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The not-so-slow-motion climate apocalypse is happening right in front of our eyes

Admittedly, I hadn’t been there for 46 years, but old friends of mine still live (or at least lived) in the town of Greenville, California, and now… well, it’s more or less gone, though they survived.  The Dixie Fire, one of those devastating West Coast blazes, had already “blackened” 504 square miles of Northern California in what was still essentially the (old) pre-fire season. It would soon become the second-largest wildfire in the state’s history. When it swept through Greenville, much of downtown, along with more than 100 homes, were left in ashes as the 1,000 residents of that Gold Rush-era town fled.

I remember Greenville as a wonderful little place that, all these years later, still brings back fond memories.  I’m now on the other coast, but much of that small, historic community is no longer there. This season, California’s wildfires have already devastated three times the territory burned in the same period in 2020’s record fire season. And that makes a point that couldn’t be more salient to our moment and our future. A heating planet is a danger, not in some distant time, but right now — yesterday, today, and tomorrow. Don’t just ask the inhabitants of Greenville, ask those in the village of Monte Lake, British Columbia, the second town in that Canadian province to be gutted by flames in recent months in a region that normally — or perhaps I should just say once upon a time — was used to neither extreme heat and drought, nor the fires that accompany them.

In case you hadn’t noticed, we’re no longer just reading about the climate crisis; we’re living it in a startling fashion. At least for this old guy, that’s now a fact — not just of life but of all our lives — that simply couldn’t be more extreme and I don’t even need the latest harrowing report of the UN’s Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) to tell me so. Whether you’ve been sweating and swearing under the latest heat dome; fleeing fires somewhere in the West; broiling in a Siberia that’s releasingstartling amounts of heat-producing methane into the atmosphere; being swept away by flood waters in Germany; sweltering in an unprecedented heat-and-fire season in Greece (where even the suburbs of Athens were being evacuated); baking in Turkeyor on the island of Sardinia in a “disaster without precedent“; neck-deep in water in a Chinese subway car; or, after “extreme rains,” wading through the subway systems of New York City or London, you — all of us — are in a new world and we better damn well get used to it. 

Floods, megadrought, the fiercest of forest fires, unprecedented storms — you name it and it seems to be happening not in 2100 or even 2031, but now.  A recent study suggests that, in 2020 (not 2040 or 2080), more than a quarter of Americans had suffered in some fashion from the effects of extreme heat, already the greatest weather-based killer of Americans and, given this blazing summer, 2021 is only likely to be worse.

By the way, don’t imagine that it’s just us humans who are suffering. Consider, for instance, the estimated billion or more — yes, one billion! — mussels, barnacles, and other small sea creatures that were estimated to have died off the coast of Vancouver, Canada, during the unprecedented heat wave there earlier in the summer.

A few weeks ago, watching the setting sun, an eerie blaze of orange-red in a hazy sky here on the East Coast was an unsettling experience once I realized what I was actually seeing: a haze of smoke from the megadrought-stricken West’s disastrous early fire season. It had blown thousands of miles east for the second year in a row, managing to turn the air of New York and Philadelphia into danger zones.

In a way, right now it hardly matters where you look on this planet of ours. Take Greenland, where a “massive melting event,” occurring after the temperature there hit double the normal this summer, made enough ice vanish “in a single day last week to cover the whole of Florida in two inches of water.” But there was also that record brush fire torching more than 62 square miles of Hawaii’s Big Island. And while you’re at it, you can skip prime houseboat-vacation season at Lake Powell on the Arizona-Utah border, since that huge reservoir is now three-quarters empty (and, among Western reservoirs, anything but alone!).

It almost doesn’t matter which recent report you cite. When it comes to what the scientists are finding, it’s invariably worse than you (or often even they) had previously imagined.  It’s true, for instance, of the Amazon rain forest, one of the great carbon sinks on the planet. Parts of it are now starting to release carbon into the atmosphere, as a study in the journal Nature reported recently, partially thanks to climate change and partially to more direct forms of human intervention.

It’s no less true of the Siberian permafrost in a region where, for the first time above the Arctic Circle, the temperature in one town reached more than 100 degrees Fahrenheit on a summer day in 2020.  And yes, when Siberia heats up in such a fashion, methane (a far more powerful heat-trapping gas than CO2) is released into the atmosphere from that region’s melting permafrost wetlands, which had previously sealed it in.  And recently, that’s not even the real news.  What about the possibility, according to a new study published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, that what’s being released now is actually a potential “methane bomb” not from that permafrost itself but from thawing rock formations within it?

In fact, when it comes to the climate crisis, as a recent study in the journal Biosciencefound, “some 16 out of 31 tracked planetary vital signs, including greenhouse gas concentrations, ocean heat content, and ice mass, set worrying new records.” Similarly, carbon dioxide, methane, and nitrous oxide “have all set new year-to-date records for atmospheric concentrations in both 2020 and 2021.”

Mind you, just in case you hadn’t noticed, the last seven years have been the warmest in recorded history. And speaking of climate-change-style records in this era, last year, 22 natural disasters hit this country, including hurricanes, fires, and floods, each causing more than $1 billion in damage, another instant record with — the safest prediction around — many more to come.

“It Looked Like an Atomic Bomb”

Lest you think that all of this represents an anomaly of some sort, simply a bad year or two on a planet that historically has gone from heat to ice and back again, think twice. A recent report published in Nature Climate Change, for instance, suggests that heat waves that could put the recent ones in the U.S. West and British Columbia to shame are a certainty and especially likely for “highly populated regions in North America, Europe, and China.”  (Keep in mind that, a few years ago, there was already a studysuggesting that the North China plain with its 400 million inhabitants could essentially become uninhabitable by the end of this century due to heat waves too powerful for human beings to survive!) Or as another recent study suggested, reportsthe Guardian, “heatwaves that smash previous records… would become two to seven times more likely in the next three decades and three to 21 times more likely from 2051-2080, unless carbon emissions are immediately slashed.”

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It turns out that, even to describe the new world we already live in, we may need a new vocabulary.  I mean, honestly, until the West Coast broiled and burned from Los Angeles to British Columbia this summer, had you ever heard of, no less used, the phrase “heat dome” before? I hadn’t, I can tell you that.

And by the way, there’s no question that climate change in its ever more evident forms has finally made the mainstream news in a major way. It’s no longer left to 350.org or Greta Thunberg and the Sunrise Movement to highlight what’s happening to us on this planet. It’s taken years, but in 2021 it’s finally become genuine news, even if not always with the truly fierce emphasis it deserves. The New York Times, to give you an example, typically had a recent piece of reportage (not an op-ed) by Shawn Hubler headlined “Is This the End of Summer as We’ve Known It?” (“The season Americans thought we understood — of playtime and ease, of a sun we could trust, air we could breathe and a natural world that was, at worst, indifferent — has become something else, something ominous and immense. This is the summer we saw climate change merge from the abstract to the now, the summer we realized that every summer from now on will be more like this than any quaint memory of past summers.”) And the new IPCC report on how fast things are indeed proceeding was front-page and front-screen news everywhere, as well it should have been, given the research it was summing up.

My point here couldn’t be simpler: in heat and weather terms, our world is not just going to become extreme in 20 years or 50 years or as this century ends.  It’s officially extreme right now. And here’s the sad thing: I have no doubt that, no matter what I write in this piece, no matter how up to date I am at this moment, by the time it appears it will already be missing key climate stories and revelations. Within months, it could look like ancient history.

Welcome, then, to our very own not-so-slow-motion apocalypse. A friend of mine recently commented to me that, for most of the first 30 years of his life, he always expected the world to go nuclear.  That was, of course, at the height of the Cold War between the U.S. and the Soviet Union.  And then, like so many others, he stopped ducking and covering.  How could he have known that, in those very years, the world was indeed beginning to get nuked, or rather carbon-dioxided, methaned, greenhouse-gassed, even if in a slow-motion fashion? As it happens, this time there’s going to be no pretense for any of us of truly ducking and covering. 

It’s true, of course, that ducking and covering was a fantasy of the Cold War era. After all, no matter where you might have ducked and covered then — even the Air Force’s command center dug into the heart of Cheyenne Mountain in Colorado — you probably wouldn’t have been safe from a full-scale nuclear conflict between the two superpowers of that moment, or at least not from the world it would have left behind, a disaster barely avoided in the Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962. (Today, we know that, thanks to the possibility of “nuclear winter,” even a regional nuclear conflict — say, between India and Pakistan — could kill billions of us, by starvation if nothing else.)

In that context, I wasn’t surprised when a home owner, facing his house, his possessions, and his car burned to a crisp in Oregon’s devastating Bootleg Fire, described the carnage this way: “It looked like an atomic bomb.”

And, of course, so much worse is yet to come.  It doesn’t matter whether you’re talking about a planet on which the Amazon rain forest has already turned into a carbon emitter or one in which the Gulf Stream collapses in a way that’s likely to deprive various parts of the planet of key rainfall necessary to grow crops for billions of people, while raising sea levels disastrously on the East Coast of this country. And that just begins to enumerate the dangers involved, including the bizarre possibility that much of Europe might be plunged into a — hold your hats (and earmuffs) for this one — new ice age!

World War III

If this were indeed the beginning of a world war (instead of a world warm), you know perfectly well that the United States like so many other nations would, in the style of World War II, instantly mobilize resources to fight it (or as a group of leading climate scientists put it recently, we would “go big on climate” now).  And yet in this country (as in too many others), so little has indeed been mobilized. Worse yet, here one of the two major parties, only recently in control of the White House, supported the further exploitation of fossil fuels (and so the mass creation of greenhouse gases) big time, as well as further exploration for yet more of them. Many congressional Republicans are still in the equivalent of a state of staggering (not to say, stark raving mad) denial of what’s underway. They are ready to pay nothing and raise no money to shut down the production of greenhouse gases, no less create the genuinely green planet run on alternative energy sources that would actually rein in what’s happening.

And criminal as that may have been, Donald Trump, Mitch McConnell, and crew were just aiding and abetting those that, years ago, I called “the biggest criminal enterprise in history.” I was speaking of the executives of major fossil-fuel companies who, as I said then, were and remain the true “terrarists” (and no, that’s not a misspelling) of history. After all, their goal in hijacking all our lives isn’t simply to destroy buildings like the World Trade Center, but to take down the Earth (Terra) as we’ve known it. And don’t leave out the leaders of countries like China still so disastrously intent on, for instance, producing yet more coal-fired power. Those CEOs and their enablers have been remarkably intent on quite literally committing terracide and, sadly enough, in that — as has been made oh-so-clear in this disastrous summer — they’ve already been remarkably successful.

Companies like ExxonMobil knew long before most of the rest of us the sort of damage and chaos their products would someday cause and couldn’t have given less of a damn as long as the mega-profits continued to flow in. (They would, in fact, invest some of those profits in funding organizations that were promoting climate-change denial.) Worse yet, as revealing comments by a senior Exxon lobbyist recently made clear, they’re still at it, working hard to undermine President Biden’s relatively modest green-energy plans in any way they can.

Thought about a certain way, even those of us who didn’t live in Greenville, California, are already in World War III. Many of us just don’t seem to know it yet.  So welcome to my (and your) extreme world, not next month or next year or next decade or next century but right now.  It’s a world of disaster worth mobilizing over if, that is, you care about the lives of all of us and particularly of the generations to come. 

Copyright 2021 Tom Engelhardt

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A quarter of U.S. hospitals, and counting, demand workers get vaccinated. But not here

Hospitals coast to coast are demanding their employees get vaccinated against covid as the highly contagious delta variant tears through populations with low vaccination rates.

Nearly 1,500 hospitals — roughly a quarter of all hospitals in the U.S. —now require staffers to get a covid vaccine, said Colin Milligan, a spokesperson for the American Hospital Association. More follow suit every day as hospital leaders aim to head off staff shortages like those experienced last year and to keep employees from becoming vectors of the disease.

But that’s not an option in Montana, where a law passed this year amid a pandemic backlash prohibits employers, including most health care facilities, from mandating any vaccine for their staffs. Nor is it in Oregon, where a 32-year-old law similarly bans vaccine mandates for health workers.

At least seven states have enacted laws to prevent covid vaccine mandates or so-called vaccine passports that would provide proof of vaccination, according to the National Academy for State Health Policy. Most restrict only state and local governments or specifically exempt health care facilities, but Montana’s law goes further. It prohibits employers — including hospitals — from discriminating against a worker based on vaccination status. Employers can’t require vaccinations and workers don’t have to tell their bosses whether they’re vaccinated.

That worries hospital leaders as covid hospitalizations hit levels not seen nationally since February. In Montana, covid hospitalizations had nearly doubled at the beginning of August compared with two weeks before, and about 90% of covid patients hospitalized at the end of July hadn’t been vaccinated, according to the Montana health department’s most recent data.

“I cannot imagine passing any worse law than that,” said John Goodnow, CEO of Benefis Health in Great Falls. “Imagine if that would have been passed back when we were fighting polio, or smallpox before that.”

Benefis had announced plans to make the vaccine mandatory for its 3,400 staffers back in April, before state lawmakers passed the bill preventing the hospital from doing so.

Those who back the law said it’s an issue of personal rights.

“Your health care decisions are private, they’re protected by the constitution of the state of Montana,” Rep. Jennifer Carlson, a Republican, said in March as she introduced the bill. “And your religious rights are protected.”

Health care professionals are more likely to be vaccinated against covid than the general population. Nonetheless, there remain nurses, doctors and other hospital employees who work directly with patients who are hesitant or resistant to inoculation, especially in rural regions.

Dr. Greg Tierney, chief medical officer of Benefis, said he’s concerned about potential rancor between vaccinated and unvaccinated staff members as their workload rises with the caseload.

“You have the people who have been vaccinated looking at the person next to him who’s choosing not to,” Tierney said. “Whereas, they were literally brethren in arms.”

In northwestern Montana, a region with a 34% vaccination rate to date and the epicenter of the state’s latest surge, Logan Health officials said existing staffing shortages are worsening as health care workers become infected or must quarantine. Chief medical officer Dr. Doug Nelson said the shots have been proven safe and effective, and Logan would likely consider a staff vaccine mandate if state law allowed it.

“Wearing a mask whenever you’re in our facilities, that helps, but being able to vaccinate everyone would help more,” Nelson said.

In Billings, Montana’s most populated city, the Billings Clinic’s intensive care unit reached capacity the first week of August and officials started shifting patients to overflow beds. At that time, roughly 60% of the system’s employees reported being vaccinated.

Hospital leaders are hosting weekly town halls to answer clinic workers’ vaccine questions or try to dispel myths in between caring for a growing number of covid patients.

“Knowing there are solutions out there that can help prevent this from happening, like simple vaccination, makes you frustrated,” said Dr. Fernando Caceres, an intensivist in Billings Clinic’s ICU.

In July, nearly 60 major U.S. medical organizations called for employers to mandate all health and long-term care workers get vaccinated in a joint statement that included the American Medical Association and the American Nurses Association. The Department of Veterans Affairs gave health care personnel eight weeks to get the shot.

In August, California became the first state to order workers in health care settings to be fully vaccinated and for visitors in health settings to show proof of vaccination or a negative covid test. And in Massachusetts, Republican Gov. Charlie Baker ordered most nursing home workers to get the jab by October 10, citing a massive increase in cases among staffers and residents.

Some hospitals have had to enforce their mandates. In Texas in June, Houston Methodist fired or accepted the resignations of more than 150 health care workers who didn’t get the jab.

Trinity Health — a Catholic health system with 117,000 workers across 22 states — said employees without a shot or exemption would be fired.

“Trinity Health has counted our own colleagues and patients in the too-high coronavirus death toll,” Mike Slubowski, the organization’s president and CEO, said in the announcement. “Now that we have a proven way to prevent covid-19 deaths, we are not hesitating to do our part.”

How Trinity’s policy will work in Oregon, where the three-decade-old law prevents vaccine requirements, is unclear

Attempts to change the law won’t happen before next year’s legislative session, Democratic Gov. Kate Brown said. In the meantime, she issued a rule last week to pressure health care workers to get vaccinated, saying they will face weekly covid tests if they don’t — and their employers will foot the bill.

“This new safety measure is necessary to stop delta from causing severe illness among our first line of defense: our doctors, nurses, medical students and frontline health care workers,” Brown said in the statement. Before Brown’s announcement, Kaiser Permanente, a national health system based in California, had said all of its employees must be vaccinated against covid — even those in Oregon. (KHN, which produces California Healthline, is not affiliated with Kaiser Permanente.)

After Brown’s announcement, KP spokesperson Michael Foley said those who don’t get the vaccine in Oregon will undergo weekly testing; employees in other states, however, will have to apply for medical or religious exemptions or find a new job if they refuse to be vaccinated.

My hot trans boy summer: On re-emerging from pandemic lockdown as a boy

Two weeks before the pandemic shut the world down, I got top surgery. In the months that followed, I changed my name and started testosterone. Best decisions I’ve ever made. But puberty in adulthood is a wild ride. Thanks to quarantine, I got to experience the most awkward stages privately: voice cracking, skin getting oily, acne, hair growing on my butt. The only witnesses to my real puberty — in my 20s — were my best friend Sam and my dog Joni. During lockdown, I could feel like a little boy every day. I would run into my living room shirtless, telling Sam and Joni to look at how well my scars were healing. Because of my contained, loving environment, I was able to enjoy a childlike appreciation of the physical changes I’d always dreamed about. 

Then it was time to re-emerge with a new name, a deeper voice, and no tits. Everything that was playful and fun about my gender expression at home was immediately complicated by the way people perceive me in public. All of a sudden, strangers see me as a guy. I wish it were that simple. I know that when people see me as a cis man, they’re missing something. At home, I didn’t have to check a gender box. The pressure to check that box only exists in the public sphere. In private, I feel like I exist outside of the gender binary. That’s my favorite place to be.

Which public bathroom am I supposed to use now? I already know what to be afraid of in the women’s restroom. I’ve been wearing boys’ clothes and have had short hair for nine years now. Prior to top surgery and starting T, I got very used to people staring at me, struggling to gender me. Or silently judging me. Men seem less likely to say anything, but I guess they’re also more likely to murder me.

The men’s room is also filled with unknowns. I asked Sam if he ever pees sitting down. “I mean, what if I go into the men’s restroom and I go into a stall to pee and then some guy comes in and we’re the only two people in there and he hears me peeing but not at the urinals so he figures out that I’m trans?”

Sam said no one pays that much attention. We laughed about it, but I’m still scared. I hate that I have to consider all of this. It’s always a question of which fears are realistic, which problems I should actually be prepared for. I still haven’t used a men’s restroom. Usually, I just hold it.

I just started driving for Lyft again. Before lockdown and testosterone, women were very comfortable talking to me. Not anymore. They get in the car, I ask them if the air is OK, they answer the question and that’s the end of the conversation. I turn up the radio so there’s no pressure to fill the silence. I don’t consider myself to be particularly threatening. My personality hasn’t changed. But my voice is lower now, and I wear a mask when I drive. I get it. I know it can be scary to get into a car driven by a man you don’t know. I guess I’m on the other side of that dynamic now — and yet I still need to keep pepper spray in the driver’s door, because I also have to be prepared for the danger a strange man can pose to me.

The men I drive feel way more comfortable talking to me now because they think I’m one of them. They call me “man” every other sentence. I wonder if that’s just their way of saying “no homo.” I’m still grappling with what masculinity means to me. The only thing I know for sure is that I don’t need to say “man” all the time.

As I’m re-emerging into the world, part of me is excited to be seen. But I also feel more sensitive and raw, because I’m more myself than I’ve ever been. Any rejection or judgment feels more personal now. Then again, so does affection and praise.

A few weeks ago, at an art show flirting with a girl I just met, I mentioned that I had gotten top surgery. She just stared at me for what felt like 30 seconds, or a lifetime. Then something clicked for her, and she said, “I never would’ve known you were trans!” She meant this as a compliment. I guess I felt validated that I passed as a boy. But also, fuck that. 

I’m still scared that my landlady will figure out that I’m not a girl. I wonder if she already knows. I had a dream that my dog told her. I hate that I’m afraid people will find out.

Because I love being trans. There’s something so magical about the feeling I get when I put on a T-shirt and let it fall down over my flat chest. Or when I’m shirtless at the beach and I look down at my body and it makes everyone else’s judgments disappear. Or when I kiss someone and feel their hand on my chest, and I realize this is my real chest, and I feel hot, and I think maybe I’ve never really felt hot before this moment. 

Farm to table: How to shop smarter at your local farmer’s market

My local farmer’s market is one of my favorite places in the city. There’s something special about walking through rows and rows of fresh produce — ruby strawberries, papery heads of garlic, slim green-husked ears of corn — manned by the folks who grew it. You can’t help but feel closer to your food. 

Speaking from experience, it’s easy to go to the market and either overspend on bundles and bundles of random vegetables with no real plan for how to use them or (more often in my case) leave almost empty-handed because you feel overwhelmed. 

Don’t worry — there’s a better way to do it! Here are four tips to help you become a smarter farmer’s market shopper this season. 

Go in with a loose plan 

Sometimes, I experience some light paralysis in the face of variety. (I’m not a huge astrology person, but the stereotypes about Libras being indecisive feel like personal attacks in this case.) This happens in places like exceptionally crowded bookstores, vintage clothing shops, the second floor of Ikea and good farmer’s markets. 

That said, one of the beautiful things about these places — though, admittedly, less so at Ikea — is the sense of discovery one can feel while picking through all of the available options. To assuage my indecisiveness while also maintaining some of that feeling, I find it useful to go to the market with a very loose plan. 


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I go in looking for some must-buys: peak-season tomatoes, husks of white corn, a good hunk of cheddar from my favorite cheese stall, a cereal loaf from the bread guy, a bouquet of fresh sunflowers. 

This ensures that the trip is worthwhile and any other good things that I find are basically a bonus. 

Do a walk-around to see what’s on offer 

Take a loop through the market to get a sense of what’s available and which products look the freshest. This can help you locate your “must buys” but also scope out stalls bursting with in-season produce and interesting foodstuffs. 

Know what’s in season — and what the freshest products look like 

One of the keys to buying better at the farmer’s market is actually knowing what’s in season. Before heading to shop, take a look at a guide of what produce is best when; this one from the USDA is a fantastic starting point. Also, educate yourself about what fresh produce looks and feels like. 

The answer varies from vegetable to vegetable and fruit to fruit, of course. But here are some general guidelines: You want to buy produce with a vibrant color and unbruised exterior skin. It should feel firm to the touch and be free from random soft spots or dents. Often, the more fragrant an item is, the more flavorful it will be. 

Try something new

One of the best things about farmer’s markets is the variety of products available. Each time I go to the market, I try to pick up something that’s new to me — whether that’s cheese from a new vendor, locally-pressed olive oil or fresh pastries from a bakery stand. Who knows? You may find a new favorite to add to your weekly “must buy” list. 

Bookmark a few recipes that make the most of seasonal produce

When it comes to making the most out of my farmer’s market visit, one of the things I find most helpful is to have at least a few recipes in mind I’d like to make where seasonal produce is the star.

Here are a few of our favorites recipes starring seasonal produce from Salon Food:

This magical basil cream sauce doesn’t need any cream

Big Little Recipe has the smallest-possible ingredient list and big everything else: flavor, creativity, wow factor. That means five ingredients or fewer — not including water, salt, black pepper, and certain fats (like oil and butter), since we’re guessing you have those covered. Psst, did you hear we’re coming out with a cookbook? We’re coming out with a cookbook!

* * *

Years ago, so they say, if a woman plopped a basil plant on her windowsill, it was a signal for her lover to come hither, the herbal precursor to texting “you up?” I’d like to think this summery pasta sauce has a similar effect.

It works with whatever shape you want — or whatever shape your special-someone wants — be that orecchiette or rigatoni, linguini or pappardelle, ramen or udon. This unabashedly green sauce charms everyone.

There are many basil cream sauces out there, and just about all of them include basil and cream. Also: onion, garlic, Parmesan, pine nuts, chicken broth, lemon, other herbs, and even bread crumbs.

This recipe includes the basil, yes, but none of the other ingredients. Not even the heavy cream (or light cream or half-and-half or milk). Instead, it ushers in something else, something just as satisfying and lip-smacking, yet also dairy-free—cashews.

Vegan cookbook author Gena Hamshaw calls cashew cream “one of the most powerful tools that any vegan home cook can have in his or her arsenal.” I’d argue the same for any not-vegan home cook, too.

While other nut milks mandate lengthy soaking (who has the time?) and cheesecloth straining (who has the cheesecloth?), cashew cream couldn’t care less. The nuts are soft enough that a 30-minute bath does the trick. And you don’t need a fancy blender to yield something velvety enough to skip straining altogether.

It’s a still-creamy, not-heavy, just-right backdrop for an obscene amount of greenery. Quickly blanched to set its color (we need that boiling water anyway for the pasta), then chucked into a blender, the basil is no longer an herby accent to a creamy sauce. It is the sauce.

With a very dry, very cold white wine — or bubbly, why not? — it’s my idea of an ideal summer date night. Justin, are you reading this?

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Recipe: Pasta With Basil Cashew Cream

Prep time: 35 minutes
Cook time: 15 minutes
Serves: 2 to 4

Ingredients:

  • 1 cup (4 ounces) raw cashews
  • Kosher salt
  • 2 3/4 cups packed basil leaves (2 ounces leaves, from 3 1/4 ounces basil), plus more for garnish if you’d like
  • 8 ounces pasta, any shape

Directions:

  1. Add the cashews to a blender and cover with cold water. Soak for 30 minutes to 24 hours, depending on your schedule. (If you’re soaking for longer than 2 hours, transfer the blender to the fridge.) 
  2. Bring a large pot of water to a boil, then season generously with salt. Add the basil leaves and blanch for 15 seconds. Use a large spider or fine-mesh sieve to transfer to a kitchen towel and squeeze dry. 
  3. Bring the water back to a boil, then add the pasta. Cook according to the package instructions until as tender as you like.
  4. Meanwhile, drain the cashews, then return them to the blender along with ½ cup of cold water and 1/2 teaspoon of salt. Blend until silky smooth, with no grainy bits, scraping down as needed. Add the basil and another 1/4 cup of cold water. Keep blending until as smooth as possible, scraping down as needed. The finished sauce should be a bright, solid pea green. Season to taste with salt — the basil and cashews are each sweet in their own way, so generous seasoning is a must. Pour the sauce into a serving bowl. 
  5. When the pasta is done, use a spider or tongs (depending on the pasta shape) to transfer it to the bowl with the sauce. Toss to combine. Season with salt to taste and add a splash of water (either pasta water or tap water) if needed to loosen up. Sprinkle tiny basil leaves on top if you’re using them.

“Ted Lasso” has a message for everyone: Get you a man like Roy Kent

If it weren’t for Roy Kent, romance addicts would be having a dry summer. We’re flooded with “Love Island” nonsense, swimming in FBoys and men who questionably describe themselves as nice guys. For the briefest of moments in June an unnamed executive at DC sent the sex-positive Internet into a tizzy by declaring that Batman would never go down on Catwoman because “heroes don’t do that.”

At that point the “Ted Lasso” second season episode “Lavender” had not dropped on Apple TV+, which is a shame. It provides indisputable evidence to the contrary.

Roy, a football legend played by comedian and writer Brett Goldstein, has a dagger-loaded gaze and a gravelly voice that would sound terrific emanating from underneath a superhero’s cowl. His girlfriend Keeley Jones (Juno Temple) has a more sensible suggestion, which is that he audition for a TV sportscasting gig.  As a marketing consultant for the recently relegated football (aka soccer) club AFC Richmond, Keeley has a sense of how to leverage her man’s fame into a lucrative post-retirement career. But Roy rebuffs her time and again before finally agreeing to give it a shot.

When it turns out to be precisely what he needs to jolt him out of his post-retirement malaise, our hero returns to Keeley’s place, sits her down on the couch, kneels before her and tenderly says, “You helped me to help myself. Again. So I wanted to thank you properly.”

With that he cues up Keeley’s favorite porno on her phone: a video of the press conference where he weepily announces his retirement. Then he urges her to relax and press play, before venturing where caped crusaders allegedly fear to tread.

That was the scene in which Roy Kent became 2021’s Sexiest Man (We Wish Were Actually) Alive.

Roy’s gruffness and masterful application of swear words and blue descriptiveness already made him one of the show’s best-loved characters. Through AFC Richmond’s fans we learn about everything that went into his stellar reputation: the anger that powered his aggressive playing style, his strength, his speed.

For a decade, an announcer says, a chant celebrating his prowess rang through stadiums, and it echoes enough to impress itself in the minds of “Ted Lasso” fans: “He’s here, he’s there, he’s every-f**king-where/ ROOOOOY KENT!”  

But with maturity and a deteriorated knee forcing him to retire, “Ted Lasso” viewers are treated to Roy’s other compelling qualities, such as the way he’s quietly learning to own his vulnerability.

Roy isn’t just the man millions wish they could date. He’s also the kind of bloke some men aspire to be.

Roy’s the guy who knows vanilla vodka is a drink for man-children. He protects his date’s privacy from an intrusive tabloid photographer, then leads her back to his place to cook her dinner. Not order it, cook it.

He’s the taciturn male friend who surprises a woman he loves platonically and respects completely by nixing a suitor that’s beneath her: “You deserve someone who makes you feel like you’ve been struck by f**king lightning!” he tells AFC Richmond’s owner Rebecca (Hannah Waddingham) after meeting the perfectly nice and entirely boring guy she’s dating. “Don’t you dare settle for fine.”

The holiday-themed fourth episode, “Carol of the Bells,” brings Christmas to the show’s true believers a few months early. But every installment of Season 2 contains a bit of Valentine’s Day magic courtesy of Roy and Keeley, in case you haven’t noticed. Assuming you can see, that’s impossible.

The latest season thickly lays on the romantic comedy, which is intentional and may be a balm to soothe the sting of what’s to come: “Jason always said, this season is ‘The Empire Strikes Back,’ and he’s right,” Goldstein told Salon in a recent interview.

If that’s so, there are worse roles to play than Han Solo.

Don’t get us wrong – Roy Kent is very much his own sexy beast. Upcoming episodes show sides of him we’ve never see in Han Solo or, for that matter, any of Harrison Ford’s action heroes. This is not a sudden character shift, either. Throughout the first season, Goldstein and the other “Ted Lasso” writers drop hints that Roy’s stern scowl, intimidating grunts and foul mouth obscure a trove of charm.

Our first encounters with Roy lead us to believe he’s impenetrable. That’s before we see how gently he interacts with his cheerful young niece Phoebe (Elodie Blomfield) and how seriously he takes being an uncle. Phoebe is a short, bubbly pixie who giggles at Roy’s frequent eruptions of crude, reminding him that every curse word equals a contribution to a swear jar. That thing must be the worth the gross domestic product of a small nation by now.

But it’s also obvious that Roy views Phoebe as a gift. He recoils at Ted’s assigned reading of “A Wrinkle In Time,” but learns the leadership lesson his coach hoped it would bestow upon him through the course of reading it to his niece. From there he embraces his duties as team captain by defending the most bullied member of the team. 

Through these actions, Keeley comes to realize that instead of wasting time with (F)boys like AFC Richmond’s egotistical, intellectually challenged Jamie Tartt (Phil Dunster), she needs to be dating a man. Specifically, this man.   

“What’s interesting about Roy to me is he’s emotionally inarticulate, but it’s all there,” Goldstein explained. “It’s all under the surface. He’s a man at war with himself constantly with his vulnerable side and his tough exterior that he has built to navigate the world he’s in.”

The slow reveal of how much Roy values the women in his life adds its own distinct strain to the overall vibe of niceness dominating “Ted Lasso.”  While the larger show slyly examines the way toxic masculinity manifests in the people you’d least expect, Roy embraces his version of manliness without sacrificing his relationships with women.

His dedication to his yoga group is particularly wonderful, since he claims to hang out with the 60-something women who are in it because they treat him like a normal person. At the same time, he isn’t above lending emotional support when one of them needs him, even if that means guzzling cheap rosé with them as they enjoy a trashy reality show.

One downside to Roy is that he can be too accommodating: “Didn’t your last girlfriend steal your Rolex and sell it for drug money?” Keeley asks him before they begin dating. He testily responds with, “So? I don’t need a phone and a watch!”

Still, watching the two of them operate as a couple, and being mindful about the affection they give to one another, ensures at least one reliably heart-melting moment every week. “Carol of the Bells” allows us to see how Phoebe mixes with Roy and Keeley, enabling them to play out their own version of a widely beloved holiday romance’s best known scene.

“We wanted to do a thing you don’t see a lot in in love stories on TV and film,” Goldstein said, explaining that building plots around the beginning of a love story and its end are typical. “We wanted to see if we could craft something about a couple who are currently working together and make that just as interesting and engaging and romantic and difficult and dramatic and funny and sad and sexy and sweet – all the things.”

“I hope we pulled it off,” he adds.

From our perspective, they have . . . by showing us  that in relationships, as in football, Roy Kent leaves everything he has out on the pitch. And we love to see it.

New episodes of “Ted Lasso” premiere Fridays on Apple TV+.

40 Years of MTV: the channel that shaped popular culture as we know it

MTV’s first broadcast on August 1, 1981 opened with footage of a shuttle launch and the words “ladies and gentleman, rock and roll”. The first song, however, was The Buggles’ distinctly poppy single –appropriately enough, “Video Killed the Radio Star.”

Given the commercial and cultural behemoth it would become, MTV’s launch was inauspicious. It was set up with a view to capitalizing on the burgeoning market in cable TV, but parent company Warner Amex was skeptical. The initial broadcasts were to the New Jersey area only, and founding executives recall an uphill battle for approval and resources. Robert Pittman, MTV’s first CEO, notes that Warner Amex initially said no to the idea.

Such skepticism wasn’t entirely unfounded. Although tailor-made promotional clips for pop and rock songs had a history dating back at least as far as the 1960s, and the first “music video” – for Queen’s “Bohemian Rhapsody” – was in 1975, the format was still relatively marginal. As MTV studio producer Robert Morton put it:

We’d explain that we were starting a music channel and we’re gonna play videos, and people didn’t even know what videos were.

In the intervening 40 years, MTV might not have “killed” the radio star, and its brand salience may be somewhat diluted in the age of YouTube, TikTok and other social media platforms. But from such comparatively meager beginnings – in corporate terms, anyway – it’s difficult to overstate its effect on popular culture at large.

Reinforcing the visual in pop music

MTV’s effect on record sales was quickly noted. During the channel’s initial rise and 1980s heyday, it helped to kick-start the careers of stars such as Cyndi Lauper, and launched others – like Madonna and Michael Jackson – into the stratosphere.

Its early days, however, were also dogged with accusations of a “color barrier” that favored white artists. This echoed what happened in US radio throughout the ’50s and ’60s, when a segregated system was in place, and some stations are now widely known to have refused to play Black artists. Versions of their songs were often remade, carving out space for white artists they had influenced, such as Elvis Presley.

Indeed, part of the significance of artists like Prince and Michael Jackson lies in the way that they pushed through to mainstream white audiences, using MTV as a significant platform, especially as it expanded beyond its initial primarily rock-oriented base.

Heavy rotation on MTV supercharged the benefits of video as marketing tool, and the widespread success of videos like Michael Jackson’s “Thriller” and “Billie Jean” – alongside spiraling budgets – reinforced the visual as a key component of mainstream pop.

This aesthetic convergence of sound and sight was felt beyond music. Cable TV precipitated the decline of the traditional television networks. The networks still had major moments like the “Who Shot JR?” reveal in “Dallas” in 1980 (83 million viewersin the US), or the final episode of “M*A*S*H*” in 1983 (106 million viewers, still a record), but their dominance was fading.

The televisual monoculture of the post-war era gave way to more diverse content. MTV, through alignment with the music charts, helped to fill a popular cultural gap, especially since it greatly accelerated the trend for cross-marketing of musical acts and songs with major Hollywood productions.

Music videos and the movies were natural partners in selling content like theme songs, soundtracks and music-oriented blockbusters. From “Ghostbusters” and “Flashdance” to “Top Gun” and “Beverley Hills Cop,” a hit single became an integral part of Hollywood’s promotional strategy. The aesthetic cross-over worked both ways, too. The pathway from directing music videos to films became well-trodden by names whose early work found a home on MTV (like David Fincher, Michel Gondry and Spike Jonze).

New formats

MTV also predicted and encouraged the globalization of media content and formats. It spawned a host of sister channels in the US and internationally, like MTV Europe and MTV Brasil.

Beyond the music videos themselves, its adoption of grunge and, latterly, rap in the 1990s also had an effect on the rise of genres, as well as individual artists. Later the MTVs Video Music Awards became an important indicator of success in the industry and a much anticipated yearly event. Concert series like “Unplugged “spawned hit live albums in their own right.

As the media environment became more fragmented, MTV also popularized reality and celebrity TV formats. Precursors to modern reality TV included “The Real World,” which depicted strangers living together. Debuting in 1992, eight years before “Big Brother,” it still runs today. Other MTV shows like “Jackass,” “The Osbournes” and Jersey Shore were breakout successes in the “reality” mold, the latter giving rise to international spin-offs like “Geordie Shore” in the UK.

MTV also had a hand in shaping the contemporary adult cartoon when it commissioned Mike Judge’s “Beavis and Butt-Head” in the early ’90s. Taking the satirical aspects of more family-oriented shows like The Simpsons and adding a sharper edge, the cartoon pushed the boundaries of taste.

“Beavis and Butt-Head” leaned into the grunge-oriented demographic, giving rise to still iconic spin-off “Daria” and “King of the Hill” (also produced by Judge). “South Park” creators Trey Parker and Matt Stone have attested to the influence of “Beavis and Butt-Head” and its nihilistic Generation X aesthetic, which paved the way for latter-day hits like “Bojack Horseman,” “Archer” and “Rick and Morty.”

MTV forged new paths in entertainment by serving third-party produced content like music videos to a wide audience, paving the way for platforms like Netflix, pushing forward formats like reality TV, and yoking popular music and movies closer together. Beyond just hosting some of the key pop moments of the last 40 years, it has had a huge effect on shaping the cultural landscape of today.

Adam Behr, Senior Lecturer in Popular and Contemporary Music, Newcastle University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license.

Calls for removal of “bandit” USPS Postmaster General Louis DeJoy gain steam

The removal of both U.S. Postmaster General Louis DeJoy and Ron Bloom, chair of the Postal Service Board of Governors, were demanded Friday night after it was reported that DeJoy had purchased hundreds of thousand of dollars worth of publicly-traded bonds from an investment firm for which Bloom is a managing partner—a transaction critics say is a gross breach of government ethics.

With Bloom and DeJoy—both appointed by former President Donald Trump—already under fire by defenders of the U.S. Postal Service for a scheme to slow mail service and undermine the nation’s federal mailing system from within, the new reporting by the Washington Post revealed that DeJoy “purchased 11 bonds from Brookfield Asset Management each worth between $1,000 and $15,000, or $15,000 and $50,000” between October of 2020 and April of this year.

In total, the purchases totaled up to $305,000 during that period. In response to the reporting, Rep. Gerry Connolly (D-Va.)—who chairs the House Subcommittee on Government Operations which has oversight of the Postal Service—ripped into both DeJoy and Bloom.

“This report is outrageous,” Connolly tweeted Friday night. “DeJoy and Bloom are bandits, and their conflicts of interest do nothing but harm the Postal Service and the American people.”

Both men, he added, “must be removed to restore the integrity of the USPS and #SaveThePostOffice.”

According to the Post‘s Jacob Bogage and Douglas MacMillan:

Two ethics experts interviewed about the transaction disagreed over whether the bond purchases could cause conflict-of-interest issues in the agency’s top ranks. One argued that the transactions raise questions about oversight and governance at the nation’s mail service, which has taken on newfound prominence during the coronavirus pandemic and after the November election, in which nearly half of all voters cast their ballots through the mail. The other said financial connections between government officials could give off the appearance of conflicts without necessarily causing ethics problems. 

Other elements of DeJoy’s financial ties have drawn close examination from ethics watchdogs. DeJoy-controlled companies lease four office buildings to global shipping behemoth XPO Logistics, DeJoy’s former company. XPO pays DeJoy more than $2 million annually in rent, The Washington Post previously reported. Brookfield also owns more than $500,000 in shares of XPO, according to its securities filings. 

Bloom, who as chair of the USPS board ostensibly serves as DeJoy’s boss, has expressed support for the controversial postmaster—a major GOP donor and Trump supporter—despite intense demands for his ouster ever since he was moved to slow down mail delivery ahead of last year’s election when an increase of voting by mail was expected due to the Covid-19 pandemic.

“I’m stuck on DeJoy’s purchase of bonds from the company in which his quasi-boss is a managing partner,” Kathleen Clark, a law professor who studies government ethics at Washington University, told the Post, “because I wonder whether it affects Bloom’s ability to protect the public interest in his assessment of DeJoy’s performance as postmaster general.”

While an email from Bloom sent to the Post argued that “no basis of conflict” was created by the bond purchases and a USPS spokeperson said that DeJoy did not directly order the purchases that were made on his behalf by his financial advisers, Clark said that does not absolve the clear ethical concerns.

“He’s claiming that his agent didn’t act on his specific direction,” Clark said of DeJoy’s involvement. “That’s not good enough for federal government ethics.”

On Friday evening, Bogage announced via social media that a slight addition had been made to his and MacMillan’s earlier story after learning of new information about ethics at the USPS under DeJoy.

“This is 100% true,” Bogage wrote. “Postmaster General Louis DeJoy announced today that next week would be ‘Ethics Awareness Week’ at USPS.”

How much do you really need to bathe?

It was around dinnertime when I started to feel… gross. Earlier that day, I’d gone for a pre-dawn walk with a friend, immediately plunged into the daily cascade of work and family obligations, and the next thing I knew, I was boiling pasta and smelling funky. Then I realized — not for this first time this apocalyptic timeline we’re living in — that I’d completely forgotten to shower that morning. Maybe you can relate.

Despite our pandemic-induced mass affinity for hand-washing, it seems many of us have become considerably more laissez-faire about the rest of the body. In the earliest days of COVID, an Advanced Dermatology survey found that one in three respondents said they were showering less. More recently, a February YouGov poll out of the UK revealed that 17% of respondents were showering less often. Celebrities like Ashton Kutcher, Mila Kunis, Dax Shepard and Brad Pitt have all publicly copped to their relaxed bathing routines. And Jake Gylenhaal recently admitted in Vanity Fair that “More and more I find bathing to be less necessary, at times,” because “There’s a whole world of not bathing that is also really helpful for skin maintenance, and we naturally clean ourselves.” I don’t know, do we?

I’m a runner and it is summer, so you’ll thank me that skipping showers is not my current go-to protocol. But on more indoorsy, less sweaty days, what are the rules? I feel like stink is probably a lot like thirst: if you’re noticing it, it’s probably too late. Or do I just think that because my Western, 21st century ideas of cleanliness have been warped by Big Soap?

Even animals bathe, to clean and protect their feathers and fur. Humans have been doing it forever — some of our oldest surviving structures are baths. A few years ago, I wiled away an evening with friends in a thermal bath in Segesta, in the same waters where ancient demigods reputedly used to frolic. We bathe to socialize, to purify, and first and foremost, to wash off our dirt and grime. As historian Virginia Smith observes in her introduction to her “Clean: A History of Personal Hygiene and Purity,” we are wired for both disgust and “delight.” Those responses protect us from eating rotten food, and they prime us for grooming. It follows, she notes, why “self-neglect is often a sign of depression.” Clean is healthy.

In “Body. Gaze. Power: A Cultural History of the Bath,” Florence Hudowicz notes that while our ancient ancestors appreciated a good scrub session, early Christians had a far more uptight view of whole nakedness and presumed ensuing “loose morals” thing. And while bathing didn’t go away entirely in the Middle Ages, it was less enthusiastically practiced, and the poor had little to no access to regular cleansing. There is not a medieval hygiene YouTube video I have not watched, and they are why you could not pay me to get in a time machine. Everybody must have been so itchy.

The advent of modern germ theory was both a massive leap forward for medicine and a boon for capitalism. Yes, soap has been with us for eons. But in the 20th century, regular bathing became not only the norm, but home to an entire consumer industry built around it. When I spoke to “The Joy of Sweat” author Sarah Everts earlier this summer, she described the history of our “war on sweat,” and how a fear of stink became one of the greatest selling tools of all time.

I absolutely cop to being among the brainwashed sheep who needs her soap to really lather and really smell like something. A 2016 study from Air Quality, Atmosphere & Health reported that “Fragranced consumer products, such as cleaning supplies, air fresheners, and personal care products, are a primary source of indoor air pollutants and personal exposure,” and yet 88.8% of Americans are exposed scented personal care products every week. Maybe the easiest way to not smell something bad is to smell something else. Or maybe, like me, a lot people just don’t entirely trust cleansers that don’t smell like fields of lavender and foam up like a fire extinguisher.


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It’s excessive, I know, and pretty bourgeois, which is no doubt why rejecting the perfurmed excesses of conventional hygiene has long been a countercultural move. You can’t have hippies without having dirty hippies. Not bathing can be a form of protest, of anti-consumerism and anti-conformity. I distinctly recall Michael Stipe bragging on MTV, long before Jake Gylenhaal made it trendy, that he did not bathe. Conan O’Brian has said that when the lead singer of REM would appear on his show, “It was as if he had just been heli-vaced out of being lost in the woods for nine weeks.”

Stipe has a point; too much bathing is indeed not good for you. “The sebum we produce has antibacterial properties to it — it’s not just to lubricate your skin — that will kill off harmful bacteria on our skin,” dermatologist Shyamalar Gunatheesan told Australia’s “Every Day” recently. “Our natural oils also break down dirt, so we can break down particles of grime.” And as James Hamblin, the author of “Clean: The New Science of Skin” rather chillingly explained last year for The Atlantic, “We’ve been oblivious to the importance of the trillions of microbes that live on our skin, the largest organ in the immune system…. Even water alone, especially hot water, slowly strips away the oils in the outer layers of skin that help preserve moisture —and the drier and more porous someone’s skin, the more susceptible it is to irritants and allergens.”

What if you’re not a movie star or Rock and Roll Hall of Famer, though? Other people’s tolerance for your more casual ablutions might not go over so well. Yale School of Medicine associate clinical professor of dermatology Mona Gohara told the Washington Post in June that she  “recommends people wash their bodies once a day, or twice at the most,” but that people with skin conditions might want to do it less.

When figuring out how much bathing is necessary, individual body chemistry and daily habits are a big factor. I once had a roommate with an indifferent relationship to our shower, but I don’t ever recall catching a single unpleasant whiff off her. She seemed to have an innate good sense around her hygiene regulation. If only every intermittent bather had those instincts.

The consensus seems to lean toward keeping a careful eye and nose on what Louisiana State University clinical assistant professor calls the “pits, privates and piggies” — underarms, groin area and feet. They’re going to stink first and worst; stay on them. It’s also wise to consider how you bathe; a long, hot, lazy soak might do more to draw moisture from your skin than get you clean.

In general though, it’s all a more personal call than our traditional once-a-day absolutism has led us to believe. If I ever get within six feet of another person, I imagine I’ll find out that plenty of people have been skipping everyday showers and remaining relatively fresh. Yet I still prefer the ritual of daily bathing. I like the vaguely indulgent block of time of warmth and pleasant aromas and absolutely nobody bothering me. I think of every new day as a clean slate, and I like to treat my body the same. Until, of course, I forget again.

Mike Lindell shares details of alleged “attack” during cyber symposium photo-op

MyPillow CEO Mike Lindell appeared visibly shaken on Thursday as he discussed a physical “attack” he suffered during this week’s “cyber symposium,” the event at which he promised to share irrefutable evidence of industrial-scale voter fraud that would propel former President Donald Trump back into office.

“When I got to my hotel, I… I was attacked,” Lindell said during an on-stage speech at the symposium, his voice audibly shaking. He immediately turned things over to one of his security professionals to outline how the event’s “red team” had discovered agitators within the facility — but Salon was unable to find any evidence of those allegations.

Though the predicted Aug. 13 “reinstatement day” has now come and gone without any evidence to prove the widespread election tampering Lindell alleges, the pillow maven is now claiming that the assault he referenced on stage involved a fan squeezing his armpit just a little too hard while posing for a picture — a detail which has led a number of right-wing sites to speculate that the outspoken Trump supporter was the subject of a “martial-arts” style pressure-point attack.

According to an interview Lindell gave to right-wing blog “100 Percent Fed Up” Friday, the incident happened at the Sheraton hotel in Sioux Falls, South Dakota, late Wednesday night.

While posing for photos with fans, Lindell claims he was approached by a “tall” and “very strong” man in his late 20s, who pulled him in close for the shot. Apparently the man grabbed Lindell under the armpit and squeezed, leaving him in “excruciating” and “intense” pain.

Though Lindell admitted to the site that he didn’t visibly react, it was only because he didn’t want to give his assailants “the satisfaction” of seeing him hurt:

Mike didn’t want to give either of the men the satisfaction of knowing how badly he was being hurt, so he continued to stand and smile for the camera without flinching. “He either wanted me to react or to fight him,” Mike said.

When Mike got to his room, he checked to see if his skin had been penetrated by a needle or any other device and called the police to report the incident. Unfortunately, all three men had disappeared from the lobby by the time the police arrived to take their report. The police also checked under Mike’s arm for any obvious injuries.

The Sioux Falls Police Department confirmed to the Associated Press that it is investigating one reported assault that occurred at a hotel near the event, but did not identify the alleged victim.

100 Percent Fed Up went so far as to suggest the “attack” was an attempt to disable Lindell through a pressure-point attack on a grouping of nerves which run through the armpit, called the subaxillary bundle — or even a play to sever his brachial artery, a major circulatory route that, if damaged or severed, can prove fatal.

The site reported that Lindell said he’ll “never forget the evil face of the man taking the photo.”

When reached for comment Saturday on the incident, Lindell suggested that “people from Salon might be involved” in the attack and that he was forwarding this reporter’s name to investigators. “You are evil!” he added.

The incident was just the latest roadblock for Lindell in his quest to overturn the 2020 election results — throughout the “cyber symposium” he failed to produce long-promised physical voting machines and data “packet captures” that he said would show widespread vote tampering, while blaming antifa for the repeated failures.

You can read Salon’s previous coverage of Lindell’s South Dakota gathering, below: 

Mike Lindell promised Dominion voting machines — but he doesn’t have any

Lindell-apalooza melts down: MyPillow guy claims antifa sabotaged his “cyber symposium”

Mike Lindell’s South Dakota “cyber symposium” has a bumpy launch: No real evidence

If Mike Lindell’s claims were correct (they’re not), he likely broke wiretapping laws

These 14 no-churn ice creams are summertime magic

Sure, you could go buy a pint of ice cream at the store — but we all know nothing beats homemade. Ideally, sprinkled with your favorite toppings or a dollop of whipped cream. Don’t worry: You don’t need to pull out the pots or turn on the stove to enjoy a frozen treat. In fact, you don’t even need an ice cream machine. It’s basically magic. Yes, you’ll still have to be patient. But when making ice cream is this easy, a couple of hours of inactive thumb twiddling is a small price to pay. Here, we’ve gathered 14 of our simplest no-churn ice creams guaranteed to cool you off this summer.

* * *

No-Churn Ice Cream Recipes

1. Nigella Lawson’s One-Step, No-Churn Coffee Ice Cream

The one that won our hearts and opened our eyes. This four-ingredient, one-step wonder needs no cooking, and no churning. And yet, this recipe makes an ice cream with an almost buttery smoothness.

2. Dori Sanders’ No-Churn Fresh Lemon Ice Cream

Hello, new Genius graduate. This sweet, bright lemon ice cream comes from Dori Sanders, a now 84-year-old peach farmer, novelist, and cookbook author, and might be one of the best no-churn treats we’ve tried yet.

3. Peaches and Sour Cream Ice Cream

If you’re looking for a simple, sweet summer treat, go ask Alice Medrich: “Somewhere between ice cream and sherbet, it’s neither as creamy-rich as the first nor as icy as the latter. By using sour cream in place of a custard base, you’ll get a dessert that’s colder and more refreshing in your mouth than classic ice cream, with a cleaner and tangier fruit flavor.”

4. Totally Homemade, Ridiculously Easy Hot Fudge Sundae

Why just make ice cream when you can have a whole dang sundae? OK, OK — you will need your stove to make the hot fudge sauce, which is a sacrifice I’m willing to make.

5. No-Churn Coffee-Cinnamon Ice Cream with Caramel Sauce

Heavily inspired by Nigella’s masterpiece, this recipe comes from Izy Hossack, who adds a dash of cinnamon. Again, the sauce needs a stove . . . but the ice cream is so good, it doesn’t need the sauce.

6. Mrs. Owen’s Unchurned Ice Cream Cake

What’s more impressive than no-churn ice cream? A no-churn ice cream cake (duh). It’s easy to make and even easier to eat. But what really impressed our testers was something else: “The part to shout from the rooftops is the use of cream cheese and crème fraîche. I think all ice cream should include cream cheese!”

7. No-Churn Ice Cream with Vanilla Bean and Scotch

This recipe has an ingredient list you can count on one hand, and one step to boot. Single-malt scotch keeps the ice cream creamy as can be, and enhances the caramelly vanilla.

8. No-Churn Pumpkin Ice Cream

For Thanksgiving. Or for when it’s summer and you wish it were Thanksgiving. By ditching the usual pumpkin pie spice, you can appreciate pumpkin’s squashy flavor even more.

9. No-Churn Tortilla Chip Ice Cream

Tortilla chip! Ice cream! Need we say more? OK, well, we will: This recipe is an excellent way to give stale, sad tortilla chips new life.

10. No-Churn Chocolate Soft-Serve

A generous pour of booze ensures that this ultra-chocolatey ice cream stays silky and scoopable. The magic chocolate shell is optional but, you know, not really.

11. No-Churn Avocado Ice Cream with Lime and Coconut

Buttery from avocado, rich from coconut milk, sweet from mango, zingy from lime. Where the heck do we sign up?

12. No-Churn Butter Pecan Ice Cream

Double the butter, double the pecans. This Big Little Recipe is just as welcome in summer as it is in fall and winter.

13. No-Churn Strawberry Cheesecake Ice Cream

Goat cheese in ice cream? Yeah! Why not! If you’re skeptical, don’t take our word for it. As one commenter put it: “Turned out INSANELY good, and it was really easy to make.”

14. No-Churn Mango Sherbet

OK, not technically an ice cream. But no-churn, you bet. All you need is mangoes, milk, sugar, and limes. (Psst: Swap out the milk for yogurt if you want something tangy.)

Fowl play: the mystery surrounding Fabio’s fatal goose-to-face collision

A possible consequence of getting on an amusement park ride at the Jersey Shore is colliding with a seagull, as 13-year-old Kiley Holman found out earlier this month when she was forced to fend off an errant bird on the SpringShot ride at Morey’s Piers in Wildwood, New Jersey.

The footage of Holman’s struggle went viral. But it was far from the first avian interruption on a ride. The greatest day of infamy remains Fabio’s fatal collision with a goose.

The incident took place on March 30, 1999, when the actor and model best known for gracing the covers of countless romance novels visited Busch Gardens Williamsburg in Virginia to promote Apollo’s Chariot, a new roller coaster that stood a towering 210 feet tall.

Owing to its considerable height, the coaster’s flight pattern seemed to be at odds with that of native birds. Descending after the first big drop, it was reported that a 10-pound goose suddenly materialized in front of Fabio’s face, bloodying him and then expiring as a result of the midair collision.

Since the opening was meant to be publicized, photographers were on hand to capture a bloodied Fabio as the coaster came to a stop. While it looked like a lot of blood — and staunching the flow wasn’t helped by the coaster inverting — Fabio required only three stitches.

With the coaster going at a brisk 73 miles per hour, it appeared as though the goose could have mortally wounded Fabio. But Roger McWilliams, a physics professor at UC Irvine, told the Los Angeles Times that momentum transfer likely spared the model’s life.

“Since the goose is mushy, it could squash and diffuse the impact … like a crush zone in a car,” he said. “However, if it had been a brick, Fabio would be the crush zone.”

Years later, Fabio would contest this version of events, saying that the goose actually collided with a camera. The equipment, in turn, delivered a piece of shrapnel to his nose. The goose story was, he alleged, a way for Busch Gardens to avoid liability.

“This is the twist,” he told Studio 10 in 2018. “One of the goose [sic] hit the camera, the video camera, and a piece of video camera barely slashed the bridge of my nose. Now I have to do 10 minutes upside down with my head down . . . but I wasn’t hurt, I was pissed because they wanted to cover their butt. So, they go ‘OK, if the goose hit him, it’s an act of God.’ So this spread to the media that the goose hit me.”

It’s not known whether any forensic examination was conducted on the expired goose, whose carcass was retrieved the following day. Considering Fabio’s highly profitable face was left largely unblemished and spared being “the crush zone,” it’s possible no further action was needed.

Fabio was most recently seen as the Pope in 2017’s “Sharknado 5: Global Swarming.” Apollo’s Chariot is still open at Busch Gardens. On the park’s website, it lists the ride’s thrill level as “high.”

Republicans claim to fear left-wing authoritarianism — but there’s no such thing

The meaning today of the “Big Lie” almost always refers to the false claim by Donald Trump and his right-wing cronies that the 2020 presidential election was somehow stolen by the left and Joe Biden, with the help of foreign agents.

Not only is this claim false, it is absurdly false.

This is hardly the first Big Lie from the right. Not even close. The right has been promulgating Big Lies for decades.

In fact, lying is the only way the right wing can win elections. After all, its policies are profoundly unpopular with ordinary people because the right-wing favors the 1% rich over the 99% working and middle classes.

How in the world could 1% of the population ever win elections over the 99%? Simple. The 1% bamboozles the 99%. To win elections, the right must conceal its true intentions from the voters and instead engage in manipulative tactics, like lying and fearmongering.

The lies are not just little lies.They are whoppers. They are the complete opposite of the truth. They are 180 degrees from the truth. They are the polar opposite of the truth, like from the North Pole all the way to the South Pole. Hence the term Big Lie.

Yet, shockingly, many of these egregious lies actually work. They take hold. They create a false impression in the mind of the public.

One of the egregious lies that has taken root throughout society, and remains persistent today, is the false notion that dictatorships and fascism are associated with the left.

Once again, this is the exact opposite of the truth. Dictatorships and fascism are right-wing, not left-wing.

This “Big Lie” grew out of the aftermath of World War II and the emergence of the Cold War in the extreme backlash against communism and the Soviet Union. This was the era of the “Red Scare” and lying Republican demagogue Joe McCarthy, a U.S. senator from Wisconsin, who falsely smeared innocent liberals as being dangerous communists, destroying their careers and lives. This period ranks among the most shameful in American history.

During and after the Cold War, the right undertook a relentless campaign that rages on to this day of falsely smearing Democrats and the left as the cause of authoritarianism, like the horrendous dictatorships of Joseph Stalin in the Soviet Union, Adolf Hitler in Germany, Fidel Castro in Cuba and Hugo Chávez in Venezuela.

In fact, the right so maligned the concept of “socialism” and the profoundly influential thinker Karl Marx that “socialism” remains a poisonous word to this day, often wielded as a weapon against Democrats and liberals.

Republican candidates accuse Democratic candidates of being diabolical “socialists” and claim that Democratic policies such as Medicare for All, child care, or taxing the rich are evil “socialism.” Republicans allege that electing Democrats will turn America into a failed socialist state like Venezuela.

Shockingly, this nonsense actually works.

When people hear “socialism,” they often think of Stalin and Hitler. They have been incorrectly conditioned to associate Stalin and Hitler with the left wing, and wrongly conclude that left-wing policies lead to totalitarianism.

This is a Big Lie.

The truth is that left-wing policies, broadly speaking, are popular and beneficial to society, while dictatorial regimes are right-wing, with policies that are unpopular and horrendous for society. So how did these opposites become associated with each other? How is it that beneficial policies from the left wing of the political spectrum, became mixed together with dictators from the right wing of the spectrum?

To understand all this, keep in mind the two basic forms of government that are opposite to each other. And let us indeed oversimplify for clarity. One form of government is monarchy, which is rule by a king or a dictator. The other is democracy, which is rule by the people through popular vote of their elected officials. Monarchy and dictatorship are right-wing, while democracy is left-wing.

Historically, governments were primarily monarchies, which are essentially dictatorships. Just think of all of the European countries and world empires that were ruled by kings and queens or their equivalents, such as England, France, Spain, Germany, Austria, Russia and on and on.

Along came the liberal Age of Enlightenment in the 17th and 18th centuries, which celebrated liberty of the individual and emancipation from the strictures of monarchy. These new ideas led to the political revolutions of the 18th and 19th centuries, including the American Revolution of 1776, in which the United States declared its independence from the King of England, thereby giving birth to modern liberal democracy. France soon followed with the French Revolution in 1789, overthrowing the French monarchy.

Unfortunately for the working class, however, even the elimination of monarchies did not improve their plight as they had hoped. From approximately 1850 to 1880, Karl Marx came along and explained the problem. Even though monarchies were receding, a new oppressive force was emerging: capitalism.

The Industrial Revolution was underway, and this new system of capitalism was creating great wealth and control at the top for a tiny minority, while simultaneously oppressing the vast number of workers in the middle and lower classes by forcing them to work long hours under difficult conditions for paltry wages.

Marx provided a solution. He observed that the working class (the 99%) overwhelmingly outnumbered the rich at the top (the 1%), and thus the working class could transform its massive size into political power by uniting together in a cohesive political movement. Workers of the world, unite!

This is a powerful idea. Extremely powerful. This idea filled the suffering working class with great hope and inspired them to attempt to join together in unity in order to seek greater fairness for workers.

At the same time, Marx’s idea struck fear into the hearts of the ruling rich at the top. They knew full well that Marx was exactly right that the unification of the working class would pose an existential threat to the dominance of the rich at the top — and to their vast fortunes.

The world was shocked as it watched Marx’s theoretical idea come into actual fruition in the Russian Revolution of 1917 when the working class united in the Bolshevik party led by Vladimir Lenin and overthrew Czar Nicholas II and the Romanov dynasty, ending the Russian Empire and creating the Soviet Union.

But Lenin fell ill not much later, became weak and disabled, and died in 1924. Within a few years, Joseph Stalin seized control, consolidated his power, and ruled the Soviet Union with an iron fist for three decades, until his death in 1953. Stalin is now justly regarded as among the worst dictators of the modern era. Stalin created a deplorable totalitarian state, waged a campaign of murder and imprisonment against millions of political dissidents (as well as imaginary enemies) and repressed human rights, free speech and any version of democracy. 

So what is the assessment here? Was the Soviet Union left-wing? Was Stalin left-wing? Are dictatorships left-wing? Is totalitarianism left-wing?

This is exactly what the right alleges today. Republicans claim that electing Democrats would result in turning America into a socialist or communist regime like Russia under Stalin. Many Americans believe this, associating Stalinist repression, dictatorship and totalitarianism with the political left.

This is a Big Lie. The truth is entirely different.

The truth is that the communist movement in Russia in 1917 began as a left-wing movement that was positive and beneficial for society. After all, the population was in fact suffering grievously from oppression under the Russian monarchy. The working class united, as Marx had suggested, in order to bring fairness to government and improve the lives of ordinary people. This movement was inspired and driven by positive motives.

Unfortunately, it was hijacked by a right-wing dictator in Stalin, steered into the opposite direction, and transformed into a right-wing totalitarian state, all under the false pretense of being a left-wing movement. This too was a Big Lie. Stalin falsely proclaimed to be governing under left-wing principles for the people, when in fact he was concentrating power into his own hands and governing as a right-wing dictator.

This transformation of the Soviet Union by Stalin from a beneficial left-wing movement into a hideous right-wing dictatorship was masterfully described by George Orwell in his famous novel from 1945, “Animal Farm.” That book, summarized here, tells an allegorical tale about animals on a farm who rise up in revolt, banish the humans from the farm, and seek to govern themselves on the farm under a free and democratic animal society.

The story is essentially a retelling of the Russian Revolution, with the animals representing the working class revolting against the humans that represent the Russian monarchy. The new democratic animal society represents the new left-wing society sought by the working-class revolutionaries who created the Soviet state.

But then, one particular pig on the farm, who represents Stalin, seizes control through lies, propaganda and violence, transforming the farm from a beneficial left-wing movement into a horrendous right-wing totalitarian regime. As in real life, the initial rebellion on the farm began as a positive development to improve the lives of the working animals, but then the entire movement was seized and transformed into a dictatorship.

Therefore, to say that Stalin, dictatorships and totalitarianism are left-wing is the exact opposite of the truth. It is indeed a Big Lie.

Russia, of course, is not the only example. When Republicans claim that the left-wing and Marxism results in authoritarianism, they cite not only Russia but also various other regimes, like those of Castro in Cuba or Chávez in Venezuela.

To be sure, a number of dictators have proclaimed themselves to be Marxist, socialist, and left-wing — as did Stalin. This does indeed create the false impression in the public mind that these dictatorships are left-wing when, in fact, they are not. Just like with Stalin, these dictatorships are right-wing, not left-wing.

So why have so many dictators claimed to lead left-wing, socialist governments? For a very good reason. Think about the situation from the perspective of a right-wing, wannabe tyrant who desires to seize control of a government. What campaign message should the wannabe tyrant communicate to the population?

Should the tyrant tell the population: “I am a devious person. I want to be a dictator who controls everything myself. I want to suppress all the working people, corrupt the government and steal loads of money by abusing my power”? Of course not. Tyrants who desire to become dictators cannot possibly tell the truth. In order to seize power and remain in control, tyrants must lie to the people, misrepresenting themselves as someone they are not.

Clearly, tyrants should pretend to be someone who can offer what the people desire. Many tyrants falsely proclaim to be Marxists, socialists and left-wingers because the ideas of the left are broadly popular among the oppressed classes in many countries around the world. And for good reason: Left-wing policies would indeed improve the quality of life in most societies. 

Once in office, the tyrants do not truly implement left-wing policies, but instead rely on totalitarian right-wing policies, such as consolidating their own power, restricting democracy, aligning with the wealthy, imprisoning political dissidents and so on, all while falsely proclaiming to represent the left.

Consider the example of the Nazi Party. Its name was a German abbreviation for the party’s full name, the National Socialist German Workers’ Party. Politicians from the right, to this day love to point to the words “Socialist”  and “Workers” as proof that the Nazis were sincere socialists somehow affiliated with the left, and that electing Democrats or “democratic socialists” somehow risks turning America into Nazi Germany.

This is the exact opposite of the truth. Hitler was a perfect example of a right-wing dictator and the Nazis were a right-wing fascist movement. They co-opted the language of the left to some degree. That was a Big Lie. 

This is exactly the playbook followed by right-wing dictators: They falsely pretend to represent a leftist movement that favors the working people, because left-wing policies are the best way to win popular support. Once in power, dictators abandon left-wing policies and instead implement right-wing authoritarian policies.

This dictator’s playbook has been used again and again. Castro in Cuba and Chávez in Venezuela are often cited as examples of “left-wing dictators,” largely because they implemented various left-wing policies designed to benefit the working class, including widespread public education, public health care and income redistribution.

But implementing a few left-wing policies does not magically convert a right-wing dictatorship into a left-wing democracy. The societies ruled by Castro and Chávez were never left-wing democracies, and cannot truly be considered “socialist.” They were overwhelmingly defined by right-wing attributes, including strongman rule, a one-party monopoly on power, suppression of free speech, false propaganda glorifying the regime, persecution of political dissidents, the restriction or elimination of democracy and so on.

Another example is the People’s Republic of China, which is ruled by a “Communist” party ostensibly based in Marxism. Right-wing politicians often cite China as an example of a left-wing state, and an example of what Democrats have in mind for America.

Of course, this is nonsense.Does anyone really believe that China is a “People’s Republic”? as its name proclaims? Of course not. This too is a Big Lie, is the dictator’s playbook on full display. China falsely proclaims to be a left-wing government in order to win support from the people, but in practice, China operates as an authoritarian regime that implements all the right-wing techniques of wielding power. Indeed, China’s leader, Xi Jinping, eliminated term limits and cleared the way for him to remain as president for life. (Xi was praised for this by none other than Donald Trump.)

If Karl Marx were here today, he would be appalled by all of these countries that falsely invoke his name and ideas in order to impose right-wing governments of domination and control. This is precisely the opposite of what he had in mind, which was a vision of robust democracy and rule by the ordinary people.

This is not to say that Marx offered a magic solution in communism, which he did not outline in practical terms. Indeed, the theory of communism may be riddled with many problems and contradictions, although it’s fair to say it has never really been implemented anywhere in the world.

While Marx may not have provided a workable solution, he did provide an accurate diagnosis of the problem: Unbridled capitalism results in unacceptable inequality, with of a small minority of the rich at the top (the 1%) grievously exploiting the vast majority of the population (the 99%). This imbalance remains the central problem plaguing our society to this day, more than 150 years after Marx first described the problem.

Unfortunately, the Big Lie used around the world is alive and well right here in America today. Indeed, it is the defining characteristic of the entire Republican Party, with Donald Trump offering a prime example.

Trump’s presidential campaign in 2016 was significantly focused on appealing to the blue-collar working class by promising to implement a number of popular left-wing policies. To be sure, Trump also campaigned on plenty of right-wing appeals, such as opposition to immigration, xenophobic nationalism, overt racism and sexism, gun rights and so forth.

But Trump intentionally sought the support of blue-collar, working-class voters by promising left-wing policies. He promised a new health care system with universal coverage for everyone at a mere fraction of the cost. He promised he would stop U.S. corporations from shipping jobs overseas, and would bring jobs back to America. He promised he would never cut Social Security, Medicare or Medicaid. He promised to get tough on Big Pharma and cut the high cost of drug prices. He promised a massive investment in America’s infrastructure, like roads and bridges. He promised to tax the rich, including himself, and to provide a massive tax cut for the middle class.

But once Trump was elected, of course, he abandoned all these promises of policies that would benefit the working class, instead implementing right-wing policies that benefited large corporations and the rich at the top, including granting a massive tax cut to himself and the rich, slashing regulations for big business, seeking to repeal the Affordable Care Act and seeking to cut Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid.

This is exactly the dictator’s playbook for deceiving the population. Trump followed it faithfully. His entire presidency was based upon a “Big Lie.”

In America along with some other Western countries, an outward difference is that the right denounces “socialism” rather than falsely clothing itself in socialism. In America, the right-wing (falsely) claims that “socialism” equals authoritarianism while capitalism equals freedom.

By contrast, in many non-Western countries where anti-capitalist sentiment runs high, the right does not necessarily attempt to claim that capitalism is good. Instead, the right falsely claims to be socialists, when it is actually authoritarian. But the essence remains the same in both cases. The right wing falsely claims to favor the working class and democracy over the rich and authoritarianism, when the truth is exactly the opposite.

In America today, the threat of authoritarianism overthrowing democracy is clear and present. As usual, this threat is not coming from the left but from the right. Look no further than the Republican Party. Trump went so far as to incite an insurrection at the U.S. Capitol building in an attempt to overturn the 2020 presidential election that he had lost fair and square, and thereby overthrow democracy in America, while falsely claiming that the purpose of his insurrection was to stop the left from stealing the election. Once again, the right falsely claims the exact opposite of the truth — and falsely blames the left for the very offenses the right itself is committing.

The Republican Party will no doubt continue with its tactics of claiming the exact opposite of the truth. So let us all be informed about the truth. The left wing is not authoritarian. In truth, it seeks robust democracy in direct opposition to authoritarianism. 

Authoritarian regimes around the world that claim to be “socialist” or Marxist, such as China and Cuba, are not proof that “socialism” is authoritarian. In truth, these regimes falsely claim to be left-wing in order to win support from the population when they are actually right-wing authoritarian regimes in direct opposition to left-wing democracy.

The Democratic Party is not authoritarian, and does not seek to create an authoritarian regime such as those in China or Cuba. In truth, the Democratic Party favors robust democracy in direct opposition to authoritarianism. The right wing is the side of the political spectrum that favors authoritarianism, and it has repeatedly led to dictatorships and totalitarian regimes.

Yes, authoritarianism poses a real threat in America today. As usual, this threat is not coming from the Democratic Party, but from the right-wing Republican Party, which falsely claims that the Democrats seeks authoritarianism. In truth, it is precisely the other way around: The Republican Party poses a real threat of overthrowing democracy and imposing authoritarian rule in America today. This is the dictator’s playbook in action, and the biggest of Big Lies.

Rachel Maddow “seriously considering” quitting MSNBC: report

For more than a dozen years Rachel Maddow has been the face of MSNBC, keeping the network’s mostly liberal and growing base of viewers informed five nights a week. But according to The Daily Beast, the 48-year old Emmy and Grammy award-winning anchor is “seriously considering” leaving when her contract expires next year.

It’s hard to imagine the news without Maddow, the 2022 midterms, or the 2024 presidential election without her insight, expertise, self-effacing wit, and dogged determination to inform.

The Daily Beast says Maddow could leave “as negotiations drag on and the temptation to take her brand elsewhere or start her own lucrative media company has grown.” She has “in recent months increasingly expressed openness to exiting when her deal ends, citing a desire to spend more time with her family and the toll of hosting a nightly program since 2008.”

A Rhodes Scholar who earned her Doctor of Philosophy degree in politics at Oxford, Maddow “has occasionally dropped hints about professional burnout. During her Monday evening broadcast, she informed viewers that a two-week break she took earlier this month was the longest vacation she’s taken in her entire life. And during a 2019 interview with The New York Times, Maddow said she realized that between writing a book and hosting her show, she barely has any time to herself.”

“I’m realizing now—10, 11 years into this—that it’s fine to work long days,” she told the Times. “But it’s not good for you to work incessant long days, five days a week, 50 weeks a year for 10 years.”

Read the entire report at The Daily Beast.

Omega is the MVP of “The Bad Batch,” a Star Wars clone who’s destined to be different

In the animated series “Star Wars: The Bad Batch” on Disney+, there arrives a moment a Star Wars cosplayer might recognize. A girl takes a white-armored clone trooper doll, powders it all over in black (the signature shade of her guardians’ armor) and declares, “Now she’s a Bad Batcher.”

It echoes the intimate moment when Rey in “The Force Awakens” plops an oversized Rebel Alliance helmet on to showcase her aspirations. It’s a gesture that fans would find familiar: a little girl turning a typical male-template character and converting it into her own image with her own individual touches. And as in many cases in society, she has no other female template on which to model this image. 

When “The Bad Batch” was announced for Disney+, I noticed concerns that there was yet another Star Wars franchise show predominantly centering male characters since it starred established clone characters created from the male bounty hunter Jango Fett, first introduced in “Attack of the Clones.” Once the previews came out and revealed Omega, the sole female clone, she was a game changer. Why a clone copy of Jango Fett happens to be female is not as relevant, however, as the relationship the show has built with her and her clone brothers. (Although her lived experience as an overlooked girl does help her uncover identity of an informant whom her brothers assumed was a “he.”)

“The Bad Batch” serves as the spinoff successor to the “The Clone Wars” cartoon, set after the events of the Prequel Trilogy when the Jedi have fallen. “The Bad Batch” is notable for developing a period of transition that previously had been omitted from onscreen canon: how the Empire-ruled galactic order replaced clone soldiers with stormtroopers and the early days of the Empire’s oppression across planetary systems. These changes send the titular “Bad Batch” Experimental Clone Force 99 fleeing from the Empire-controlled clone headquarters of the aquatic and stormy planet of Kamino for a fresh start. 

The Bad Batchers, unlike the other Republic clone soldiers, each possesses a significant mutation that is manifested physically or through abilities. The leader Hunter senses electromagnetic fields, Wrecker is a muscular brute, Crosshair has handy enhanced sight for sniping, the nerdy Tech has heightened technical skills, and Echo (the only “non-mutant” recruited by the group) lives with a cybernetic body. They (sans Crosshair who joins the Empire) end up adopting the runaway Omega, a mysterious medical assistant who resides in the Kamino labs, into their squad. While taking mercenary gigs and evading the Empire, they learn to be devout guardians to her. 

When Omega is introduced, she is so distinctive that the Bad Batch processes her differently from the “reg” clones that are ruled as “normal.” Something’s off. She resembles young reg clones enough in facial profile but looks distinctive enough with blonde hair that Hunter doesn’t figure out her relation to the clones at first. Turns out, he isn’t so used to this kid’s energy or her spirit. (Of note, Omega’s design contributed to concerns of colorism regarding her lighter complexion compared to her clone donor, based on Polynesian actor Temuera Morrison’s portrayal of Jango Fett.)

When head writer Jennifer Corbett created Omega, she was tackling the question: “How do you challenge a super soldier?” Her answer was to give them a child to raise. The Omega factor continues a pattern throughout the onscreen Star Wars franchise beyond the films: hardened men taking kids under their wings and maturing into accommodating guardians. “The Mandalorian” Din Djarin adopts the 50-year-old alien infant infamously known as Baby Yoda, Kanan Jarrus of “Rebels” raises Ezra Bridger as his apprentice, and Anakin Skywalker mentors Ahsoka Tano in the preceding “Clone Wars.” 

As a make-it-or-break-it kid sidekick, Omega can be deemed a successor to Ahsoka, the young female audience surrogate who goes on adventures and wields weapons against baddies. But to call Omega a mini-Ahsoka would reduce her own individuality. She’s one of a kind.

Owing much to Michelle Ang’s disarming voice performance, Omega’s charms stem from being a sincere ingenue experiencing the galaxy as it enters the era of the Empire long before a young moisture farmer named Luke Skywalker ever set out on his quest. Being raised and sequestered at the Kamino labs makes Omega the ideal person through whom others can vicariously sample and absorb the light and the dark of the galaxy. When she experiences dirt and sunlight for the first time, she’s like a child finding beauty in a sandbox. She later learns that the universe can give her kids to play with just as it can send horrible creatures and bounty hunters after her. Considerable breathing space is given to her existential terror when she learns that the world doesn’t adhere to her chipper naiveté and may want to force her into an experiment vat, an implied source of trauma for her.

She’s able to capture the breadth of her emotional experiences in one pronoun: “Me?” Omega utters this simple yet portentous word in two separate instances when she learns how people value her for starkly different reasons. It’s heartfelt when she learns that the Bad Batch cares her as a member of the family. In contrast, it’s horrifying when she learns about the bounty hunters’ darker definition of “value,” perceiving her body as a prize. Ang delivers Omega’s words on dimensional wavelengths.

Like any good kid character, she also points out the moral fissures that challenge her adult brothers’ perspective. Her most important question arrives in the early episode “Replacements” as she gazes at a scrapyard of debris and derelict space warships and asks, “What was the war like?” When one of her guardians describes it as a series of “primary objectives,” his clinical answer does not satisfy her. She’s looking for an emotional answer, and it’s clear that she grasps an unspoken incalculable human cost. Her guardians carry out mercenary missions to support themselves, and her dissent often wrangles them into doing the right thing and taking time to care about other strangers surviving under the Empire.

Thus far, Omega sets herself apart from other Star Wars youths by breaking another pattern: she’s not a Force-sensitive fledgling needing to be mentored. At least, she isn’t confirmed to be Force-sensitive yet. But like the launch of Rey’s arc in the Sequel Trilogy, Omega’s nebulous origins positions her as rich fodder for fandom speculation, with prospective Force-sensitivity being among popular theories. Personally, I hope she’s able to avoid the Force-sensitive twist since Omega is already special as she is.

Sometimes the “Bad Batch” pushes her genetically engineered heritage a bit like the Sequel Trilogy attaching Rey, and by extention her Force talents, to a special bloodline. (That revelation sparked controversy for contradicting a valued message in “The Last Jedi” that a nobody like Rey can be imbued with the Force and isn’t limited in one’s heroic trajectory.) Characters like Tech insist that Omega’s uniqueness and heightened sensitivity comes from purity of breed from Jango Fett DNA, which makes her valuable for Kamonians to capture. She doesn’t have growth acceleration and she possesses the battlefield-desirable talents of Jango Fett, such as blaster aim. But there’s room for her to assert complete ownership of her own spirit in this season and more. Being genetically engineered for someone else’s purpose may be a part of her past but she is defined by her personality and choices.

Her literal blood connection to the famous bounty hunter Boba Fett – mentioned once this season to highlight that he like her is also an unaltered clone – matters little, although it could be ground to explore in Season 2 if she encounters him. They’re potential foils: She forges a brotherhood with a clone squad while Boba Fett rejects kinship with clone soldiers as seen in “Clone Wars.” As it goes in found family narratives, bloodlines don’t matter, though the family dynamic forged here is an interesting subversion because Omega is literally related to her Bad Batch brothers, sharing the Fett blood; nevertheless, blood relations are arbitrary to them. 

There are many pathways for a second installment of “The Bad Batch,” which closed its first season on Friday. Omega’s presence invokes a slew of storytelling opportunities, existential territory that onscreen Star Wars hasn’t engaged in. One of them involves exploring the ramifications of clone aging.

While the “Rebels” animated series set during the Original Trilogy illustrated elder clones who quickly reached physical old age in their 20s or 30s, it barely acknowledged how they felt about being engineered with reduced longevity after serving a war. “Clone Wars” at least devoted time to showing clones in their youth like Rex exploring their individuality and agency and seeing modes of living denied to them. 

In “The Bad Batch” season finale, we learn Omega that even though she’s a kid who ages normally, she is actually older than her guardians and watched them gestate in cloning tubes before they were shipped out for training and their age accelerated them into their recognizable adult forms. Ang’s performance has always betrayed a depth of loneliness, as if Omega feels severed from siblings who grew up without her. This poses intriguing, potentially depressing questions about a little girl who has been raised by the very guardians she watched grow from artificial lab wombs. If the Batchers even survive the Empire, how will edging toward physical old age impact them and Omega? How would Omega deal with impending solitude?  

“The Bad Batch” Season 1 is currently streaming on Disney+.

There’s a long history of dances being pilfered for profit — and TikTok is the latest battleground

In January 2020, 14-year-old Jalaiah Harmon created what would become one of the biggest viral dance sensations on TikTok.

But few users knew that Harmon, who is Black, invented the dance, which she dubbed the Renegade – at least not until a month later, when The New York Times drew attention to her case. That’s because a TikTok user had copied the dance, and it was that TikToker’s rendition that went viral.

Because Harmon didn’t get credit, she wasn’t able to reap the benefits of more views and followers, which, in turn, could have led to collaborations and sponsorships.

Harmon is only the latest in a long list of women and people of color whose choreography and dance work have been pilfered for profit – a story that dates back to the origins of jazz dance in the 19th and early 20th centuries.

But these days, TikTok is the battleground – and it isn’t just Harmon who’s had her work lifted. In June 2021 several popular Black creators were so fed up with having their dances stolen or not credited that they decided to join forces and go on strike, refusing to post new dance content to bring attention to the issue.

Choreographers fight for royalties

Laying claim to a dance isn’t as straightforward as, say, a poet saying they have exclusive rights to a poem they’ve written.

Designed to protect “intangible cultural goods,” copyright, according to the U.S. Copyright Office, gives “Authors and Inventors the exclusive right to their respective Writings and Discoveries.”

Established in the hopes of rewarding innovation and promoting progress, the first U.S. copyright laws, which were established in 1787 and 1790 and based on statutes from Britain, didn’t grant rights to artists and dancers. Only writers were protected.

In fact, the very concept of owning choreography didn’t exist until the 20th century when dancers started to lay claim to their work in court.

In 1909, an Indian dancer named Mohammed Ismail tried to sue white dancer Ruth St. Denis, claiming he was the originator of one of St. Denis’ “Oriental” dances. In 1926, African-American blues singer Alberta Hunter claimed she held the copyright to the popular dance the Black Bottom, an African American social dance.

George White’s Black Bottom became a national sensation.

Hunter performed the Black Bottom in front a white audience in 1925. A year later, the dance appeared in George White’s revue “Scandals,” which ignited the Black Bottom dance craze.

However, little came of Ismail and Hunter’s efforts. More attempts would follow. In 1963, performer Faith Dane sued M&H Company for royalties for her choreography in “Gypsy” and lost. In the 1950s and 1960s, choreographer Agnes de Mille advocated for copyrights specific to choreography because she got very limited royalties for her work on the hit musical “Oklahoma!”

It wasn’t until 1976 that copyright protection was updated to specifically include choreographic works.

A delicate dance with copyright

But this hasn’t exactly led to a windfall of royalties for choreographers.

Congress has established four guidelines to determine whether a work can be granted copyright protection: originality, fixation, idea versus expression and functionality.

In choreography, it’s the fixed “expression” that’s being protected, not the “idea” behind it. This is why New York City Ballet can copyright their choreographed version of “The Nutcracker,” but other artists can create their own versions or expressions of the story as plays, storybooks or choreographed dance.

Artists and scholars still debate what, exactly, it is that a dancer or choreographer is trying to claim as their own. Is it the dance as a work of art, the choreography or the specific performance?

So while creators can apply to register the recorded expression of their idea with the government, many choreographers – perhaps due to so many gray areas in what is eligible for copyright – still don’t realize that they they have something of value that can or should be protected.

George Balanchine, the founding artistic director of New York City Ballet, had a heart attack in 1978. But he did didn’t draw up a will until he was told the dozens of dances he created would generate licensing income that would go to next of kin unless he directed otherwise.

When pop culture pulls from avant-garde

Avant-garde artist Anna Teresa De Keersmaeker’s brief spat with Beyoncé illustrates the tricky nature of determining what constitutes copyright infringement or plagiarism.

In 2011, De Keersmaeker claimed that Beyoncé, in her music video “Countdown,” had plagiarized De Keersmaeker’s dances from two different works – “Rosas danst Rosas” and “Achterland” – without giving her credit.

Anna De Keersmaeker’s “Rosas danst Rosas.”

Both artists made public statements acknowledging what happened. It seems that though a substantial amount of De Keermaeker’s movement was transposed into “Countdown,” it was also transformed – from a white, elite avant-garde setting to a Black pop culture setting. A case could be made for fair use, the doctrine that permits the unlicensed use of copyright-protected works in certain circumstances.

Beyoncé’s “Countdown.”

Nonetheless, this episode illustrates the gray areas of what is protected by copyright. Does performing someone else’s dance movements in a new setting – for an audience who may not have any connection or knowledge of its origins – make it OK? Does this make it a new work?

Copyright protection was devised primarily to promote progress. The thinking went that if authors and artist were given control of their work they would create more original work, earn a living from it and continue creating.

But the incentive for progress can also exist outside of copyright protection. This is what dancer-turned-lawyer Jessica Goudreault argued in a 2018 article for the Cardozo Law Review.

She writes that for some dance styles “the field might never evolve without the opportunity to copy,” which “sustains and encourages innovation.”

I would argue that this applies to the dances on TikTok. Without the ability for users to freely imitate the dances, those moves wouldn’t go viral. The creators of the dances would not get their moment in the Sun – however brief it is in social media – and other creators might be less inspired to innovate if they didn’t have the examples of those who came before them.

Can copyright protection even work for TikTok?

If TikTokers and choreographers are looking to license a new dance, should they rely solely on the copyright system and all its restrictions? Or is there another way to get credit and promote innovation in dance?

When dance videos are posted to the web, they are, by default, protected under copyright. In theory, this should prevent dancers from having their work used by others without permission.

In reality, it is often difficult to know who made it first and what constitutes fair use. When does doing some dance steps turn them into a new dance piece? Furthermore, discovering the original author or authors of a dance isn’t easy.

That’s because unlike posts on Facebook, Twitter and Instagram, TikTok posts aren’t time-stamped. Posts appear in a user’s feed in order of popularity, not chronologically. Identifying who posted the content first is tricky.

I would suggest that common law copyright is not the right solution here – and that the principles of Open Source might better serve creators.

Open Source, a social movement by computer programmers, is underpinned by licensing criteria that ensures integrity of authorship, among other principles. Open-source licensing could resolve the issue of the correct people receiving credit for their works. This could take the form of an Open-source license – which has yet to be clearly laid out for dance works – or a Creative Commons license with a “CC-BY” designation that requires attribution, but leaves space for copying, adjusting, remixing and innovation. For this to happen, TikTok would need to add a time and date stamp, in addition to a license preference feature.

Perhaps honoring legacies and influences by naming where something came from can begin to heal the damage that’s taken place over the years to people of color and other choreographers who’ve had their work cribbed with nary an acknowledgment or thanks.

Jill Vasbinder, Senior Lecturer in Dance, University of Maryland, Baltimore County

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license.

Inspector General calls for FEC ethics review after employee’s ties to Trump revealed

The inspector general for the Federal Election Commission is calling on the agency to review its ethics policies and internal controls after a ProPublica investigation last year revealed that a senior manager openly supported Donald Trump and maintained a close relationship with a Republican attorney who went on to serve as the 2016 Trump campaign’s top lawyer.

The report by ProPublica raised questions about the impartiality of the FEC official, Debbie Chacona, a civil servant who oversees the unit responsible for keeping unlawful contributions out of U.S. political campaigns. The division’s staffers are supposed to adhere to a strict ethics code and forgo any public partisan activities because such actions could imply preferential treatment for a candidate or party and jeopardize the commission’s credibility.

In its findings, the inspector general said Chacona, head of the FEC’s Reports Analysis Division, or RAD, did not improperly intervene in a review of the Trump inaugural committee’s fundraising and acted “consistent with relevant law and policy” by allowing career analysts to handle the filings.

But the inspector general said “it is important to address the ethical principle that federal employees should avoid even the appearance of impropriety.” It added that the FEC’s “unique mission raises heightened concerns when allegations of personal or political bias are raised against FEC senior personnel that could undermine the public’s confidence in the agency” and recommended the commission “evaluate the current agency policies on ethical behavior and update them, as may be appropriate.”

Chacona displayed her support for Trump in Facebook posts, including one in which she posed with her family around a “Make America Great Again” sign at Trump’s January 2017 inaugural. Separately, emails obtained by ProPublica showed that she also consulted regularly on matters personal and professional with the Republican lawyer, Donald McGahn, when he was an FEC commissioner from 2008 to September 2013.

After Trump’s election, the fundraising practices of his inaugural committee prompted complaints that the FEC failed to properly examine contributions. As head of RAD, Chacona signed off on amended filings by the committee intended to address some of those complaints even though the revised reports continued to list problematic donations, including ones from donors whose addresses didn’t exist in public records.


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The 300-employee FEC is an independent regulatory agency that was created by Congress to enforce campaign finance law. It is headed by six presidentially appointed commissioners, four of whom must vote together for the agency to take any official action, a requirement that was meant to bolster nonpartisan compromise but has resulted in chronic gridlock.

The inspector general also took issue with the way the FEC regulates presidential inaugural committees, which are nonprofit entities separate from campaign committees. Trump’s inaugural committee raised a record-breaking $107 million from more than 1,000 contributors. Its initial disclosure report was 510 pages.

The inspector general found that unlike with campaign committees, FEC policy confers “broad, subjective discretion to the RAD senior manager to determine what potential violations of law warrant further inquiry” when it comes to inaugural committees. It called such a standard “ill-defined and subjective,” cautioning that it could create “a reasonable likelihood of inconsistent results and arbitrary or capricious application (in fact or appearance).”

The inspector general also said that unlike political committees, which file their reports to the FEC electronically, inaugural committee disclosure reports are filed on paper to the commission and then manually reviewed by agency staffers — a system the inspector general said was “antiquated and lacks adequate internal controls.”

Asked what the agency has done to address the appearance of a conflict of interest at RAD and whether the agency planned on adopting any of the inspector general recommendations, an FEC spokesperson declined to comment.

McGahn, who was appointed White House counsel after serving as the Trump campaign’s top lawyer, now heads the government regulations group at the law firm Jones Day. He did not respond to messages seeking comment; in a response for the earlier ProPublica story, he said he doesn’t comment on “nonsense.” Chacona did not respond to a message seeking comment. A spokesperson for Trump’s inaugural committee didn’t return a message seeking comment.

The inspector general said that it interviewed FEC lawyers and RAD staffers, and that it obtained and reviewed agency records to conduct its inquiry. Commissioners were notified of the investigators’ findings at the end of July.

With its unprecedented haul and its questionable outlays, Trump’s inaugural committee drew swift attention from journalists and regulators. The Washington, D.C., attorney general has sued the committee, accusing it of enriching the Trump family business by spending lavishly at Trump-owned properties, claims the committee has denied in court papers. Separately, federal prosecutors subpoenaed the committee’s donor records as part of an inquiry into illegal contributions made by foreign nationals.

Both inaugural and political committees are prohibited from accepting contributions from foreign nationals. But Trump’s inaugural committee included in its disclosure reports donations from contributors outside the U.S., and RAD relied on the word of the committee that the donors were indeed U.S. citizens, the inspector general report found. Investigators took issue with that practice. They noted that RAD’s policy of accepting a committee’s “self-certification” wasn’t memorialized in any policy, and they recommended that the division set a threshold when such a contribution would trigger further inquiry to independently verify the source of the money.

Fred Wertheimer, whose advocacy group Democracy 21 helped file a 2017 FEC complaint against Trump’s inaugural committee, which the agency’s general counsel later dismissed, said the head of RAD should have recused herself from overseeing the committee’s filings.

“In my view Ms. Chacona had a clear appearance of conflict and never should’ve gone anywhere near the inaugural committee’s report,” said Wertheimer, who was derided by Chacona and McGahn in the email exchanges obtained by ProPublica.

Who’s responsible for student debt? The One Percent deserve much of the blame

One way to avoid the crowds is to build your own golf course. That’s what Albert Lord did in Harwood, near the Chesapeake Bay in Maryland, about 30 miles east of Washington, DC.

Lord built his course around a 1831 plantation house, which he restored and stands near the 11th and 12th holes. It is also within driving distance of the Capitol, convenient for doing student loan business.

Lord made his fortune as an executive for Sallie Mae, taking home more than $200 million from 1999 through 2004. That doesn’t include stock options, which were estimated at nearly $400 million in 2007. As CEO, chairman, and in other roles at the company, he was a prime mover in taking Sallie Mae private and making it the predominant college student loan company, handling about a quarter of all federal student loans. Since its founding in the late 1960s, Sallie Mae had been a government-run enterprise to administer student loans; but through the 1990s, with the wave of deregulation and privatization of governmental services under the Bill Clinton presidency, it became a privately-held corporation. Since then, it has spawned a web of interlocking entities, such as SLM Corp., General Revenue Corp., Navient, and other spin-offs.

Sallie Mae first handled federal student loans, but spun off Navient in the early 2000s to continue that contract, with Sallie Mae focusing on private loans and SLM handling collections. From the early 2000s through 2019, SLM Corp. averaged around $2 billion gross profit and $347 million net income a year,  and from 2014-2019 Navient averaged $2.6 billion in gross profits and $683 million net income and Sallie Mae $350 million in net income per year. After overseeing the expansion of the company, Lord retired as chairman in 2013, although he has continued on the board, and also is a partner in a private equity company and a new student loan company.

By most conventional measures, Albert Lord is an American success story, and he has led a productive life. He was not born with a silver spoon but attended a land-grant university, Penn State, to which he has given significant donations and served as trustee (although he had to step down after making insensitive remarks about the victims of the Sandusky child abuse case becoming millionaires). After college he worked as an accountant, coming to Sallie Mae in 1981, first as controller and moving up through the ranks. The exact amount of his total wealth is obscure, but it is not unreasonable to assume that he is a centi-millionaire—or his family is. Despite his wealth, he is reportedly plain-spoken and without pretense, and just goes by “Al” to people he meets.

From the late 1990s through the early 2000s, another Al, Alan from Washington state, had a very different experience with Sallie Mae. He had originally borrowed $38,000 while earning degrees as an aerospace and an industrial engineer, but even with a job at a prestigious institute, he had to take a second job to pay his monthly debt. Then after 9/11 he had trouble getting a job that paid well enough to cover his loans, so he sold most of his belongings and moved to Alaska, working 92 hours a week in food service in an effort to pay down the debt, which had grown exponentially. Because he had missed a payment early on, Sallie Mae had regularly added fees and penalties so that, by 2003, the total debt had ballooned to $80,000, even though he had paid off about $4000 of the principal. He sums it up: “Sallie Mae—who had already profited at least $25,000 (this doesn’t include interest subsidies paid to them by the federal government while I was in school)—was demanding more than double what I originally borrowed.” “My life has been paralyzed,” Al says,  listing other travails that he has suffered as a consequence of his debt. For instance, he struggled to obtain a good job that required a security clearance because of his poor credit.  

There are a lot of other Als. Or Ellens. Ellen from South Dakota, for instance, tells of her student debt (originally $27,000) nearly doubling due to fees. Ellen subsequently received a cascade of threatening telephone calls from collection companies put on the trail by Sallie Mae — not only to her but to her grandmother and other relatives. “There have been times when I’ve thought that I should just kill myself so my family can have some peace,” she confesses.

 Because of federal laws uniquely applying to student loans, none of these debts could be absolved in bankruptcy, and lenders can charge substantial fees and raise interest rates with any missed payment. These cases, among more than 500 accounts gathered by an archive from studentloanjustice.org, show the other side of the balance sheet of Sallie Mae. (It was founded by Alan Collinge, who tells his own story in his book, “The Student Loan Scam“) They offer testimony to the harm that student loan debt has caused.  

By now we all know the basic data about college student loan debt—that it totals more than $1.7 trillion, encumbers around 40 million people at present, and cannot be absolved in bankruptcy. And we probably know about it anecdotally, hearing stories from a son or daughter, niece or nephew, friend, friend’s child, or someone behind the counter making our coffee. Or we may have experienced it ourselves. (For myself, I joined the debt club in the late 1980s while in graduate school, and only paid it off in 2008, struggling to make the monthly nut while working as a professor since 1990.) Though college student loan debt began its precipitous rise in the 1980s, it only became an everyday news item after the 2007-8 financial crisis and impetuses like the Occupy movement and Bernie Sanders’ presidential campaigns.

Despite being a familiar issue in contemporary American life and politics, we don’t tend to think about where all the money has gone, who has profited, and how they have done so. Obviously much of the money has gone to colleges: tuitions and fees have risen at three times the rate of inflation since the 1980s. Sometimes people blame colleges for that, but in many cases those raises replaced state funding, as higher education was reconceived more as an individual good for one’s private benefit and thus to be paid individually, rather than a public good for societal benefit and paid from public coffers. (For instance, Al Lord paid only around $500 tuition per year, or $3900 in current dollars, as the state footed a large part of the bill.) Beyond tuition, a substantial portion of student loan debt money has gone to profit Sallie Mae, Navient, and the web of other financial institutions and services that handle student loans—or more exactly, to those who own and control them. Humble Al Lord’s hundreds of millions of dollars came, fairly directly, from those debtors, enabled by the system of policy, law, regulations, and banking that he helped develop.

In my own case, for nearly twenty years I filled out a check for $660 each month to Sallie Mae. It would require a forensic accountant to adduce the amount extracted, but how much did Al Lord make from my payments? $.10 a month? $50 total? $20? It wasn’t nothing. You’d think I might at least have gotten to play a hole of golf at his golf course.

Al Lord likes to say that he wanted to help people go to college and have the same chance he had. As he put it to his Alumni Association, “Penn State was one of the few schools that I could afford…. Today, I help others gain their education…. giving every teenager a shot at the American Dream—even kids from the humblest circumstances.”   If questioned about the problems befalling those with student debt, he blames the federal government and colleges themselves, rather than loan companies.  That fits the framework of economic thinking prevalent now: those who take loans make a rational choice to go to college, presumably to advance their careers and financial prospects. And they make a fair deal: they sign their student loan forms freely, so are rightly responsible for their loans, and the market operates without prejudice, according to the simple rule of supply and demand.

But is the deal really fair? Student loans are hardly a natural entity or unbiased exchange; rather, the arrangement through which Lord got his money was created deliberately through a web of policies, regulations, and laws, which he and Sallie Mae lobbied heavily to enact, paying millions a year to officeholders. For instance, Lord had a close relation with Congressman John Boehner, taking him on golf outings to Florida on a Sallie Mae jet and contributing heavily to his campaigns.  The policies and laws that gave us SLM and the quagmire of college student loan debt were put in place by the conscious planning and maintenance of people like Lord and Boehner. And, while benefiting some, they have harmed many people. As the subheading of an article in Fortune, not known to be a leftist magazine, puts it, “Sallie Mae’s buyers may make a ton of profit. But taxpayers and students will be paying the bill.”

How do we finally adjudicate this harm? One way to think of student debt is in terms of liability. Ironically, as an opulently remunerated CEO and chairman of the board responsible for many decisions, Lord had no personal liability for the actions of Sallie Mae, which is a “limited liability” corporation, whereas the other Al had full liability for his student debt, indeed for the length of his life if he cannot pay, with no ordinary recourse to declare bankruptcy, as a corporation has. Furthermore, he has no power to negotiate better rates, as companies often do and banks accommodate when necessary. Instead, he has been subjected to exorbitant penalties and fees, accruing yet more debt.

So, rather than a fair exchange moderated by the Invisible Hand of the market, wasn’t the scale tilted by the hands of people like Al Lord and Boehner? According to free market principles, shouldn’t debtors be able to absolve their debt through bankruptcy as other kinds of debtors are, or companies are? Or if loans are a governmentally subsidized service, shouldn’t there be regulations to prevent exorbitant fees, loan-shark level rates, and extraordinary profits? Or simply they be zero profit?

Moreover, shouldn’t those who rigged the scale be liable for the harms that result from their actions? 

At first it might seem a stretch to think of student loans in terms of liability for companies who issue and handle them, but consider a few analogies. One comes from medicine: the case of OxyContin and other problematic pharmaceuticals. Medicine is presumably a good addressing a human need, parallel to education in that regard, rather than a conventional consumer good or luxury service. Like loans, drugs often have good uses but as recently has become known, OxyContin was exploited by Purdue Pharma for the sake of their own profit and the personal gain of the Sackler family. Even if what they did was not illegal at the time, did it cause harm? Are they responsible for the harm they caused, morally if not legally?

Granted, with student loans not all borrowers have experienced harm, or they have simply experienced the unpleasant effects of a necessary bill, like paying taxes. No doubt many graduates benefitted from student loans and paid their amounts in a timely way. Still, is it not a wrong if some experience difficulty causing undue harm? And the issuer extracts undue benefit?

Liability is a central issue in civil law, particularly in torts (from the Latin tortum, a tort simply means a wrong). Criminal law obviously addresses wrongs as well, but those wrongs, like murder or robbery, are conceived of as offenses to the body politic, so the state prosecutes them, whereas civil law instead adjudicates other wrongs, which often bear on property damage or personal injury. And they have different ends: criminal cases assess guilt and mete out punishment, whereas civil cases usually assess liability and mete out compensation in a corrective or reparative judgment. As the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy defines it: “the underlying concern of tort law is to address the costs, suffering, or more generally, the losses that victims suffer as a result.”

Judgments take into account several criteria to establish the degree of liability, notably intention, reasonable care and foresight, and negligence. Actual consequence is more determinative than conscious intention; even if an act is unintentional in the everyday sense, one might still have liability, for instance if a tree on one’s property falls on a neighbor’s fence and damages it. Another factor is foreseeing a consequence or risk, and taking, or not taking, precautions. Thus, one might be responsible not only for an action, but for lack of action, and negligent.

In the philosophy of law, this taps into an economic rationale: “In order for injurers to have an incentive to take appropriate precautions, each must face costs of his activity in full” (“Theories”). Negligence is judged on a spectrum, the most extreme form being recklessness, although one still has responsibility for reasonable attention or “duty of care.” As Alan R. White explains in his standard text, “Grounds of Liability,” “failure to give attention to, to look out for, or even to notice—and hence take precautions against—the risks and dangers inherent in one’s conduct” (105) constitutes “carelessness.”

This, I think, bears most on college student lenders like Sallie Mae and their creators like Al Lord: they should have known foreseen the results better. Or maybe they did, and ignored the possible harms, or calculated them as a risk worth taking. Even if they would protest that they did not personally wish for the bad consequences that many experienced, they were careless and showed indifference to them.

Much of the current debate about student loans rightly focuses on making college free or tuition minimal, thus eliminating most loans. That would no doubt help protect future generations, but would not redress the harm many have already experienced. Some proposals focus on forgiving loan debt, which would alleviate much of the burden for current debtors. In addition to those proposals, we should also consider liability and how to repair the harm that many, over several generations by now, have experienced.

The people who brought us college student loan debt did so legally at the time, but gamed the laws, despite the harmful results for some. How might those responsible compensate for the harm they caused? Those who exhibited carelessness and indifference to the consequences of their machinations? Civil cases aim less at punishment than repair. Now is the time to talk about a reparative policy that aims for corrective justice for those who have suffered, as well as mandating restitution from those who so carelessly gained.

Beyond “touchy-feely”: Andrew Cuomo, Donald Trump and the politics of sexual abuse

Andrew Cuomo is out as governor of New York. Reeling from allegations in a 165-page report by New York Attorney General Leticia James that he sexually harassed 11 women and assaulted at least one, most of whom worked under him in state government, and facing impeachment proceedings, Cuomo announced last Monday that he will resign on Aug. 24. 

Cuomo faces charges that he groped and engaged in unwanted touching of several women, made inappropriate and suggestive comments and created a hostile work environment for women who worked for him. One of the women, Brittany Commisso, his former executive assistant, filed a criminal complaint accusing Cuomo of groping and rubbing her butt and slipping his hand inside her blouse and bra and grabbing her breast. The charge filed by Commisso is the most serious allegation against Cuomo. Four district attorneys from jurisdictions in Manhattan, Albany, Westchester, and Nassau counties have announced that they are reviewing the evidence presented in the attorney general’s report.

Andrew Cuomo is a Democrat. Both houses of the New York state legislature are controlled by Democrats. Had Cuomo not announced he would resign, he would clearly have been impeached and convicted and removed from office by the state legislature. 

Cuomo’s rapid fall after allegations of sexual harassment and assault is reminiscent of Al Franken’s resignation from the U.S. Senate. Franken faced allegations that he had forcibly kissed and groped several women. He was never accused of sexual assault, but less than a month after the first sexual harassment allegation was made against him in November of 2017, Franken announced he would resign from the Senate.

It has been said that Democrats eat their own, but it’s more accurate to say that Democratic men, when they are caught being disgusting, at least have the sense to apologize and resign their positions. Democrat Eliot Spitzer was forced to resign as New York governor in 2008 following allegations that he had been a frequent customer of a high-priced prostitution ring. Attorney General Eric Schneiderman, another incredibly disgusting New York political figure, resigned from office in 2018 after the New Yorker reported that four women had accused him of physical abuse during sex. The women said that Schneiderman had choked, hit or slapped them without their consent.

Republicans, on the other hand, are not known for having a problem with men in their party when they are charged with sexual harassment and assault. Take the man who has been the leader of the Republican Party since he won the presidency in 2016: Donald Trump. In addition to various affairs Trump has had during three of his marriages, and the payoffs he has made to keep the women quiet, Trump has faced many accusations of harassment and abuse over several decades.

Let’s take a look at what the Republican Party believes does not amount to behavior that would disqualify you from holding office. This list of Trump’s alleged incidents of sexual misconduct is compiled from reports on ABC News and Time Magazine.

In a divorce filing, Trump’s then-wife, Ivana, charged him with forcibly raping her in 1989. She is the mother of Eric, Donald Jr. and Ivanka. Later, under pressure to settle her divorce case, she withdrew her allegation, explaining that while she did feel “violated,” she did not mean rape “in a literal or criminal sense.”

Former model and photographer Kristin Anderson says that Trump shoved his hand under her dress and forcibly grabbed her vagina without her consent in a nightclub in the early 1990s. Anderson, who was in her early 20’s at the time, said Trump was a stranger, a guy sitting next to her in a nightclub.

Jill Harth, a makeup artist, says that Trump groped her under her skirt at a dinner for contestants in one of his beauty pageants in 1992. She told the Guardian Trump had “pushed me up against the wall, and had his hands all over me and tried to get up my dress” in one of his children’s rooms at Mar-a-Lago in the early 1990s.

Temple Taggart McDowell, a former Miss USA contestant, says that Trump forcibly kissed her on the lips more than once at the pageant in 1997.

Amy Dorris, a former model, told the Guardian that Trump groped her and forcibly shoved his tongue down her throat in 1997 at the U.S. Open tennis tournament. “I was pushing him off. And then that’s when his grip became tighter and his hands were very gropey and all over my butt, my breasts, my back, everything,” she said.I felt trapped.”  

Lisa Boyne told HuffPost in 2016 that at a dinner she attended in 1996, women were forced her to walk across the table in order to leave the room. She says Trump commented on her underwear and vagina as she passed him.

Advice columnist E. Jean Carroll says that Trump pushed her up against the wall of a department store dressing room in the mid 1990s and forced his penis inside her. She has filed a lawsuit against Trump accusing him of rape.

Mariah Billado, who was Miss Vermont at the Miss Teen USA pageant in 1997, says Trump walked into her dressing room without her consent while she and other contestants were partially undressed. Trump admitted walking into dressing rooms and looking at undressed contestants on the Howard Stern Show in 2005, telling Stern he got away with it because “I’m the owner of the pageant.”

Jessica Leeds says that Trump shoved his hand beneath her skirt and groped her “everywhere” while sitting next to him on a flight in the late 1970s. When she ran into him at a party in New York City several years later, Trump recognized her and called her a “cunt.” She told the New York Times in 2016, “It was shocking. It was like a bucket of cold water being thrown over me.” 

Cathy Heller told The Guardian she was celebrating a Mother’s Day brunch at Mar-a-Lago in the late 1990s with her husband, children, and mother in law when Trump walked up to her table and forcibly kissed her and grabbed her. She said Trump got angry when she tried to avoid his kiss and said, “Oh, come on!”

Karena Virginia told a press conference in 2016 that Trump walked up to her in the parking lot of the U.S. Open in 1998 and groped her breast against her will and asked her, “Don’t you know who I am?” 

Karen Johnson, a member of the Mar-a-Lago club, says that Trump pulled her behind a set of drapes and forcibly grabbed her vagina and kissed her on the lips in the early 2000’s. “I didn’t have a say in the matter,” she says. Trump continued to pursue her by calling her repeatedly and offering to fly her to New York. 

Miss Teen USA contestant Bridget Sullivan says that Trump walked into the dressing room at the pageant while she was undressed and hugged her “a little low on [her] back” against her will. He was like “a creepy uncle,” Sullivan says.

Tasha Dixon, another Miss Teen USA contestant, made a similar claim against Trump, saying that he entered her dressing room at the pageant when she and the other girls were “half naked changing in our bikinis. There was no second to put a robe on or any sort of clothing or anything.” Dixon was 18 years old when Trump ogled her in 2001.

Natasha Stoynoff, a reporter for People Magazine, says that Trump sexually assaulted her at his Mar-a-Lago club in 2005 while Melania – whom he had just married – was in another room changing for a photo shoot. Trump said he would take her to Peter Luger’s steakhouse and told her, “You know we’re going to have an affair, don’t you?”

Former porn actress Jessica Drake told a press conference held by attorney Gloria Allred in 2016 that Trump kissed her and grabbed her without her permission in his hotel room at Lake Tahoe after a charity golf tournament in 2006. She said two other young women were also present, and he forcibly kissed them, too. Trump offered her $10,000 to return to his hotel room alone later. When she declined his offer, he said “What do you want? How much?” and offered her the use of his private plane.

Summer Zervos, a former contestant on “The Apprentice,” told a news conference in 2016 that during a private meeting in his room at the Beverly Hills Hotel in 2007, Trump “grabbed my shoulder and began kissing me again and placed his hand on my breast.” 

Rachel Crooks, a former receptionist for the Bayrock Group, one of Trump’s companies at Trump Tower, says that Trump forcibly kissed her without her consent outside an elevator in 2005. “It was so inappropriate,” Crooks told the New York Times in 2016. 

Mindy McGillivray says that Trump forcibly grabbed her buttocks without her consent in 2003 in a backstage area of a Ray Charles concert at Mar-a-Lago. 

Samantha Holvey, a Miss USA contestant in 2006, told CNN in 2016 that Trump “inspected” her and other contestants “like we were just meat, we were just sexual objects,” before the pageant.  It made her feel “the dirtiest I felt in my entire life,” she says.

Former Miss Finland Ninni Laaksonen told a Finnish newspaper that Trump groped her without her consent and “grabbed my butt” backstage at the David Letterman show in 2006 when she made an appearance with other Miss Universe contestants. Trump was the owner of the Miss Universe pageant at the time.

Cassandra Searles, a former Miss USA contestant, says that Trump “continually grabbed my ass and invited me to his hotel room” at the pageant in 2013. She says Trump treated her and the other contestants “like cattle.” Trump was the owner of the Miss USA pageant.

Sexual assault by forcibly grabbing and touching breasts and vaginas. Forcible kissing. Shoving women against walls and holding them against their will. Pulling a woman behind a set of drapes and assaulting her. Making disgusting and demeaning comments about genitalia and other body parts. Leering at naked teenagers backstage at a pageant. 

And violent forcible rape, more than once.

Donald Trump isn’t alone among Republican sexual abusers. Right now, Rep. Matt Gaetz of Florida is under investigation by multiple law enforcement agencies for sex trafficking a minor, procuring sex and having sex with a minor.  

Andrew Cuomo is out as governor of New York. Donald Trump just reported raising $100 million, likely in preparation to run for president again in 2024. His support among members of the Republican Party is currently above 80 percent. Republicans evidently believe sexual harassment and assault of women is a sign of strength and manhood, and a reason to vote for a disgusting slimeball like Donald Trump.

There’s a difference between Democrats and Republicans. Don’t forget it.

 

Here comes trouble: an anti-tobacco hero’s complicated legacy

Not many scientists have fought harder against smoking than Stanton Glantz. As a professor of medicine at the University of California, San Francisco and founding director of its Center for Tobacco Control Research and Education, Glantz led campaigns to ban smoking in public places, exposed secret tobacco industry documents, and wrote or co-wrote five books and nearly 400 papers, most documenting the harm done by tobacco.

The cigarette companies despised him, and the feeling was mutual.

“I’d like to just destroy the tobacco industry,” Glantz once said. “It is an industry that kills 5 million people a year. It has no business existing. Make them go do something useful.”

In recent years, however, as a contentious debate over electronic cigarettes has fractured the community of tobacco researchers, many of Glantz’s former allies have turned on the 75-year-old scientist. His critics accuse him of exaggerating the dangers of e-cigarettes and downplaying their benefits. They say that his research into vaping has been driven by politics, not science. Some are even revisiting doubts about his earlier work, saying that his contempt for the cigarette manufacturers — and his activism against them — tainted his influential research into the dangers of secondhand smoke.

In the unkindest cut of all, these critics say that Glantz has become an unwitting ally of the tobacco industry. He has become one of “Big Tobacco’s little helpers,” as David Sweanor, a longtime anti-smoking activist, says.

How can that be? It stems from the belief held by many tobacco researchers, but not by Glantz, that e-cigarettes are safer than combustible tobacco. (Scientists do disagree about how much safer.) Many respected researchers — but again, not Glantz — also believe that e-cigarettes help smokers quit by delivering regular doses of nicotine in a way that won’t end up killing them.

Glantz and his powerful allies in the anti-tobacco movement — nonprofit advocacy organizations the Campaign for Tobacco-Free Kids and the Truth Initiative, as well as the American Lung Association, the American Heart Association, and the American Cancer Society — have mounted a campaign against e-cigarettes funded with $160 million from Bloomberg Philanthropies. Instead of inviting smokers to switch to vaping, Glantz and the nonprofits have promoted more traditional quitting strategies, including those involving the use of FDA-approved medications, while simultaneously working to ban e-cigarettes, tax them, prohibit the sale of flavored e-cigarettes, outlaw their use in smoke-free zones, and generally do whatever they can to stop both adults and children from vaping.

Glantz has made a variety of claims about e-cigarettes — that they are a gateway into smoking, that they don’t help smokers to quit, and that they raise the risk of heart attacks. All have been challenged, and one influential study has been retracted. But as Glantz’s work has been amplified by the nonprofits, they’ve helped turn public opinion against e-cigarettes. His critics say this bad science is driving bad public policy.

“They’ve convinced most of the public, including a majority of smokers, that vaping is as dangerous or more dangerous than smoking,” says Kenneth Warner, a founding board member of the Truth Initiative and former dean of the University of Michigan School of Public Health. “That’s crazy.”

“Stan has always been an advocate and ideologue willing to twist the science,” says David Abrams, a New York University professor and veteran tobacco researcher. He says that some scientists ignored flaws in his work when Glantz focused on combustible tobacco because they, too, strongly opposed smoking. “Frankly, none of us cared if he was a little bit sloppy with his research because the ends justified the means,” Abrams says.

Glantz denies that his research has been distorted by his activism. “That’s just bullshit,” he says. “It’s actually the other way around. The activism follows from the science.” He says the scientists favoring harm reduction — the claim, in the case of e-cigarettes, that vaping can reduce the damage of smoking — fail to grasp the dangers of vaping.

While Glantz retired from USCF last year, he remains the go-to scientist for the anti-tobacco movement and an honored figure on campus. “His research contributions in tobacco control are legendary,” said Pam Ling, who succeeded Glantz as head of USCF’s Center for Tobacco Control Research and Education, at a campus event earlier this year. Supporters and critics alike agree that his work has had an enormous impact on public policy.

For four decades, and especially during the early days of the U.S. anti-smoking movement, Glantz was the “preeminent translator of the science of tobacco and disease into the public discourse of tobacco control,” wrote Michael Pertschuk, the former chairman of the Federal Trade Commission, in his 2001 book, “Smoke in Their Eyes.” The feisty academic became a “master of the sound bite” and a “tactical treasure,” according to Pertschuk’s account. Methodological questions aside, Glantz’s papers have been widely cited and publicized, and his relentless advocacy on behalf of smoke-free environments helped to curb smoking, save lives, and reduce the toll of disease. “He truly has been a hero in this global effort to fight the smoking epidemic,” says Clifford Douglas, director of the University of Michigan Tobacco Research Network.

And the impact of his work on e-cigarettes? That is decidedly more complicated.

* * *

On April 14, 1994, the CEOs of America’s seven largest tobacco companies stood before a congressional committee and a bevy of television cameras and swore under oath that they did not believe that cigarettes were addictive.

Less than a month later, a Federal Express package containing 4,000 pages of confidential tobacco industry documents arrived at Glantz’s office at UCSF. The return address: Mr. Butts, the name of a character in the comic strip “Doonesbury” who encouraged kids to smoke.

The four-foot-tall stack of papers showed that the tobacco CEOs had lied. “Nicotine is addictive,” said a 1963 memo from a vice president at Brown & Williamson, admitting the company was in the business of selling an addictive drug. The papers were rich with other insights; a letter from movie star Sylvester Stallone to Brown & Williamson promised to use its cigarettes in five movies, in exchange for $500,000.

Working with colleagues at UCSF, Glantz shared the papers with regulators, litigators, and reporters, published research to expose industry tactics, arranged to have the documents digitized, and over time raised millions of dollars to build a vast and valuable archive of materials created by the food, drug, and chemical industries, as well as the tobacco companies. Today, the tobacco archive alone contains more than 14 million items.

“The documents really transformed the whole tobacco issue,” Glantz says.

Big Tobacco and its allies hit back, hard. Brown & Williamson sued UCSF, claiming the documents were stolen. Californians for Scientific Integrity, an industry-funded group, sued the university system, accusing Glantz of scientific misconduct in connection with a study about the impact of smoking bans on the restaurant industry. Congressional allies of the tobacco industry tried unsuccessfully to terminate a National Cancer Institute grant to Glantz, and pro-smoking forces petitioned to cancel his consulting contract with the U.S. Occupational Safety and Health Administration.

In a letter to OSHA asking the agency to sever its ties with Glantz, the National Smokers Alliance called him “an avowed anti-smoking activist.” That was one charge that Glantz couldn’t deny.

Glantz was an anti-smoking activist even before embarking on his career as a tobacco researcher — and often in his career, he has played both roles simultaneously. In 1978, he volunteered to work on a statewide initiative to restrict smoking in public places in California that was defeated by the tobacco industry. “I just got sucked into the campaign leadership,” he says. He was a founder of Californians for Nonsmokers’ Rights, a nonprofit that incorporated in 1981 and grew into Americans for Nonsmokers’ Rights five years later. He helped to lead the 1983 campaign that made San Francisco one of the first major cities in the U.S. to restrict smoking in public, a milestone that made national and international news.

Activism aside, Glantz has an unusual pedigree for a tobacco scientist. Most are physicians, epidemiologists, economists, lawyers, or psychologists. Glantz has a bachelor’s degree in aerospace engineering from the University of Cincinnati — he worked briefly at NASA — and a master’s and doctorate in applied mechanics from Stanford University. His Ph.D. thesis, a study of cardiovascular function, was titled “A mathematical approach to cardiac muscle physiology.”

His understanding of heart mechanics led him into tobacco research in the early 1980s. He found the tobacco work more rewarding, in every sense. Grants from the National Institutes of Health were available to study the effects of smoking, and funding for tobacco research would only grow. In 2009, Congress mandated that tobacco companies start paying annual user fees to finance regulation by the Food and Drug Administration and academic research overseen by the NIH. (The companies paid more than $700 million in 2020.) Private funders including the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation and the Truth Initiative also supported Glantz’s work, which has attracted well over $75 million to UCSF.

More importantly, tobacco research aligned with Glantz’s lifelong commitment to social change. His very first publication, which appeared in Science when he was a graduate student at Stanford, examined the influence of U.S. Department of Defense contracts on research at the university. He embraced his reputation as a rabble rouser, wearing a T-shirt given to him by colleagues that said, “Here Comes Trouble.”

He says his work to achieve a smoke-free society was especially satisfying. It’s easy to forget today that people used to smoke everywhere — at work, in restaurants, on airplanes, even in hospital waiting rooms. In his book, “Tobacco War,” Glantz recalled: “The executive director of the California division of the American Lung Association was a chain-smoker, and the American Heart Association distributed ashtrays and packs of cigarettes at its board meetings.”

With Glantz’s full-throated support, Americans for Nonsmokers’ Rights took the battle to towns and cities across the country. There, unlike in Washington, grassroots activists could defeat the tobacco industry. More than 400 localities passed laws restricting smoking.

The second-hand smoke issue transformed the politics of tobacco. No longer could the industry defend smoking as a matter of individual choice. Smoking was recast as indoor air pollution and a threat to the health of others. In a 1987 editorial in the journal Circulation, Glantz wrote: “The issue should be framed in the rhetoric of the environment, toxic chemicals, and public health, rather than the rhetoric of saving smokers from themselves or the cigarette companies.”

“Unquestionably, Stan was one of the major warriors in the fight against secondhand smoke,” says James Repace, a former official with the Environmental Protection Agency and one of the first scientists to analyze the health impacts of secondhand smoke.

The cigarette companies recognized the threat early on. In a 1978 report to the Tobacco Institute, the industry’s lobbying arm, a public opinion research group sounded the alarm: “This we see as the most dangerous development to the viability of the tobacco industry that has yet occurred.”

* * *

But how dangerous, really, was secondhand smoke? While experts agree that the risks of sustained exposure are high, especially for children, they may not be as high as many advocates claim. Despite lingering uncertainties, opponents of tobacco distilled the science into three words: Secondhand smoke kills. The Surgeon General said in 1986 “there is no risk-free level of exposure to secondhand smoke.” In an anti-smoking bus poster from 1997 depicting an elegantly dressed couple, the man asked: “Mind if I smoke?” The woman replied: “Care if I die?”

In December 2002, after a hard-fought battle, New York City’s then-mayor Michael Bloomberg signed a law that all but eliminated smoking in restaurants and bars. A few months later, Glantz presented the eye-popping findings of his latest study at a meeting of the American College of Cardiology: The rate of heart attacks in Helena, Montana, had fallen by nearly 60 percent after a six-month smoking ban in the small city.

“This striking finding,” he said at the time, “suggests that protecting people from the toxins in secondhand smoke not only makes life more pleasant; it immediately starts saving lives.” Glantz and two local physicians who worked with him on the study also reported that heart attacks returned to their historic levels when the ban was suspended because of a legal challenge.

The Helena miracle, as the study became known, generated global press coverage, including a New York Times op-ed. It was widely touted by anti-smoking groups. But it defied common sense. California had banned smoking in workplaces and bars, with no discernible impact on heart attacks. In other big cities with smoking bans, no one had noticed drops in heart attacks. The small sample size in Helena — four cases per month during the ban, compared to seven beforehand — should have raised red flags; random fluctuations could have explained the drop in hospital admissions.

When the study, which was funded by the National Cancer Institute, was published in the BMJ, the decline in heart attacks was revised downward to 40 percent — still an extraordinary outcome. Detractors pushed back. “I am truly amazed that a study of such poor quality was not only accepted for publication in a journal with the reputation of the BMJ but was accorded widespread coverage in the lay press,” wrote Henry Mizgala, an emeritus professor of medicine at the University of British Columbia, in a response to the journal. “This is, in my opinion, gross misrepresentation designed to provide maximal public impact in furthering the biased and unscientific opinions of these authors.” (Mizgala noted in a disclosure that he had “submitted affidavits on behalf of defendants in the tobacco litigation.”) Glantz’s former student, Michael Siegel of Boston University, was one of a few anti-smoking advocates to challenge the findings. In his own response to the BMJ, he wrote: “I am afraid that the credibility of tobacco control scientists and practitioners may be threatened if scientific claims are made that are not adequately justified.”

Subsequent research with larger sample sizes contradicted Glantz’s findings. England and New Zealand, both of which imposed national bans on smoking in public places, found much smaller impacts — a 2 percent reduction in heart attacks in England, no significant effects in New Zealand. A study by researchers at the Rand Corporation and elsewhere found that the reductions in Helena — which seemed to be confirmed by studies in other small cities, including Pueblo and Greeley, Colorado — were likely a result of their small sample sizes. The authors concluded: “We find no evidence that legislated U.S. smoking bans were associated with short-term reductions in hospital admissions for acute myocardial infarction or other diseases in the elderly, children or working age adults.”

Glantz stands by his findings. (They’re cited in his current biography.) He points out the study found that at the 95 percent confidence interval the effect was real, but ranged from 1 percent to 79 percent, meaning that the reduction in heart attacks could have been much bigger or smaller. However, the caveat was never mentioned by those who cited the study to argue for smoking bans.

The published version of the Helena study acknowledged its limits, noting the city’s small size. “There is always the chance,” the authors wrote, “that the change we observed was due to some unobserved confounding variable or systemic bias.” They concluded by making the modest claim that smoking bans “may be associated with an effect on morbidity from heart disease.”

When describing the study, though, Glantz showed no such restraint. In the original UCSF press release announcing the results, Glantz was quoted as saying: “Smoke-free laws save lives, and they do it quickly.”

This was the beginning of a pattern. Clive Bates, the former director of the London-based anti-tobacco organization Action on Smoking and Health, says Glantz habitually makes claims to the media or on his blog that go well beyond what his research says.

“We didn’t bother too much about it when he was doing things that we thought were good,” Bates said.

That changed with the arrival of the e-cigarette.

* * *

Glantz plays a cameo role in the origin story of vaping. To develop the device that became JUUL, the leading e-cigarette brand in the U.S., two Stanford graduate students dug deep into UCSF’s tobacco industry archives, studying earlier efforts by tobacco companies R.J. Reynolds and Philip Morris to design electronic cigarettes. The students approached Glantz, seeking his support for what they pitched as a tobacco cessation tool. He declined, warning that vaping would appeal to kids.

On that point, he was right. By 2018, after JUUL blitzed young people with marketing on Instagram, in magazines, and on billboards, one in five high school students had used e-cigarettes. The U.S. Surgeon General at the time decried what he called an “epidemic of youth e-cigarette use.” Then again, fewer young people than ever were smoking cigarettes. Some experts described vaping as a disruptive technology that was helping to drive smoking’s long-term decline.

The debate that ensued polarized the tobacco science community. In a commentary in Nicotine and Tobacco Research, nine early-career researchers led by Dana Mowls Carroll of the University of Minnesota expressed concern that “the continued promotion of select, polarized stances on e-cigarettes will threaten the integrity of research.” In a speech at a 2020 conference on e-cigarettes and public health, Steven Schroeder, the former president of the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation and a professor of medicine at UCSF, accused researchers on both sides of engaging in “strident discourse” and “troublesome activities.” He reserved his sharpest criticisms for the opponents of e-cigarettes. “In their anti-vaping advocacy, some have gone beyond the science, stretched the results, cherry picked the analyses, and skated around standard methodological practices,” Schroeder said.

Glantz staked out his position early, and he has stuck to it. In a background paper prepared for the World Health Organization in 2013 — before the so-called epidemic of vaping began — Glantz and two UCSF colleagues called for an array of policies, including flavor bans, to curb e-cigarette use. Glantz has been in the thick of the debate ever since, producing several dozen scholarly papers on e-cigarettes, most in collaboration with others, some widely cited. His work has addressed the most important questions about e-cigarettes. He makes three broad claims, all of them sharply contested.

The first claim is that e-cigarettes encourage young people to smoke cigarettes. Glantz’s 2014 article in JAMA Pediatrics was the first national study to show that e-cigarettes were a “gateway to nicotine addiction for U.S. teens,” according to a UCSF press release. His 2018 study in Pediatrics also claimed that e-cigarette usage encourages more young people to smoke. “I don’t know anybody credible who doesn’t accept the gateway,” Glantz says.

But neither study proved the existence of a gateway effect. The 2014 JAMA Pediatrics paper found associations between vaping and smoking, but there’s no way to know from the data whether young people first vaped and then smoked, first smoked and then vaped, or had a predilection for both. The 2018 Pediatrics paper claimed a gateway effect, but the alleged link between vaping and smoking disappeared when other teen behaviors, such as using marijuana, were taken into account.

The claims made in JAMA Pediatrics were publicly rejected by scientists at the American Cancer Society and the Truth Initiative, anti-smoking groups that for a brief time in the mid-2000s were open to the idea that e-cigarettes could reduce the harm from smoking. (Both now strongly oppose e-cigarettes.) “The data in this study do not allow many of the broad conclusions that it draws,” Thomas Glynn, a researcher who at the time was at the American Cancer Society, told The New York Times. The Journal of the American Medical Association, the parent publication of JAMA Pediatrics, published a critique of the study written by Glynn, Abrams, and Raymond Niaura, a colleague of Abrams at NYU and another longtime tobacco researcher. Bates, the British anti-smoking activist and persistent Glantz critic, called the study’s conclusions “false, misleading, and damaging” in an open letter.

The 2018 Pediatrics paper was also sharply criticized. Population studies provide the most compelling reason to reject claims of a gateway hypothesis, says Niaura. “Cigarette smoking among kids is going down and down and down,” he adds. “If e-cigarette use was driving cigarette use, smoking would be going up.” (Glantz contends that e-cigarettes have slowed the decline.)

The second contested Glantz claim is that e-cigarettes, when sold as consumer products, don’t help smokers quit. Glantz made this case in two meta-analyses — studies that collect and combine data from other studies — one in The Lancet Respiratory Medicine in 2016, another in the American Journal of Public Health in 2020. “The irony is that quitting smoking is one of the main reasons both adults and kids use e-cigarettes, but the overall effect is less, not more, quitting,” Glantz said in a press release announcing the 2016 findings.

Meta-analyses can be problematic, particularly when they mix and match different kinds of research. They depend entirely on the quality of the underlying studies, and the Lancet research fell short in that regard, critics say.

In a submission to the FDA, scientists with the Truth Initiative (then known as the American Legacy Foundation) said the Lancet paper included studies that were “uninformative and marred by poor measurement.” They continued: “Quantitatively synthesizing heterogeneous studies is scientifically inappropriate and the findings of such meta-analyses are therefore invalid.”

Scientists in the United Kingdom, where health authorities promote vaping as a safer alternative to smoking, blasted the study as “grossly misleading,” “not scientific,” and a “major failure of the peer review system.” Ann McNeil, a professor of tobacco addiction at King’s College London, issued a response to the Lancet paper, saying that it included information about two studies that she co-authored that was “either inaccurate or misleading” and that in one instance Glantz and his co-author, Sara Kalkhoran, then a physician at UCSF, were told before publication “that they were misreporting the findings.” (Glantz says he doesn’t recall the specific details but that he and Kalkhoran would not have ignored such a warning.)

Plenty of countervailing evidence has surfaced since then. In 2015, Kalkhoran left UCSF for Harvard University where she and colleagues studied U.S. adult cigarette smokers for two years. Using data from 8,000 adult smokers, Kalkhoran and her co-authors concluded that “daily e-cigarette use, compared to no e-cigarette use, was associated with a 77 percent increased odds of prolonged cigarette smoking abstinence.” (Kalkhoran did not respond to requests for comment.) Cochrane, an independent network of researchers, examined randomized control trials of e-cigarettes for smoking cessation and wrote: “We are moderately confident that nicotine e‐cigarettes help more people to stop smoking than nicotine replacement therapy or nicotine‐free e‐cigarettes.” In the U.K., an estimated 3.6 million people use e-cigarettes, and nearly two-thirds are ex-smokers, according to Action on Smoking and Health.

None of that will end the debate over whether e-cigarettes can help smokers quit. But even Glantz and his co-authors, in their 2020 meta-analysis for the American Journal of Public Health, ceded some ground. “Daily e-cigarette use was associated with more quitting,” albeit under limited circumstances, they wrote. But Glantz continues to oppose vaping because, he says, the health risks are too great.

The third and final Glantz claim has attracted the most pushback: That e-cigarettes increase the risk of heart attack. In the space of less than a year, Glantz and colleagues produced two studies that led him to push this idea. In August 2018, he described the results from the first study in the American Journal of Preventive Medicine on his UCSF blog under the headline: “Risk of heart attacks is double for daily e-cigarette users.” Ten months later, when describing the second study, published in 2019 in the Journal of the American Heart Association, Glantz said it provided “more evidence that e-cigs cause heart attacks.”

“E‐cigarettes,” he asserted, “should not be promoted or prescribed as a less risky alternative to combustible cigarettes.”

This work was wildly influential with anti-vaping advocates and government health authorities. The American Journal of Preventive Medicine paper was cited by the WHO chief and the U.S. Surgeon General and covered in nearly 200 news stories. A New York Times article read: “Compared with people who never used e-cigarettes, daily users almost doubled their risk for heart attack.”

Critics pounced on what they called glaring flaws in the analyses. Some of the e-cigarette users had previously smoked, for example, muddying the correlation. Brad Rodu, a University of Louisville professor who has numerous and longstanding connections to the tobacco industry, dug into the raw data and found that at least 11 of the 38 heart-attack victims cited in the Journal of the American Heart Association study had suffered their heart attacks before they started vaping — some as many as 10 years before. Glantz was made aware of the temporality problem before publication because it was raised by a peer reviewer, the journal’s editor subsequently realized.

Sixteen tobacco researchers wrote to the journal editor asking for a retraction, and the Journal of the American Heart Association ultimately did just that — something it has done only a handful of times in its history. Its editor, though, was careful to state in a letter to Glantz that “the retraction notice is intentionally absent of any language suggesting scientific misconduct.”

The 2019 American Journal of Preventive Medicine paper came under pressure as well. Twenty-two tobacco scientists asked for a retraction, noting, among other things, that the association between vaping and heart attacks could be due to heavy smokers at risk of heart disease switching to e-cigarettes, or smokers who suffered heart problems then trying to quit with e-cigarettes. To assert or imply causation from the study is irresponsible, they wrote.

“It’s bad science,” says Niaura.

Matthew Boulton, the journal’s editor-in-chief, declined to retract the paper. But, in a letter to the 22 scientists earlier this year, he acknowledged that the paper suffered from “serious methodological issues,” including the fact that the database used by the researchers “makes it impossible to make causal claims.” The journal has asked new researchers to reexamine the issue in a paper that will be presented to readers as a cautionary tale to highlight how data can be misinterpreted.

Glantz remains unrepentant. On his blog, he blamed the Journal of the American Heart Association retraction on “pressure from e-cig interests,” naming Rodu. None of the other scientists who signed the letters seeking retractions appear to have financial ties to the industry. Abrams from NYU once contributed an op-ed to Filter, a publication owned by The Influence Foundation, which has received support from tobacco companies. (Abrams says he was not paid.)

Andrew Gelman, a professor of statistics at Columbia University who followed the controversy on his blog, was unimpressed with Glantz’s response to the retraction, calling it “anti-scientific.” He wrote: “If someone points out an error in your work, you should correct the error and thank the person. Not attack and try to salvage your position with procedural arguments.”

* * *

Last summer, Glantz retired from UCSF, where he had worked for 45 years. “I’m confident,” he wrote to colleagues, “that there will be more ways that I can keep contributing to fighting the tobacco industry and promoting public health.”

His last years at UCSF brought difficulties besides the controversies over his research. Three women filed complaints of sexual harassment against him and sued both Glantz and the Regents of the University of California, who fought the charges in court; the cases were eventually settled without an admission of guilt.

Meanwhile, there were worrisome signs that the campaign against e-cigarettes led by the Campaign for Tobacco-Free Kids and the Truth Initiative — which by this time had switched its stance on e-cigarettes — was having unintended consequences.

Minnesota enacted a steep tax on e-cigarettes that led to “increased adult smoking and reduced smoking cessation,” a study by researchers with the National Bureau of Economic Research found. In a story headlined “Smoking’s Long Decline is Over,” The Wall Street Journal reported that some e-cigarette users may have returned to combustible cigarettes “because of increased e-cigarette taxes, bans on flavored vaping products, and confusion about the health effects of vaping.” Public opinion polls showed that most people believed, wrongly, that vaping is as dangerous or more dangerous than smoking.

About the timing of his retirement, Glantz says he’d been planning for years to step away from UCSF. He’ll continue to produce academic research and engage in activism, he adds, speaking out on his blog and elsewhere. He says he is proud of having mentored dozens of researchers over the years: “It’s important to give opportunities to others.”

Siegel, one of those mentored by Glantz, has mixed feelings about his mentor. “I love him,” Siegel says. “He’s accomplished great things.” But Siegel says he no longer trusts Glantz and the anti-tobacco nonprofits. “The science is not driving the anti-smoking agenda,” he says. “Rather, the anti-smoking agenda appears to be driving the interpretation of the science.”

For his part, though, Glantz argues that the increasingly popular perception of e-cigarettes as dangerous is a positive development — and one backed by the science. “None of the people who are e-cigarette enthusiasts,” Glantz says, “know anything about biology.”

* * *

Marc Gunther is a veteran reporter whose interests include philanthropy, psychedelics, animal rights, and tobacco.

This article was originally published on Undark. Read the original article.

Mike Lindell promised Dominion voting machines — but he doesn’t have any

SIOUX FALLS, S.D. — MyPillow CEO Mike Lindell has promised for months since the 2020 election that he had obtained Dominion, Smartmatic and ES&S voting machines, and they would be on full display at his “cyber symposium” here last week. But that event has now come and gone with no voting machines of any kind on display. Instead, a readily available commercial scanner was the only device present. 

Going back at least as far as May, Lindell has repeatedly promised to show off his voting machines at his South Dakota gathering, assuring Salon that he had “multiple” such devices in his possession, and they would somehow prove that the 2020 election had been stolen from Donald Trump. 

“We got the machines, Dominion!” Lindell proudly declared in May, adding that he looked forward to cracking them open. “We got all these machines!”

In July, the pillow king again told Salon, “We’ve had machines for, I don’t know, months now. You realize you can buy them on eBay, right?” Lindell additionally promised the voting machines “absolutely” would be present at his Sioux Falls event this past week. 

Yet over the course of the three-day “symposium,” no voting machines made by Dominion, Smartmatic, ES&S or any other company ever appeared. Instead, Lindell aides used an ordinary commercial scanner — a readily available office machine — to demonstrate how an alleged hack originating from “China” could hypothetically have occurred. 

Lindell’s event space in Sioux Falls included an amateurish set described as the “mock election” area or replica voting precinct. This featured early 2000s technology that was nothing like official voting machinery of any kind.

The larger device in the tableau, which superficially resembled a voting machine, was, in fact, a high-end Canon “production document scanner,” model number DR-G1130, which ordinarily retails for around $5,000. This particular machine had a sticker indicating that it formerly belonged to a local government. 

Members of the media were not allowed to enter the breakout rooms dedicated to hosting “cyber experts.” Two such experts told Salon that not only were there no voting machines at the South Dakota event, there were no “packet captures” either. (Another supposed element of “absolute proof” Lindell has long promised.) 

“We didn’t see voting machines,” said Robert Graham, a packet capture expert with more than 25 years of experience who was at the event, told Salon. As for the mock voting machines on display, Graham noted, “they weren’t real.”

When asked why no voting machines were present here after months of promises, Lindell wished this reporter, “Goodbye Zach. I am praying you get saved.” 

The pillow tycoon had previously refused to specify how he obtained the alleged voting machines, a question now rendered irrelevant by the fact that he never had any. “I’m not gonna say how we got them,” he said on that earlier occasion. “We didn’t take them. We were given them,” he stated. 

Along with the nonexistent voting machines, Lindell also failed to produce the packet captures he long claimed to possess and resorted to blaming “antifa” when his entire event fell flat.

Dominion Voting Systems previously declined to comment when asked by Salon whether it was conceivable Lindell had one of the company’s machines. Now we have a pretty good idea why.

You can read Salon’s previous coverage of Lindell’s South Dakota gathering, below: 

Lindell-apalooza melts down: MyPillow guy claims antifa sabotaged his “cyber symposium”

Mike Lindell’s South Dakota “cyber symposium” has a bumpy launch: No real evidence

If Mike Lindell’s claims were correct (they’re not), he likely broke wiretapping laws

Amazon’s “Modern Love” got my cancer story wrong – and I’m so angry this keeps happening

Men keep trying to give me breast cancer.

I can’t remember the first time it happened, but I distinctly recall the first time I got mad about it. I was at a cancer support community event, chatting with a female friend. A well-heeled donor came over to us, drink in hand, smiling. “Hey,” he said, giving a self-satisfied poke at the pink ribbon on his lapel, “I’m wearing this for you.” I was at the time in treatment for metastatic melanoma. My friend was enjoying a brief respite from the ovarian cancer that would soon kill her. But hey, we were women, so, close enough.

You’d be surprised how often this happens. Over the years, I have had doctors and therapists (plural!) cast a perfunctory glance at my chart and say, “I see you’ve been treated for breast cancer.” I’ve been introduced at fundraisers as a breast cancer survivor. I’ve had new acquaintances, when I’ve mentioned that I had cancer, leap in with a hasty and corrective, “Breast cancer.” It’s like what Dr. House had to deal with for lupus; you could make a supercut of all the times I’ve had to ask, “And what made you think it was breast cancer?” So when my 2014 New York Times essay “A Second Embrace, With Hearts and Eyes Open,” was adapted for the new season of Amazon Prime’s “Modern Love,” I guess I shouldn’t have been surprised that writer Kieran Carney had changed the main female character’s condition . . . to breast cancer.

I am well aware that there are far worse fates than surviving a rapidly fatal disease, writing a story about it, and having that story inspire a production directed by the guy who did “Once,” John Carney, starring Sophie Okonedo and Tobias Menzies. I know that I am a multiple winner in the Powerball of life. I am also aware that the show is called “Modern Love,” not “Modern Medicine,” and that the character’s exact form of cancer may seem an incidental and irrelevant plot point to the casual viewer. But the zealous attachment — both in the healthcare world and the entertainment one — to an extremely narrow, male gaze-driven version of the female experience of illness is no small thing.

We have an entire month of the year devoted to “raising awareness” of breast cancer — and to making sure it is done in the girliest, sexiest, pinkest way possible. In our depictions of the disease, the breast cancer patient is rarely shown as a woman in her 70s, even though that’s the age group most likely to receive that diagnosis. Instead, we lean to a more relatable “Save the tatas, buy a lipstick” script. Because our breasts, like our hair, signal to the world our desirability and our femininity. For a woman to lose those things to cancer and its treatment — at least for a woman in her prime to — is regarded as uniquely tragic. For her to lose a lung or a kidney has far fewer overt aesthetic implications. We are prioritized by the parts of our bodies that are valued to others.

This is not to minimize in any way the very real horror show that is breast cancer. It is, after skin cancer, the most common form of cancer in women. It is one of the leading causes of cancer deaths in women. My own life is poorer for the women I’ve known whose lives were cut short by breast cancer. And among the friends I most adore, I count survivors of it. My regard and respect for the women who’ve been dealt an awful disease does not mitigate my howling frustration with a culture that seems to have very little concern for or even curiosity about all the other ways in which women can get sick.

It says everything that breast cancer gets double the amount of funding of its next nearest competitors, lung and colorectal cancers, despite their high fatality rates. Pancreatic cancer, which Johns Hopkins describes as “mostly incurable,” receives a fraction of the grant money breast cancer does. Other female cancers, like ovarian and uterine, receive similarly dismal attention and funding. Cancer patients and survivors of all other varieties — especially those who do not fit a conventionally sympathetic archetype — face often catastrophic disregard as we privilege breast cancer above all. And yet, given the opportunity to raise awareness of literally anything else, the creators of “Modern Love” defaulted to the most aware of cancer we have.

I can reason that, in casting a Black woman for the role of Elizabeth, changing the form of cancer from melanoma would be a reasonable consideration. Melanoma mostly affects people like me — translucent Northern Europeans. While a white person has a 1 in 38 chance of developing it at some point in life, a Black person’s odds are 1 in 1,000. Sure, I could go off about the inexcusable racial disparities in detection, treatment and outcomes for people of color who do develop melanoma, but I know that’s not a point to be made in a half hour romance.

What gets me, though, is that there are over 100 known forms of human cancer. Why, then, did the male writer of the episode choose breast cancer? Was it, perhaps, in part so there could be a scene of the woman shyly disrobing for her lover as he gazes on her post-surgery body and gently cares for her wounds? Was there ever a conversation, at any point, among the male writer, director and mostly male producers about how to best adapt an experience a real woman almost died from? I have been thinking lately of my conversation earlier this year with “Unwell Women” author Elinor Cleghorn, and her observation that “The male body is the model patient, and the woman is other. She’s a subgroup.” And when we are a subgroup, it’s easy to jumble our sicknesses by our most obvious physical identifiers.

I am the least objective viewer of this “Modern Love” episode in the world, but I can acknowledge the things it does effectively. It nods to clinical trials and immunotherapy, which unquestionably saved my life. I’m truly grateful to see those often misunderstood and confusing sides of cancer treatment represented in a popular entertainment format. I can also be pleased that, thanks to the  sensitive and nuanced performances of Okonedo and Menzies, the episode realistically shows the tender misery that is illness and caregiving. And I am really, really thankful that bubblegum-colored ribbons never make an appearance, nor is the word “battle” ever uttered in connection with Elizabeth’s cancer.

But the fact remains that in Hollywood as so in healthcare, we are generally afforded one narrative of women’s illness. The narrative of our breasts. All our other magnificent parts — our bladders and our bones and our brains and our blood — are a lesser priority, to our own doctors and to the world outside. I do not know a single woman who hasn’t devoted far too much of her precious time to banging her head against a wall trying to get a doctor to take her symptoms seriously. I don’t know a woman who hasn’t been told she was wrong and who hasn’t paid the price, emotionally and physically, of medical indifference. It’s what my friend Deborah Copaken calls in her scorching new book “Ladyparts”  the “neglect and willful ignorance of the bodily mechanics of half the earth’s population.” That’s why it doesn’t serve any of us — certainly not the 1 in 3 of us who will face cancer in our lifetimes — when the same, regionally specific story of women’s bodies is the overwhelmingly predominant one we are given.

I wrote my original New York Times essay about marriage, but when the tale became a book I wound up telling a different love story. It was about my friend Debbie. She was diagnosed with ovarian cancer exactly three months after I found out I had melanoma. She had been pleading with her doctor for answers about her pain for a year. She had been told it was just stomach trouble, just middle age. She died six months after my essay published. I will never stop being furious about this.

There is a line in the new “Modern Love” episode that comes straight from my essay, a hopeful wish for “healing, in all its forms.” That is still the essence of everything I want in this world. But I believe that healing in all its forms is only possible when we are willing first to acknowledge sickness, in all its forms. Until then, I suppose I’ll just keep practicing saying, “No, it wasn’t breast cancer.”

“The Lost Leonardo” is a slick, fascinating mystery that uncovers ego and hubris in the art world

The fleet documentary “The Lost Leonardo” traces the provenance of the “Salvator Mundi,” a work of art that some folks believe was painted by the master, Leonardo da Vinci. Other experts, however, suggest it could be from the “workshop of,” or even “circle of,” or “follower of” da Vinci. One critic declares, “It is not a good painting.” What is true may never be known, but director Andreas Koefoed’s slick film suggests, its creator is perhaps unimportant in the long run. One lesson this documentary provides is why groupthink — and wanting a fact to be true — is dubious. 

What can be verified is that this painting, which has been described as “The Male Mona Lisa,” was purchased at auction for $1,175. It was later resold for $83 million, then for $127 million, before Christie’s auctioned it off in 2017 for $450 million, making it the highest-priced sale to date. 

Koefoed puzzles out the story of how all of this came to be, shrewdly letting viewers absorb all the facts and points of view and deciding what they want to believe. 

The cast of characters is a fascinating rogues gallery. Alexander Parish noticed the painting at a New Orleans auction. (How the work of art ended up in the United States — and in New Orleans especially — is frustratingly never addressed.) Parish discusses the work with Robert Simon, an Old Masters art dealer, and after they buy the painting in 2005 for $1,175, they take it to Dianne Modestini, a restorer. She examines it, retouches it, and notices that that upper lip is remarkably similar to the Mona Lisa. Though there is “probability,” there is not “provability.” As various experts in the art world are asked for and give their opinions, it is declared to be a Leonardo. It even ends up in a National Gallery exhibit in London, credited to Da Vinci. 

One person who has no trouble expressing his doubts about the work is art critic Jerry Saltz, whose amusing remarks insist that the emperor has no clothes. Likewise, Kenny Schachter, an art dealer and columnist, also provides a voice of reason, expressing his concerns about how folks are responding to the painting. (They are, without a doubt, the best talking heads in the film).

“The Lost Leonardo,” however, soon reveals itself to be a follow-the-money story and about greed and hubris. What is the value we place on art, and by extension, what is the global impact of what a “discovery” like this has? These are the key questions, and where the film is most sure-footed.

Koefoed next introduces Yves Bouvier, a Swiss businessman who owns freeports in Geneva (and elsewhere), where art and other valuables can be stored tax free. He arranged to buy the painting for $83 — and sell it at a fiendishly inflated $127 — to Dmitry Rybolovlev, a Russian oligarch. If nothing else, “The Lost Leonardo” emphasizes that you should “never cross a Russian oligarch.” When Rybolovlev gets wind of the price hike, he responds with a nasty backlash. 

This action prompts another sale of the painting, which happens at Christie’s. Significantly, the auction house creates a marketing campaign that not only deliberately does not show the painting but features another Leonardo — DiCaprio, that is — looking in awe at it. Expecting to fetch a record $180 million for the “Salvator Mundi,” Christie’s and the world are astonished when the painting sells for $400 million (plus $50 million in fees). Who bought the would-be da Vinci is unknown at the time, but is later revealed. A question is soon raised about if the “Salvator Mundi” will be displayed at the Louvre during their exhibition of Da Vinci’s work on the 500th anniversary of his death.

“The Lost Leonardo” nimbly chronicles all this activity. Koefoed keeps viewers engaged in the opacity of the art world with its auctions and high (and sometimes hinky) finance. However, the film covers too much ground. Parish and Simon are practically forgotten after the painting is sold, but Modestini reappears throughout the film, waxing nostalgic, and pooh-poohing the trolls and folks who claim the painting is a fraud. There is commentary from FBI and CIA agents to play up the fraudulent aspects of things, but those leads do not really pay off, except to the extent that the intelligence community knew who spent the $450 million. Various other perspectives are presented over the course of the film in the barrage of talking heads that can be dizzying. 

While each narrative strand of the story makes a compelling short film, at times, Koefoed needlessly inserts a close-up of a bunch of worms when an interviewee mentions “worms.” And some of the recreated scenes, such as the painting being carried in a trash bag, or the email exchanges where Yves negotiates with Dmitry, seem excessive or filler. 

But such indulgences are not a deal-killer in a story as juicy as the “Salvatore Mundi.” The questions the film raises about the unhealthy alliance of art and politics — as when the staff at the Louvre negotiate with its ex-anonymous buyer about displaying the art in the da Vinci exhibit — are quite interesting. When the reason for what played out is revealed, it gets back to the initial points the film makes about ego and hubris.

Koefoed’s film ultimately considers the paradox of this “problematic” painting and its shadowy provenance. What is the value of a “global trophy” that may not be priceless? “The Lost Leonardo” is sure to be appreciated by the very folks who would want to see the “Salvator Mundi” up close and in person to decide what they think for themselves.

“The Lost Leonardo” releases in theaters on Friday, Aug. 13.

Meet the House Democrats threatening the passage of Biden’s infrastructure package

A coalition of nine moderate House Democrats told House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., that they won’t advance the Democratic-backed $3.5 trillion infrastructure package – a measure meant to be passed via budget reconciliation – unless the Senate-approved $1.2 trillion bill passes out of their own chamber first.

“We will not consider voting for a budget resolution until the bipartisan Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act passes the House and is signed into law,” the Democrats wrote.

Their proposition, which came in a letter released on Friday, and throws a potential wrench in the months-long balancing act performed by the Biden administration, which is looking to quickly pass both bills – one with bipartisan approval and the other via budget resolution. 

Last Tuesday, the Senate passed the bipartisan $1.2 trillion infrastructure measure along 69-19 vote after months of partisan back-and-forth, which culminated in many Republicans actively rebuffing Donald Trump’s outside effort to shame them out of backing the bill. That same day, the Senate also passed the Democratic-led budget resolution along a party-line vote, which should allow Democrats to pass their broader $3.5 trillion infrastructure tagalong bill. 

But the maneuver is now on shaky ground, with moderate Democrats now conditioning their support of budget resolution on the passage of the $1.2 trillion bill in the House. 

In an effort to appease liberal Democrats, who have thrown their support behind the tagalong bill, Pelosi has promised that she will not let the infrastructure bill be passed in the House unless the tagalong bill gets Senate approval, as the New York Times noted. In fact, over half of the Congressional Progressive Caucus has vowed that they will not vote on the infrastructure bill until the reconciliation bill covers their priorities, which include health care, climate action, child care, family leave, elder care, and education – all of whose funding would have to be approved by the Senate. 

The Times noted that this exchange, however, might end up preventing the tagalong bill from being formally passed by the Senate until next Fall – which opens it up to greater risk of derailment.

“Some have suggested that we hold off on considering the Senate infrastructure bill for months – until the reconciliation process is completed. We disagree,” the letter wrote, referring to Pelosi’s above promise. “With the livelihoods of hardworking American families at stake, we simply can’t afford months of unnecessary delays and risk squandering this once-in-a-century, bipartisan infrastructure package.”

A Democratic aide told CNN that, in the House, “there are not sufficient votes to pass the bipartisan infrastructure bill this month,” adding that “there are dozens upon dozens who will vote against the BIF unless it’s after the Senate passes reconciliation.”

The letter, first reported by Punchbowl News, was authored by Democratic moderates including Reps. Josh Gottheimer of New Jersey, Carolyn Bourdeaux of Georgia, Filemon Vela of Texas, Jared Golden of Maine, Henry Cuellar of Texas, Vicente Gonzalez of Texas, Ed Case of Hawaii, Jim Costa of California, and Kurt Schrader of Oregon.

Pelosi has not signaled any kind of strategic or legislative pivot in response to the letter, The Washington Post noted. But two days ago, CNN reported, Pelosi sided with the progressive wing of the Democratic Party, reiterating that she will not let the infrastructure bill be voted on before the budget resolution is finalized in the Senate.