space telescopes in general, is that they can observe in the infrared part of the spectrum. Because of interference from Earth’s atmosphere, our ground-based telescopes cannot achieve this feat. Hence, these Jupiter photos are literally taken in a “new” light.

03
Exoplanet WASP-39b, the carbon dioxide-rich planet

WASP-39bThis illustration shows what the exoplanet WASP-39b could look like, based on the current understanding of the planet. (NASA, ESA, CSA, Joseph Olmsted))

In the case of many of these exoplanets, the James Webb Space Telescope has observed an exoplanet’s atmosphere, which is typically easier than imaging said worlds directly. In the above illustration, we get an idea of the appearance of an exoplanet called WASP-39b. A gas giant orbiting a Sun-like star 700 lightyears away from Earth, WASP-39b has carbon dioxide in its atmosphere, much like Earth or Mars. That last information came courtesy of the James Webb Space Telescope itself, and in the process WASP-39b became the first exoplanet to have confirmed carbon dioxide in its atmosphere. This finding will hopefully help scientists detect carbon dioxide on rockier planets with oceans, and where its presence could indicate life.

 

“As soon as the data appeared on my screen, the whopping carbon dioxide feature grabbed me,” Zafar Rustamkulov, a graduate student at Johns Hopkins University and member of the JWST Transiting Exoplanet Community Early Release Science team, told NASA in a statement. “It was a special moment, crossing an important threshold in exoplanet sciences.”

04
Exoplanet WASP-96b

WASP 96 bNASA’s James Webb Space Telescope has captured the distinct signature of water, along with evidence for clouds and haze, in the atmosphere surrounding a hot, puffy gas giant planet orbiting a distant Sun-like star. (NASA, ESA, CSA, and STScI)

If you want to imagine a planet out of a bizarre science fiction tale, look no further than WASP 96-b. Because it revolves around its sun every 3.4 days (by contrast, we revolve around our Sun every 365.25 days), temperatures usually hover at around 1,000 degrees Fahrenheit (538 degrees Celsius). Despite being a gas giant like Jupiter, WASP 96-b is only half of Jupiter’s size — but is also described by scientists as much puffier in its appearance.

 

To measure its atmosphere, the scientists behind the James Webb Space Telescope used a device called the Near-Infrared Imager and Slitless Spectrograph, which provided the most detailed measures of any exoplanet’s atmosphere ever recorded. Strikingly, the telescope discovered traces of water, clouds and haze in WASP 96-b’s atmosphere, none of which were previously suspected to have been there.

05
Exoplanet 55 Cancri e

55 Cancri eIllustration showing what exoplanet 55 Cancri e could look like, based on current understanding of the planet (NASA, ESA, CSA, Dani Player (STScI))

The scientists using the James Webb Space Telescope are currently observing exoplanet 55 Cancri e, and are hoping to do with it what they did to WASP-96b. 55 Cancri e is also a strange world, with temperatures shooting up to 4,400 degrees Fahrenheit (roughly 2,400 degrees Celsius) because it is so close to its sun. It is a rocky planet twice as large as Earth — and its atmosphere remains a mystery to scientists. Previous studies have ruled out carbon dioxide, water and thick hydrogen in its atmosphere. Scientists hope to learn whether 55 Cancri e even has an atmosphere, and if so what is it made of. They also hope to determine if the planet is tidally locked to its Sun-like star; being tidally locked would mean that it is stuck in co-orbit with a different astronomical body, and in such a way that it loses any net change in its rotation rate during a complete orbit. That will help scientists figure out if 55 Cancri e’s surface is permanently molten, which would be the case if it was tidally locked, or whether it experiences day-night cycles like parents which are not tidally locked.

06
Brown dwarf VHS 1256b

brown dwarfAstronomers have long speculated that some types of brown dwarfs are wrapped in turbulent, fast-changing atmospheres. ( NASA/JPL-Caltech)Though not technically a planet, we thought we’d include this brown dwarf because brown dwarfs are like the social rejects of the astronomical world: too big to be planets, not quite hot enough to count as stars. VHS 1256 b is a special case because the astronomers who discovered the exoplanet in 2016 could not figure out why it had a red glow. Thanks to the James Webb Space Telescope, scientists have now learned that the planet has a red glow because its atmosphere is filled with grains of silicate (which on Earth is often used to make glass, ceramic and cement), each one as small as a grain of sand. In addition to the silicate, the James Webb Space Telescope found that VHS 1256 b’s atmosphere also has carbon dioxide, carbon monoxide, methane, potassium, sodium and water.

Texts show Mississippi GOP governor helped Brett Favre raid welfare fund to build sports stadium

A new investigative report is shedding light on text messages that appear to suggest former Mississippi Gov. Phil Bryant (R) actually assisted former NFL quarterback Brett Favre to secure welfare funding that was allegedly used to build a new volleyball facility at the University of Southern Mississippi.

Mississippi Today has received text message correspondence that was sent between 2017 and 2019. The conversations were part of a court filing on Monday, September 12 in the Mississippi civil lawsuit that alleges the state misappropriated welfare funding.

The text messages were filed by one of the attorneys representing the non-profit group’s founder, Nancy New.

Per ESPN: “The texts show Favre, New and Bryant discussing how to divert at least $5 million in welfare funds to build a volleyball stadium at Southern Miss. Favre played football at Southern Miss, and his daughter was a volleyball player there at the time some of the texts were sent.”

“If you were to pay me is there any way the media can find out where it came from and how much?” Favre asked New back in 2017.

After telling Favre that “we never have that information publicized,” she also texted him the following day to give him an update on her conversation with Bryant.

“Wow, just got off the phone with Phil Bryant! He is on board with us! We will get this done!” New told Favre.

Conversations between Favre and Bryant have also been uncovered.

Mississippi Today reported:

‘Just left Brett Favre,’ Bryant texted nonprofit founder Nancy New in July of 2019, within weeks of Davis’ departure. ‘Can we help him with his project. We should meet soon to see how I can make sure we keep your projects on course.’

When Favre asked Bryant how the new agency director might affect their plans to fund the volleyball stadium, Bryant assured him, ‘I will handle that… long story but had to make a change. But I will call Nancy and see what it will take,’ according to the filing and a text Favre forwarded to New.

The latest development follows state auditors’ claim that non-profit leaders misappropriated approximately $77 million in welfare funding.

The case is considered the biggest public fraud lawsuit in Mississippi state history.