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Trump actively recruiting senators to ‘depose’ Mitch McConnell as the GOP leader: report

According to a report from the Wall Street Journal, former president Donald Trump is working behind the scenes, trying to recruit a Republican senator to challenge Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-KY) for his leadership position in the party.

Trump’s relationship with the powerful Senate leader has been on the rocks for some time, and the president is still reportedly angry that McConnell did nothing to stand in the way of the certification of Joe Biden as the new president.

According to the Wall Street Journal’s Michael Bender and Lindsey Wise, Trump is now trying to take down McConnell — but is finding no takers.

“Mr. Trump has spoken recently with senators and allies about trying to depose Mr. McConnell and whether any Republicans are interested in mounting a challenge, according to people familiar with the conversations,” the report states. “There is little appetite among Senate Republicans for such a plan, lawmakers and aides said, but the discussions risk driving a wedge deeper between the most influential figure in the Republican Party and its highest-ranking member in elected office.”


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Stating the split between Trump and McConnell has widened since Trump’s election loss, the Journal is reporting, “The feud between the two men threatens to splinter the party when Republicans could be building momentum in their bid to recapture control of Congress next year. As polls have shown Mr. Biden’s approval rating dipping below 50% this summer—a troubling signal for Democrats’ political fortunes—the two Republican septuagenarians remain divided over how to tilt the balance of a 50-50 Senate back toward their party.”

Asked for comment about Trump’s overthrow overtures, an ally of the former president said it was a non-starter with him.

“Naw, I’m not going to get in that fight,” remarked Sen. Tommy Tuberville (R-AL) before adding McConnell “is doing a good job.”

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Want a better steak sauce? Reach for the fruit chutney and Worcestershire

Prior to moving to Louisville, I’d never heard of Henry Bain. His sauce, however, is stuff of local legend. Stout little bottles are neatly stocked next to the A1 and Lea & Perrins Worcestershire sauce at local supermarkets. Steakhouses across the city serve ramekins of the deep, chestnut-colored condiment and homecooks blend up their own — a mix of fruit chutney, ketchup, chili, steak sauce, Worcestershire and, occasionally, pickled walnuts — to serve with Sunday dinner. 

Bain was one of the first employees of the Pendennis Club, a gentlemen’s club located in the heart of the city’s downtown that formed in 1881. According to the club, Bain potentially began as “an elevator boy” and eventually worked his way up to Club’s Matri d’. 

According to an archived document, Louisville businessman and club member Barry Bingham, Sr. once said of Bain: “It could not have been long [after this time] before the members noticed his dignity, his perfect manners, and his remarkable memory for names. It was a later tradition that Henry knew every man and woman in ‘Louisville society,’ and that he was familiar with their pedigrees as well.” 

Not a ton is known about what led Bain to create the sauce, though the club’s literature indicates that it was meant as a complement to both steaks and game. For over a century, it was only available to members who were dining in the club, a condiment as exclusive as the club’s membership itself; the Pendennis Club was sued for discriminatory practices against people of color, women and Jews in the early 2000s. 

In 2009, the club began bottling the sauce, but as the New York Times’ Sam Sifton wrote in a 2013 piece, perhaps the best Henry Bain’s is made at home “with ratios of taste developed over time.”

“Use your favorite chutney, your best steak sauce,” Sifton said. “Some people add pickled walnuts. Experiment in Bain’s name.” 

I’m unfortunately allergic to walnuts, so my experimentation has largely centered around the ideal mix of chutney and chili sauce. Many traditional recipes call for mango or peach, but I settled on plum and really like to amp up the spice — but again, go with whatever your condiment-loving heart desires. 

***

Recipe: Not Quite Henry Bain’s Sauce 
Ingredients

½ cup plum chutney
5 tablespoons of steak sauce (I like A1) 
5 tablespoons Worcestershire sauce
3 tablespoons of tomato puree 
1 tablespoon of gochujang (I prefer this to the traditional Heinz chili sauce) 
4 teaspoons of Tabasco sauce 
2 teaspoons of garlic powder
2 teaspoons of onion powder
Salt and pepper to taste

Directions

1. In a small saucepan, combine all the ingredients and whisk over medium heat until completely incorporated and smooth. Remove from heat and allow to cool to room temperature. Serve alongside steak, roast beef, game or grilled mushrooms (trust me). 

Read more Saucy:

 

Beto O’Rourke plans 2022 run against Greg Abbott in Texas governor’s race: report

Former Texas Congressman Beto O’Rourke is planning a bid to unseat Texas Gov. Greg Abbott in 2022, according to a report.

The news comes on the heels of new polling that shows increasing support among likely voters for an O’Rourke run — with numbers from a Dallas Morning News survey showing that Abbott’s hard-right turn in recent months has turned off voters in the state. O’Rourke has narrowed the polling gap to 37%-42%, up from 33%-45% in the same poll earlier this summer. 

Political operatives in Texas told Axios that the onetime challenger to Sen. Ted Cruz plans to announce his gubernatorial run later this year. The outlet also reported that O’Rourke has been calling around to high-profile Democrats both locally and nationally for advice — leaving many with the impression that he’s made up his mind to challenge Abbott. 

But O’Rourke denied the news in a statement to Axios through a spokesperson.

“No decision has been made,” David Wysong, the three-term Congressman’s former chief of staff and a longtime adviser, told the outlet. “He has been making and receiving calls with people from all over the state.”


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Democrats in Texas see Abbott as vulnerable after a barnburner of a legislative year in which Republicans have passed hundreds of laws that will fundamentally change Texans’ lives in ways both big and small. The most high-profile of these is a controversial ban on abortions after six weeks, before the vast majority of women know they’re pregnant. Abbott also signed into law a series of restrictive voting rights measures that critics say will disproportionately disenfranchise poor and minority populations, as well as a vaguely worded bill that bars teachers from creating lessons on concepts related to systemic racism or sexism. 

Abbott’s virulent pushback against COVID-19 safety measures has also emboldened Democrats, according to Gilberto Hinojosa, the state chair of the Democratic Party.

“We hope that [O’Rourke] is going to run,” Hinojosa told Axios. “We think he’ll be our strongest candidate. We think he can beat Abbott, because he’s vulnerable.”

Anti-mask FL GOP bookkeeper dies of COVID — leaving party without access to finance software

After spending months railing against COVID-19 precautions and criticizing Dr. Anthony Fauci, a Republican Party official in Florida passed away this week — leaving his county-level GOP organization without access to critical financial accounts. 

Gregg Prentice, 61, served as accountant for the Hillsborough County GOP and also chaired the organization’s committee for election integrity. A software engineer by trade, Tampa Bay’s local Patch outlet reported that he built and maintained the local Republican party’s campaign finance software last year and was responsible for filing its monthly reports to the Federal Elections Commission.

A FEC filing from the surviving members of the organization claims that Prentice died without sharing login information for these accounts, or any sort of instructions for how to use them. The letter also tells the regulatory agency it will likely need more time to complete a report on its August fundraising numbers, and foreshadows trouble compiling the local party’s financials for future months as well. 

As a Political Party Committee, we file our FEC reports on a monthly basis.  For several years we have been submitting the reports electronically, and for over a year we have done this with software developed by one of our members, Gregg Prentice. Gregg’s software converted data from our Quickbooks accounting software to supply the information needed by the FEC.   
 
Unfortunately, Gregg passed away suddenly from Covid 19 on Saturday, September 11, 2021. Gregg did not share the software and instructions for its use with our officers.  We will have to enter the August data manually, and according to the information we have received from our FEC analyst, Scott Bennett, we  may likely have to re-enter the data from our first 7 months of 2021.  We will be struggling to get all of this entered in the proper format by our deadline on September 20, but we will try to do so with our best effort.

In addition to his role compiling the Hillsborough County GOP’s financials, Prentice spent most of the past year fearmongering about COVID-19 vaccines, mask mandates and other pandemic safety measures. Like many other conservatives in public life, he took aim in particular at White House COVID-19 adviser Dr. Anthony Fauci, writing on Facebook that America needed to “End Faucism.” He also argued that “we need more socialist distancing than we do social distancing.”

Prentice’s death has also opened up a firestorm of conspiracy theories from other local Republican Party officials, including one who called COVID-19 a “medically engineered virus” and suggested — without evidence — that his death was the result of wrongdoing on behalf of the hospital he was being treated at. 

Jason Kimball, a fellow Hillsborough County GOP member and close friend of Prentice, even suggested that Tampa General Hospital was performing intubations illegally, Patch reported. Kimball, whose LinkedIn profile says he is a pharmacy technician at a local Walmart, called the procedure a “high-fatality protocol” in comments to the Tampa City Council. 


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“ER and ICU doctors are criminals and murderers,” Kimball wrote on Facebook. “They intubate everyone and stick them on a ventilator for no reason, just ‘out of precaution’ as the doctor told me — without consent from the family. Tampa General Hospital is evil.”

At least one council member interrupted his comments to denounce the conspiracies. 

“I rarely chime in when it comes to people’s comments, but that one I think is extremely dangerous,” John Dingfelder said. “I think it’s a dangerous comment to be spreading to this community, telling people they shouldn’t go to Tampa General Hospital.”

“That was a very dangerous comment from that individual. People listen to ridiculous comments without doing the right research.”

Ken Burns’ new “Muhammad Ali” docuseries is worth going the distance

Watching “Muhammad Ali” makes a person appreciate the serious duty Ken Burns undertook in making it. This isn’t said from a nostalgic or emotional place, although the four-part documentary is designed to elicit an array of feelings about the boxer, some of them conflicting.

Putting sentiment aside, what strikes you is the way Burns and his collaborators Sarah Burns and David McMahon picked up a biography that’s been examined and interpreted many times, and still manage to make their version unmissable.

“Muhammad Ali” is a rare Burns piece made with an awareness of its subject’s broad fandom and the fact that millions of TV viewers grew up watching some version of Ali on TV in some guise. Burns is no stranger to walking viewers through recent history or to profiling individual athletes.

That said, examining the lasting significance of Jackie Robinson, as the three filmmakers did previously, or Jack Johnson, Burns’ subject in 2005, presents a different challenge than analyzing the life of The Greatest. That calls for respect, care and sobriety but less of the dry seriousness that pervades Burns’ other historical treatments. With this in mind, “Muhammad Ali” more than qualifies for as a heavyweight, but it also floats as well as it stings.


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A life and career defined by triumphs, setbacks and moral contradictions played out in front of the camera make Ali a popular subject among filmmakers and TV producers. Decades’ worth of scripted and unscripted releases have secured a permanent spot in the collective consciousness. Among the best are Leon Gast’s Oscar winning 1996 documentary “When We Were Kings” and “What’s My Name: Muhammad Ali, ” Antoine Fuqua’s excellent 2019 HBO documentary. Even recently Netflix debuted “Blood Brothers,” a tight shot on the friendship the athlete shared with Malcolm X.

Fictionalized portrayals include Regina King’s 2020 Oscar nominee “One Night in Miami” and famously “Ali,” the 20-year-old feature starring Will Smith. The list of sports docs, features and talk show interviews would be too long to include here, although his spur-of-the-moment poetry makes each worth a look.

All of this is to say that Burns doesn’t reveal much in “Muhammad Ali” you don’t already know, whether because you’ve watched these and other efforts, or because for a very long time Ali seemed to pop up everywhere – whether he was selling watches or his own legend by way of a ’70s-era Saturday morning cartoon.

People who never saw him fight or caught his guest star appearances on TV know something about the man even if that knowledge doesn’t extend that far beyond his catchphrases. But whether you know everything or next to nothing about the boxer Burns’ seven-plus hour treatment contains enough magic to hold your attention and then some.

“Muhammad Ali” rumbles with all the usual Burns signatures, such as enlisting Keith David to narrate again, as he did for “Unforgivable Blackness: The Rise and Fall of Jack Johnson” and Jackie Robinson. A few nods to the culture – a snippet of a hip-hop track here, a measure or two lifted from “Lemonade” there – modulate and modernize his tone. (Never let it be said that the filmmaker doesn’t know the rhythms of his subjects or their audience.)

But the soundtrack is simply a flourish adding a currency to the standard chronological construction of Ali’s life, beginning in “Round One: The Greatest” with his early youth in Louisville, Ky., and his initiation into boxing, climbing the rungs of the amateur circuit before winning a gold medal at the 1960 Summer Olympics. These scenes give us our first glimpses of photographs and footages that haven’t shown up anywhere else. One of the ways Burns makes his work distinct is making the most of a level of archival access others don’t have.

Another is more vital and central to building the case for the essentiality of “Muhammad Ali,” which is the directors’ emphasis on firmly placing the subject in the context of the times the lived in.

With Ali that means explaining the popularity of boxing as a sport, and that also requires, for instance, delving into the reasons for his conscientious objection to being drafted to fight in the Vietnam War. And this calls for concise background exposition about the Nation of Islam, what it represented to Black America and how white America feared it.

This isn’t merely meant to define the religion or establish its key players but to explain the racial and social implications of the white sports establishment’s refusal to respect Ali’s name change from Cassius Clay.

Burns has spent a career examining the American story through the prism of race and racism in America, and Ali’s traces a line from the Civil Rights era to the present day. Our nation claims Ali as a hero now, but in his prime the establishment couldn’t stand him. He poised himself as the champion for Black people around the world. Unsurprisingly, the World Boxing Association stripped Ali of his heavyweight champion title after he announced his conversion to Islam, and the United States government threatened him with five years in prison. Meanwhile, as he pointed out many times,  white conscientious objectors were sentenced to two years on average, even if they broke the law.

Ali’s insistence on being called by his new name becomes a central component in Ali’s myth building from an elite athlete and a champion into a symbol – hence the title of the second episode, “Round Two: What’s My Name?”

But “Muhammad Ali” hits hardest in the lengthy stretches where the filmmakers allow the fight footage to run with the lightest of editing, and a sound boost enabling us to hear Ali taunt his rivals and land his blows. This brings the ferocity to life like nothing else.

Nowhere does this play more powerfully than in “Round Three: The Rivalry,” an extensive breakdown of the lasting enmity between Ali and Joe Frazier, the first boxer to beat him.

Having New Yorker editor David Remnick set the scene and retired fighter Michael Bentt explain where the fury of each punch originates is stunning. Witnessing the grudge play out blow by blow helps the audience understand the difference between two men trying to win a match and enemies desperate to annihilate each other. You can almost sense the humidity and tension in the venue.

Others such as Walter Mosley and Ali’s daughter Rasheda and brother Rahman lend their personal perspectives on the weight of Ali’s legacy and the way it resonates through their lives and the culture at large, even now.

The obvious affection and esteem Burns holds for the champion leads all four segments, but it doesn’t stop the experts or the filmmakers from highlighting the many times when this widely respected civil rights icon used demeaning racist tropes to promote his skill and demoralize his opponents, especially Frazier, who never let go of their feud. Even that heroic “what’s my name?” bout included multiple instances of Ali calling his opponent Ernie Terrell an Uncle Tom.

Still, when his record and reputation wasn’t on the line Ali was known for his generosity. Rasheda Ali talks about her father giving money to strangers who asked for help, so they’d feel special.

“In Ali’s presence, you always felt that he cared,” the poet Nikki Giovanni says. “That moment that he was with you, there was nobody else in the world. And I’m not so sure that that’s true of a lot of people.”

Again, not much of this is previously undiscovered territory. But “Muhammad Ali” demonstrates that expansive examinations of a personal history can be as substantive as works that drill down on specific portions of it. The best documentaries about Ali are detailed and meticulously drawn.

This four-night journey does these things with a broader sweep, tremendous care and a spirit that is not only fair and clear-eyed, but somehow undeniably loving, particularly with regard to the former champion’s declining health in the years leading up to his death in 2016. Regardless of how much you know about Ali, the spell remains, as the title of the final “round” declares. You’ll be glad to fall under it.

“Muhammad Ali” airs over four consecutive nights: Sunday-Wednesday Sept. 19-22 at 8 p.m. on PBS.

The messy truth about carbon footprints

In one camp stand folks like author Rebecca Solnit, whose recent op-ed for The Guardian argued that Big Oil invented carbon footprints as a deliberate attempt to “blame us for their greed.” The goal, she wrote, was to use relatively ineffectual calls for voluntary abstinence to distract the public from demanding systems-level interventions — like new taxes or the phasing out of gas-powered cars — that might meaningfully reduce society’s reliance on fossil fuels as a whole.

In the other camp are people like Polish researcher Michał Czepkiewicz, who assert that the concept of carbon footprints was simply co-opted by fossil fuel interests, and that it still has value in illuminating the vast inequality that exists between low- and high-carbon lifestyles. (A recent report from the anti-poverty organization Oxfam found that the wealthiest 10 percent of the global population — which includes the vast majority of people reading this op-ed — were responsible for more than 50 percent of global emissions between 1990 and 2015.)

The real truth, as is so often the case, is that more than one thing can be true at once.

For far too long, media discussions around climate change have focused primarily on the individual scale. And too often, those discussions have shifted attention away from holding the powerful to account. Say one word about the need to reduce carbon emissions or divest from fossil fuels, and you’ll soon be met with a question about how you traveled to work today, or where the electricity powering your computer comes from. And if you are just starting out on the journey to climate awareness, chances are you’ve received more advice on changing your diet or refusing straws than you have on activism, advocacy, or organizing. In other words, you’ve been told how to contribute less to the problem, but not necessarily how you can be most effective in actually fixing it.

Yet lifestyle choices do matter. They just matter for entirely different reasons than we’ve been told.

Whether we’re biking to work or reducing our meat intake, skipping flights or buying green power, our lifestyle choices should be viewed as acts of strategic mass mobilization. And they should be considered as one part of a broader toolbox of tactics that also includes advocacy, organizing, and protest. Using this lens, we can build a diverse movement that accepts that few of us can do everything, but that all of us can do something. Together, we can move forward with the recognition that each of us is working — however imperfectly — toward a shared common goal.

This approach has worked before. As author Pete Jordan recounted in “In the City of Bikes,” the now-bike-filled streets of Amsterdam were once clogged by cars, until citizens decided, both at the ballot box and in the bike lanes, to reclaim the soul of the city. Individual cyclists were central to achieving those victories. So too, however, was a broad coalition of Amsterdammers that included road safety advocates, historic preservationists, business interests, and ordinary families who were sick of the traffic on their streets.

Similarly, in 2018 when school climate strikes led by Swedish activist Greta Thunberg and other young people elevated debates around “flight shame” in Europe, traveler preferences shifted as a result. Swedish airports reported a 9 percent drop in intercity domestic travelers between 2018 and 2019 and German airports witnessed a sharp 12 percent fall in domestic air travel too. This change in consumer behavior — combined with a lively and prominent civic debate among flyers and non-flyers alike, and exacerbated by the catastrophic impact of the pandemic on the industry — was soon followed by systems level changes. Swedish railway operator Snälltåget announced a new sleeper train service between Stockholm and Berlin, French policymakers made moves to ban short-haul flights, and Norway’s aviation authorities announced they’d aim for all-electric domestic flights by 2040. In other words, the choices of thousands of individual travelers contributed to a broader societal discussion, and we’re now beginning to see systems-level changes that make lower-carbon travel easier for everyone.

Carbon footprints can help us to focus our efforts. Their primary value, however, is not in highlighting where each of us falls short. Instead, they provide a metric for both measuring which individual actions are significant enough to meaningfully reduce emissions, and also for identifying where policy-level interventions might be most needed.

That’s the thinking behind Flying Less, a petition and campaign started by Vassar College professor Joseph Nevins and Tufts University professor Parke Wilde that asks institutions, research funders, and individual scientists alike to reduce the need for academics to fly. While some supporters are contributing by voluntarily giving up on air travel, the campaign welcomes everyone — regardless of how they currently move around the world. And as their website makes clear, the ultimate goal has little to do with personal virtue: “This initiative is focused on institutional change in civil society (academia) as part of a coherent theory of social change, contributing to transformation of bigger economic sectors with greater influence over powerful political decision-makers. We do not care about individual non-flying purity.”

So by all means, skip that next beef burger, or take a pass on that cheap flight to Cancún. But then ask yourself how you can magnify the impact of what you do. Are there campaigns or advocacy groups you can join? Can you talk to friends or family about the shifts you are making? Can you influence policy or practices at your place of work or study? Can you identify barriers to action that are preventing others from joining in?

In so doing, remember to cut yourself, and those around you, some slack. We are not each on an individual journey to slash our footprint to zero. We are on a collective mission to shift the only true footprint that matters: that of society as a whole.

* * *

Sami Grover is an environmental writer, branding specialist, and author of “We’re All Climate Hypocrites Now: How Embracing Our Limitations Can Unlock the Power of a Movement.”

This article was originally published on Undark. Read the original article.

Architect of Texas abortion ban now has sights on Roe — and urges reversal of LGBTQ rights

Advocates for reproductive freedom and LGTBQ+ equality on Saturday pointed to a legal brief filed in a U.S. Supreme Court case that could soon overturn Roe v. Wade as a crucial example of the broader goals of those fighting to end abortion rights across the United States.

“It’s never just been about fetuses. It’s about controlling sex,” tweeted Muhlenberg College assistant professor Jacqueline Antonovich, a historian of health and medicine.

Both Antonovich and Elie Mystal, The Nation‘s justice correspondent, responded to a portion of the brief flagged by New York University School of Law professor Melissa Murray that challenges previous rulings from the country’s highest court on not only abortion but also LGBTQ+ rights.


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“Of course” the so-called “right to life” movement is also coming after cases that established key LGBTQ+ protections, said Mystal, “because it’s never about ‘life’ and always about ‘Christian fundamentalism.'”

The amicus brief that Murray highlighted—co-authored by the architect of a new abortion ban in Texas—urges reversing Roe, the landmark 1973 ruling that affirmed the constitutional right to pre-viability abortions, and the related 1992 case Planned Parenthood v. Casey.

The brief also takes aim at Lawrence v. Texas, a 2003 case that overturned homophobic state sodomy laws, and the 2015 equal marriage case Obergefell v. Hodges, suggesting that the court should not “hesitate to write an opinion that leaves those decisions hanging by a thread. Lawrence and Obergefell, while far less hazardous to human life, are just as lawless as Roe.”

Zack Ford of the progressive group Alliance for Justice said Saturday that “this is hardly surprising. Conservatives know they’ve got the Supreme Court in the palm of their hands and they’ll ask for anything and everything, including the return of sodomy laws. Remember, ALL anti-LGBTQ and anti-choice views stem from the same desire to control bodies.”

The alarm over the brief—submitted for Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, a case about a Mississippi abortion ban that the high court is set to hear this term—came exactly one year after the death of liberal Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg.

In the wake of Ginsburg’s death, then-President Donald Trump nominated and the GOP-controlled U.S. Senate swiftly confirmed Justice Amy Coney Barrett, Trump’s third appointee to the court—creating a supermajority of six right-wing justices.

The high court’s majority sparked concerns about how justices will rule in the Mississippi case by letting a contested Texas law take effect earlier this month. Just one piece of a historic GOP assault on reproductive rights this year, Texas’ Senate Bill 8 not only bans abortion at six weeks but also empowers anti-choice vigilantes to enforce it—which, as the U.S. Justice Department explained in its lawsuit challenging the measure, is an “unprecedented scheme” intended to make it harder to strike down in court.

The legal mind behind S.B. 8, Jonathan Mitchell, “has spent the last seven years honing a largely below-the-radar strategy of writing laws deliberately devised to make it much more difficult for the judicial system—particularly the Supreme Court—to thwart them,” according to The New York Times.

A former Texas solicitor general and clerk to the late Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia, Mitchell also co-authored the legal brief attacking Lawrence and Obergefell. His brief for the group Texas Right to Life—just one of several anti-choice filings submitted to the high court in late July—also states that “women can ‘control their reproductive lives’ without access to abortion; they can do so by refraining from sexual intercourse.'”

As The Guardian reports, the brief adds that “one can imagine a scenario in which a woman has chosen to engage in unprotected (or insufficiently protected) sexual intercourse on the assumption that an abortion will be available to her later. But when this court announces the overruling of Roe, that individual can simply change their behavior in response to the court’s decision if she no longer wants to take the risk of an unwanted pregnancy.”

While the Biden administration is taking on S.B. 8 in court and on Friday announced another series of actions intended to assist abortion seekers and providers in Texas, both the new ban and mounting concerns about the Mississippi case have provoked calls for the Democrat-controlled Congress to immediately expand the U.S. Supreme Court and codifying Roe.

Although congressional progressives in April introduced the Judiciary Act of 2021 (H.R. 2584/S. 1141), which would add four more justices to the Supreme Court, the measure has not advanced and its low co-sponsor numbers suggest that will not change during this session.

As for lawmakers reaffirming abortion rights nationwide, the U.S. House is set to vote on the Women’s Health Protection Act (H.R. 3755/S. 1975) later this month. However, unless the evenly divided Senate abolishes the filibuster, it is unlikely to reach President Joe Biden.

A proposal to plant a trillion trees to save us from climate change may not be realistic. Here’s why

During his 2020 State of the Union address, President Donald Trump — whose presidency had yet to be derailed by the COVID-19 pandemic — tried to pass himself off as an environmentalist by throwing his weight behind the One Trillion Trees Initiative. The soon-to-be-former president described it as “an ambitious effort to bring together government and private sector to plant new trees in America and all around the world.”

Unlike many Trump initiatives, this one was well-received on both sides of the aisle. A few months later, a bipartisan bill was introduced for the purpose of “reducing carbon in the atmosphere by restoring and conserving forests, grasslands, wetlands, and coastal habitats.”

The logic of the bill seems obvious: The planet is warming because industrial civilization pumps greenhouse gases into the atmosphere. Trees soak up one of those gases, carbon dioxide.

Such a climate change “fix” is attractive perhaps because of its simplicity. Unlike technologically intensive proposals, like geoengineering or building industrial carbon removal facilities that suck carbon dioxide from the air, planting trees is an elegant solution. Unlike the aforementioned, it is not technologically or technically intensive. 

Unfortunately, the solution to halting climate change may not be quite so simple. 

John Lotspeich is the executive director of Trillion Trees, an organization whose stated mission is “to end deforestation and restore tree cover.” Based on the title, you might think that Trillion Trees believes planting a trillion trees alone could do the trick and solve the problem of climate change. Yet although having more trees will likely help, the problem of global warming is not that simple, even though Trillion Trees does indeed aim to protect or restore a trillion trees on the planet by 2050.

“Essentially the mission of Trillion Trees is to not just prevent the destruction of our current forests, but to increase forest cover on the planet,” Lotspeich told Salon. He said that Trillion Trees believes “that it’s important to get as close to forests being able to provide the benefits of what was there before, as we possibly can.”

“As conservation organizations we’re concerned about not just the climate benefits of forests, but the equity around communities that work and live in the forest, as well as the rich biodiversity they provide,” he added. He also noted that the genesis of the global vision around a ‘trillion trees’  is generally taken from a 2019 paper in the journal Science which proposed that global ecosystems could support another 0.9 billion hectares of continuous forest and that they would have the potential to store an equivalent of 25% of the current atmospheric carbon pool.

This speaks to a very important point about environmentalism — the need to recognize that even plans which could help fix global warming should not be reduced strictly to carbon budgeting. Trees are vital to our planet’s health, improving the quality of our air and providing homes for millions of species of plants and animals. No serious environmentalist would argue that we shouldn’t do more to conserve our forests.

Still, it is important to be realistic about what the specific act of planting trees can accomplish in terms of global warming.

“The really important question to ask is how many trees can be grown to maturity,” Stanford University climate scientist Chris Field told Salon by email. “Planting billions of seedlings is easy. Caring for those tress as they grow, confront droughts, insects, wildfires, and logging is much more challenging.” He stressed that trees can take decades or longer to fully realize their capacity to remove carbon from the atmosphere. What’s more, because trees’ ability to store carbon depends on the amount of area covered by trees, it would require an absurd amount of land to plant enough trees to solve global warming.

“If we want yearly growth to remove 1 billion tons of CO2, that requires a lot more land, probably on the order of 200 million acres, and removing 10 billion tons of CO2 per year would require growing forest on something like 2 billion acres,” Field claimed.

Anna Trugman, an assistant professor in the Department of Geography at the University of California–Santa Barbara, tells Salon that trees can offset carbon dioxide emissions. Yet Trugman says there are a number of problems with relying solely on planting trees to address climate change.

“First, the carbon fixed into biomass is not permanently sequestered,” Trugman explained, noting that trees release carbon back into the atmosphere after they die and decompose. Trugman argued that climate change can also cause trees to unintentionally accelerate their carbon release, since the warming planet produces more droughts and wildfires. Indeed, increasing the amount of forests can actually have a net warming effect at higher latitudes “because trees substantially increase the amount of incoming shortwave radiation absorbed from the sun and this counters the moderating effect that trees have on CO2.” 

All of this helps explain why, as Lotspeich notes, Trillion Trees is not so much about planting one trillion trees as it is about mixing planting trees with conserving existing forest areas.


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“Trillion Trees isn’t just about putting a trillion trees in the ground,” Lotspeich observed. “It is about protecting what is already there, preventing deforestation, and then adding where can in the best way that we can.”

According to Trugman, the best method for addressing climate change is to focus on stopping new emissions.

“The cheapest and safest way to deal with climate change is to avoid emissions at the source through increased top down governmental regulation,” Trugman told Salon. “The longer we delay substantial emissions regulations, the more difficult and expensive climate change mitigation and adaptation becomes.”

Indeed, as the University of Utah associate professor of biology William Anderegg told Salon by email, scientists are not sure that any policy for offsetting carbon emissions will work.

“The research is still unclear here because when you dig into it, the strategies that often look incredibly cheap on paper actually don’t work to offset carbon emissions,” Anderegg told Salon. “Carbon offsets have a long and fraught history and in the vast majority of studies that have looked at them, they don’t seem to be working particularly well for a whole host of reasons. They often don’t lead to additional emissions reductions beyond what would have happened anyway.” Like Trugman, Anderegg says that “it seems pretty clear that offsetting carbon emissions should play a pretty small role in overall climate policy and the vast majority of tackling climate change needs to come from direct fossil fuel emissions reductions.”

And make no mistake about it — it is absolutely imperative to Earth’s future that we reduce carbon emissions. If you imagine the planet as a human patient visiting a doctor, the prognosis is pretty horrific. As Chris Field explained, it is like “the planet gets mugged every day by deforestation, air and water pollution, and the changing climate. Earth’s core systems for rejuvenation are mostly in good shape, but we need to stop the daily muggings for them to have a chance to operate.”

It’s time to plant your fall vegetable garden — here’s how

If you have free space in your garden beds or empty containers, it’s still early enough to plant for a fall harvest. Vegetable gardening in the fall is often more successful than in the spring or summer because you are up against fewer odds: weed growth slows down, the plants are under less heat stress, there’s more rain, and many garden pests are also (temporarily) gone. While you can certainly do a thorough end-of-seasoning gardening cleanup (and you should!) you can also make use of your fertile ground for a harvest-timed harvest.

Read on for the best ways to leverage the last of the pre-winter weather for a successful fall vegetable garden.

* * *

Count down how much time you have left 

To determine how much time you have left in your local gardening season, find out when to expect the first frost in your area. It doesn’t mean that your gardening season is coming to a screeching halt then, as many fall vegetables can withstand a light frost, in fact, the taste of some becomes better in cold weather.

Next, check the days to maturity of the vegetables you would like to plant to make sure they fit into your time window. Days to maturity is the number of days from the time when the seeds start to germinate to the time of harvest. For example, bunching radishes germinate in as quickly as three to four days, and then take 20 to 30 days to mature. On the outer ends, that’s a total of 34 days. Where I live in northeast Pennsylvania, the first frost occurs around October 3. Counting back from that date, I know that I better get the radish seeds in the ground by Labor Day weekend.

In the warmer climates of the southwestern and southeastern United States as well as in the northwest, you have a much larger time window, as many cool-season vegetables can be overwintered. One of the most memorable dinners I ever had with parsnips was actually on a visit to Oregon in January. The humongous root vegetables came straight from a friend’s garden, wonderfully tasty and sweet.

Here are some suggestions for vegetables you can plant for fall and early winter harvest:

Take your pick: tender lettuce or robust bitter greens 

There are numerous choices for leafy greens: lettuce, spinach, arugula, and bitter and Asian greens such as mizuna greens. They vary greatly in their days to maturity so make sure you pick those that fit your climate zone’s time window.

Head lettuces take longer than baby leaf lettuces. The quickest leaf lettuce to mature is mesclun mix. Corn salad (aka lamb’s lettuce or mâche) is delicious and cold-hardy. Unfortunately, I’ve never had much luck with it, probably because it germinates best at soil temperatures between 50 and 70 degrees F and the warm, sometimes even hot fall days mess with the germination.

Radicchio is another vegetable that needs cool weather so it can form its tight heads. Exposure to cold temperatures makes it taste sweeter and cuts down on the bitterness.

Discover the hardy side of kale 

While it’s too late to start head cabbages or Brussels sprouts in cooler climates, you can still grow several members of the cabbage family, including kale and collard greens. It has always puzzled me that in the United States, kale is grown in the summer, because in my native Germany, it’s the epitome of a winter vegetable and used in hearty dishes. Kale will stop growing once the temperatures drop below freezing but you can still harvest it, even in the snow. And it tastes much sweeter, as the cold converts the starches into sugar. The same applies to collard greens.

Broccoli, just like cabbage, needs longer to mature but you can still plant leaf broccoli, mini broccoli, or broccoli raab.

Radishes are a great fall vegetable if you are late to the game because they are so easy and quick to grow. For something special, try an unusual variety such as watermelon radishes, daikon, or black Spanish radish, although special varieties often take longer to mature so check before you purchase the seeds.

Too late for root veggies? Go with just beet greens 

Other root vegetables for fall harvest are turnips, carrots, rutabagas, and parsnips. They need two, in the case parsnips, even more than three frost-free months, so starting them now might not be an option. The same applies to beets, with one exception: you can grow them simply for the delicious tender greens, and fall is a much better time to do that than in the spring when flea beetles and other pests feast on the leaves.

Get ready for garlic planting 

Not for harvesting anytime soon, but fall is also the time to plant next year’s garlic crop — hardy stiffneck garlic if you’re in a cool climate, or softneck garlic in warmer climates. Seed companies will start shipping in October, so order your planting garlic as soon as possible, especially if you have your mind set on a certain variety.

“Your way’s not working”: CNN’s Jake Tapper hits Mississippi governor over state’s COVID crisis

A combative Gov. Tate Reeves (R-MS) battled with “State of the Union ” host Jake Tapper on Sunday morning after the CNN host pointed out the massive death toll in his state from Covid-19 and point-blank told him: “You’re not doing anything.”

During the interview that ranged over 14 minutes, host Tapper called the death toll in Mississippi “horrible” and informed the Republican lawmaker that, if his state was a country, it would be second in Covid deaths per capita worldwide.

That in turn, led Reeves to accuse the CNN host of not talking about Covid deaths in states overseen by Democratic governors — with the two talking over each other as Tapper told Reeves he wanted to talk about Mississippi’s staggering death toll.

“Governor, if Mississippi were a country, you would have the second-worst per capita death toll in the world, and I’m saying are you going to do anything to try to change that?” Tapper pressed.

“Jake, as I mentioned earlier, deaths, unfortunately, are a lagging indicator,” Reeves shot back. “Our total number of cases went from 100 to 3,600 and over the last two weeks has declined. They’ve been cut in half from 3,600 to 1,800. When you wanted me to come on three or four weeks ago and talk about our number of cases then you want to talk about our hospitalizations, now you want to talk about a lagging indicator, which is sad, and it’s horrible.”

“I’m saying to you, your way’s not working and whether you say it’s a lagging indicator, or whatever your argument is. Mississippi now has, if it were its own country, the second-worst per capita death rate in the world, behind only Peru. and I’m saying, are you going to try to do anything to change that and I’m not hearing an answer,” Tapper insisted.

“Well, what I have said to you repeatedly, Jake, is that Mississippi has taken action, Mississippi has seen a significant uptick in the total number of Mississippians that have gotten the vaccine.” Reeves attempted. “We’ve seen our case numbers have fallen dramatically in the last two weeks. And so ultimately, as I have said, deaths, unfortunately, is a lagging indicator, we’ve seen cases, again, cut in half in Mississippi. And these other states that you refuse to talk about, perhaps because they have Democratic governors, you don’t want to talk about them. But the reality is, you and the president and so many other people want to make this about politics.”

Watch below:

Cry macho: Why scared white guys are so dangerous

I once lived next door to a guy in Memphis who owned more than a hundred firearms, some of which were strewn around his two-bedroom house and even lying on the kitchen counter. I saw them when he asked me to come over one afternoon to help him move his 700-pound gun safe.  

Neil, as I’ll call him, also kept two large dogs, one of which was a cane corso that was so unpredictable it couldn’t be allowed near his two young children. Neil was a nice guy but perpetually anxious and nervous, which in turn made me uneasy about his family’s safety. I worried about a gun accident or one of the dogs getting loose and mauling a passerby.  

The fact is, there are a lot of Neils in America — white guys in a near-constant state of fear about their personal safety. And rather than being merely pitiful, guys like Neil are actually dangerous.  

They’re the hyper-armed neighbors with itchy trigger fingers, who are convinced they’ll be the victims of a home invasion; who treat any Black or brown person as an imminent threat; who see foreign terrorists behind every bush; who believe the government is trying to poison them, plant a chip inside them, or take away their hunting rifles; who think that crime is far worse than it is and on the verge of spilling into outright anarchy.  


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For a particular type of frightened man, this fear manifests itself in bullying and performative machismo. You see this in many viral videos: 

In foreign policy, this deep-seated insecurity results in chicken-hawk syndrome: men who couldn’t be bothered to serve in the armed forces yet pretend to be steely-eyed gladiators if it means sending someone else’s kids off to fight a war. But real American soldiers generally haven’t been its biggest warmongers. In fact, like Dwight Eisenhower or John McCain, they’ve usually cautioned against cheap talk and artificial courage. The paper tigers, by contrast, talk a big game and seem to care only about superficial appearances.  

Donald Trump is the poster child for this feigned valor. When an actual battle presents itself, he discovers bone spurs in his foot, but then years later crows about what a warrior he is. Anyone who’s been around a loudmouth blowhard will recognize the personality: a wimp masquerading as a tough guy. As Jay-Z described the type in “99 Problems,” he’s “loud as a motorbike but couldn’t bust a grape in a food fight.”   

That’s the case for so many of these performers. Their bravado is all for show. But in advocating violence, hiding behind a mob or inciting mentally ill people, they can do damage.  

Where does this troubling insecurity come from? It is no doubt stoked by the purveyors of outrage on talk radio, cult TV and social media. Fear sells — literally, in some cases — and it also turns out the vote and increases audience share. Talk about demographic change also appears to scare some white people into more racist attitudes. Couple that with feelings of inadequacy or weakness, and perhaps that’s why noticeable numbers of American men act out with belligerence. Internet trolls are the most notorious exemplars of this angry, bullying behavior. 

What can be done about it? First, it’s important to stand up to bullies and not reward their tantrums. Second, we need to encourage people to participate in the political process but to do so peacefully. Once someone starts rejecting data or debate in favor of physical force, as the Pennsylvania political candidate did, it’s time for the responsible adults to intervene and to remind him and other babies that violence and threats sabotage our democracy and won’t be tolerated, because even bluffs are corrosive and inspire other copycats. And, third, we should treat these performances with the ridicule they deserve. They often issue from overcompensating man-boys who feel ignored and unappreciated. But there should be a social price for bad behavior, and mockery is a fitting response. 

However we respond, it’s important to recognize that their fear and anxiety make them dangerous and sometimes unstable neighbors. They’re a public menace, so approach with caution. 

“Swampy operatives” gave Kevin McCarthy a “MAGA makeover” to attract Trump supporters

According to extensive reporting by Rolling Stone’s Andy Kroll, House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy (R-CA) rise as one of Donald Trump’s closest congressional allies has been exposed as the end result of a cynical dark money plot to sell the California Republican as a like-minded Trumper to the ex-president’s fans.

Calling McCarthy’s rise part of an “extreme MAGA makeover,” the report relies on documents that showed a cabal of lobbyists and big-money donors backed a media blitz posing as grassroots tea-party populists to boost McCarthy’s profile.

McCarthy has been one of Trump’s biggest defenders following the Jan 6th insurrection, doing all he can to derail a House investigation into the riot that sent lawmakers fleeing for their lives. For that he has been rewarded by Trump calling him “my Kevin.”

However, how McCarthy inserted himself into Trump’s inner circle dates back to supporters helping him change his image as one of the GOP’s “young gun” inner circle to a lawmaker who rages against what Trump calls the “swamp.”

As Kroll writes, “McCarthy’s extreme MAGA makeover was an awkward one. Yet he didn’t have to do it alone. At a critical moment in McCarthy’s ascent, a network of swampy operatives mobilized in his defense and a mysterious dark-money group carpet-bombed the airwaves to position McCarthy as the heir apparent to lead the Trump-era Republican Party.”

The report notes, “This slimy story, which is laid out in documents obtained by Rolling Stone, reveals how a crew of lobbyists, political consultants, and big-money donors seemingly masqueraded as grassroots tea-party populists in a bid to bolster McCarthy’s credibility with Trump supporters. The point of this scheme was to help McCarthy defeat a far-right challenger in an important intra-party election, elevating him to become the House GOP leader and ensuring that a corporate ally remained at the head of the party.”

Writing, “Election experts who’ve reviewed the details of McCarthy’s extreme MAGA makeover say it’s hard to envision a sequence of events more emblematic of the pathetic state of the campaign-finance system and the way in which anonymous cash now reigns king in American politics,” Kroll adds, “In other words, it’s not only Trump supporters getting duped by dark money. It’s all of us, and it’ll continue to happen so long as the untraceable cash continues to flow. The McCarthy blitz shows just how convoluted the money trail can be.”

After detailing the media blitz– heavily steeped in racism — and the efforts of a shadowy “State Tea Party Express’ that was devoted to raising McCarthy’s profile, Kroll explained, “In the end, McCarthy’s dark-money makeover proved a winning proposition for all the worst people. McCarthy won his leadership race. State Tea Party Express wielded influence without accountability. The actual donors, whoever they are, saw a return on their money in the form of a friendly Republican without even having to be named.”

You can read the entire extensive Rolling Stone report by Andy Kroll here.

Our endless demands on Simone Biles

In the span of a week, the first Met Gala in two years took place, TIME revealed this year’s class of the 100 most influential people of 2021, and elite gymnasts testified before the U.S. Senate about sexual abuse they survived, and the need for systemic change.

Simone Biles partook in all of these milestones. 

She cemented her place as a cultural icon at the Met, and was recognized by TIME as a bonafide “titan.” And Biles still had it in her to deliver a a heart-wrenching and widely shared testimony before the Senate on how “an entire system” enabled rampant sexual abuse against women’s gymnasts, and the importance of protecting future generations.

Even fresh off of the Tokyo Olympics, Biles remains as active and important as ever. Yet it’s clear that beyond being one of the most decorated athletes in history, she’s more than just a sports idol to young girls and women. 

Biles is remarkable because she’s broken so many barriers, achievements that any regular person would be praised for, much less someone who’s only 24. But rather than celebrate her, we consistently ask Biles to do more, be more — and every single time she steps up and goes beyond.

Black gymnastics pioneer

By now, most of the world is familiar with Biles’ many records broken, medals won and moves pioneered. What she represents is encapsulated in tennis legend Serena Williams’ tribute to the gymnast in TIME:

There’s something poetic about the way Simone Biles moves. She’s a master of precision, grace and dominance, and at the age of just 24, she has cemented herself as one of the most decorated American gymnasts of all time. But when she’s not on the mat or competing in front of the world, Simone strikes the powerful balance between humility and confidence . . . Simone’s athletic achievements are seen once in a lifetime.

What she embodies truly reflects the endless potential of Black women. I wish I had her to look up to when I was younger and trying to realize my dreams.

The first part nods to Biles physical achievements, but the second points to why those achievements are so often belittled or questioned. Not despite but because of her prowess, Biles has often faced punishment, retaliation, and accusations that she’s somehow rigged the game. The new moves she pioneers have been devalued in the points they’ve received from judges, or even docked points, supposedly to discourage other gymnasts from trying them and hurting themselves. Some critics have suggested her participation in competitions is unfair to other gymnasts, where white, male athletes are often celebrated for having exceptional skills.

The unequal scrutiny given to Black women athletes means that Biles has had to become the face of excellence while simultaneously enduring criticism for it. That has also extended to her recent decision to not perform when others demanded that she do so.

Mental health advocate

Biles’ detractors were at their loudest when she bowed out of some of the competition events at the Tokyo Olympics this summer, in light of mental health struggles, which could have placed her physical safety at risk, if she competed in the wrong headspace and injured herself. Yet, in this decision and in Biles’ commitment to her health, wellness and safety, she broke another barrier — and arguably the most important one, yet. She showed us all the power of taking care of ourselves, and taking our mental health seriously. 

In a world that makes so many demands of each of us, and has made especially exhausting, heinous demands of Biles in particular, saying “no” and protecting our bodies and minds is a vital survival skill. And it’s one that few of us have been taught — at least before Biles’ remarkable decision in Tokyo. 

Again, Williams points to this important contribution by Biles in her TIME tribute: 

Simone’s greatest work, however, is what’s being done outside of the gym. She is using her mature voice and platform to share her personal journey of self-love, respect and acceptance — Simone is wise beyond her years. By living her truth so loudly and by championing mental health, she is setting new standards of beauty, strength and resilience, breaking down today’s image-obsessed stereotypes and encouraging others to do the same. Simone is a shining example of what success looks like when you let go of what the world thinks and gather your strength from yourself . . . from your soul.

Even prior to Biles’ prioritization of her mental health and safety this summer, she’s been pressured to speak and be vulnerable about a range of deeply personal matters on the world stage. When her medical records were made public in 2016, Biles was all but forced to speak publicly about her struggles with ADHD, and courageously took a stand to destigmatize the mental health condition. She’s also spoken publicly about being adopted, and her struggles at a young age in foster care.

Survivor, spokesperson and safety advocate

But one of the most powerful pieces of Biles’ legacy is not mentioned in the TIME piece: her dedication to survivors like her, and the honesty and vulnerability with which she’s shared her experiences as a survivor of Larry Nassar. In 2018, Biles shared a statement on social media that read, “Please believe me when I say it was a lot harder to speak those words out loud than it is now to put them on paper. There are many reasons that I have been reluctant to share my story, but I know now that it is not my fault.”

She continued, “For too long I’ve asked myself, ‘Was I too naive? Was it my fault?’ I now know the answer to those questions. No. No, it was not my fault. No, I will not and should not carry the guilt that belongs to Larry Nassar, USAG and others.”

Since coming forward, Biles has testified and spoken publicly about the abuse she suffered on numerous occasions, all in an effort to demand accountability from the systems that harmed her, and create systemic change to protect future generations of athletes.

“I don’t want another young gymnast, Olympic athlete or any individual to experience the horror that I and hundreds of others have endured before, during and continuing to this day, in the wake of the Larry Nassar abuse,” Biles said before the U.S. Senate on Wednesday. 

Following her withdrawal from some Olympic events this summer, Biles admitted that the trauma and “scars” of Nassar’s abuse still affect her to this day, and impacted her mental health in Tokyo. Before the Tokyo Olympics, Biles alluded to how the strain of uncertainty throughout the pandemic had made her consider retiring. But she reconsidered for at least one specific reason, revealing on the “Today” show earlier this year that she chose to participate, so that we would have to remember the abuses committed by Nassar and enabled by others. “I feel like if there weren’t a remaining survivor in the sport, they would’ve just brushed it to the side,” she said. 

Biles told the “Today” show she dedicated her performance at the Tokyo Olympics to sexual assault survivors, and told the New York Times, “At the end of the day, I am not representing USA Gymnastics.”

Testifying, speaking out and competing through trauma aren’t all she’s done to advocate for the health and safety of her fellow athletes. When they were left without a central training center after it became clear that Bela and Marta Karolyi’s Ranch created an atmosphere of abuse that led to injuries, mental issues and had enabled Nassar, Biles offered an alternative. Biles and her family built World Champions Centre, a new gym in Texas where Team USA could train in safety and with transparency.

“The Biles family built an observation room overlooking the gym floor and encouraged parents to watch,” reports Texas Monthly. “All parts of the gym are clearly visible to observers, making it difficult to hide abusive coaching.” 

What more can we demand of Simone Biles?

Biles’ status as an American legend has often resulted in her name, her decisions, and her traumas being baked into the usual inane and dehumanizing conservative versus liberal culture wars. Liberals who revere Biles have often inadvertently painted over her humanity and susceptibility to human struggles by treating her as a god. Conservatives — whose idea of performing before worldwide audiences is speaking on Ben Shapiro’s podcast — have disparaged her as a coddled snowflake for stepping down in Tokyo. 

U.S. Senators, political leaders and cultural icons constantly praise Biles’ bravery as a survivor and leader for all that she’s had to advocate for. But like all survivors, Biles has had no choice but to be brave because of massive systemic failures — failures that have fallen hardest on Black women and Black athletes.

Similarly, Biles has broken so many barriers because she’s had no choice but to break them. That may be inspirational and uplifting, but it’s also deeply frustrating when we take a step back and question why all of those barriers, abuses, mistreatment and double standards were placed before her, to begin with. 

So, how many barriers does Biles have to break? How much do we have to take from the 24-year-old athlete before we listen to her and enact meaningful change?

Biles’ testimony before the U.S. Senate this past week was a culmination of all that we’ve selfishly and unfairly demanded of her through the years. She must be not just great but exceptional, to compete through the weight of unspeakable trauma, to pave the way for entire generations, to weather endless and interwoven racism and misogyny.

Someday, another young, Black, female athlete won’t have to weather the same degradation, or overcome the same impossible odds to be great — and it will be because of Biles and her sacrifices.

Neurologist Suzanne O’Sullivan: “We’re pushed strongly in the direction of over-diagnosing”

“Some diseases are immutable facts,” says Suzanne O’Sullivan. But from there, it gets complicated.

The Irish neurologist has spent a good portion of her career exploring the confounding and often controversial terrain of physical symptoms that seem to defy explanation. In her previous book, “Is It All in Your Head? True Stories of Imaginary Illness” she looked at psychosomatic illness through the lens of individual cases. Now, in the fascinating follow-up, “The Sleeping Beauties: And Other Stories of Mystery Illness,” O’Sullivan travels around the world to explore mass cases. From a group of near-catatonic refugee children in Sweden to an upstate New York town besieged by a media-labeled “mass hysteria,” O’Sullivan looks at the political, social and cultural contexts of these apparent “outbreaks,” and asks what we can learn from them about how we talk about illness.

During a recent Zoom chat, Salon spoke to O’Sullivan about the liminal enigma of the mind and body connection, and why getting a diagnosis is vastly different from truly understanding — and treating — what’s going on inside. As always, this conversation has been lightly edited and condensed for print. 

Tell me first, what is a psychosomatic illness, and what does that term mean? There’s a lot of stigma and confusion and apprehension around giving certain symptoms or conditions that designation.

Labels and names are a real problem here, because we all mean different things by them. Psychosomatic disorders traditionally defined as real physical symptoms that are thought to have a psychological cause, or at the very least, are not known to have an organic cause.

A lot of people have the sense that “psychosomatic” means that every symptom must be due to psychological distress or this Freudian idea that it all dates back to a single moment of horrible trauma in your life or to your childhood. I certainly, when I use it, do not mean it in that way.

I’m talking about physical symptoms that arise because of some sort of glitch in the cognitive processes that make up the mind, and that can sometimes occur through trauma and childhood things, but can also happen for hundreds of other reasons. I’m not talking about, necessarily, stress or psychological trauma-induced symptoms, but rather, symptoms that arise mostly in the cognitive processes of the mind. I think most people now dispense with “psychosomatic” because it’s so prone to being misunderstood.


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There’s a misunderstanding that it means it’s, quote-unquote, “all in your head.”

Precisely, or that you’re making it up. Even worse, that you’re making it up or that you’re faking it. The point about psychosomatic conditions is they are biological conditions, like anything else. If you have a symptom that shouldn’t be there, if you have a disability that shouldn’t be there, it’s biological. The distinction we make between a psychosomatic disorder, due to real biological changes, and a disease, is due to pathological. So psychosomatic conditions arise out of physiological changes and diseases arise out of a pathological changes.
 
That gets complicated because there is a sense, certainly in the Western world, that there has to be a very clear-cut designation between something as physical or as psychological. There’s very little space in between. Yet you found things that dispute this. There’s a phrase you used, that the presence or absence of disease are not immutable ideas.

Some diseases are immutable facts. If you have diabetes, if no one ever finds out, or if no one ever measures it, you will still get sick with it. Some diseases are facts and, at present, you don’t have to describe them or name them for them to have an effect.

Illnesses are different. Illnesses are, to a certain degree, cultural constructs. An illness is a perception of how one feels. And to a certain degree, around the edges of illness in particular, your society and your culture tells you what is an illness and what is not. If we use the example of depression, some cultures would consider depression not a medical disorder, but a situational phenomenon. In Western medical cultures, we might be more inclined to label someone as having a brain-related problem causing depression, or we will equate depression with hormonal or with neuro chemical changes in the brain, for example, whereas another community might prefer to consider it situational.

I feel that in Western medicine, we think because we write all these things down in big books and give them technical names, that we have superiority in that, of medicalizing bodily changes. It’s very difficult for a doctor to say when high blood pressure becomes pathological. Obviously, high blood pressure is a disease, dangerous, needs to be treated. But in a room somewhere, a group of doctors are deciding whether you have normal blood pressure or high blood pressure and they’re picking the number — not arbitrarily, but a little bit arbitrarily.

If that’s what they have to do with diseases like high blood pressure or kidney disease or osteoporosis, imagine how hard that is to do in the field of mental health sciences, to decide what behavior we’re willing to accept as normal, what behavior we think is too much and we’re going to give a disease name to. I fear that in cultures that rely on Western medicine, we’re pushed very strongly in the direction of over-diagnosing disease, for many social cultural, practical reasons. I’m not sure that we are superior to other cultures in the way we deal with mental health problems.


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 There are a couple of things that I think of when you talk about that. One of that is over-diagnosis can lead to over-prescribing, medicalizing. And then what happens, in particular, to our younger and more vulnerable?

Much is said about pharmaceutical industries and over-prescribing and people making money out of illness. I suppose I’m worried about something that people talk about a lot less, and that’s the way that people embody disease labels when you give them to them.
If we decide that something has passed from being within acceptable, normal limits into being a medical problem that deserves the attention of a doctor, then a person becomes a patient. And what do they do? They begin looking for other features of the label that they have been given. People can begin to then take on features of that label by searching for them. Our bodies are a mass of change and white noise, and we all have good days and bad days. If we’re given a label through which we can explain these things, we can begin accumulating new symptoms by paying extra attention to our bodies.

I’m a neurologist, I run straightforward clinics for things like epilepsy, brain diseases. But a huge number of people who come to see me will have what would have once been called hysterical seizures, now are called dissociative seizures, but they’re psychosomatic.

What’s happened to these people is something like, for example, they’re on a very busy train and they faint. What happens in a lot of faints is people shake. The other thing that happens in faints is that someone nearby is a first-aider, and says you had a seizure. Suddenly this young person has been told they had a seizure on the train, then they go to a casualty department for a very junior doctor who doesn’t know anything about seizures, tells them they think they have epilepsy. Then what happens before they make it to my epilepsy clinic is that they begin embodying the epilepsy diagnosis by looking on the internet, to see what else is associated with epilepsy, by joining communities who are affected by this. They begin with one symptom, which is dizziness and collapse on the train, and they’ve accumulated ten more symptoms by the time they get to my clinic.

I’m not saying everyone does this. This is just something that some people do. And it’ effect of labeling is that we embody the identity of that diagnosis and take on new features, which can lead us into chronic disability. I think people don’t realize how dangerous labeling can be.

Let’s get into this. For instance, let’s say you are a woman and you have pain within a medical system in the West that doesn’t understand women’s pain, doesn’t take it seriously, or then immediately says that it’s psychiatric. We can see how this culture, then, of people who are eager to create a diagnosis and then eager to, well-meaning or not, exploit that can arise.

I think people like to blame pharmaceutical industries, but we should all be looking a bit at ourselves — me as a doctor, but also me as a patient, because a successful consultation for me is one where the patient leaves with a diagnosis, with a treatment and they’re delighted with exactly what I’ve offered them.

A difficult consultation is one where you have to say, “Well, I don’t think this is actually necessarily a medical problem.” People like to be told a specific diagnosis so that they have information that allows them to know about prognosis and where they should go for help. It’s easier for me to give a diagnosis. So we’ve entered into this collusion between patient and doctor where it is in everybody’s favor to label things. Unfortunately that has long-term consequences that we don’t properly think through.

When you have an answer, you have a path forward, you have a potential remedy, as opposed to, “Maybe I can work on my symptoms without ever getting a diagnosis.”

It’s important for me to say that I’m probably more than anything here talking about the fringes of some of these diagnoses. I want people with severe depression to get a diagnosis of depression, get the appropriate treatment. I’m really talking about where it’s all a bit more uncertain, and it’s much easier for a doctor to over-diagnose and under-diagnose. No one can argue severe depression is extremely serious and needs medical help. But it’s in that very borderline area, over-diagnosing depression can have long-term implications for a person, first in the embodiment of the identity of being a depressed person. It’ll never leave your records and it will never probably leave your unconscious identity, either.

One of the things that you were speaking to in this book that I think is important, is this idea of, instead of just embodying a diagnosis as a permanent state, can we think of some of these things as transitory?

I don’t want to be depriving people of help. That’s what we use labels for, is we use them to help, so people know where to go to for help. What we should be able to do is to develop strategies for helping people that don’t require us to give people chronic disease labels. It should be possible for someone who’s depressed or feeling very low, without being told that they’re depressed, to have a place to go where they can talk and get support without necessarily needing the label.

Again, this doesn’t apply to everyone. Some people are greatly helped by understanding the biology of what’s happening to them and getting a disease label. But there is undoubtedly a segment of people who are made worse by being given a chronic disease label.

I think in Western societies, where we’re very individualistic. We’re expected to support ourselves, we don’t live in big family groups like other cultures, we’re less spiritual than we used to be, people are less inclined to turn to a spiritual leader for help. Again, I’m not advocating that these are the right ways, there’s no right way or wrong way. But one caring institution that’s always there is your doctor. If they are our caring institutions and we have to have a disease label to be allowed to go there, then this is what happens. There should really be methods of caring for people and giving them support that doesn’t require us to give them chronic disease labels. Because unfortunately I think medicalization is not always very good for people’s identities.

Looking at this book, you explore these serious physical manifestations of intense experiences happening across the world and how differently they are looked at and approached. What do you wish that doctors in the West knew about what you’ve seen traveling around the world?

One of the conditions that I came across that I just thought, really found very inspiring, was a condition called Grisi Siknis. This affects the Miskito People or indigenous people of the Mosquito Coast in Nicaragua. It doesn’t exist anywhere else in the world, it’s specific to this group of people. It manifests seizures and manic behavior; its literal translation is, crazy sickness.  

People who exhibited these exact symptoms in the West would probably find themselves referred to a psychiatrist, which isn’t necessarily a route that works for everyone with these symptoms. In fact, these symptoms only get better about 30% of the time in the West with psychiatry, 70% remain chronic.

But what happened within the Miskito Community is, developing these symptoms, there was a sophisticated language that said to the community, “I need help.” What happened was that the community rallied round. If you had these symptoms in the UK or the US, you’d probably stay at home all day and you wouldn’t want to be seen, and there’d be no community response. So this was a way for people to ask for help and to get community and support. Then there was a ritualized treatment involving a traditional healer. It was highly successful treatment, and it is understood by the Miskito Community that this disorder is caused by a demon or a bad spirit. The ritual drives away the bad spirit. I think a lot of Western people hearing that will say, “Oh, superstition,” negative things like that.

Actually, when anthropologists and people who have lived in these communities have examined it more closely, they can see that it’s, in fact, a highly, highly sophisticated, complex, problem-solving strategy used by the community. It’s a way for young women to say that they need support and that they have a problem without having to be explicit about what the problem is. They’re just able to ask for help without facing judgment, without having to be specific. It guarantees a nonjudgmental community response. That’s beautiful, really, because they get better, whereas people with these sorts of problems in Western communities who are medicalized struggle to get better.
I don’t know yet how to translate that into my own medical practice. I’m not a spiritual person, but I’m traveling around the world, meeting spiritual communities who are doing a great job of supporting each other and actually making people better. I have to consider how I can incorporate that into a scientific medical practice.

I think part of it is understanding the language of the symptoms. What is this person trying to say by expressing it in this way? What does this person want? And responding to the symptoms in that way, but also encouraging this idea of the community response, rather than shutting people away when something distressing and potentially strange is happening to them. I think there’s something in the ritual to getting better, to be understood. It may be right for some people that we take a really Western medical approach of physiotherapies, psychological therapies, psychoanalysis, whatever it might be, a Western medical approach. It may be however that, for some people, we need to understand, communicate through the metaphor of their symptoms, figure out what it is they want and try and help them to get it.

What do you hope for the future of medicine?

What I hope is that it is possible for someone to ask for help without being categorized in a particular way.

I think it’s particularly problematic in schools now because, it’s very easy for a child to take on a label when they’re in school. There are very many advantages to it, because people get help in exams or the school gets more funding or they get more teachers. It is very easy for us now to label our children who are struggling.

I would want a child to be able to say, “I’m finding it really difficult to get help,” and we should be able to give the funding and give the help and support without giving the medical diagnosis. I’d really love to see us cutting down on our need to medicalize and biologize every human experience.

How Fauci and the NIH got ahead of the FDA and CDC in backing boosters

In January — long before the first jabs of COVID-19 vaccine were even available to most Americans — scientists working under Dr. Anthony Fauci at the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases were already thinking about potential booster shots.

A month later, they organized an international group of epidemiologists, virologists and biostatisticians to track and sequence COVID variants. They called the elite group SAVE, or SARS-Cov-2 Variant Testing Pipeline. And by the end of March, the scientists at NIAID were experimenting with monkeys and reviewing early data from humans showing that booster shots provided a rapid increase in protective antibodies — even against dangerous variants.

Fauci, whose team has closely tracked research from Israel, the United Kingdom and elsewhere, said in an exclusive interview with KHN on Wednesday that “there’s very little doubt that the boosters will be beneficial.” But, he emphasized, the official process, which includes reviews by scientists at the Food and Drug Administration and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, needs to take place first.

“If they say, ‘We don’t think there’s enough data to do a booster,’ then so be it,” Fauci said. “I think that would be a mistake, to be honest with you.”

The support for an extra dose of COVID vaccine clearly emerged, at least in part, from an NIH research dynamo, built by Fauci, that for months has been getting intricate real-time data about COVID variants and how they respond to vaccine-produced immunity. The FDA and CDC were seeing much of the same data, but as regulatory agencies, they were more cautious. The FDA, in particular, won’t rule on a product until the company making it submits extensive data. And its officials are gimlet-eyed reviewers of such studies.

On boosters, Americans have heard conflicting messages from various parts of the U.S. government. Yet, Fauci said, “there is less disagreement and conflicts than seem to get out into the tweetosphere.” He ticked off a number of prominent scientists in the field — including Surgeon General Vivek Murthy, acting FDA Commissioner Janet Woodcock and COVID vaccine inventor Barney Graham — who were on board with his position. All but Graham are members of the White House COVID task force.

Another task force member, CDC Director Rochelle Walensky, said her agency was tracking vaccine effectiveness and “we’re starting to see some waning in terms of infections that foreshadows what we may be seeing soon in regard to hospitalizations and severe disease.” As to when so-called boosters should start, she told PBS NewsHour on Tuesday, “I’m not going to get ahead of the FDA’s process.”

Differences in the scientific community are likely to be voiced Friday when the FDA’s vaccine advisory board meets to review Pfizer-BioNTech’s request for approval of a third shot. Indeed, even the FDA’s official briefing paper before the meeting expressed skepticism. “Overall,” agency officials noted, “data indicate that currently US-licensed or authorized COVID-19 vaccines still afford protection against severe COVID-19 disease and death.” The agency also stated that it’s unclear whether an additional shot might increase the risk of myocarditis, which has been reported, particularly in young men, following the second Pfizer and Moderna shots.

Part of the disagreement arose because President Joe Biden had announced that Americans could get a booster as soon as Sept. 20, a date Fauci and colleagues had suggested to him as practical and optimal in one of their frequent meetings just days before — though he cautioned that boosters would need CDC and FDA approval.

Now it appears that that decision and the timing rest with the FDA, which is the normal procedure for new uses of vaccines or drugs. And Fauci said he respects that process — but he thinks it should come as quickly as possible. “If you’re doing it because you want to prevent people from getting sick, then the sooner you do it, the better,” Fauci said.

Researchers at the NIH typically focus on early-stage drug development, asking how a virus infects and testing ways to treat the infection. The job of reviewing and approving a drug or vaccine for public use is “just not how the NIH was set up. NIH does relatively little research on actual products,” said Diana Zuckerman, a former senior adviser to Hillary Clinton and president of the nonprofit National Center for Health Research in Washington, D.C.

“It’s no secret that FDA doesn’t have the disease experts in the way that the NIH does,” Zuckerman said. “And it’s no secret that the NIH doesn’t have the experts in analyzing industry data.”

‘Data in Spades’

Yet no other infectious disease expert in any branch of the U.S. government has Fauci’s influence. And while other scientific leaders support boosters, many scientists believe Fauci and his colleagues at the NIAID — some of the world’s leaders in immunology and vaccinology, men and women in daily contact with their foreign peers and their research findings — are leading the charge.

Fauci was hard-pressed to give exact dates for when his thinking turned on the need for boosters. The past 18 months are a blur, he said. But “there’s very little doubt that the boosters will be beneficial. The Israelis already have that data in spades. They boost, they get an increase by tenfold in the protection against infection and severe disease.”

In July, Israel, which started vaccinating its population early and used only the Pfizer-BioNTech vaccine, began reporting severe breakthrough cases in previously vaccinated elderly people. Israel’s Ministry of Health announced boosters July 29. Fauci noted that Israel and — to a lesser extent — the U.K. were about a month and a half ahead of the U.S. at every stage of dealing with COVID.

And once Israel had boosted its population, the Israeli scientists showed their NIH counterparts, hospitalizations of previously vaccinated people, which had been rising, dropped dramatically. Emerging evidence suggests boosters make people far less likely to transmit the virus to others, an important added benefit.

To be sure, members of the White House COVID response team — including Fauci and former FDA Commissioner David Kessler — had begun preparing a timeline for boosters months earlier. Kessler, speaking to Congress in May, said that it was unclear then whether the boosters would be needed but that the U.S. had the money to purchase them and ensure they were free.

Fauci explained that “practically speaking, the earliest we could do it would be the third week in September. Hence the date of the week of September the 20th was chosen.” The hope was that would give regulators enough time. The FDA’s advisory board meeting Friday is set to be followed next week by a gathering of the CDC’s immunization advisory committee, which offers recommendations for vaccine use that can lead to legal mandates.

Tuesday, Dr. Sharon Alroy-Preis, Israel’s head of public health services, told a Hebrew-language webinar that her country’s booster launch came at a critical time. She provided supporting data that Israeli scientists are bringing to the FDA meeting Friday.

Some U.S. scientists have discussed limiting the boosters mostly to those over 60, Alroy-Preis noted, but “if you don’t keep it under control, it’s like a pot on the flame. If you don’t start lowering the flames of the pandemic, you can’t control it.”

Real-Time Science

Scientists tracking the coronavirus are swimming in data. Hundreds of COVID studies are published or released onto pre-publication servers every day. Scientists also share their findings on group email lists and in Zoom meetings every week — and on Twitter and in news interviews.

Kessler, chief science officer of the White House COVID response team, said the case for boosters is “rooted in NIH science” but includes data from Israel, the Mayo Clinic, the pharmaceutical companies and elsewhere.

As Fauci put it: “Every 15 minutes, a pre-print server comes out with something I don’t know.”

The SAVE group, active since February, was organized by NIH officials who in normal times track influenza epidemics. The 60 to 70 scientists are mostly from U.S. agencies such as the NIH, CDC, FDA and Biomedical Advanced Research and Development Authority, but also from other countries, including Israel and the Netherlands.

“This is very much the basic scientists who are in the weeds trying to figure things out,” said Dr. Daniel Douek, chief of the human immunology section within NIAID. Douek said the larger SAVE group meets every Friday but several subgroups meet several times a week, focusing on different aspects of the virus, such as early detection of viral variants and testing suspicious variants for their ability to evade vaccine-induced immunity and sicken vaccinated mice and monkeys.

The sharing of data and information is free-flowing, Douek said. SAVE is “an amazing thing.”

Matthew Frieman, a participant and associate professor of microbiology at the University of Maryland School of Medicine, said the data makes it clear that the time for boosters is approaching. Biden’s booster announcement “may have gotten ahead of the game, but the trajectory is pointing toward the need for boosters,” Frieman said. “The level of antibody you need to protect against delta is higher because it replicates faster.”

While SAVE is an elite group, it’s not the only forum for discussing late-breaking data, said Natalie Dean, a biostatistician at the Rollins School of Public Health at Emory University. “We all saw the same data out of Israel,” she said. Dean, like many other scientists, found that data unconvincing.

Monday, an international group of scientists led by Dr. Philip Krause, deputy chief of the FDA’s vaccine regulation office, and including his boss, Dr. Marion Gruber, published an essay in The Lancet that questioned the need for widespread booster shots at this time.

Krause and Gruber had announced their retirements from the FDA on Aug. 30 — at least partly in response to the booster announcement, according to four scientists who know them. Gruber, who will remain at the agency until later this fall, is listed as a participant in Friday’s meeting.

The Lancet paper argues that vaccine-based protection against severe COVID is still strong, while evidence is lacking that booster shots will be safe and effective. University of Florida biostatistician Ira Longini, a co-author on the Lancet paper, said it would be “immoral” to begin widespread boosters before the rest of the world was better vaccinated. As the disease continues its global spread, he noted, it is likely to develop deadlier and more vaccine-evasive mutants.

Longini was also skeptical of an August study, which Israeli scientists are to present to the FDA on Friday, that NIH officials had touted as strong evidence in support of boosters. On an Aug. 24 call with Israeli officials, Fauci urged them to publish that data, and a version appeared in the New England Journal of Medicine on Wednesday.

That study found that people receiving a third dose of the Pfizer-BioNTech vaccine were 11 times more likely to be protected from COVID infection than those who had gotten only two doses. But the study observed people for less than two weeks after their booster vaccinations kicked in. Biostatisticians felt it had irregularities that raised questions about its worth.

“I don’t want to say the study isn’t correct, but it hasn’t been reviewed and there are possible biases,” said Longini, who helped design the 2015 trial that resulted in a successful Ebola vaccine and now works on global COVID vaccine trials.

Fauci emphasized that no single study or piece of data led Biden or the members of the White House COVID response team to conclude that boosting was necessary. The compilation of evidence of waning immunity combined with reams of research was a factor. Now the crucial decisions are in the hands of the regulators, awaiting the FDA and CDC’s judgment on how the nation should proceed.

“It isn’t as if,” Fauci said, “one day we’re sitting in the Oval Office saying, ‘You know, Mr. President, I think we need to boost.’ And he says, ‘Tony, go ahead and do it.’ You can’t do it that way. You’ve got to go through the process.”

Journalist Nathan Guttman contributed to this report.

This story was produced by KHN, which publishes California Healthline, an editorially independent service of the California Health Care Foundation.

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Tori Amos’ “Strange Little Girls” is a quietly triumphant covers collection that endures 20 years on

Tori Amos has always been a cover song connoisseur. Early in her career, she drew raves for her careful, piano-driven takes on Nirvana’s “Smells like Teen Spirit” and Led Zeppelin‘s “Thank You.” On tours, she’s known for covering a wide variety of artists, including George Michael, INXS, Fleetwood Mac, The Beatles, and Kansas.

On September 18, 2001, Amos released her most ambitious covers selections to date: a full-length album, “Strange Little Girls,” featuring her takes on songs written by men. More than that, however, the collection offers an intriguing premise: What if some very famous songs by very famous men were instead centered on and about women?

This premise could easily have become quite gimmicky. However, Amos’ empathy for the songwriting subjects makes “Strange Little Girls” a quiet, subtle triumph. That’s evident most on a superlative cover of Lloyd Cole & The Commotions’ “Rattlesnakes.” The song features a main character named Jodie, who “wears a hat although it hasn’t rained for six days” and packs a gun “on account of all the rattlesnakes.” 

Cole is himself an empathetic writer, and so his character sketch of Jodie offers telling details (“her neverborn child still haunts her”) that explain her behavior. Ever perceptive, Amos picks up on Jodie’s heartbreak; her voice drips with sadness and understanding, ensuring the cover ends up deeply affecting.

Vibe-wise, however, “Strange Little Girls” felt like a continuation of her 1999 double album, “To Venus and Back,” which was heavy on atmospheric electronic elements. Her version of the Beatles’ “Happiness Is a Warm Gun” offers sampled news snippets and keyboards that resemble experimental electronic compositions, as well as guitarist Adrian Belew adding the occasional jolting riff. 

Belew is most effective, however, on Amos’ languid cover of the Velvet Underground‘s “New Age,” when his jagged electric bolts emerge as she sings the line, “I’ll come running.” That nuance crops up all over “Strange Little Girls” offers many moods. “I Don’t Like Mondays” is sparse and haunting; 10cc’s “I’m Not In Love” is menacing and ominous, playing up the song’s obsessive side; and on “Enjoy The Silence,” she doubles her vocals, making the song feel more like a heart-to-heart conversation.  

The album’s namesake song — and most upbeat, straightforward musical moment, as it features tumbleweed keyboards — is “Strange Little Girl.” The 1982 single by the Stranglers featuring a protagonist who’s figuratively lost and trying to find her place in the world: “Strange little girl / Where are you going? / Do you know where you could be going?” The word “strange” is an interesting one to describe a person. The term isn’t always wielded as a compliment; in fact, it’s a verbal side-eye to convention. “Strange” is a close relation to “peculiar,” another vaguely antique-sounding words that connotes someone who’s offbeat and different. That Amos called the album “Strange Little Girls” — plural — is even more telling: These are a collection of offbeat people who don’t fit into any sort of neat, tidy mold.

Fittingly, for each song on “Strange Little Girls,” Amos portrayed a different woman. The liner notes even feature her photographed in costume, dressed up as these characters. The “Rattlesnakes” Tori has straight blonde hair and a KISS jacket. “New Age” Tori looks like a hipster librarian, with dark hair flipped at the ends and cat’s-eye glasses, while the titular character has dramatic eye makeup, a shag cut, and a shirt that says, “Satin Worship.” And “Real Men” Tori is tomboyish and defiant, in a power outfit: a white suit and wide belt.

In a 2001 interview with Rolling Stone’s website, Amos detailed how the album’s characters came about. “I did know that as I began to deconstruct each male song, a different woman seemed to have access to me,” she said. “There was a trade; there was an exchange. If I were going to take this on board and deconstruct it, and get into these men and hang in their heads, then a woman had access to me, and that really surprised me.”

Elsewhere in the conversation, she mused about who these women were and from where they came. “Are they the anima of the writers? I don’t know. Are they the girls themselves personified? Not in all cases. Each woman has a very different relationship to her song. Some women are implied, some women are clearly there, written into the song by the male writer.”


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Unsurprisingly, “Strange Little Girls” connects most strongly on songs where the women are implied, because the vagueness allows Amos’ creativity to soar. On a roaring “Heart of Gold,” which is as noisy as Young’s guitar hurricanes, Amos saw twins — or “economic espionage gals,” as she puts it to Alternative Press — who “infiltrate corporations and access information and send it somewhere else. Good or bad, it depends what side you’re on.” This backstory certainly isn’t obvious from listening to Neil Young’s song, which is a loose, weary meditation on searching for meaning in life and the self. However, Amos’ vision certainly complicates what the song’s reference to a “heart of gold” could mean. 

Then there’s Slayer’s “Raining Blood,” a song about someone mired in purgatory after being jettisoned from heaven; the implication is that it’s somewhere he doesn’t want to be. Amos has a different view: Instead, she envisions purgatory as a place of shelter, a refuge for a badass with supernatural tendencies. “She’s a French Resistance woman whose sister was killed,” she told Alternative Press about the “Raining Blood” character, who sports a jaunty beret and holds an ashed cigarette. The woman “knows myths and is calling on power and working on alchemy” in response, however: “She went to the underground after the death of everyone she knew.”  

Amos has spent a large portion of post-“Strange Little Girls” career writing songs about forgotten real-life women or historical figures. There’s something equally poignant about Amos giving life and dignity to these fictional women by fleshing out their personalities and portraying them as three-dimensional characters. In countless classic songs, women are more like unfilled-in outlines, known only as “she” or “her.” In addition to being nameless, these women are blank, ghostly vessels onto which emotions are projected. Life happens to them; they’re not people with their own agency. On “Strange Little Girls,” Amos offers complex personalities and complicated plot details — broadening musical history narratives that are often male-driven and frustratingly narrow.

That doesn’t mean “Strange Little Girls” follows a strict binary. For example, Amos pairs Joe Jackson’s “Real Men,” a song with pointed observations about gender, sexuality and stereotypes, with a character that’s deliberately androgynous; her solemn, relatively unadorned reading of the song asks questions rather than provides answers. 

But nowhere is Amos’ perspective clearer than on her take on Eminem’s “’97 Bonnie and Clyde.”  This particular cover received the most attention at the time; lyrically, it’s a graphic song in which the rapper describes disposing of his wife’s body in front of his toddler daughter. (Notably, the dead woman is only referred to as “Mama.”) Amos, however, reclaims the song and its violence from Eminem. Affecting a whispery, raspy voice, she narrates the song from the perspective of the mother, while dramatic, string-heavy music that resembles a silent movie score churns around her. The murdered woman’s life is centered and important; she’s given a voice to foreshadow the consequences of the crime.

As it turns out, Amos envisions the titular character as the daughter who witnessed the crime, only “all grown up, having to deal with the fact that she was an accomplice to the murder,” she told Alternative Press. “She’s a dichotomy of things because she’s divided.” The “Strange Little Girl” here is (understandably) left confused and bereft. Yet Amos’ delivery on the song feels like a soft landing, or more like she’s comforting the daughter. Of course, Tori is deeply protective of all of the “Strange Little Girls” on this album — and that’s why it’s a covers collection that endures.

Fascism makes a comeback — but nothing about its methods is especially new

On Nov. 3, 2020, the American people conclusively decided to make Donald Trump their first one-term president in more than a quarter-century. On every previous occasion when an incumbent president was defeated — it had happened 10 times before Trump — the loser president at least swallowed his pride and honored the democratic process. Trump tried his hardest to remain in power anyway, fulfilling George Washington’s prophecy that a demagogue would manipulate partisanship “to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of public liberty.” 

Trump’s Big Lie about the 2020 election is being used to justify a wave of voter suppression laws throughout the nation, all of them intended to prevent the left-center majority coalition assembled by Barack Obama in 2008 from returning to power. If the voter restrictions passed in Georgia are especially odious, other states are also doing their utmost to make sure that local election officials are beholden to Trumpist Republicans (such as a secretary of state) rather than the voters. 

The larger trend here is to directly erode the democratic process by making sure that Republican elected officials can decide elections if they don’t like the voters’ choices. Trump’s oft-stated contention that he could only lose through fraud is becoming, in essence, the law of the land in many states. It’s easy to see how this logic can be extended to any election that Republicans believe, or at least claim to believe, they should have won but instead lost. This is how fascism grabs a foothold, as Federico Finchelstein, chair of the history department at the New School for Social Research and author of “A Brief History of Fascist Lies,” told me in a recent interview.

In his book, Finchelstein told me, he explores connections between how fascists lied in the past and how contemporary fascist leaders like Trump or Brazil’s Jair Bolsonaro lie in the present. “There are many connections because they lie in the same way.” Ordinary politicians sometimes (or frequently) lie to protect their own interests or advance a specific cause, but fascists make a point of fabricating issues out of thin air. They don’t merely exaggerate, dissemble or put a biased spin on things.

“They want to change the world in order for the world to resemble those lies,” Finchelstein explained, describing how Spain’s fascist leader Francisco Franco was obsessed with “making people live those lies.” It is a universal and unmistakable characteristic of fascist politics, he said, but “not typical of other political traditions.”


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Overturning elections based on Big Lies is only one Republican method of suppressing votes. They are also using the same tactics perfected by Jim Crow politicians in the South. In the aftermath of Trump’s 2020 election Big Lie, more than two dozen laws that make it harder to vote have been passed in at least 18 states. The bulk of the legislation focuses on little details here and there that, on their face, seem innocuous, but are far more likely to impact low-income Black and brown voters. These include measures that limit voting days, voting hours and drop boxes, restrict assistance to voters, bar sending out unsolicited absentee ballot applications and add new voter ID requirements.

Jamelle Bouie of The New York Times recently explained how these policies are similar to those that smothered democracy for Black people during the Jim Crow era. To reject that similarity, he wrote, “mistakes both the nature and the operation of Jim Crow voting laws”:

There was no statute that said, “Black people cannot vote.” Instead, Southern lawmakers spun a web of restrictions and regulations meant to catch most Blacks (as well as many whites) and keep them out of the electorate. 

One of the lessons of the South after Reconstruction is that democratic life can flourish and then erode, expand and then contract. Democracy is not a solid state, and we should be wary of politicians who would undermine any part of it for partisan advantage.

Similar policies also inspired the most infamous fascist regime of all in Nazi Germany. As Yale law professor James Q. Whitman explains in “Hitler’s American Model: The United States and the Making of Nazi Race Law,” Nazi lawyers closely studied Jim Crow laws and used them as a model for their Nuremberg Laws, passed to legally degrade Jews both as citizens and as a race. The Nazis kept close tabs on American race policies and used them to come up with ways of disenfranchising groups they wished to keep marginalized, although even they sometimes found American methods to be too brutal.

Like an ouroboros devouring its own tail, the American proto-fascism that inspired actualized German fascism is now returning in a mutated form to its birth soil.

“Fascism always takes on the nationalist character of its own country,” said Yale philosopher Jason Stanley, author of “How Fascism Works: The Politics of Us and Them,” in an interview with Salon. “One would expect this particular version of fascism to be derived from our own American past.” In addition to drawing from Jim Crow methods, this revived American fascism uses gerrymandering, the filibuster and the vagaries of the Electoral College to make sure that Republicans hold a vastly disproportionate share of power. These methods existed long before Donald Trump, but his embrace of fascist political methods, has created the conditions for previously normal conservatives to become fascists.

“Hitler won a minority, but was placed into power as a sort of compromise, with the thinking that he could be easily controlled,” Stanley said. Instead, Hitler’s movement wound up taking over the system itself, changing its character and altering what was perceived as normal. 

Could it happen here? Not long ago, Rep. Eric Swalwell told me that he believed many of his Republican colleagues were effectively supporters of the Jan. 6 coup attempt. “I look at [Mo] Brooks and [Marjorie Taylor] Greene and [Lauren] Boebert and think that if they weren’t inside the chamber that day as members of Congress, they would have been outside the chamber that day as part of the mob,” Swalwell said. 

It is telling, and tragic, to juxtapose Swalwell’s observation with Thomas Jefferson’s observation about a different “revolution,” the 1800 election, the first in which a vanquished president peaceably gave up power. John Adams loathed losing that election to Jefferson, his former and future friend, but knew that he had to accept the result for the sake of democracy. It was a moment almost as important to the history of democracy as Washington relinquishing power at the end of his presidency.

This was as important as the revolution of 1776, Jefferson later wrote, because it was “not effected indeed by the sword, as that, but by the rational and peaceable instrument of reform, the suffrage of the people. The nation declared its will by dismissing functionaries of one principle, and electing those of another in the two branches, executive and legislative, submitted to their election.”

We are in grave danger of abandoning the ideals of Washington, Adams and Jefferson and veering into the darkest areas of the American id — those that inspired Hitler and the Nazis.

Mike Pence preparing for potential 2024 run — despite Trump’s parallel White House ambitions: report

Former Vice President Mike Pence apparently thinks he can win over millions of Trump voters, despite the fact that several of those voters called for his hanging during the January 6th riots at the United States Capitol building.

CNN reports that Pence is laying the ground for a run at the White House in 2024, and he’s not going to wait around to see what former President Donald Trump does before making his move.

“Mike is going to look at this and say, ‘Where am I being called to serve?'” a source whom CNN described as “close to Pence” explained. “That’s not going to be thwarted by any man or woman. If he feels called to do this, it’s not going to be because of who else is in the race.”

Pence’s relationship with Trump has deteriorated ever since Trump tried to get Pence to refuse to certify the results of the 2020 presidential election.


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This led Trump to attack Pence publicly ahead of the January 6th riots — and Trump supporters responded by chanting “Hang Mike Pence!” as they stormed the Capitol building.

David Kochel, an Iowa-based Republican campaign strategist, tells CNN that Pence might be making a big mistake if he thinks he can get away with running in 2024 without earning the wrath of Trump supporters.

“He’s the most uniquely connected to Trump of anyone in the field, in ways both helpful and unhelpful,” he said. “Nobody would be more affected by a Trump comment than Pence, and nobody more vulnerable to a Trump run.” 

‘Lining the body bags up’: GOP governor issues chilling warning to the unvaccinated

West Virginia Gov. Jim Justice (R) has a message for the residents in his state that refuse to get vaccinated.

On Friday, September 17, Justice held a press conference to appeal to residents as vaccination rates in the state remain stagnant. With just 45% of residents vaccinated, West Virginia is still a state with one of the lowest vaccination rates in the United States, Justice is hoping people will begin to take COVID vaccination seriously.

He also made it clear what could happen if people continue to refuse vaccination.

“We’re going to run to the fire and get vaccinated right now, or we’re going to pile the body bags up until we reach a point in time to where we have enough people that have natural immunities and enough people that are vaccinated,” he said.

Justice made it clear yet again that if eligible individuals do not get vaccinated, “they’ll keep dying” and “we’re just going to keep lining the body bags up and we’re going to line them up and line them up.”


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At the time, Justice made his disappointment clear as he expressed frustration and concern about those who are still unvaccinated. The Republican governor also emphasized that there is no longer time to make a decision.

“It’s too late, West Virginia. It’s too late for you to decide, you know, ‘Oh, we should have gotten vaccinated.’ You can’t stop this now, what’s happened in West Virginia. But you can still save your own life, or lives that are around you, by getting vaccinated.”

Justice’s latest press conference follows his remarks a few weeks ago in response to the conspiracy theories about the vaccine. At the time, Justice weighed in on the bizarre “microchip” theory.

“Why in the world do we have to come up with these crazy ideas—and they’re crazy ideas—that the vaccine’s got something in it and its tracing people wherever they go?”

To improve the state’s vaccination statistics, the state of West Virginia has even resorted to offering incentives and prizes to encourage residents to get vaccinated.

How “engagement” makes you vulnerable to manipulation and misinformation on social media

Facebook has been quietly experimenting with reducing the amount of political content it puts in users’ news feeds. The move is a tacit acknowledgment that the way the company’s algorithms work can be a problem.

The heart of the matter is the distinction between provoking a response and providing content people want. Social media algorithms – the rules their computers follow in deciding the content that you see – rely heavily on people’s behavior to make these decisions. In particular, they watch for content that people respond to or “engage” with by liking, commenting and sharing.

As a computer scientist who studies the ways large numbers of people interact using technology, I understand the logic of using the wisdom of the crowds in these algorithms. I also see substantial pitfalls in how the social media companies do so in practice.

From lions on the savanna to likes on Facebook

The concept of the wisdom of crowds assumes that using signals from others’ actions, opinions and preferences as a guide will lead to sound decisions. For example, collective predictions are normally more accurate than individual ones. Collective intelligence is used to predict financial markets, sports, elections and even disease outbreaks.

Throughout millions of years of evolution, these principles have been coded into the human brain in the form of cognitive biases that come with names like familiarity, mere-exposure and bandwagon effect. If everyone starts running, you should also start running; maybe someone saw a lion coming and running could save your life. You may not know why, but it’s wiser to ask questions later.

Your brain picks up clues from the environment – including your peers – and uses simple rules to quickly translate those signals into decisions: Go with the winner, follow the majority, copy your neighbor. These rules work remarkably well in typical situations because they are based on sound assumptions. For example, they assume that people often act rationally, it is unlikely that many are wrong, the past predicts the future, and so on.

Technology allows people to access signals from much larger numbers of other people, most of whom they do not know. Artificial intelligence applications make heavy use of these popularity or “engagement” signals, from selecting search engine results to recommending music and videos, and from suggesting friends to ranking posts on news feeds.

Not everything viral deserves to be

Our research shows that virtually all web technology platforms, such as social media and news recommendation systems, have a strong popularity bias. When applications are driven by cues like engagement rather than explicit search engine queries, popularity bias can lead to harmful unintended consequences.

Social media like Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, YouTube and TikTok rely heavily on AI algorithms to rank and recommend content. These algorithms take as input what you “like,” comment on and share – in other words, content you engage with. The goal of the algorithms is to maximize engagement by finding out what people like and ranking it at the top of their feeds.


A primer on the Facebook algorithm.

On the surface this seems reasonable. If people like credible news, expert opinions and fun videos, these algorithms should identify such high-quality content. But the wisdom of the crowds makes a key assumption here: that recommending what is popular will help high-quality content “bubble up.”

We tested this assumption by studying an algorithm that ranks items using a mix of quality and popularity. We found that in general, popularity bias is more likely to lower the overall quality of content. The reason is that engagement is not a reliable indicator of quality when few people have been exposed to an item. In these cases, engagement generates a noisy signal, and the algorithm is likely to amplify this initial noise. Once the popularity of a low-quality item is large enough, it will keep getting amplified.

Algorithms aren’t the only thing affected by engagement bias – it can affect people, too. Evidence shows that information is transmitted via “complex contagion,” meaning the more times someone is exposed to an idea online, the more likely they are to adopt and reshare it. When social media tells people an item is going viral, their cognitive biases kick in and translate into the irresistible urge to pay attention to it and share it.

Not-so-wise crowds

We recently ran an experiment using a news literacy app called Fakey. It is a game developed by our lab, which simulates a news feed like those of Facebook and Twitter. Players see a mix of current articles from fake news, junk science, hyper-partisan and conspiratorial sources, as well as mainstream sources. They get points for sharing or liking news from reliable sources and for flagging low-credibility articles for fact-checking.

We found that players are more likely to like or share and less likely to flag articles from low-credibility sources when players can see that many other users have engaged with those articles. Exposure to the engagement metrics thus creates a vulnerability.

The wisdom of the crowds fails because it is built on the false assumption that the crowd is made up of diverse, independent sources. There may be several reasons this is not the case.

First, because of people’s tendency to associate with similar people, their online neighborhoods are not very diverse. The ease with which a social media user can unfriend those with whom they disagree pushes people into homogeneous communities, often referred to as echo chambers.

Second, because many people’s friends are friends of each other, they influence each other. A famous experiment demonstrated that knowing what music your friends like affects your own stated preferences. Your social desire to conform distorts your independent judgment.

Third, popularity signals can be gamed. Over the years, search engines have developed sophisticated techniques to counter so-called “link farms” and other schemes to manipulate search algorithms. Social media platforms, on the other hand, are just beginning to learn about their own vulnerabilities.

People aiming to manipulate the information market have created fake accounts, like trolls and social bots, and organized fake networks. They have flooded the network to create the appearance that a conspiracy theory or a political candidate is popular, tricking both platform algorithms and people’s cognitive biases at once. They have even altered the structure of social networks to create illusions about majority opinions.

Dialing down engagement

What to do? Technology platforms are currently on the defensive. They are becoming more aggressive during elections in taking down fake accounts and harmful misinformation. But these efforts can be akin to a game of whack-a-mole.

A different, preventive approach would be to add friction. In other words, to slow down the process of spreading information. High-frequency behaviors such as automated liking and sharing could be inhibited by CAPTCHA tests or fees. This would not only decrease opportunities for manipulation, but with less information people would be able to pay more attention to what they see. It would leave less room for engagement bias to affect people’s decisions.

It would also help if social media companies adjusted their algorithms to rely less on engagement to determine the content they serve you.

Filippo Menczer, Luddy Distinguished Professor of Informatics and Computer Science, Indiana University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Living with my ex-husband — as friends — taught me I am better at relationships than I thought

I live with my two children and my ex-husband, Michael. I don’t like to call him my ex-husband, because that implies that our relationship is over, which is far from true. He has been one of my best friends for almost 20 years. He is the father of our children. And for the last two years, he has been my roommate. In our current living arrangement, I have found something that eluded me for much of my childhood and my entire adult life.

My childhood was marred by my parents’ ugly divorce. Their self-involvement during that time left me feeling adrift. When I was 12, my mother moved to another country to pursue a medical career, and left my sister and me with our father. We lived in a nice apartment across the George Washington Bridge from Manhattan, but we weren’t much of a family. My father wasn’t interested in my sister’s or my grief, so we were left to negotiate it alone. The day my mother left, something big shifted inside me. Her abandonment, and my father’s detachment, left me not just motherless, but also certain that I was unlovable and unworthy in most ways. I turned to boys to get the attention I desperately craved and, later on, I turned to men. I was sure that if a man loved me, I would finally be worth something. Every movie had told me this. Every song. Every sitcom. The answer lay in love. Of that, I was sure.

After years of mistakes and loss and heartbreak, I found love with Michael. We married when we were 30, both of us believing — as all soon-to-be married people believe — that it was forever, that we had found our life partners, that we would always be happy together. We were married on a cliff at a beautiful hotel in Oregon’s Columbia Gorge. Below, windsurfers dotted the Columbia River. We danced until two in the morning. We didn’t make love that night, because we were tired, naturally. Yet we didn’t make love the following night, or the night after that. Of course we did eventually, but not very often. And before long, sex had become about trying to make a baby.


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By the time our first baby was two, we understood that he was on the autism spectrum. Michael and I couldn’t have known how this would send us both into grief strong enough to pull us far away from each other. He lapsed into depression. I took refuge in an emotional affair, succumbing to my old vice. By the time we emerged, we were too far gone. Our friendship had survived. Our love and respect for one another were intact. But our romance was over. We had been sleeping in separate rooms for years at that point, and we hadn’t had sex in ages. All of our expectations — for us, for the children we would have — had failed us. So we agreed to separate, and I moved into another house. We had other relationships. We parented our two children, communicating often. We socialized, too, laughing easily with one another and supporting each other through whatever struggles or heartbreak came our way. 

I met someone new, remarried, and made a spectacularly unsuccessful blended family that ended in divorce, too. Michael tried living with another woman, but it lasted all of three weeks. He needed a place to live just as my second ex-husband was moving out, so we decided to try living together again. The truth was, it didn’t take a lot of deciding, and we doubted it would take a lot of trying. I had told close friends more than once I wished I could just live with Michael again. I missed him. I missed his friendship, his humor, his kindness. 

“You want him back?” they asked.

“Not like that. I just want to live with him.”

“As a boyfriend?”

“No,” I said. “As friends.”

They frowned in confusion. Our relationship was so hard to explain.

My life with Michael was even harder to describe to potential lovers. Few of them believed me when I told them that he and I don’t have sex.

“Even when you get drunk?”

“No.”

“Even if you get sad?”

“No.”

“Surely it sometimes happens by mistake.”

“No.” 

I know. Our relationship is weird. We hang out together. We make each other laugh. We care for each other, but we don’t have to be careful. We aren’t attracted to each other sexually, which simplifies our expectations. Michael has a girlfriend, and I have a boyfriend. Often, we all become friends. The time we were stuck together in lockdown during the pandemic highlighted how much Michael can feel like a sibling — someone I love, someone I would defend, whom I would show up for without question, but who also often annoys the crap out of me. Indeed, he’s my family. I picture us winding up old together, sharing a bottle of wine in our rocking chairs. Surely by then we’ll be living with other people, which we intend once the kids move out. For now, there is security in the knowledge that neither of us is going anywhere.

My divorced friends tell me they can’t imagine having a sustained, civil conversation with their ex-husbands, much less having fun with them. Their relationships with their exes are strained, often existing solely for the children. Even a self-proclaimed happily married friend once told me that Michael and I get along better than she and her husband do. The “happily married” couple seems like a myth these days. While I imagine some couples do it well, many of us are bad when it comes to relationships, especially after growing up without consistent experiences of genuine intimacy, and most especially when intimacy itself held too much weight, as it had for most of my life.

Marriage, monogamy, even open relationships — they all seem so difficult to sustain. Divorce, though … apparently, I’m quite good at divorce. Divorce is so often considered some sort of failure. It’s such an unhelpful view, especially when so many people have divorces. Perhaps we can think of them as more of a relationship change than a firm end. Perhaps it doesn’t have to be such a dirty word.

My relationship with Michael is my only successful romantic-turned-platonic relationship to date. Maybe I’m not as terrible at relationships as I’ve thought. Maybe I simply needed to stop limiting my relationships to culturally sanctioned roles. As is so often in life, the truth, the authentic thing, lay beneath the cultural expectation, undefined, unlabeled, and difficult to find as a result. 

As hard as it is to define, I tend to think of our relationship as the one Michael and I were always meant to have. We finally settled into the right one, the one where we wound up loving each other most easily, most sincerely. I refuse to think of our relationship as a failure simply because it includes divorce. There are many ways to define family, and Michael and I have found ours. It may not look exactly like what I imagined as a young girl. It may not be like what I saw in the movies or heard in the songs. But few things in life have delivered the expectations those narratives promised. I simply had to look honestly at the manner in which love arrived.

5 tips for baking with rye flour, according to an expert pastry chef

It’s almost fall, which means that my food cravings start to shift just a little bit. Roasted vegetables begin to supersede the delicate raw and thinly-shaved selections (like Chef Abra Berens’ revelatory summer squash). Soups slowly take the place of salads, and braised meats reign supreme. Essentially, I want my food to taste a little richer and earthier, I suppose, as a way to celebrate — or cope with — the changing season.

As it turns out, that can extend to the flour I’m choosing to bake with, as well. Like many folks, I also went on a bread baking spree during the early portion of the pandemic; it was a way to bide my time at home and feel nurtured when nothing around me felt particularly certain. I mostly found myself drawn to lighter, airy breads, like milk bread, challah, and buttery Parker House rolls. 

But as the weather gets cooler, I find myself wanting baked goods with a little more heft and complexity. Enter: Rye flour. 


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Milled from rye kernels, which are also called rye berries, rye flour has a darker color and a nuttier taste than many whole wheat and AP flours on the market. It’s also incredibly versatile — and a little bit can go a long way in adding some additional flavor and nuance to your home baking — according to Clémence de Lutz, the co-owner of The Gourmandise School of Sweets and Savories in Santa Monica, Calif.

Here are five tips from de Lutz for starting to incorporate rye flour for better baked goods this fall. 

Tip 1: Get to know your local miller 

At the Gourmandise School, de Lutz sources flour from Grist & Toll, a Pasadena flour mill. “It’s really gorgeous,” she says. “When it’s first milled, you get these grassy, kind of ‘cheesy’ notes that you wouldn’t necessarily expect from flour — and they show up in really interesting ways when you start baking with it.” 

For a better quality product that has more interesting flavor notes, de Lutz recommends that home bakers see if there’s a flour mill in their city or region. This is especially true if bakers want to use rye flour that incorporates the entire rye berry, hull and all. 

“When I work with rye flour, I don’t want anything left out,” she says. “I want the whole enchilada. It’s almost like jasmine rice in relation to sushi rice. It’s really long, and thin and has a really high ratio of bran to starch.” 

Tip 2: Don’t think of rye flour as a replacement for AP

Something beginner bakers may be tempted to do is totally swap AP flour for rye flour in their bread and baked goods recipes. However, de Lutz says this is a mistake. “If you have your bread recipe and you sub in 100% of any kind of flour, you’re going to end up with a brick,” she says with a laugh. That’s where this next tip comes in . . .

Tip 3: Play with percentages 

“I really like experimenting with percentages,” de Lutz says. “Start with 10%. Let’s say you’re making your favorite chocolate chip cookie recipe. Substitute 10% of your AP flour for rye, and see if you can notice a taste difference. Maybe you’ll go up to 30% next time.” 

She adds, “Over time, explore the different flavor and texture differences when you move up and down the percentage chain.” 

Tip 4: Experiment with complementary flavors 

In the realm of sweet baking, rye pairs shockingly well with both chocolate and fruit, De Lutz says. She likes a good chocolate chip cookie or chocolate pie that includes rye, and also makes a rye shortbread that’s sandwiched with strawberry jam. In the savory space, rye’s natural kind of lactic flavor makes it a natural pairing for cheese. 

Tip 5: Hydrate and rest 

When baking with different types of flour, de Lutz recommends reducing the overall amount of flour rather than increasing hydration. “It’s easier to add the flour back [if the dough is too wet] than adding more hydration,” she says. 

Also, de Lutz recommends allowing the dough to rest. 

“That means instead of baking with it right away or rolling out your cookies right away, just let everything sit for 20 minutes up to a couple of hours to let things hydrate,” she says. “Brands don’t soak up all the moisture right away. Sometimes it just needs a little bit of time.” 

Other classic dessert makeovers from a pastry chef:

11 of the best hard ciders to sip this fall

Gone are the days of only being able to find Angry Orchard hard cider in some liquor stores across the country. Cider has become wildly popular in the last five years and for good reason. It somehow manages to appeal to both wine drinkers and beer lovers equally, which is no easy feat, and brings all the warm and cozy (yet crisp and bubbly) feels to any occasion. Plus, it’s gluten-free. But as cider becomes readily available, the beverage market has become saturated with options ranging from unfiltered to filtered, fruity blends like blackberry and pineapple, and cans that hail from upstate New York, Boston, Austin, and Washington State. We tapped into the Food52 staff — and a few beverage experts — to get their take on the best hard ciders.

* * *

11 of the best hard ciders

1. Aval Cider

“Aval Cider is my go to — it is crisp and citrusy, not too sweet, and I love that they use a natural fermentation process. The bottles also look quite chic on a bar cart.” — Shannon Muldoon, Director of Studio52

2. The Cider Mill

“My answer is obnoxious, in the same way it’s obnoxious when someone asks you where your outfit is from and you say ‘oh this? Just a little boutique in Kyoto.’ Which is to say, it is wonderful and not as easy to get your hands on as meandering to your local grocery store. The best cider I have ever had is from The Cider Mill in the Boyne Valley in Ireland, where they believe in the traditional cidering practice known as keeving, essentially the art of making a cider with residual ciders. The Cider Mill’s cockagee cider is crisp, dry, and delicious, and I would gladly trade my glass of white wine for it any day. They also have an excellent pear cider, or Perry, so good that I devoted precious suitcase space to taking home two bottles the last time I was in Ireland.” — Margaret Eby, Editorial Lead

3. Albemarle Ciderworks

“Albemarle Ciderworks is known for working with our state universities to bring back heirloom apples from the time of Jefferson and Washington and then making cider that is reminiscent of the period.” — Jeremy Beker, Principal Software Engineer

4. Hudson Valley Traditional Farmhouse Cider

“Expect sparkling cider with a clean finish that comes in 750ml flip top bottles, providing a “pop” every time you open it to ring in good cheers! This semi-dry showcases local New York terroir as it dances in the mouth with a touch of tannin and Stone Ridge Farm apple love!” — Ria Windcaller, Host of Cider Chat podcast

5. Shacksbury Cider

“Their “Lost Apple Project” ciders are really unique, and with perfectly balanced flavors while they juggle fruit flavors that haven’t ever been seen on a commercial market! I can’t imagine the work that goes into developing those.” — Kaleigh Embree, Customer Care Specialist

6. Graft Cider

“As a big fan of Moscow Mules and ginger flavors, I particularly love Birds of Paradise. It’s incredibly refreshing, easy to drink, and tasty!” — Nicole Cukingnan, Manager, Video Distribution

7. Stella Artois Cidre

“I’m going to go really basic and say I really like Stella Cidre. It’s a great blend of flavor and dryness that I enjoy in a cider. And it’s also really accessible.” — Brian Mahoney, Director of People Operations

8. Downeast Cider Original Blend

“This unfiltered cider is sweet and spicy, but in a way that makes you think of a really delicious apple pie and not an overly sweet box of apple juice for children. Unlike filtered ciders, this hazy one doesn’t have a crisp pale yellow color but it’s still super refreshing.” — Kelly Vaughan, Staff Writer

9. Okanagan Cider

“My first and greatest cider love will always be Okanagan cider. I’ve never had a cider I loved more than their ginger apple cider, and it’s the most refreshing in the autumn when all the spiced flavors are out and about!” — Kaleigh Embree, Customer Care Specialist

10. Atlanta Hard Cider

“Cider has gained some great popularity in Atlanta for over 10 years now and Atlanta Cider has been representing the city on multiple accounts. With name and energy on the can, it’s sharp, clean, and full of flavor.” — Tiffanie Barriere, mixologist

11. Cider Creek Winter’s Cinn

“If you’re like ‘give me a slice of apple pie, but with alllllll the spices,’ then this cider is for you. There’s definitely cinnamon and a secret blend of other fantastic warm spices that will give you all the cozy feels. Go crazy and drink it in a mug! Who am I to judge?” — Kelly Vaughan, Staff Writer

* * *

Cider and food pairings

Busy Weeknight Bean Chili

Michelle McGrath, Executive Director of American Cider Association, likes to pair vegetarian chili with a barrel-aged cider for cold nights. The cider gains smoky, toasty notes when aged in a barrel that was once used for everything from bourbon and whiskey to rum and tequila. “Cider with barrel character should bring enough oomph and mouthfeel to keep even a spicy rich chili in perfect balance,” she says.

Mushrooms with Caramelized Shallots and Fresh Thyme

Pair meaty, umami-rich mushrooms with tannic ciders. “The key is to choose a cider that matches the intensity of these golden beauties with its own delectable scent and a sturdy tannic backbone,” says McGrath.

Butternut Squash Soup

“I can’t think of anything more mouthwateringly autumnal than roasted butternut squash, and it pairs ideally with a sharply acid-driven cider. You can use cider’s tartness as a refreshing counterbalance to butternut’s sweet richness,” McGrath explains. She recommends choosing a cider made with heirloom apples from the northeast region for the best flavor.

Slow Cooker BBQ Ribs

Cider experts agree that one of the best foods to pair with cider is barbecue. Ribs, pulled porkbrisket, and burnt ends are all fair game. “Cider brings out the smoky flavor of barbecue meats,” says Eric Young, Director of Operations for Citizen Cider.

My Mom’s Beef and Broccoli Stir Fry

There may be zero science behind this but I personally love to drink hard cider with Thai, Chinese, and Japanese dishes like Pad See Ew in a rich brown sauce, pork bunspork ramensoup dumplings…shall I go on? Whether you order takeout or make your own Chinese-American-style stir-fry at home, I find that a slightly tart, effervescent cider works so well with a variety of cuisines, and particularly with soy sauce.

Justin Chon on his heartbreaking “Blue Bayou”: “I wanted to do justice to the adoptee community”

From the director of acclaimed independent films “Gook” and “Ms. Purple,” “Blue Bayou,” tells the story of a uniquely American family, faced with a devastating dilemma. Justin Chon directs, wrote and stars in the project, set in a vibrant and diverse Louisiana community.

Chon portrays Antonio LeBlanc, a Korean American man who was adopted and came to the U.S. at age 3, and has lived a life of struggle and tragedy. He finds purpose and joy in his family, including his pregnant wife Kathy (Alicia Vikander), and his young stepdaughter Jessie (Sydney Kowalske). But Antonio stands to lose everything when an incident with a racist local cop leads to his detainment by ICE, which threatens to deport Antonio over a complex loophole in immigration policy despite the U.S. being the only country he’s ever known.


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Through the many challenges and heartbreaking moments of “Blue Bayou,” Antonio’s loving relationship with stepdaughter Jessie, and his deep connection with a local Vietnamese woman named Parker (Linh Dan Pham), who is struggling to come to terms with her own fate, radiate comfort and warmth. Antonio’s is a fundamentally human story, shining light on the real families that suffer from rigid and dehumanizing immigration policies, on the vibrant and expansive Asian communities in the South, and the diverse faces and stories of adoptees. 

“I wanted to do justice to the adoptee community and their experience,” Chon told Salon. His movie is dedicated to them, and with the guidance of real adoptees, it’s meant to shatter myths and honor their struggles and experiences.

In an interview with Salon, Chon discussed his approach to bringing the Southern Asian experience to life, the extensive research poured into the American adoption system, and Antonio’s surprising relationships with a cop and an ICE agent in the film. 

“Blue Bayou” is set in Louisiana, when the South isn’t usually depicted with vibrant Asian communities on screen. What was your approach to representing the Asian experience in this part of the country?

It’s the reason I picked New Orleans. As we all know there’s a huge Vietnamese-American enclave in New Orleans and the South in general, because we all sort of relocated in that area, Texas, Louisiana, Mississippi. I spent quite a bit of time there and have quite a few friends there, so we exist there. And one of my friends, you wouldn’t believe how thick his Louisiana accent is, it’s thicker than Antonio’s. It’s about normalizing these things so it’s not a novelty. The exposure of it, that can normalize it very quickly. 

The other reason is, I wanted two Asian identities in one film, and thought it would be tremendous to have a Vietnamese woman and Korean man and how they intersect in one film. Usually we’re relegated to be only allowed one ethnicity per film, and I don’t understand why we’re not allowed to have two, and see each other interact with each other in films as well. So these are some of the considerations I had.

The “Blue Bayou” press kit reveals you felt a special connection with Antonio that compelled you to play him yourself. How was this role different from previous acting roles you’ve taken on? What did you learn about yourself from playing Antonio?

In writing and creating this, five different adoptees were consultants, and one particular woman was someone who’s always been there for me. This movie is for them, it’s dedicated to them. I hope in my performance I have given some iota of authenticity to their experience. It’s truly in service to them, and I hope our performance represents even a bit of that. In terms of learning, I’m trying to encompass all of the things I’ve amassed through the research, and trying to feel and experience these realities firsthand while filming.

“Blue Bayou” exposes an alarming deportation loophole and highlights that many Asian immigrants and adoptees face deportation too. How does this movie tell a different story from what previous films about the immigrant experience?

When constructing a film like this, it wasn’t really a consideration to try to differentiate myself, but just portray what’s honest and true and authentic. That’s what makes our story so special, is we all have different experiences, and those are all our individual truths. When you look at “The Farewell” or “Minari,” that is Lee Isaac Chung’s and Lulu Wang’s truth and personal story.

Speaking of your extensive research process for the film, what did that entail? What did your collaboration with the film’s adoptee consultants look like?

So we had five adoptee consultants on board, who read drafts, and I talked to them extensively throughout the process. One woman of these consultants, she’s been really, really there for me. How that research translated into the film, some examples are when your own child is born as an adoptee, it’s a very emotionally impactful moment. It’s the first time in your life that you have someone that’s blood-related to you, so for most adoptees it’s incredibly emotional and we made sure to include that. 

And there’s the misconception that maybe adopted kids’ parents didn’t want them or tried to kill them, and it’s a trope. So, I made sure to include the fact that Antonio’s mother tried to keep him as long as she could, meaning she probably loved him, and he understood that, but it was just the circumstances. And then I consulted with immigration attorneys as well. So, those were some of my main sources of research.

The barbecue party with Parker’s family is such a vibrant and joyful event. What did you want to portray with this gathering of a big Asian family?

I think it was a glimpse for Antonio into what life could be like if he gets deported, what it would feel like for him maybe. It’s also the idea of the family he never had. It’s putting Antonio and Kathy for that matter into a situation that’s unfamiliar but warm and happy. It’s all sort of a facade, because they both know tough times are coming ahead. It’s all smiles, but it might just be that everyone is pretending. On the Vietnamese side, it’s really the warmth, and also showing the vibrance of that community in New Orleans. Also, they’ve kept their culture intact, even having immigrated.

Parker and Antonio’s journeys to get to the U.S. are very different, but they still relate deeply to each other. Why did you want to create this special bond between them?

Korean and Vietnamese folks, both those countries fought wars and were involved in wars with lasting impacts. And so naturally, there are bonds that just happen. There are these similarities and the many things you can relate with in one another. So, I just wanted to make sure that bond between them happened.

Antonio’s relationship with his young stepdaughter Jessie is a bright, happier spot of an otherwise heavy film. How did you build that very tangible trust and comfort with your young co-star?

After we hired her, I went to Atlanta to spend a few days with her and her family. Her parents were an important part of the equation, they’re the ones who will be taking care of her after we shoot intense scenes and make sure she’s healthy and safe. And then, they all came down to New Orleans a few weeks early, and we rehearsed. I built a sense of play, and hopefully made her feel like she had the liberty to not feel like she’s failing, the openness to be able to try anything.

Throughout the movie, Antonio has a distinct Southern accent, and so does Kathy, who also gives an iconic singing performance. What training did these performances require from you and Alicia?

I had a dialect coach for a few months, and I actually modeled the accent off of three specific people from the region. They’re not famous people at all, just regular people, so that I could make sure the accent was authentic. Alicia’s process involved, well, we both came early to New Orleans. I spent three months there, and really wanted to spend time there. Alicia also came early. She also worked with a dialect coach and visited real people in the community, and went over the lines in that way as well.

“Blue Bayou” seems critical of U.S. immigration policy and police brutality. The movie also makes the creative choice to portray one ICE agent and one police officer as supportive of Antonio. Could you talk about Antonio’s relationships with them?

I think it’s much more constructive to show the humanity of people and also the three-dimensionality of characters in films rather than relegate them to just all good or bad. There’s a lot of gray area, and I have a brother-in-law who’s a cop. I’m also a product of the aftermath of the Rodney King beating and verdict, and the looting during the LA riots. 

So, I see the duality, and it’s not quite as simple as good or bad. It’s that people are human, and it’s very constructive to show that it’s not as simple as that. This film isn’t meant as a propaganda piece but is a human film, of human relationships, and trying to bring empathy. In my films, I try to show a way where we can all co-exist in this country. So, I’m not trying to alienate anybody. I’m not trying to make anybody out to be the villain per se. Those were the heavy considerations when designing these characters.

“Blue Bayou” is in theaters staring Friday, Sept. 17.