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DeepSeek’s breakthrough casts shadow on US tech supremacy

The rapid rise of cost-effective AI models produced by DeepSeek has sent shockwaves through Silicon Valley as the China-based startup has done more with less. It also has triggered concerns about Nvidia, a California company that produces advanced chips for AI development, and prompted broader questions of America's competitiveness in the tech race

Nvidia, which controls an estimated 90% of production of the graphics processing units powering A.I. applications, has become the crown jewel of the stock market and one of the so-called Magnificent 7 stocks that are the bedrock of many Americans' retirement portfolios. Nvidia alone accounted for about 30% of the S&P 500's 15.5% year-to-date return, as of June 25, 2024.

When the company reported its earnings on Thursday, smashing Wall Street expectations again, the question on everyone's mind was how long they can keep the party going. Can Nvidia can maintain its edge in the face of leaner, meaner competition from abroad?

Nvidia posted solid financial results overall, with sales jumping 78% year-over-year to $39.3 billion and net income up 80% at $22.1 billion, driven by robust growth in its data center segment. But the company faces challenges with slightly declining gross margins due to the higher costs and complexity of its new data center offerings.

Angelo Zino, vice president of equity research at CFRA Research, called Nvidia’s compressing gross profit margins over the last two quarters a “disappointment,” according to Bloomberg.

"Reasoning models can consume 100x more compute. Future reasoning can consume much more compute," said Nvidia CEO Jensen Huang on a company earnings call on Thursday, attempting to calm investor fears about DeepSeek's impact.

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Even if the nature of the demand will change, as the costs of GPUs decrease and more companies develop AI systems, Nvidia may still emerge as a beneficiary with its bottom line intact.

But for many, there are larger questions over whether the U.S. approach to Chinese competition is too reactionary.

“China has been catching up in AI for years, and the U.S. response has been to contain that rise, but that alone isn’t a strategy for staying ahead — it’s a temporary stopgap at best,” Hodan Omaar, a senior policy manager focusing on AI policy at Information Technology and Innovation Foundation's Center for Data Innovation, told Salon. “The real question is whether the U.S. is doing enough to outcompete in AI beyond just making it harder for China.”

The DeepSeek disruption 

DeepSeek’s latest R1 model, unveiled in January, showed performance comparable to leading models like OpenAI’s GPT-4 can be achieved at a fraction of the cost. 

Using techniques like test-time scaling and memory compression, DeepSeek claims to have trained R1 for a lot less than the $100 million reportedly required for GPT-4. 

"The real question is whether the U.S. is doing enough to outcompete in AI beyond just making it harder for China"

“The DeepSeek moment was a real realization of the nature of this competition,” Omaar said, noting it was a “wake up call” for the U.S. “There has long been this kind narrative that China is a copier of US innovation, but I think this was really showing there is transformative work coming out of AI labs.”

Omaar, who wrote a report on China's AI competitiveness last year, says the tech gap with China is closing fast. 

Adam Thierer, a senior fellow at The R Street Institute, echoed these concerns, framing DeepSeek as part of a broader trend that threatens U.S. leadership. 

“The real question is whether the U.S. is doing enough to outcompete in AI beyond just making it harder for China,” Thierer said.

Thierer noted China’s surprising success with low-cost, decentralized open-source AI systems — a strategy that contrasts sharply with U.S. reliance on proprietary models requiring massive computational resources and budgets. 

“If somebody would have told me 10 years ago that China would excel at open-source-based AI systems, I would have laughed,” he said.

“They’re going to expect universal health care”: Walz says voters will demand more of Democrats

Endless post-mortems have dissected where the Democrats go after their loss in November. But Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz knows exactly what will pull the party out of the wilderness: universal health care.

In an interview with “Fast Politics,” Walz said Democrats needed to offer a bolder vision in the next round of elections.

“When we get back, which we will – we'll fight – I’ll tell you what people are going to expect is they're not going to expect us to tinker around the edge with the ACA [Affordable Care Act.] They're going to expect universal health care," Walz said. “A saying I always said is, ‘You lead with good policy and good politics will follow.’”

Walz, who ruled out a Senate run earlier this week, recalled the massive policy wins that Minnesota Democrats achieved with a razor-thin majority in the state legislature as evidence that Dems can get it done.

“If there's a lesson here, I always said this: we had a one-vote majority in Minnesota when we moved clean energy, we moved reproductive rights, we moved a whole slew of progressive, very popular, including things around guns and gun safety, very popular things,” Walz said. “We moved it with a one-vote majority.”

Walz also spoke about the struggles of running a state government as the administration of President Donald Trump leads an assault on funding.

“As a governor, you're trying to triage the situation as it stands,” Walz said. “You're trying to craft a budget, a normal budget in an environment where there's just such great uncertainty about what he does and what it means to our people.”

Asked about specific cuts to Minnesota organizations, Walz said his administration would do its best to keep important services afloat.

“Now look, if they cut our funding, it's $2 billion, out of a roughly $30 billion state budget,” he said. “So it's a massive hole that we can't fill alone, but there are things that we can do. There are things that we can push back on. There are things that we can separate.”

Watch the full interview here:

“Say we did a great job”: Trump demands glowing reviews from Fox News after first Cabinet meeting

President Donald Trump had one thing on his mind on Wednesday after his first Cabinet meeting: how it would play on TV.

The meeting on Wednesday was attended by each of the Cabinet department leaders within the Trump administration (and Elon Musk). The president painted a picture of a decaying and broken America while speaking to reporters before seemingly thinking of cable news. At the event's end, the president was caught making a peculiar request to Fox News' Lawrence Jones.

“Lawrence, say we did a great job, please,” Trump said, still seated between Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth. “Say it was unbelievable.”

Jones, who Trump joked was “making a fortune” as a "Fox & Friends" co-host, had asked Trump a series of softball questions on the Biden administration’s withdrawal from Afghanistan and Trump’s picks to fill out his Cabinet during the meeting.

The plea to a friendly network comes as the Trump admin has made several moves to ice out publications over ideological differences. Trump restricted the Associated Press from White House events for issuing editorial guidelines on the Gulf of Mexico’s name. The outlet has since filed a lawsuit. The Department of Defense also announced plans to push many liberal-leaning outlets out of the Pentagon's on-site media offices in favor of conservative publications. 

All that pales to the Trump administration's latest attack on the free press. On Tuesday, White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt shared that the administration would hand-pick which reporters and outlets were allowed to sit in on White House briefings. The move was widely condemned by reporters, including Fox News White House correspondent Jacqui Heinrich.

[The White House Correspondents' Association] has determined pools for decades because only representatives FROM our outlets can determine resources all those outlets have… in order to get the President's message out to the largest possible audience, no matter the day or hour," she wrote.

“Zero tolerance”: DeSantis says Andrew Tate is not welcome in Florida, as MAGA celebrates release

Far-right influencer and alleged sex trafficker Andrew Tate’s return to the United States isn’t sitting right with every member of the MAGA faithful.

Tate and his brother were arrested in Romania in 2022 on charges that included human trafficking and rape. A ban keeping the brothers from traveling outside of Romania was recently lifted, and they flew to Florida on Thursday. Despite victory laps from allies of President Donald Trump, Florida Governor Ron DeSantis made it clear that he was not happy with the accused sex trafficker's return stateside. 

“We have no involvement in that. I read about it through the media. Clearly, the federal government has jurisdiction,” DeSantis said on Thursday. “Florida is not a place where you're welcome with that type of conduct.”

DeSantis added that Florida's attorney general was looking into the Tates and the “state hooks and jurisdictions” available to deal with them. Florida Attorney General James Uthmeier took to social media on Thursday to announce a “preliminary investigation.”

“Florida has zero tolerance for human trafficking and violence against women. If any of these alleged crimes trigger Florida jurisdiction, we will hold them accountable,” Uthmeier said.

But while the two Florida officials were less than pleased with the Tates’ return from Romania, some far-right conservatives have the brothers’ backs.

“The Tate brothers are US citizens. Good thing Ron isn’t President,” influencer and conspiracy theorist Laura Loomer said on X.

Candace Owens echoed the same sentiment.

“Utterly deranged thing for a Governor of any state to say,” Owens said. “American citizens will NOT be allowed back on American soil, per [Ron DeSantis].”

Meanwhile, conservative podcaster Ben Shapiro weighed in against the Tates on X.

“America does not need more self-proclaimed pimps and terror supporters with outstanding criminal allegations of sex trafficking and a history of pornographic distribution, plus a grift 'university' that suckers young men out of thousands of dollars,” he said.

Musk decries “shortage” of air traffic controllers weeks after offering them buyouts

Tesla CEO and DOGE boss Elon Musk took to X on Thursday to call for retired air traffic controllers to return to their posts.

“There is a shortage of top-notch air traffic controllers,” Musk wrote on X. “If you have retired, but are open to returning to work, please consider doing so.”

The billionaire and SpaceX boss made the plea just weeks after he and Donald Trump offered air traffic controllers a buyout offer to leave their positions. That offer was later rescinded, as air traffic controllers were deemed exempt from the "fork in the road" buyout program. Hundreds of other FAA employees, many of them probationary workers, were fired earlier this month as part of DOGE's paring down of the federal government.

Staffing shortages have plagued the FAA for years. But an uptick in aviation incidents in the past month, including a handful of plane crashes and close calls, has reignited concerns about employee workloads. A 2023 FAA workforce plan found that Ronald Reagan Washington National Airportwas short more than a third of the necessary number of air traffic control staffers, far from the only airport missing key controllers.

Last month, a passenger plane and a helicopter collided in the air above Washington, D.C. A report found that a single air traffic controller was tasked with managing both airplane and helicopter traffic around at the time.

Air traffic controllers are required to retire at age 56 by the Federal Aviation Administration. It's unclear whether they would be able to return to the job, which also requires passing annual medical examinations and vision tests.

Rob McElhenney shares his favorite underrated, regional food specialty from Philly

In anticipation of the 17th season of “It’s Always Sunny in Philadelphia,” show-creator (and star) Rob McElhenney visited the “Hot Ones” studio to put his spice tolerance to the ultimate test. McElhenney sat down with host Sean Evans to discuss Philadephia’s most-prized food and what he described as one of his “most humiliating and terrible experiences.”

When Evans asked McElhenney to share an underrated, regional food specialty in Philadephia, McElhenney was elated, saying, “I’m so glad that you asked that question.”    

“Usually, people [ask], ‘What’s your favorite cheesesteak?’ ‘Where do you go to get your favorite cheesesteak or soft pretzels, possibly?’ Philadelphia is the first place in our nation and we’ve been reduced to the purveyors of diced meats on rolls as, like, our touchstone,” he continued.

McElhenney recommended a line of snack foods called Tastykake. “They’re basically like doughnuts,” he explained. “They have jelly ones — they’re, like, a grape jelly which is definitely not jelly. It is some sort of lab-made, delicious sugar…but it hits!”

Elsewhere in his interview, McElhenney shared what he said is one of the most embarrassing moments in his life. McElhenney's first major acting role was in the 1997 thriller, “The Devil's Own,” alongside actors Harrison Ford and Brad Pitt. McElhenney was slated to play a minor character named Kevin. His role, though small, was ultimately scrapped from the final edit, which McElhenney discovered during a trip to the movies with his friends and family. 

“That was one of the most humiliating and terrible experiences in my life because it was my first acting job in a movie. I got to do a scene with Harrison Ford. I got to do a scene with Brad Pitt. I got to do a scene with Julia Styles, Ruben Blades, all these incredible actors, so it was like four or five different scenes,” McElhenney told Evans.  

He continued: “Then the movie's coming out, and I noticed that I didn't get an invite to the premiere or the friends and family screening, but I'm still just starting out. I'm like 19 or 18, and I'm thinking, ‘It'll be fine.’”


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McElhenney recalled telling “everybody I got this movie. Nobody believed me ‘cause I hadn't worked at all or doing anything else.”

“And then we go to the movie, all my friends, everybody, my family bought tickets, and I'm just, not in it, at all. They cut me completely out of the movie, didn't give me a heads-up. They were all A players. I was a D player on the ground. I wasn't even a player, I was on the editing room's floor.”

“It’s Always Sunny in Philadelphia” returns for its 17th season in June 2025. The fourth season of McElhenney’s Apple TV+ comedy series “Mythic Quest,” which he co-created and stars in, premiered on Jan. 29, 2025.

Watch the full episode below, via YouTube:

 

“We cannot allow this scourge”: Trump says Mexico, Canada tariffs will go into effect next week

After a month-long delay, President Donald Trump is ready to launch tariffs on the United States’ closest trading partners.

Goods imported from Canada and Mexico will face a 25% tariff under Trump's plan. Citing a supposed flow of illegal drugs from the two nations, the president announced in a post to Truth Social that the duties he had previously paused would begin on Tuesday.

"Drugs are still pouring into our Country from Mexico and Canada at very high and unacceptable levels. A large percentage of these Drugs, much of them in the form of Fentanyl, are made in, and supplied by, China," he wrote. "We cannot allow this scourge to continue to harm the USA, and therefore, until it stops, or is seriously limited, the proposed TARIFFS scheduled to go into effect on MARCH FOURTH will, indeed, go into effect, as scheduled."

The tariffs on Canada and Mexico were initially scheduled to take effect at the beginning of February. Trump paused them after striking a deal with the two nations.

Trump added that an additional 10% tariff on China would go into effect on Tuesday. That new duty comes in on top of a 10% tariff he enacted earlier this month. China responded to those initial tariffs with their own tariffs on American oil and machinery products.

The tariffs come as Americans brace for the economic impacts of a second Trump administration, with consumer confidence falling to its lowest level since 2021.

Chicken Spaghetti is a time-honored casserole that epitomizes comfort food

Chicken Spaghetti is a common Sunday dinner casserole for me and many of my contemporaries, especially when we were young. A humble dish, as casseroles are, but special nonetheless. Sometimes made on Saturday to bake once we got home from church on Sunday, it was and is as comforting as macaroni and cheese, as satisfying as chicken and dumplings, and as underrated as most every cherished dish I grew up loving and still crave to this day.

It is not a baked version of an Italian spaghetti where chicken is substituted for ground meat. It is called “Chicken Spaghetti” because it is made with the same long, thin pasta, but other than that, the two have little in common.    

By the time I was a teenager, we lived in an old house in midtown Mobile, Alabama. It was built in 1900 and had lots of character, but no central air conditioning or heat. During the chillier months, casseroles were king. The cooler the weather, the more we wanted something cozy and unpretentious, something easy to eat after you changed into warm pajamas and snuggled into the warmest room of the house, which was the living room with the fireplace.     

Chicken Spaghetti is still a favorite as it is comfort food of the highest order. With only a two person household of my husband and me, this recipe yields much more than a single meal, and that might be the best part: Not having to cook, or decide what to cook, for dinner the following few nights after making it. I try and enforce the 3-Day Rule regarding leftovers, but neither of us tire of this creamy, cheesy, all-in-one to reheat at the end of a busy, chilly day.   

In the last several weeks, I have asked nearly everyone I have run into if they too grew up with Chicken Spaghetti, and if so, did theirs have tomatoes? Nearly 100% did and turns out to be about even-steven whether theirs had tomatoes or not. Despite the small differences in seasonings and vegetables, including tomatoes or not is what divides home recipes. I have eaten many versions, both with and without, and although I prefer the contrast and brightness the tomatoes bring to the otherwise creamy mix, you will love Chicken Spaghetti even if you choose to omit the juicy nightshades.  

My recent conversations about this popular recipe led to all kinds of sharing. So I have to ask, Are you one of the unfortunate folks whose experience with casseroles left you traumatized? Or at least unwilling to believe a one-dish wonder exists? If so, Chicken Spaghetti is for you; in fact, I have several all-in-ones’s that might change your tune. 

Honestly, I had no idea the damage done by bad casseroles. I understand at their least inspired, they can be not very tasty and not very healthy — two insults that get hurled at them regularly, and oftentimes for good reason. But I had no idea the depth of negative feeling existed around an entire category of food. 

Granted, I have only praise for the casseroles of my youth, all of which remain in my repertoire today, but I have seen all sorts of creations across social media. With combinations I can only hope are meant to be jokes, I have watched wide-eyed as people heap and layer pure junk ‘foods' into a Pyrex, bake it and call it dinner. Just knowing these dishes are out there in the world, I am not surprised many gag when they hear the word casserole.   

My judgement of these online reels begs the question, “What exactly constitutes a junk food or a junk meal?" I think most would turn their noses up at the horror-show creations I have seen, but just because I would not choose to start a casserole with sliced hotdog wieners, crushed Doritos, a tin of French fried onions, frozen tater tots and a can of spray cheese does not mean my ten year-old self would not have been intrigued.

I believe casseroles disappoint for the same reasons soups, salads, side dishes and other mains do: They lack flavor because they are not seasoned properly, the ingredients do not go together and are not complementary, the quality does not meet your personal standards, the texture is unappealing, or heaven forbid, all of the above.     


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At the age I am now, my stomach and digestive system do the judging for me regarding what is quality and what is junk. I do not have to wonder or guess. I know straightaway and with abundant clarity. I may get called a food snob on occasion, but that intended insult does not sting. I know what works for me.

Food preferences are personal and even cyclical. I eat differently at different times of the year, when healing from illness, and while dining out or celebrating a special occasion. I am a casserole fan because I grew up on good ones so I make good ones. They are well-crafted and tasty. 

I also understand the place of a casserole and do not expect them to be more than they are. They are not elegant dining; they are home cooking. They epitomize comfort and ease. They are a big warm hug and make life simple, because you can make them ahead of time, serve them with a paper napkin and have everyone put their one dish right into the dishwasher when done.

Casseroles can be just as healthy, and certainly as delicious as any other meal you make, but they will never be more than the sum of their parts. Nowadays, you can find any type of cheese, dairy, pasta and flour imaginable. If you are vegetarian, gluten-free or abstain from cow’s milk or only consume A2 or 100% grass-fed, you can get it. If you prefer organically grown, avoid high fructose corn syrup, GMO’s or eschew factory farmed meats and eggs, you can find substitutes and ingredients that meet your standards with relative ease. Heck, you can raise your own chickens and make your own pasta. If not, you can buy from someone who does. The degree to which you go all in for quality is up to you.        

Chicken Spaghetti has been around for a long time, long enough for some truly bizarre versions to appear that I would not recommend. This one I am sharing with you is supremely good, whether you make it with the most regular of canned foods or elevate it with ingredients you deem to be the very best of the best. It is hard to go wrong with Chicken Spaghetti. 

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Chicken Spaghetti
Yields
08 servings
Prep Time
20 minutes
Cook Time
2 hours

Ingredients

1 whole chicken, cut into pieces OR 1 rotisserie chicken/ precooked chicken

3 tablespoons olive oil

1 large onion, chopped finely

1 large (any color) bell pepper, chopped (or jarred pimentos, drained)

3 stalks celery, chopped small

1 container mushrooms, cleaned and sliced (or a jar of mushrooms, drained)

2 to 4 cloves garlic, minced (or 1 teaspoon garlic powder)

1 can tomatoes, drained, or use fresh

2 cans Cream of Mushroom soup (May need a little broth or milk to thin)

2 to 3 dashes Worcestershire sauce

3 cups shredded cheddar or cheese of choice, divided

1 package spaghetti noodles, broken twice (into thirds)

Ground black pepper

Salt, if needed

Cayenne, for serving

 

Directions

  1. Preheat oven to 350F. Oil a 9×13 baking dish.

  2. If using raw chicken: Place pieces in a Dutch oven and add water just to cover. Add salt and optional seasoning ingredients like celery leaves and bay leaf and bring to a gentle boil, reduce heat and simmer low until done, about 45 to 50 minutes. Remove chicken and allow to cool. Reserve broth/cooking liquid, setting aside a half cup in case you need some for the sauce. Use remaining to cook spaghetti. (If using rotisserie chicken/pre-cooked chicken, cook spaghetti in salted water according to package directions).

  3. Cook spaghetti until just al dente. Rinse and set aside.

  4. Shred chicken into bite sized pieces, discarding skin and bones.

  5. Wipe dry the pot used to cook spaghetti, and add olive oil.

  6. Heat over low-medium and add onions and cook until soft. Add celery, bell pepper, garlic and mushrooms and cook until all vegetables are soft, 5 to 10 minutes.

  7. In a large bowl, stir together both cans of soup, Worcestershire sauce, tomatoes, black pepper, (optional) pinch of cayenne and 2 cups of shredded cheese.

  8. Add all vegetables to the mixture, then add the chicken and cooked spaghetti. Add a minimal amount of broth if needed to thin mixture enough to combine well, but it should remain thick.

  9. Adjust salt, then spoon into prepared baking dish, top with remaining cup of shredded cheese and bake 45 to 60 minutes until bubbly and golden on top.

  10. Sprinkle cayenne on individual serving according to heat preference.


Cook's Notes

Additions/Substitutions

-Use Cream of Chicken or Cream of Mushroom or one can each. You can also make your own condensed soup with these basic proportions: 1/4 cup butter, 1/4 cup flour, 1/2 cup cream, half & half or dairy/nondairy of choice, and 1/2 cup broth. Start by sautéing onion (and sliced mushrooms if using) in butter, or use onion powder to season at the end. Stir flour into butter then slowly add broth and cream over low heat. Whisk if lumpy and allow time to thicken. Season with a dash of Worcestershire, salt, pepper.

-Make vegetarian with a chicken substitute like Quorn Chick’n: Thaw and break into smaller pieces then sauté in olive oil, salt and poultry seasoning before adding to spaghetti mixture in recipe.

-Omit the tomatoes altogether, or make more tomato-y by adding a tablespoon or two of tomato paste along with your fresh or canned tomatoes.

Moms for Liberty, Education Department launch program to report teachers who promote diversity

The Department of Education is teaming up with the far-right activist group Moms for Liberty, launching a portal Thursday where parents can submit tips to the department to investigate as part of the crusade to end diversity and inclusion efforts in schools.

In a press release, the department announced it was launching the portal so that anyone can “submit reports of discrimination based on race or sex in publicly-funded K-12 schools,” which the department would then use as a guide “to identify potential areas for investigation.”

The press release included a statement from Tiffany Justice, a co-founder of Moms for Liberty and Heritage Foundation employee. Justice claimed that “parents have been begging schools to focus on teaching their kids practical skills like reading, writing, and math, instead of pushing critical theory, rogue sex education and divisive ideologies — but their concerns have been brushed off, mocked, or shut down entirely.”

Justice, who heads an organization whose members have been accused of waging harassment campaigns and repeatedly rebuked in school board elections, went on to say: “This webpage demonstrates that President Trump’s Department of Education is putting power back in the hands of parents.”

The new web portal is reminiscent of billionaire and GOP mega-donor Elon Musk’s DOGE email request from last week, in which the billionaire's operatives asked federal employees to send an email to a publicly available address describing what they did last week under threat of being fired. In that case, the address was subsequently inundated with emails from the public attacking Musk and his influence on government.

“I’ll join DOGE”: McCain gleeful over idea of Musk suing “The View”

Meghan McCain floated the idea of joining Elon Musk's brigade of enfants terribles, if the DOGE head gets litigious with her former coworkers. 

The daughter of late Sen. John McCain and one-time daytime television host was joining in a pile-on of Joy Behar. "The View" host mistakenly claimed that the South Africa-born Musk was a supporter of apartheid on Thursday, walking it back later in the episode.

"I'm getting some flak because I said that Musk was pro-apartheid. I don't really know for sure if he was. He grew up at that time," Behar said. "Maybe he was, maybe he wasn't…So, don't be suing me. Okay, Elon?"

McCain was a co-host of "The View" for nearly four years. She shared the clips with a promise to join Musk's quasi-agency if the Tesla head took Behar to court. 

"If Elon Musk sues The View I will join DOGE," she wrote on X.

McCain exited "The View" in 2021 and has cited on-air spats with Behar as her reason for leaving.

The show has lived rent-free in McCain's head since, with the commentator regularly returning to her time on the panel. In her memoir "Bad Republican," McCain said that "the environment on the show is toxic." As recently as last November, McCain chided the show for its coverage of the presidential election.

“It is actual malfeasance on the part of ABC news that there isn’t one single conservative woman on 'The View' this morning who voted for Trump or simply isn’t repulsed by his supporters to explain to America why he is still so popular,” she said at the time.

Gene Hackman, his wife and their dog all found dead in New Mexico home

Police have launched an investigation into the death of two-time Oscar winner Gene Hackman, his wife Betsy Arakawa and their dog, who were all found dead in their New Mexico home, local authorities said Thursday. Hackman was 95 and Arakawa was 63.

According to a Santa Fe County Sheriff’s Office spokesperson, deputies entered the Hackman home at around 1:45 p.m. Wednesday to conduct a wellness check at a neighbor's request and discovered the bodies at that time, with gas company and fire department personnel on hand to make sure there were "no toxic fumes that would endanger deputies during their search," AP News reports. However, new details from the investigation revealed no signs of a carbon monoxide or natural gas leak, finding the couple's deaths were "suspicious enough in nature to require a thorough search and investigation."

A search warrant obtained by CNN stated the couple had been dead for days before their bodies were discovered. Arakawa's body was lying on the bathroom floor with an open bottle of scattered prescription pills on the countertop, while Hackman's body was found in a separate room. According to the warrant, the home's front door was open, but there were no signs of forced entry. The couple's two other dogs were found safe. 

“We’re not going to guess this was an accident or natural causes,” Sheriff Adan Mendoza of Santa Fe County told the New York Times. “It wasn’t typical.”

Gene Hackman starred in numerous dynamic roles throughout the 1960s and 1970s before retiring in the early 2000s. Over his 40-year career, he received five Academy Award nominations, winning the prestigious honor for his performances in "The French Connection" (1972) and "Unforgiven" (1992).

Hackman met Arakawa, a classically trained pianist who grew up in Hawaii, while she was working at a California gym in the mid-1980s. The couple soon moved in together, settled in Santa Fe, and married in 1991. They remained together for 34 years.

Since stepping away from Hollywood, Hackman largely avoided the spotlight, though his day-to-day activities occasionally attracted attention from local news and the tabloid press. Aside from the occasional award show appearance, he remained committed to his retirement. His final film credit was the 2004 political satire "Welcome to Mooseport," co-starring Ray Romano.

Hackman is survived by his three children from his previous marriage.

How food companies are prepping for Trump tariffs — and what it means for you at the grocery store

Standing in the aisle of my local Mariano’s this week, I stopped to wonder when Modest Mouse became grocery store music — a reminder of time passing, and therefore my own frail mortality — and picked up a six-pack of sparkling water. The price tag caught my eye, higher than I remembered it being just a few weeks ago.

Now, with tariffs set to go into effect next week, the company behind those cans is likely scrambling to figure out how not to raise prices even further.

American consumers are already grappling with inflation and rising ingredient costs—from the impact of avian flu on the egg supply to the doubling of international cocoa and coffee prices due to extreme weather. And according to experts, President Donald Trump’s proposed tariffs — 25% on imports from Mexico and Canada, and an additional 10% on goods from China — could significantly impact U.S. food prices, adding yet another layer of financial strain.

The administration hasn’t provided much clarity on how long the tariffs will remain in effect, but big food companies are bracing for what’s to come, with ingredients like Canadian rapeseed oil, seafood and even aluminum facing steep price hikes. As these companies decide whether to absorb or pass on the added costs, American shoppers will inevitably feel the impact. 

Big food companies are preparing for price increases

For many food companies, the looming tariffs are a hurdle—but one for which they’ve been preparing. As reported by Food Dive, Sean Connolly, CEO of Conagra Brands, which makes products like Slim Jim and Healthy Choice, said at the Consumer Analyst Group of New York’s annual conference that there are still plenty of questions, but “not a lot of answers.”

"But,” as Connolly put it, “As managers of the business, we are always contingency planning for an array of possible outcomes to navigate any curveballs that come our way. This is no different.”

While some beverage manufacturers were exempt from tariff penalties during Trump’s first term, President Trump has made it clear that tariffs imposed during his second term will be enforced “without exceptions or exemptions.” This means companies like Coca-Cola—whose CEO, James Quincey, noted that they import aluminum for cans from Canada—are scrambling to find ways to offset potential price hikes.

In an earnings call earlier this month, Quincey reminded investors that while packaging makes up only a small portion of Coca-Cola's overall costs, the company is prepared to shift to plastic bottles if necessary to avoid absorbing the price hike on aluminum cans.

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“We’re in danger of exaggerating the impact of the 25% aluminum price increase relative to the total system,” Quincey said. “It’s not insignificant, but it’s not going to radically change a multibillion-dollar U.S. business, and packaging is only a small component of the total cost structure.”

He continued, “If one package faces an increase in input costs, we have other packaging options that will allow us to stay competitive on affordability. For example, if aluminum cans get more expensive, we can increase emphasis on PET [plastic] bottles.”

But it’s not just consumer packaged goods companies feeling the pressure. Diageo, the world’s largest spirits company, has also been bracing for the impact. The company warned that tariffs on goods imported from Mexico and Canada could reduce its operating profit by up to $200 million. CEO Debra Crew said this could derail the company’s recent growth, despite strong fiscal 2025 results

“Diageo has anticipated and planned for a number of potential scenarios regarding tariffs in recent months. The confirmation at the weekend of the implementation of tariffs in the US, whilst anticipated, could very well impact this building momentum,” Crew said in a call with investors. “It also adds further complexity in our ability to provide updated forward guidance given this is a new and dynamic situation. We are taking a number of actions to mitigate the impact and disruption to our business that tariffs may cause, and we will also continue to engage with the US administration on the broader impact that this will have on everyone supporting the US hospitality industry, including consumers, employees, distributors, restaurants, bars and other retail outlets.” 

Uncertainty among CEOs and retailers 

It’s not just the companies themselves that are concerned. Jeffrey Sonnenfeld, a professor at the Yale School of Management, commented on the confusion felt by leaders across industries: "All CEOs are bewildered by these non-strategic tariff tantrums being directed at our closest allies instead of adversaries," Sonnenfeld told Reuters.

The National Retail Federation (NRF) echoed this concern, urging the White House to explore alternative ways to achieve its policy goals without imposing tariffs that would increase prices on everyday consumer goods. As NRF Executive Vice President David French said, “As long as these universal tariffs are in place, Americans will be forced to pay higher prices on everyday consumer goods.”

These tariffs aren’t just a corporate issue — they’re a household one. According to a 2024 report from Trace One, which helps businesses manage food industry compliance and supply chain regulations, U.S. food prices are at risk of climbing even higher due to these new tariffs. With U.S. imports from Mexico, Canada, and China accounting for nearly half of the food and beverage products consumed in the U.S., the effects will be widespread.

"These tariffs aren’t just a corporate issue — they’re a household one."

“Certain categories, like fruits, nuts and seafood, have become particularly reliant on foreign supply,” said the report. “Nearly 60% of fruits and nuts consumed in the U.S. now come from abroad, compared to just 35.8% in 2008. Similarly, imported milled grains and oils now make up 57.4% of U.S. consumption, while sweeteners and vegetables also see high import dependency.” 

If the tariffs go forward, everyday staples like these could see price hikes, making it even harder for U.S. households to afford nutritious food.

The effect of the tariffs will vary by region, as some states depend more heavily on specific imports. In Illinois, for example, beer and coffee are top imports, while other states may face rising prices for beef, canola oil or prepared foods. The diversity of U.S. food imports means the impact will be felt differently across the country, but it’s clear that no one will be entirely insulated from the price hikes — especially as leaders in Mexico and Canada are prepared to retaliate if necessary. 

As the Associated Press reported, Doug Ford, the premier of Ontario, has promised to retaliate by removing American alcohol from store shelves across the province—a move that carries weight, given that Canada is the second-largest market for U.S. distilled spirits, behind only the European Union.

Meanwhile, Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum told reporters earlier this month “we shouldn’t see ourselves as competitors,” referring to the country’s trade relationship with the United States. However, she noted that Mexico is ready to respond if the U.S. follows through with tariffs, having prepared for such a scenario in recent months.

“Now it is very important that the Mexican people know that we are always going to defend the dignity of our people, we are always going to defend the respect of our sovereignty and a dialogue between equals, as we have always said, without subordination,” Sheinbaum said.

What’s next for consumers?

With food prices already on the rise, the introduction of tariffs will only increase the strain on American consumers. 

Nearly 28% of U.S. adults report difficulty affording food, and 13.5% of households are food insecure. As tariffs take effect, the question remains: Will consumers feel the full weight of this trade war in their grocery carts? It’s up to companies, retailers and policymakers to chart a course that minimizes harm — but one thing is clear: The grocery store aisle is about to look a lot different.

Fabric and crafts retailer Joann closing all stores

Fabric and crafts retailer Joann is shutting down all of its U.S. stores, leaving cosplayers, seamstresses and small Etsy business owners in the dust.

The Ohio-based company filed for Chapter 11 bankruptcy protection in January, the second time in a year it’s done so, according to The New York Times. The company said at the time it planned to keep its stores open.

But earlier this month, Joann announced that it was shutting down 500 of its 800 locations, citing “significant and lasting challenges in the retail environment, which, coupled with our current financial position and constrained inventory levels, have forced us to take this step.”

On Sunday, the company said out-of-business sales at all locations will begin as a result of financial services company GA Group — along with Joann’s term lenders — acquiring virtually all of Joann’s assets in an auction.

“Joann leadership, our board, advisers and legal partners made every possible effort to pursue a more favorable outcome that would keep the company in business,” Joann said in a statement posted on its website. “We are committed to working constructively with the winning bidder to ensure an orderly wind-down of operations that minimizes the impact on all our stakeholders.”

There’s no clear timeline on when stores will shut down or online operations will cease, though Joann has confirmed that retailers will remain open while out-of-business sales happen.

Across the nation and the internet, people are mourning the loss of a local crafts supply shop that's been operating for more than 80 years. 

“im going to chain myself to the front of my local joann fabrics in protest this is f**king insane,” a user named sam posted on X.

Another user, @cassbeewrites, pointed out, “losing a chain like joann fabrics is actually extremely bad. it won’t necessarily push people toward local quilt shops, which are less accessible and more expensive, but instead will push many people away from textile arts completely.”

Consumer Financial Protection Bureau won’t be deleted, Trump administration says

The Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, a longtime target of the Republican Party that has undergone a significant shakeup in recent weeks, will continue operating, the Trump administration says. 

After Trump replaced its director with Russell Vought — director of the White House budget office and an author of Project 2025 — work at the CFPB was frozen. There was widespread worry the agency would be shut down, and the agency's union sued the Trump administration over what it said were plans to dismantle the CFPB, according to Politico.

In a motion filed on Monday, Vought asserted that the CFPB will stay, albeit in a different form, Politico reported. 

“The predicate to running a ‘more streamlined and efficient bureau’ is that there will continue to be a CFPB,” Vought said in the court filing. 

Republicans have opposed the CFPB since its creation in the Great Recession, when lawmakers added new levels of oversight on financial institutions and strengthened protections for banking industry whistleblowers.

In one of the agency's more notable cases, it fined banking giant Wells Fargo $100 million for the behavior of 5,300 employees who since 2011 had opened fake banking and credit card accounts and created online banking profiles in order to meet Wells Fargo's quotas. 

One of the CFPB's rules last year capped credit card fees at $8, but a federal judge put it on hold after business lobbyists and banks protested the policy as unconstitutional. Under the Biden administration, the CFPB also moved to rein in credit card late fees and overdraft fees, along with "junk fees" hidden in hotel and event ticket bills.

Trump adviser and billionaire Elon Musk, who created the so-called Department of Government and Efficiency to slash federal spending, posted last year that he wanted to “delete the CFPB." 

Vought, acting director of the agency, says he wants to end “the weaponization of ‘consumer protection.'"

He announced this month that the CFPB is dropping a lawsuit against the online lending platform Solo Funds, which the agency had accused of deceiving borrowers about the cost of loans.

“We are now seeing what it means for the Trump Administration to destroy the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau — it is letting off scot-free a deceptive company that claimed 0% APR for payday loans of 400% APR or higher, with interest disguised in fake ‘tips’ and ‘donations’ that virtually everyone was forced to pay,” Lauren Saunders, associate director at the nonprofit National Consumer Law Center, said in a statement reported by CNN. “No state should tolerate a company flagrantly deceiving borrowers and ignoring state rate caps and licensing laws.”

8 underrated performances that prove Adrien Brody’s Oscar-worthy talent

Adrien Brody is anticipated to win the Oscar for best actor for his searing performance in “The Brutalist.” If he triumphs, it will be his second statue, after becoming the youngest best actor winner more than two decades ago for “The Pianist.”

Between these career bookends, Brody has worked steadily in various roles that show his range as an actor. He is adept at comedy, having appeared in several Wes Anderson films including, “Asteroid City,” “The Grand Budapest Hotel,” “The French Dispatch” and “The Darjeeling Limited,” and was amusing as Salvador Dali in Woody Allen’s “Midnight in Paris.”

Brody has made some Hollywood genre films, from the horror film “Splice,” to the action movie, “Predators,” and the most recent remake of “King Kong.” On television, Brody has also impressed, earning Emmy nominations for his portrayal of Harry Houdini in the eponymous TV miniseries, and for his guest appearance in the hit series, “Succession.” But Brody, who tends to play sad characters, does some of his best work in a number of the smaller films he has headlined over the years.

Some of his most incisive performances have flown under the radar. These films show how compelling he can be on screen. It is more than just Brody’s wiry, hangdog appearance (that many fans find sexy) that appeals. It is his way of making his characters, who are often morally compromised — if not completely bankrupt — likable. Brody often expresses a world-weary charm about him that makes him pull focus. Here are eight of Brody’s most intriguing and underseen performances.

01
“Backtrack"

Brody previously played a trauma-processing war veteran in "The Jacket," and he likely drew on that experience for this intriguing Australian psychological thriller. Peter (Brody) is a psychiatrist who lost his daughter a year ago, but he soon realizes he may need more help than his patients. After a series of unsettling encounters with a mysterious young woman, Elizabeth Valentine (Chloe Bayliss), Peter returns home to confront a past trauma.

 

Brody excels at playing haunted characters, and a scene in which he chokes up and cries while trying to say his late daughter’s name underscores just how wounded Peter is. As it becomes clear he is seeing dead people, "Backtrack" reveals why Peter is desperate to clear his conscience and “put things to rest properly.” However, that proves easier said than done, given the involvement of Peter’s father (George Shevtsov), a former cop, and a local officer (Robin McLeavy), who handles Peter’s confession.

 

While "Backtrack" may be somewhat contrived in its plotting, the jump scares and Brody’s moody performance remain effective.

02
“Clean”
In this intense revenge drama that Brody co-wrote, he stars as the title character, a garbage man who is seeking redemption and salvation. Clean is "working on" being good; his past — which he "can't wash away" — is revealed over the course of this story. The film takes an interesting turn as Clean's efforts to protect his teenage neighbor, Diandra (Chandler DuPont), lead him down a violent path. Clean also crosses paths with Michael (Glenn Fleshler), a drug kingpin, whose troubled son Mikey (Richie Merritt) knows Diandra. 
 
The gritty character study was a passion project for the actor, who also produced and even composed the music and score. The film allows Brody to go deep and burrow into a character who can fix an Electrolux vacuum with the same dexterity he employs to build a powerful shotgun. Brody's appearance looks as troubled as Clean is, and yet he is extremely protective of Diandra, who gets in a series of dangerous situations. As the drama kicks into high gear, this modest film lets Brody kick butt. 
03
“Detachment”
This film features Brody as Henry Barthes, a substitute teacher who tries to make a difference in and out of the classroom. He ably diffuses disrespectful students with his calm, soft-spoken manner, but he can be quick to anger, too. Henry yells at a staff member at the assisted living facility where he feels his grandfather (Louis Zorich) is not getting adequate care, and he seethes when he discovers a student abusing an animal.
 
Brody plays Henry’s despondent character as a loner who keeps his emotions bottled up; he tries not to care. When he encounters Erica (Sami Gayle), a teenage sex worker, Henry takes her in and cares for her. Henry also encourages Meredith (Betty Kaye), a student, who may have a serious crush on him. “Detachment” balances these storylines with a critique of the education system that fails students. The film’s concerns remain as cogent today as they did back in 2011.
 
The best scenes have Henry in his classroom, lecturing about “doublethink” in Orwell’s “1984,” or explaining how the emotions of Poe’s “The Fall of the House of Usher” are still relevant 100 years later. If the film’s direction, by Tony Kaye, is erratic, and the script a bit too broad, Brody’s thoughtful performance keeps the film on point. When he talks in direct address interview scenes about how he views the world outside school, Henry may be cynical, but his actions in the film show he is hopeful that things can and will improve. 

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04
“Dummy”
Made the same year as “The Pianist,” but released months later (to capitalize on Brody’s Oscar win most likely), this offbeat comedy has man-child Steven (Brody) living at home with his parents, Fern (Jessica Walter) and Lou (Ron Leibman). Steven buys a dummy to realize his dream of being a ventriloquist, and the scenes between him and his nameless dummy are heartfelt and revealing. Steven comes to accept and understand himself by expressing himself through his dummy. When he falls for his unemployment agent, Lorena (Vera Farmiga), Steven’s initial attempts at wooing her backfire and Lorena calls the police. However, by making an apology video with his dummy, Steven is able to charm her.
 
“Dummy” gives Brody the opportunity to crack wise and do some physical comedy — he even gets an amusing pratfall, and he goes all in by delivering a committed performance. (Brody did all the ventriloquism himself.) His romance with Lorena is sweet, and Brody’s scenes with his kooky best friend Fangora (a scene-stealing Milla Jovovich) provide much of the humor. “Dummy” showcases Brody and his cockeyed heart well.  
05
“The Experiment”
In this American remake of the German film, “Das Experiment”—which is adapted from Mario Giordano’s novel “Black Box,” and based on the real-life 1971 Stanford Prison Experiment — Brody plays Travis, a man who agrees to participate in a study of the dynamics between guards and prisoners. Travis is assigned to be a prisoner, and when the guards, led by Barris (Forest Whitaker), start wielding power, Travis is quick to revolt. Because the other prisoners listen to him, Travis is seen by the guards as the prisoner’s ringleader. He may have lost all his civil rights, but Travis, in true Brody style, will endure punishments and suffer humiliations — Barris and other guards urinate on Travis in one of many disturbing sequences — to resist and fight for justice. (One subplot has Travis helping a fellow prisoner, who is diabetic, get his insulin.)
 
Buff and tattooed, Brody gives a full-body performance, conveying his rage when he is unfairly handcuffed, bound and gagged, or confined in isolation. He also shines in the intense scenes where Travis defiantly goes toe-to-toe with the menacing Whitaker. The strength of Brody’s performance here is that he remains inspiring even as he is repeatedly dehumanized.
 
“The Experiment” is a morality play about how power begets violence. Watching Brody is like seeing a soda can get shaken and then opened, and he is riveting to watch as he swallows his increasing anger before he explodes. 
06
“Love the Hard Way"
A young Adrien Brody stars in this low-budget and low-key romantic drama as Jack, a charming scoundrel who falls for Claire (Charlotte Ayanna), a college student studying biology. Jack, who sports a snakeskin jacket, earns money by pulling a scam in hotels by posing as a cop and robbing men who engage sex workers. He is also considered a “bad influence” on Claire, but she falls for him and even thinks she can reform him. Their relationship has some sexy moments and there is a cute scene of him interviewing her about winning a Nobel Prize. But Jack breaks Claire’s heart, and later, she breaks his.
 
Watching Brody torture himself by watching her self-destructive behavior is engrossing because what he lost sinks in, and he feels regret, which may be his first real emotion. Brody’s muscular performance makes Jack both likable and unlikable from scene to scene, and it is impossible to take one’s eyes off him — even if his character is all fire, no heat. 
07
“Manhattan Night”
Director Brian DeCubellis wisely cast Brody as Porter Wren, a tabloid reporter in his glossy neo-noir, adapted from Colin Harrison’s book. When Porter meets Caroline (Yvonne Strahovski), a Park Avenue femme fatale, he is asked to investigate the death of her famous husband Simon (Campbell Scott). Caroline easily seduces Porter, but their relationship is inappropriate — and not just because Porter is married with two kids. As Porter pushes down his guilt and starts to fall for Caroline, he learns some hard truths from a missing video Simon made. Moreover, Porter’s new boss, Sebastian Hobbs (Steven Berkoff) also wants a video that Caroline may have. As Porter searches for the truth, he becomes emboldened — spying on Caroline masturbating in the shower, threatening Hobbs after his family is attacked, and even breaking into a home where he thinks evidence may be hidden.
 
Brody is convincing in these moments, and he gets to play both tender and tough, especially in scenes that crackle, such as Porter and Caroline questioning each other while naked and in bed. But it is the little details, like Porter chewing on Bazooka gum, or him reacting to the ugliness he encounters that shade Brody’s performance. As he becomes more jaded and uncomfortable, Brody’s expressions and body language internalize his pain and make it palpable. 
08
“Wrecked”
Practically a one-man show for Brody, this dramatic thriller has a nameless Man (Brody) trapped in a car that has crashed in a forest. Bruised, bloodied and broken — his leg is injured under the passenger-side dashboard — the Man struggles to escape and figure out what happened as he has no memory.
 
The first third of the film allows Brody to silently express the five stages of grief, but after he manages to escape and starts to crawl through the forest seeking help, he has hope. As his situation becomes more desperate, the Man dreams about being rescued. He also interacts with a dog he encounters. But the reality of things may be very different than what the Man experiences, which creates layers of meaning.
 
Brody grunts more than he speaks in “Wrecked,” and watching his face — with one eye slightly closed — as he eats an ant, or drags himself through the forest emphasizes his mental and physical pain. Brody shows how the man is resilient which makes the story compelling, but “Wrecked” shows how fearless Brody is as an actor. 

Trump is gutting environmental data, obscuring climate and pollution risks to the public

Gretchen Gehrke is co-founder of the Environmental Data Governance Initiative, which was formed in 2016 to track and analyze changes to federal environmental data and practices under the previous Trump administration. It’s now a leader in a new field: environmental data justice. 

Their website is a treasure trove of information about access to environmental data and the prevalence and consequences of suppression of data and of specific terms like “climate change”, and the lack of enforcement of policies such as the Clean Air and Clean Water Acts. In an email interview with Salon, Gehrke explains the Environmental Right to Know: that is, the belief that people have the right to know about environmental issues that affect them, and the ability to influence environmental governance decisions in a meaningful way.

While the right to know is a general principle used in various contexts, in the United States it has been codified in the Emergency Planning and Community Right-to-Know Act, authorized in 1986 by Title III of the Superfund Amendments and Reauthorization Act. This legislation was a response to the world’s worst industrial disaster, a 1984 crisis in which over 500,000 people in Bhopal, India were exposed to highly toxic methyl isocyanate gas from the Union Carbide India Limited pesticide plant, killing at least 2,000 people directly and injuring thousands more. The plant was majority-owned by an American company, resulting in lawsuits against the U.S. company (later dismissed) as well as in India. The goal of the EPCRA, then, was to impose regulations and increase citizen knowledge of chemicals used in our communities in order to prevent a similar disaster from happening in the United States.

As Gehrke’s EDGI noted last month, web pages have disappeared and language has been changed on the Environmental Protection Agency website since Donald Trump returned to power. Changes seem to have related to diversity, equity, inclusion and accessibility-related pages, to environmental justice, and, as documented by Jacobin, to climate change, echoing the removal of climate science data from the EPA website (and the term “climate change” itself, across federal websites) during the first Trump administration.

"The scrubbing of websites removes critical information the public needs about issues that affect their health and well-being."

When Salon checked it out this week, the current site still described the Community Right-to-Know Act — although the main page explaining how the principle applies appears to be gone (it’s archived here.) Other Right to Know information still on the EPA website include a 1992 document explaining how the right to know relates to the Toxic Release Inventory, which was created as part of the EPCRA and, back then, provided information about some 20,000 companies and how they disposed of hundreds of chemicals. Now it’s up to 799 individually listed chemicals in 33 chemical categories, as a page of the EPA site that was last updated on Jan. 7 explains. 

You can also, as of this writing, still find instructions for using a 2017 application called MyRTK, short for My Right to Know, that allows you to search for local information about pollutants, toxic release inventory compliance, and chemical release incidents. There seems no way to be sure what else may or may not have been purged from the site.

“Access to data and information are foundational to the Environmental Right to Know,” Gehrke told Salon. “The scrubbing of websites removes critical information the public needs about issues that affect their health and well-being, and strips the public of their agency in determining their own actions and their democratic participation in governance issues. Information suppression undermines the environmental right to know, and our democracy as a whole.”

Information suppression thus undermines that right to know, and undermines the workings of democracy itself. After all, a right’s not much good if you can’t realize it because your government doesn’t accept that it’s a right you have. And it seems that they don’t.

On Wednesday, The Associated Press reported that EPA Administrator Lee Zeldin has "privately urged President Donald Trump’s administration to reconsider a scientific finding that has long been the central basis for U.S. action against climate change." Ignoring these facts threatens "the legal underpinning of a host of climate regulations for motor vehicles, power plants and other pollution sources."


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As well as scrubbing websites of vital information, the Trump administration has taken data and mapping tools offline, Gehrke explained. These tools, she explained, allowed the public to use federal environmental and health data in their advocacy without having to be data scientists themselves. Shutting them down impedes research, advocacy and policy progress.

Organizations including EDGI, scientists, and librarians have been racing to preserve data since the first federal health data began disappearing from websites in January. And this month the National Security Archive’s Climate Change Transparency Project published a selection of materials and webpages relating to environmental justice and climate change that have been deleted from federal agency websites. 

The situation has been nothing short of chaotic, with Zane Selvans, co-founder of Catalyst Cooperative, which works to “liberate open data about the U.S. energy system” — that is, to make public energy data easy to access, telling Salon in a video interview that the data preservation communities has had scares “on subsequent Friday afternoons, there have been frantic text messages or just rumors from folks that such and such data is going to go down.” 

Most of the public energy data Catalyst works with — data used by both private companies and public interest groups, by fossil fuel and renewable energy developers — has mostly remained available, Selvans said.

“So far, it’s been a lot of fear, a lot of rumors, not a lot of core energy system data going away, but [we have] definitely less confidence in commitment to [the administration’s] ongoing preservation of relevant data sets. Because the energy system data is clearly very closely related to both environmental impacts and to social justice impact, which has previously been a priority of the U.S. government,” Selvans told Salon. 

The rumors, though, also included a scare about potential loss of NASA scientific data (which is collected from the real world rather than coming from a model, making it irreplaceable in a way that modeling data like much of the energy system data is not).

“I think that that particular concern was more in the flurry of cost cutting, is this contract going to be maintained? Is it going to be accidentally forgotten about or canceled? Because there just seems like this flurry of activity that wasn’t maybe super well considered or planned out, and so that’s one way it could go down,” Selvans said.

In addition to the risk of Trump’s purges denying public access to data both by accident and by design, there’s the question of relevance over time. All the efforts to archive data can’t solve the problem of data needing to be updated.

“The ongoing maintenance and production and distribution of these data sets is something that we obviously can’t do no matter how well-organized we are, because a lot of this data is being produced by the government labs or by government agencies.” Still, if those agencies decide to stop collecting vital data, having an archive is still useful, Selvans said, especially if there could be a centralized, accessible directory of non-governmental archives.

Catalyst, along with EDGI, is part of the Public Environmental Data Partners, a volunteer coalition of dozens of organizations and individuals working to preserve access to environmental data.

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“By preserving this information, we are supporting the public to stay informed and to resist the revisionist history and gaslighting that we observed during the first Trump administration,” Gehrke said.

But she doesn’t believe archiving efforts can possibly be enough to address the information crisis caused not just by the administration’s current attack on federal data or on specific terms or concepts like climate change or diversity, but also by a failure of digital age information policy to address it, or attacks like it that should have been predicted from experiences with that first round of Trump, and with the already-rampant rise of misinformation and disinformation — policy failures that in themselves, Gehrke believes, have led us to the current political landscape.

Hard data, Selvans explained, connects with the censorship or purging of words like environmental justice or diversity because in order to address an inequity — say, air quality in one area that is dramatically worse than in wealthier or whiter areas — you have to measure things. You have to measure things to even be aware that the inequity exists, making the disappearance of data and language not just an attack on the right to know, but an attack on our right to even know what we're no longer able to know.

“Given the priorities that seem to have taken over at this point and the kind of data that has so far seemed most impacted, that feels like the most frightening part, to be like we’re not even going to know how these [environmental policy] impacts are distributed,” Selvans said.

“Corruption in plain sight”: Musk appears set to take over $2 billion FAA contract from Verizon

The Federal Aviation Administration appears likely to drop Verizon and pick Starlink, a satellite company owned by Elon Musk, to take over a contract to modernize the country's air traffic communications system, the Associated Press reported.

Starlink satellite terminals and other equipment have already been installed in FAA facilities as a prelude to its potential takeover of the $2 billion contract — won by Verizon in 2023 — government employees and contractors told the news service. Musk himself has claimed that his competitor is not up to the task, claiming on X earlier this week that "the Verizon system is not working and so is putting air travelers at serious risk." He did not provide evidence to support the assertion.

Starlink, a subsidiary of SpaceX, is aiming to use its satellite network to replace an aging ground-based communication system, the sources said, while also displacing Verizon's plan to update that system by using fiber optic cables.

The fact that Musk is simultaneously a close advisor to President Donald Trump, holds an ill-defined but sweeping role in the federal government and owns an array of companies that profit from government contracts has raised serious concerns over just how much he's potentially helping his companies get the inside track to lucrative deals with the administration he serves.

“There’s very limited transparency,” Jessica Tillipman, a contracting law expert at George Washington University told the AP. “Without that transparency, we have no idea how much non-public information he has access to or what role he’s playing in what contracts are being awarded.”

There's also concerns that a sudden shift in contract, seemingly based on personal connections to Musk, might put people's lives at risk. Former FAA officials told the AP that they were alarmed at the prospect of Starlink becoming a critical part of the aviation system without a period of testing, review and debate.

"This is corruption in plain sight," Sen. Tina Smith, D-Minn., posted on Bluesky. "Musk is getting sweetheart deals for his companies, DOGE is helping him do it, and the President is cheering him on. This isn’t about government efficiency, but making him richer."

Federal aviation isn't the only area of government that may prove profitable for Musk. The Department of Transportation and U.S. Food and Drug Administration, which regulate some of his companies, may now use a lighter touch. His supporters and former employees have already taken control of parts of the General Services Administration, which is currently offering other agencies the option to launch payloads through an existing SpaceX contract, providing Musk even more business with the federal government.

In war against DEI in science, researchers see collateral damage

This story was co-reported by Teresa Carr for Undark and Margaret Manto for NOTUS.

When he realized that Senate Republicans were characterizing his federally funded research project as one of many they considered ideological and of questionable scientific value, Darren Lipomi, chair of the chemical engineering department at the University of Rochester, was incensed. The work, he complained on social media, was aimed at helping “throat cancer patients recover from radiation therapy faster.” And yet, he noted on BlueSky, LinkedIn, and X, his project was among nearly 3,500 National Science Foundation grants recently described by the likes of Ted Cruz, the Texas Republican and chair of the powerful Senate Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation, as “woke DEI” research. These projects, Cruz argued, were driven by “Neo-Marxist class warfare propaganda,” and “far-left ideologies.”

“Needless to say,” Lipomi wrote of his research, “this project is not espousing class warfare.”

The list of grants was compiled by a group of Senate Republicans last fall and released to the public earlier this month, and while the NSF does not appear to have taken any action in response to the complaints, the list’s existence is adding to an atmosphere of confusion and worry among researchers in the early days of President Donald J. Trump’s second administration. Lipomi, for his part, described the situation as absurd. Others described it as chilling.

“Am I going to be somehow identified as an immigrant that's exploiting federal funding streams and so I would just get deported? I have no idea,” said cell biologist Shumpei Maruyama, an early-career scientist and Japanese immigrant with permanent residency in the U.S., upon seeing his research on the government watch list. “That’s a fear.”

Just being on that list, he added, “is scary.”

The NSF, an independent government agency, accounts for around one-quarter of federal funding for science and engineering research at American colleges and universities. The 3,483 flagged projects total more $2 billion and represent more than 10 percent of all NSF grants awarded between January 2021 and April 2024. The list encompasses research in all 50 states, including 257 grants totaling more than $150 million to institutions in Cruz’s home state of Texas.

The flagged grants, according to the committee report, “went to questionable projects that promoted diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) tenets or pushed onto science neo-Marxist perspectives about enduring class struggle.” The committee cast a wide net, using a programming tool to trawl more than 32,000 project descriptions for 699 keywords and phrases that they identified as linked to diversity, equity, and inclusion.

Cruz has characterized the list as a response to a scientific grantmaking process that had become mired in political considerations, rather than focused on core research goals. “The Biden administration politicized everything it touched,” Cruz told Undark and NOTUS. “Science research is important, but we should want researchers spending time trying to figure out how to cure cancer, how to cure deadly diseases, not bean counting to satisfy the political agenda of Washington Democrats."

“The ubiquity of these DEI requirements that the Biden administration engrafted on virtually everything,” Cruz added, “pulls a lot of good research money away from needed research to satisfy the political pet projects of Democrats.”

Others described the list — and other moves against DEI initiatives in research — as reversing decades-old bipartisan policies intended to strengthen U.S. science. For past Congresses and administrations, including the first Trump term, DEI concepts were not controversial, said Neal F. Lane, who served as NSF director in the 1990s and as a science adviser to former President Bill Clinton. “Budget after budget was appropriated funds specifically to address these issues, to make sure all Americans have an opportunity to contribute to advancement of science and technology in the country,” he said. “And that the country then, in turn, benefits from their participation.”

At the same time, he added: “Politics can be ugly.”


Efforts to promotediversity in research predate the Biden administration. A half a century ago, the NSF established a goal of increasing the number of women and underrepresented groups in science. The agency began targeting programs for minority-serving institutions as well as minority faculty and students.

In the 1990s, Lane, as NSF director, ushered in the requirement that, in addition to intellectual merit, reviewers should consider a grant proposal’s “broader impacts.” In general, he said, the aim was to encourage science that would benefit society.

The broader impacts requirement remains today. Among other options, researchers can fulfill it by including a project component that increases the participation of women, underrepresented minorities in STEM, and people with disabilities. They can also meet the requirement by promoting science education or educator development, or by demonstrating that a project will build a more diverse workforce.

The Senate committee turned up thousands of “DEI” grants because the broad search not only snagged projects with a primary goal of increasing diversity — such as a $1.2 million grant to the Colorado School of Mines for a center to train engineering students to promote equity among their peers — but also research that referenced diversity in describing its broader impact or in describing study populations. Lipomi’s project, for example, was likely flagged because it mentions recruiting a diverse group of participants, analyzing results according to socioeconomic status, and posits that patients with disabilities might benefit from wearable devices for rehabilitation.

According to the committee report, concepts related to race, gender, societal status, as well as social and environmental justice undermine hard science. They singled out projects that identified groups of people as underrepresented, underserved, socioeconomically disadvantaged, or excluded; recognized inequities; or referenced climate research.

Red flags also included words like “gender,” “ethnicity,” and “sexuality,” along with scores of associated terms — “female,” “women,” “interracial,” “heterosexual,” “LGBTQ,” as well as “Black,” “White,” “Hispanic,” or “Indigenous” when referring to groups of people. “Status” also made the list along with words such as “biased,” “disability,” “minority,” and “socioeconomic.”

“We want to make the scientific community look more like the community of Americans."

In addition, the committee flagged “environmental justice” and terms that they placed in that category such as “climate change,” “climate research,” and “clean energy.”

The committee individually reviewed grants for more than $1 million, according to the report.

The largest grant on the list awarded more than $29 million to the National Center for Supercomputing Applications (NCSA) at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, which contributes to the vast computing resources needed for artificial intelligence research. “I don't know exactly why we were flagged, because we're an AI resource for the nation,” said NCSA Director William Gropp.

One possible reason for the flag, Gropp theorized, is that one of the project’s aims is to provide computing power to states that have historically received less funding for research and development — including many Republican-leaning states — as well as minority-serving institutions. The proposal also states that a lack of diversity contributes to “embedded biases and other systemic inequalities found in AI systems today.”

The committee also flagged a grant with a total intended award amount of $26 million to a consortium of five institutions in North Carolina to establish an NSF Engineering Research Center to engineer microbial life in indoor spaces, promoting beneficial microbes while preventing the spread of pathogens. One example of such work would be thinking about how to minimize the risk that pathogens caught in a hospital sink would get aerosolized and spread to patients, said Joseph Graves, Jr., an evolutionary biologist and geneticist at North Carolina A&T State University and a leader of the project.

Graves was not surprised that his project made the committee’s list, as NSF policy has required research centers to include work on diversity and a culture of inclusion, he said.

The report, Graves said, seems intended to strip science of diversity, which he views as essential to the scientific endeavor. “We want to make the scientific community look more like the community of Americans,” said Graves. That’s not discriminating against White or Asian people, he said: “It's a positive set of initiatives to give people who have been historically underrepresented and underserved in the scientific community and the products it produces to be at the table to participate in scientific research.”

“We argue that makes science better, not worse,” he added.


The political environment has seemingly left many scientists nervous to speak about their experiences. Three of the major science organizations Undark contacted — the Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers, the National Academy of Sciences, and the American Institute of Physics — either did not respond or were not willing to comment. Many researchers appearing on Cruz’s list expressed hesitation to speak, and only men agreed to interviews: Undark contacted eight women leading NSF-funded projects on the list. Most did not respond to requests for comment, while others declined to talk on the record.

Darren Lipomi, the chemical engineer, drew a parallel between the committee report and U.S. Sen. Joseph McCarthy’s anti-communist campaign in the early 1950s. “It’s inescapable,” said Lipomi, whose project focused on developing a medical device that provides feedback on swallowing to patients undergoing radiation for head and neck cancer. “I know what Marxism is, and this was not that.”

According to Joanne Padrón Carney, chief government relations officer at the American Association for the Advancement of Science, Republican interest in scrutinizing purportedly ideological research dovetails with a sweeping executive order, issued immediately after Trump’s inauguration, aimed at purging the government of anything related to diversity, equity and inclusion. Whether and how the Senate committee report will wind up affecting future funding, however, remains to be seen. “Between the executive order on DEI and now the list of terms that was used in the Cruz report, NSF is now in the process of reviewing their grants,” Carney said. One immediate impact is that scientists may become more cautious in preparing their proposals, said Carney.

Emails to the National Science Foundation went unanswered. In response to a question about grant proposals that, like Lipomi’s, only have a small component devoted to diversity, Cruz said their status should be determined by the executive branch.

“I know what Marxism is, and this was not that.”

“I would think it would be reasonable that if the DEI components can reasonably be severed from the project, and the remaining parts of the project are meritorious on their own, then the project should continue,” Cruz said. “It may be that nothing of value remains once DEI is removed. It would depend on the particular project.”

Physicist and former NSF head Neal F. Lane said he suspects that “DEI” has simply become a politically expedient target — as well as an excuse to slash spending. Threats to science funding are already causing huge uncertainty and distraction from what researchers and universities are supposed to be doing, he said. “But if there's a follow-through on many of these efforts made by the administration, any damage would be enormous."

That damage might well include discouraging young researchers from pursuing scientific careers at all, Carney said — particularly if the administration is perceived as being uninterested in a STEM workforce that is representative of the U.S. population. “For us to be able to compete at the global arena in innovation,” she said, “we need to create as many pathways as we can for all young students — from urban and rural areas, of all races and genders — to see science and technology as a worthwhile career.”


These questions are not just academic for cell biologist and postdoctoral researcher Shumpei Maruyama, who is thinking about becoming a research professor. He’s now concerned that the Trump administration’s proposed cuts to funding from the National Institutes of Health, which supports research infrastructure at many institutions, will sour the academic job market as schools are forced to shutter whole sections or departments. He’s also worried that his research, which looks at the effects of climate change on coral reefs, won’t be fundable under the current administration — not least because his work, too, is on the committee’s list.

“Corals are important just for the inherent value of biodiversity,” Maruyama said.

Although he remains worried about what happens next, Maruyama said he is also “weirdly proud” to have his research flagged for its expressed connection to social and environmental justice. “That’s exactly what my research is focusing on,” he said, adding that the existence of coral has immeasurable environmental and social benefits. While coral reefs cover less than 1 percent of the world’s oceans in terms of surface area, they house nearly one-quarter of all marine species. They also protect coastal areas from surges and hurricanes, noted Maruyama, provide food and tourism for local communities, and are a potential source of new medications such as cancer drugs.

While he also studies corals because he finds them “breathtakingly beautiful,” Maruyama, suggested that everyone — regardless of ideology — has a stake in their survival. “I want them to be around,” he said.


Margaret Manto is a NOTUS reporter and an Allbritton Journalism Institute fellow.

This article was originally published on Undark. Read the original article.

Return to office: CEOs are ignoring the math. Shareholders will ultimately pay

Last October, Dan quit his job at Amazon. He’d been looking to leave for a while; he was bored and unsatisfied. But then one morning in mid-September, a memo from the very top tipped him over the metaphorical edge.

“Hey team. I wanted to send a note on a couple changes we’re making to further strengthen our culture and teams,” the now infamous note from CEO Andy Jassy started. Buried in the tenth paragraph was the real zinger — a line that made Dan, who’d been working in New York City, want to smash the phone he was reading the memo on: “We’ve decided that we’re going to return to being in the office the way we were before the onset of Covid.”

Today, about four months after not exactly kissing Amazon goodbye, Dan is much happier. He works mostly remotely for a tech startup. A few times a month he has in-person meetings with colleagues in a co-working space. Asked whether more money might’ve convinced him to stay at the Seattle-based tech behemoth, he laughs. “I actually would’ve settled for less if it meant I didn’t have to go in every day,” he says. “I just don’t see the rationale for them being so controlling.” 

Dan’s sentiments may feel like a common and perhaps tired chorus in many stories that have been written and re-written about the return-to-office kerfuffle: Workers got used to a new way of working. Now they’re mad that the old management guard is snapping back to its old management ways.

But one thing that struck me about Dan’s story was the money bit. He told me he was literally willing to pay for the privilege of working from home. If that’s true, then who else might be willing to do so, and for how much? How much cash might shareholders be unwittingly sacrificing because of CEOs’ return-to-office mandates that may or may not be shoring up productivity?

Giving up a quarter

Last month, three academics from Harvard Business School, the University of California, Los Angeles and Brown University published a working paper that to a large extent answers precisely these questions.

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“Our findings indicate that, on average, individuals are willing to forgo approximately 25% of total compensation for a job that is otherwise identical but offers partially- or fully-remote work instead of being fully in-person,” the scholars wrote.

The study’s sample of 1,396 workers only comprises individuals working in the tech industry. But it is nonetheless a valuable proxy for what might be going on elsewhere in the labor market. And it shows something else interesting. The trio analyzed existing wage differences between remote and in-person work. “Given the strong preference for remote work, a compensating wage differential would be expected, where companies offer a premium for in-person positions,” they wrote. “However, our data indicate that the average compensation for in-person roles is, on the contrary, slightly lower than that for otherwise identical remote positions.” 

In other words, employees who may give up a good chunk of their pay to work from home might actually be getting paid more than those who are schlepping to the office. So much for companies fulfilling a fiduciary duty to shareholders.

Data-driven?

I put this notion of missed value to some academics and other experts, one of whom is Anthony Klotz, a professor of organizational behavior at University College London’s School of Management.

Klotz, who’s perhaps best known for predicting a major Covid-related labor market shift and coining it the “Great Resignation,” said what’s baffled him about return-to-office mandates is that the messaging around them rarely includes a clear business case. 

Many of the companies ordering staff back to offices full-time are among the most data-driven and technologically sophisticated in the world, he explained. And don’t forget, he added, we’re “in the era of analytics guiding business decisions.” 

"From an economic policymaking standpoint, hybrid work is one of the few instances where there aren’t major trade-offs with clear winners and clear losers. There are almost only winners"

Yet what are we seeing? Mostly, it’s memos and announcements that use anecdotes and observations rather than factual evidence to justify decisions. “Business leaders certainly have the right to fly in the face of employee sentiment and published evidence. That’s their prerogative,” said Klotz. “But if they want to do so and still retain the trust of their employees, they have to offer a compelling ‘why?’ And no one is doing that when it comes to RTO.”

To be clear, if CEOs were paying attention to the body of evidence on this topic that’s available and growing, they’d be hard pressed to ignore one recurring conclusion. “Hybrid work is a win-win-win for employee productivity, performance and retention,” wrote Nicholas Bloom, a Stanford economist and one of the leading researchers on work-from-home policies, in commenting on a paper published in June last year

“If managed right, letting employees work from home two or three days a week still gets you the level of mentoring, culture-building and innovation that you want,” Bloom added. “From an economic policymaking standpoint, hybrid work is one of the few instances where there aren’t major trade-offs with clear winners and clear losers. There are almost only winners.”

The cost of trust

Many of the people I spoke to about the push-pull of company demands vs. worker desires mentioned — or at least alluded to — the importance of trust. When there’s a disconnect between what companies and what workers want, trust can quickly wane and this also can prove very expensive for employers.

Klotz mentioned that one of the most robust findings in organizational psychology is that people react more positively to decisions by leaders (or less negatively, in the case of unpopular decisions) if these decisions are accompanied by compelling evidence that the decision is both fair and based on a sound business case. 

"For many employees, a rigid return-to-office policy signals a lack of trust more than a commitment to culture"

So if employees understand and trust the rationale for a CEO’s decision, they’re more likely to be able to get behind it. If they don’t, any number of things could happen. They might quit. They might drag their feet. Is a disgruntled in-office employee who feels like their boss doesn’t trust them really a more valuable asset than a happy employee who feels trusted enough to sometimes work from home?

On this note, Wes Adams, co-author of "Meaningful Work," reminded me that “autonomy is one of the strongest predictors of whether an employee deems their work to be meaningful or not. “For many employees,” he said, “a rigid return-to-office policy signals a lack of trust more than a commitment to culture.”

Zach Mercurio, author of an upcoming book called "The Power of Mattering" and a senior honorary fellow at the Center for Meaning and Purpose at Colorado State University, echoed this. Referring to the research showing that workers are willing to forgo pay for not working in the office every day, he noted that this is evidence of a “shift from transactional to transformational relationships between workers and their organizations.”

He added that the evolution of the world of work, and the emergence of new avenues of income, has resulted in people having more choices when it comes to where and how they want to make a living. “With more choice comes more discernment, and with more discernment comes an increasing focus on how people want to feel,” said Mercurio. “Simply exchanging wages and perks for labor and motivation won’t work in this new market.”

In the end, even if CEOs aren’t currently doing the math as it relates to their workplace policies, they may be forced to in the not-too-distant future, said Zuhayeer Musa, co-founder of Levels.fyi, a website that helps users compare compensation figures and that helped collect data for the working paper on compensation.

“Essentially employees have always voted with their feet opting for the perks they prefer. For example, as this study shows, significant amounts of talent who prefer remote work will join remote-friendly firms, so other companies will be forced to adapt to compete for that talent,” he added. “In some ways, it is simply supply and demand.” 

Indeed, if nothing else, basic economic theory should resonate with the old guard of corporate management. Sure, it’s all about trust and autonomy and feeling empowered and doing meaningful work. But as ever with capitalism, it can also be boiled down to two simple things: dollars and cents. Depressing as it might sound, it may really be just as simple as that.

The king of his Cabinet: Trump’s display of White House power is an ominous sign for democracy

A few minutes into Donald Trump’s first Cabinet meeting on Wednesday, ubiquitous White House guest Elon Musk, stood up and said a few words. Dressed for a Trump rally, or perhaps a trip to a fast food establishment, the shadow president stood in his relaxed “dark MAGA” attire: black slacks, black t-shirt, black jacket and black MAGA baseball cap, and spoke briefly about DOGE and government cuts to the more formally attired Cabinet members. Then he asked if the Cabinet was happy with him.

Trump, who never likes to be upstaged, interrupted his lady in waiting, Musk, to ask the same question, “Is anyone unhappy with Elon?” There wasn’t even a slight pause before Trump added, “If you are, we’ll throw them out of here.”

Naturally, the members of the Cabinet then burst into a round of applause for Musk.

Welcome to Trump Kingdom. All hail the King. You in the back; I didn’t get a harumph out of that guy. (Apologies to Governor Lepetomane and Mel Brooks.)

In the first six weeks of the new Trump administration, he has effectively gutted the government, threatened the world order, threatened government workers, risked plunging us into a recession with all the personnel cuts and eliminated most of the regulations that kept the oligarchs in check.

Trump’s first Cabinet meeting was everything you’ve come to expect from Donald Trump: pandering, applause, lies, smiles, accolades, guest appearances, compliments, wrapped up in a tight package of blaming former president Joe Biden as the cause of everything wrong on the planet. “They spent money like nobody had before,” we were told. And while Robert F. Kennedy Jr. dismissed the first death from measles in the United States in the last decade, I half expected Trump to blame Biden and the Democrats for that. Otherwise, there was very little substance in Wednesday’s Cabinet meeting.

Musk’s attendance shows how quickly an unelected billionaire who wasn’t confirmed by the Senate can take over our government. When the bromance ends between Elon Trump and Donald Musk, it’s going to be loud and nasty. The applause offered for Musk in the Cabinet meeting was enthusiastic on the part of some, perfunctory by others and non-existent in at least one case. Behind the scenes, some members of the Cabinet are not as joyous as they pretend to be about Musk’s attendance, let alone his participation in government. Two senior White House officials told me that they must tread lightly when discussing Musk, or anything else Trump finds problematic. On Saturday, Musk sent an email to millions of federal workers asking, “What did you do last week?” The Trump/Musk twins, or the Musk/Trump partners – take your pick — have given many reasons for the email. Trump told Musk to be more aggressive in cleaning out deadwood in the government and Musk used that as an impetus to send the email and tell government workers they’d be fired on Monday if they didn’t answer it. Some sued, some sent smart aleck responses and some refused to answer the email.

“No one knew about that,” a senior white house official told me. “We are in charge of our agencies, not Mr. Musk. We haven’t even had time to evaluate our staff. You can’t just walk in with a baseball bat and start clubbing everyone.”

The president’s press secretary Karoline Leavitt said in her weekly briefing on Tuesday that “nobody was caught off guard.” I guess that doesn’t apply to the thousands who suddenly found they could be without a job – not to mention those senior officials I spoke with who also claim they had no idea the email was coming.

All of this is just the latest in Trump’s dictatorial grasp on everything in our government. His party controls Congress, and Speaker of the House Mike Johnson is in his pocket, as is the rest of the GOP. Trump’s budget, passed by the House late Tuesday, forces deep cuts that could, among other things, mean the end of Medicaid for around 65 million Americans.

According to former Texas congressman Beto O’Rourke, “The check on an out-of-control executive branch is Congress. But Congress is playing dead. No pushback on the President, no accountability for Musk or Kennedy Jr. No urgency to meet the threats that they pose to this country.”

Meanwhile, during the Cabinet meeting, Vice President  JD “Eyeliner” Vance castigated the press for saying that Donald Trump had conceded to Russia in negotiations regarding the end of the war in Ukraine. Trump himself said in a gaggle on Air Force One that “Russia has all the cards” in the negotiations for peace. That’s one hell of a way to act “diplomatically,” as Vance labeled Trump’s efforts. Trump fancies himself a deal maker. He even wrote a book about it. I apparently missed the part in the book where the “Art of the Deal” includes conceding your opponent has all the cards. 

The press? We merely reported what he said.

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That’s the last thing Trump wants. He wants to dictate exactly what we do, say and ask. Earlier this week a federal judge ruled that the Associated Press couldn’t get a temporary restraining order after the company sued Trump for removing its reporters from the White House press pool. First Amendment attorney Ted Boutrous spoke out about that decision:

This is a very unfortunate ruling. It allows the White House to block the AP’s access to major news events for almost another month based solely on the content of its reporting, in violation of the First Amendment. But the Supreme Court and D.C. Circuit have repeatedly held that the loss of First Amendment freedoms, even for a very brief time, is irreparable injury that justifies an immediate temporary restraining order

So, what happened next? The day after the judge refused to give the AP a TRO, mostly because the AP waited 10 days to file a suit and then claimed it needed immediate relief to do its job, Trump decided to take it up a notch. His Pet Pep Secretary announced in the White House briefing room that Trump and his staff can and will pick the entire press pool that covers the president Leavitt claimed that Trump wanted to open up the pool to others who don’t normally have access to him. We all know he damn sure isn’t going to pick me, or anyone who will press him on his lies, so it sounds a lot like an NFL quarterback trying to pick who covers him in the defensive secondary.

It’s also disingenuous because Trump already has the ability to interact with people who don’t have access to him through the White House pool system. It’s called The Brady Briefing Room. Any member of the press can cover him there. Trump just has to show up. By the way, most of the pool takes the first two rows of the briefing room. Trump can ignore them and pick anyone standing, anyone in the back of the room or even encourage someone to leave the breakroom and ask him something. That’s how you effectively and honestly open up access. And of course, not one member of the White House press corps mentioned this when the Pet Pep Secretary announced Trump was taking over press pool assignments. 

The fact is that Trump’s gripe about those in the press pool is just a smoke screen to humiliate, belittle and control the press. The press corps failing to point out the obvious remedy to Trump’s disingenuous rant shows that he has succeeded. Reporters Without Borders (RSF) issued their own response to Trump’s announcement about picking the press pool. Clayton Weimers, the Executive Director of RSF USA said this: 

No politician should get to decide which journalists get to cover them, let alone the most powerful politician in the country, but President Trump keeps opening new fronts in his war on the press. At the end of the day, freedom of the press is about every American's right to access information about their government and their society, so the White House's attacks against press freedom are not just directed against journalists, but against every American's First Amendment rights.


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So, let us recap; Trump runs his Cabinet as if he’s King. He controls the executive branch, the legislative branch and the judicial branch of government. He has bullied the press into submission. (In the latest move, Jeff Bezos at the Washington Post continues to kiss his posterior by torching the opinion page in that once proud newspaper). 

Trump has sided with Russia and against our allies in the UN. He is trying to force Ukraine into surrendering and taking natural resources from them in the process while blaming them for having their country invaded by Russia. At the same time, Trump has laid claim to taking over the arts, wants to buy Greenland, take over Canada, Mexico and the Panama Canal. He’s also offered his opinions on how the PGA and the NFL should govern their sports.

As for the Middle East and Gaza, Trump posted “Trump Gaza,” a 30-second video on Truth Social. It is accompanied by music and the lyrics “No more tunnels, no more fears. Trump’s Gaza is finally here.” The video begins by showing devastation in Gaza, then asks, “What’s Next?” in a red, white and blue font before showing us a Trump resort, a golden statue of Trump, a smiling Elon Musk eating hummus, bearded women engaged in belly dancing, Musk throwing money at children and a topless Trump with Benjamin Netanyahu in bathing suits by a resort swimming pool. (You can’t make this stuff up.) A Democratic staffer on Capitol Hill called it “MAGA Porn.”

In the first six weeks of the new Trump administration, he has effectively gutted the government, threatened the world order, threatened government workers, risked plunging us into a recession with all the personnel cuts and eliminated most of the regulations that kept the oligarchs in check.

But, at the same time, he’s offered a $5 million “Golden Ticket” to bring the “right kind of immigrant” to the United States. “This is going to give you green card privileges, plus it’s going to be a route to citizenship, and wealthy people will be coming to our country,” he touted Wednesday. He claims this will earn the country a trillion dollars. But, I doubt that he can entice 200,000 rich people to come to the U.S. Not with the way things are going here. Xenophobia is a big deterrent to those who have money. On the upside, I hear you can get 15 percent off at Trump hotels with his Gold Card plus a free subscription to the Washington Post.

But don’t worry. If it all goes south, Trump will just blame Biden, Obama, Clinton, the Democrats, DEI, immigrants and the press — not necessarily in that order.

If you still believe this is a country of, for and by the people then congratulations: You’ve achieved Trump cult status. 

If you are, however, a critical thinker, adhere to logic, science and math as well as being a student of history, then you know the United States of America into which you were born has ceased to exist.

Our former allies in Europe know it and so do our enemies. Trump is making it far more difficult to travel abroad as an American. He’s making it more dangerous to live in the United States and he hasn’t delivered anything but continued divisiveness since he strolled back into the White House grinning like a flatulent Cheshire Cat nearly six weeks ago.

The question is, what will the next six weeks bring?

Americans left dizzy by Trump’s “shock and awe” spectacle

It took one of Europe’s democracies only 53 days to succumb to fascism. America’s already ailing democracy feels like it will reach that horrible moment much sooner. The Trumpocene is a surreal, disorienting spectacle that has conquered so much of American culture and politics.  

Donald Trump and his MAGA movement’s shock and awe campaign against American democracy and society is moving very fast. It's left the American people, their responsible leaders, the mainstream news media and the so-called Resistance spinning and dizzy.

In an aptly titled Associated Press news story “Trump moves with light speed and brute force in shaking the core of what America has been”, Calvin Woodward recounts the last six weeks:

President Donald Trump is moving with light speed and brute force to break the existing order and reshape America at home and abroad. He likes the ring of calling himself king.

No one can absorb it all. By the time you try to process one big thing — he covets Greenland, Canada, the Panama Canal and Gaza; he turns away from historic alliances and Ukraine; fires many thousands of federal workers, then brings some right back; raises doubts whether he will obey laws he doesn’t like; orders an about-face in the missions of department after department; declares there are only two genders, which federal documents will henceforth call sexes; announces heavy tariffs, suspends them, then imposes some — three more big things have happened.

Trump’s core supporters are thrilled with what they see. Those who don’t like him watch in horror. The nation is far from any consensus on what makes America great and what may make it sink.

What’s undeniable is that Trump has ushered in the sharpest change of direction for the country at least since Franklin D. Roosevelt in the Great Depression. But the long-term implications of Trump’s national reset, and by extension his own legacy, cannot yet be determined….

“The last month has been entirely distinctive in American history,” said Cal Jillson, a constitutional and presidential scholar at Southern Methodist University. “We have never had an American president who moved this decisively in the face of the law and the Constitution. We are in a dangerous place.”

Those voters who put Trump in office for a second time should have expected such an outcome. Moreover, that is exactly what many of them desired from an elected autocrat-authoritarian who literally promised to be a dictator on “day one” of his “presidency.” What many of Trump’s voters may not have expected is that they too — not just the Democrats, the news media, the Black and brown people, the LGBTQ community, feminists, the “takers” and other so-called enemies — would be left spinning, made to feel vulnerable and hurt by their president and his MAGA Republican Party’s policies. Public opinion polls show that Trump’s voters wanted a leader who would shake things up and break the rules for people like them. The first part of their dark wish came true; they have earned everything that comes with it. However, they erred in believing that Trump actually cares about anyone other than himself and his pursuit of corrupt and absolute power in all its many forms.

In a very sharp and insightful essay at the London Review of Books about the Trumpocene and its main character Donald Trump, T.J. Clark observes: 

It’s not news that Trump is a creature of the society of the spectacle. Creature and master, emanation and accelerant. He is the image. The mugshot. He’s the picture of himself on Fox he sits watching for hours each day – rightly understanding that doing so is doing politics, politics as our society now practises it. Governing? We leave that to our servants. (What a lovely bygone sound there is to Michel Foucault’s term of art ‘governmentality’. Only ascendant powers think the state is for governing. Leaders of empires in decline look across at Xi Jinping and wonder if he can be serious about infrastructure and censorship and party discipline and the size of the army. Wasn’t that yesterday?)….

The spectacle knows itself, after a fashion. It likes to nod and wink at its subjects, including those in on the joke. The fact that Trump is absurd is part of his mastery; the fact that he knows he is – knows what his absurdity is for – another….

The politics of an empire in decline are invariably a mixture of the cruel and the ludicrous. (Ask the Brits.) Nonetheless, the American case is distinctive, and its special character worth examining, if we’re to understand the kind of imperial disintegration that might take place over the next fifty years. We’re at the beginning of the end of American hegemony. A preponderance so crushing will resist to the last. 

Clark continues:

Trump is an early warning signal. He’s a phenomenon of transition, only half adjusted to emerging reality. Of course, he’s not such a fool as to believe that he will, or anyone could, Make America Great Again; but his politics has to steer a course between those in his audience who do believe it, or make-believe it, and those, perhaps the majority, who are there for fun. They’re as cynical as he is. Or rather, they are serious about spectacle. About the chanting, the hats, the latest insult. They know that’s what politics now is. They know what politics is not allowed to interfere with: that is, everything just described about empire.

The point often made about MAGA voting to worsen their own condition may be correct (for most if not all of them), but it has no bite when voters are persuaded that the other party has no intention of bettering it. Shallow state, deep economy. On Trump’s style. His mixture of insult, ressentiment, and buffoonery is a work of genius.

A series of new public opinion polls show a growing wave (albeit modest) of disapproval for Trump’s policies and behavior. More Americans also appear to finally be orienting themselves and realizing that Trump’s existential dangers to democracy, the institutions and norms, freedom, the Constitution, the rule of law, and the civil and human rights of the American people are very real — and not just partisan bluster by the Democrats and others who oppose Trump. 

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Trump and his advisors view politics through the lens and framework of existential battle. As a military strategy applied to American politics, the success of “shock and awe” and “blitzkrieg” (lightning war) is measured in large part by how the target(s) will be left so disoriented and confused that once they recover (if at all) it will be too late to effectively regroup and reorient themselves on defense and then counterattack.

American democracy is not yet terminal.

Among their many failures of imagination, corporate Democrats, centrists and other establishment voices refused to accept that they were in such a personal and societal struggle. These failures are some of the main reasons why, for example, they have been so easily outmaneuvered by President Trump and the architects of Project 2025.  

But American democracy is not yet terminal.

The Democratic Party is finally beginning to act like an opposition party — albeit a weak one that does not know what “opposition” truly means. Still, there are some signs the Democratic Party is finally finding its steel. The Democratic Party’s leaders are refusing, at least for now, to cooperate with passing Donald Trump and his Republican Party’s budget that will take trillions of the American people’s tax dollars away from the neediest and most deserving and give it to the millionaires, billionaires, and other kleptocrats and plutocrats.

Challenges to Trump’s unconstitutional and other apparently illegal executive orders and other diktats and commands are being successfully made in the courts (by CNN's count 80 legal challenges have been filed). The question is now how and if the Trump administration will abide by the rulings.


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The Resistance movement that took to the streets during Trump's first term appears to have decided that such a strategy is obsolete and is trying to figure out what effective opposition looks like in 2024 and beyond. But there are encouraging signs that the Resistance is finally waking up. The Washington Post reports:   

Little by little, after an initial phase of stunned confusion, the broader resistance to Trump is beginning to wake up.

“There is a lot more anger building, such that we are seeing in deep-red Republican-held districts that people are coming out,” said Faiz Shakir, Sanders’s chief political adviser. “They are surprising those [Republican] members of Congress who don’t expect that when they try to defend Elon Musk they will get aggressive booing. You couldn’t manufacture this if you tried.”

Ezra Levin, co-executive director of the progressive group Indivisible, said it has grown roughly from 1,000 local groups to 1,500 since the election. Activists from MoveOn organized 60 events last week, including protests outside the offices of Republican House members, some drawing several hundred participants.

The opposition to Trump arose immediately after his election, Levin said, but it has become far more visible in recent days. “We have been seeing a surge of energy we haven’t seen since 2017,” Levin said. “It is now becoming more visible beyond the community centers, the living rooms — it’s now in the public eye.”

This year’s resistance is taking a different form than it did in 2017, when celebrities issued emotional statements and opponents launched mass street protests. This time, the president’s adversaries are aiming their fire more selectively, directing political and legal attacks against specific Trump policies they believe are both damaging and unpopular.

What about the mainstream news media? Out of fear and self-preservation and maximizing profits, the mainstream news media, as an institution, has mostly chosen some version of preemptive surrender and anticipatory compliance that involves normalizing President Trump and his administration and the larger antidemocracy movement. For example, journalists and other voices who are considered to be “problematic” by the Trump administration and the larger MAGA movement and right-wing are being forced out. Columnists and other voices are being both actively censored by management and learning to quickly adapt to the boundaries imposed on them — even if those boundaries and muzzles are not explicitly communicated. Perhaps most troubling for what it will ultimately mean for America’s democratic culture and the First Amendment, media outlets are censoring themselves to avoid the wrath of the Trump administration and its allies who view them as “the enemy of the people.”

“If Democracy dies in the darkness” too many of the country’s elite news media have chosen to dim their own lights. The American people will be left groping in the dark. Donald Trump and the right-wing propaganda and experience machine will be there to illuminate it with their own version of reality and the approved “patriotic” truth and facts.

A few weeks before Donald Trump’s (second) inauguration, I asked leading media critic Dan Froomkin for his thoughts about how the news media was responding to Trump's return to power. Froomkin told me the following:

I’m disgusted with how the mainstream traditional media failed to convey to the American people that Trump is an extreme danger to our national security as well as any number of core American values. I’m disgusted with how the media refused to give the Biden administration credit for the roaring economy and allowed so many people to believe that crime was up and immigration was an existential threat. I’m also disappointed that the media was misled so easily and so long by White House officials about Biden’s fitness to run for re-election. All in all, it was a wildly horrible year for the mainstream media.

I was surprised by Trump’s election. I remain surprised. I still cannot believe so many Americans got suckered so badly. I despair. I’m preparing myself to work harder. In addition to my work as a media critic, I am starting a newsletter about the resistance. The newsletter is called Heads Up News.

I don’t think we are even vaguely ready for what’s coming. I anticipate a full-scale attack on the government by the people who will soon be leading it, and I expect catastrophic results in terms of legions of good people getting fired, justice being weaponized, and life-saving government regulations being effectively abandoned. I worry that civil society isn’t up to the task of effectively resisting, but I hope I’m wrong.

Weeks are like years now. Donald Trump has been president for 36 days. Matters are now far worse.

 

Chris Hayes on why Trump is winning the attention war and Democrats are “scared of new things”

Chris Hayes knows a thing or two about getting attention, given that he has hosted his Emmy Award-winning MSNBC talk show "All In with Chris Hayes" for more than a decade. That helps explain why his new book, "The Sirens’ Call," which focuses on exactly that topic, debuted at the top spot on the New York Times bestseller list.

When I spoke to Hayes about his new book for "Salon Talks," he observed that attention is like oxygen: Humans need it to survive. “A newborn infant is totally helpless and it dies unless it is attended to. So from the moment we come into the world, our survival depends on attention from others,” Hayes explained.

Throughout life, in fact, we all strive for attention to varying degrees. (As a needy person myself, this is an acute daily exercise!) But something deeper is at work in what Hayes calls the “attention industry,” which seeks to secure our attention for profit. In every minute of our waking lives, social media platforms compete for our attention with all kinds of entertainment and commentary, even including a “Dog With a Blog,” as Hayes mentioned.

Of course we also see a nonstop contest for attention by politicians. Discussing Donald Trump, Hayes remarked that “his desire for that attention is so deep, it's coming from such a deep place, he needs it so pathologically.” That need seems to drive Trump’s every action, as we have all witnessed over the past decade.

Democrats, by contrast, appear to be losing the war of attention. Some Democrats in Congress are trying to take Trump on directly, Hayes notes, “but fighting back or getting attention might not be the same thing.” One important element is what Hayes calls the operating DNA of the two parties. "Democrats want to get some bills through Congress," Hayes told me, "and what Republicans want to do is go on podcasts."

The challenge for Democrats, he believes, is to focus on new ways to attract attention — and to overcome their “risk aversion to trying new things.” This may be a generational or institutional issue, but it's high time for Democratic leaders need to realize that if they can't win the battle for attention, they may not be able to survive.

Watch my "Salon Talks" episode with Chris Hayes on YouTube to hear more about Hayes' theory of attention, how cable news has changed over the last 10 years and why Trump is so well suited to harness the attention industry. 

The following transcript has been edited for clarity and length.

I'm smarter now from reading your book! I don't say that too often about other people's books.

Honestly, that is the best thing an author can hear. The thing when you write a book is you want: a) people to read it, which is not nothing — as I document in the book, we're all distracted; and b) people to find it useful. My favorite thing is when people read something that you've written, and they feel like it generates their own thoughts. Like, "Oh, I started having these thoughts about things." That's sort of the sweet spot.

You talk about people going into solitary confinement as a form of punishment. Is attention like oxygen? Do we need it to survive?

Yes — social attention, that specific form of attention. One of the things I try to do in the book is map out these dimensions and distinctions. One really important form of social attention is so elemental to human life that it is the necessary precondition to survive. A newborn infant is totally helpless and it dies unless it is attended to, so from the moment we come into the world, our survival depends on attention from others. When you read about people that have been exposed to prolonged periods of isolation, it's a form of torture, it's a form of madness. That's because that social attention from other people is like the lifeblood of human existence.

You write, "I don’t think you can understand the attention age without grappling with the experience of alienation … I’ve returned again and again to alienation as the best available descriptor for something I can’t quite name about what it feels like to be alive right now." Why do you feel that way?

Alienation is one of those concepts that I've always been a little suspicious of because it could be so fuzzy and all-encompassing. The specific thing I'm talking about here is a sense that a thing that should be inside you is outside of you. A thing that you should have control over and be internal to you has been taken from you and it is now alien to you. I think we feel that way about our own attention, about our own minds.

This feeling of constantly being compelled to pay attention to something, maybe against our will, maybe eliciting some part of our will that we feel icky about, and then that attention being outside of us and not something that properly we control. It's that feeling of alienation, this kind of mental carsickness that we all walk around with, that stuck-in-traffic feeling but in your mind that I think has really become the mood of the times.

We can be alienated from our own attention and then alienated from each other through technologies that are defined with increasing sophistication and the use of machine learning running experiments over a billion users to find the particular individual thing we will want to spend time with that might be different than the spouse sitting next to us on the couch.

Every new media invention has caused moral panic: radio, TV, the Walkman. The Museum of Modern Art has an exhibit about the earliest days of Impressionism and you read the articles like, "It's the devil's work, it's going to destroy society." 

Exactly. Those are really wild, the reviews of the [1913] Armory Show when it comes to New York and the Impressionism period. My favorite example of that is a quote I have from, I think, the 1890s, where someone's writing about the scourge of magazines and the thing he says is, like, "Nowadays after dinner by the fire, a whole family is sitting, each looking at their own magazine and not paying attention to each other." It's so perfect. 

Then a few years later everyone is over the panic, the technology is normal and the next thing becomes demonized. How do you separate yourself from that cycle when talking about social media?

I think there's two answers to that. One is that if you go back, you can look at this resistance to new technologies as moral panic, but also as capturing something true. People weren't wrong to recognize that TV was a revolutionary technology that was going to totally alter how politics was conducted, how commerce was conducted and how people lived their lives in the domestic sphere. All of that was true. So first of all, we're dealing with a technology on the order of, at the very least, TV, which is to say it's going to have seismic implications. 

"What Democrats want to do is try to get some bills through Congress, and what Republicans want to do is go on podcasts."

Two, I think there's a bunch of things that differentiate this technology. Its ubiquity, which is totally distinct. You carry it around, you have this portal to it. Its sophistication, in terms of the scale at which it's operating over a billion users — there's never been a medium that operates over a billion users. Then, crucially, this social aspect where it is able to talk to you individually in a way that no technological media forum has ever been able to do. The closest you could get was to look into the camera and try to sell to a generic housewife, or Uncle Sam pointing in the poster. This can actually talk to Dean Obeidallah. This technology can have people tag and mention you. It can weaponize that need for social attention at scale in a way nothing else ever has before.

There are valid concerns about the technology we have today, but what about AI?

I have a bunch of complicated thoughts and I still feel like I am in the beginning of a learning curve. There's a Sam Altman quote where he talks about the machine learning that's employed on algorithmic social media as being the very first alignment problem of AI, meaning it's useful to understand that algorithmic social media is really the first mass consumer product driven by large language models or machine learning at scale. It is learning what people like and don't like and learning in real time and getting more and more sophisticated. The fact that that can produce a set of incentives that are misaligned with what we want from humans or produces a lot of swastika content, that's a big problem that portends something profound about AI in the future. 

In terms of the specifics of AI, one of the crazy things is that social media has this thing where they can get Dean's attention on Bluesky, but there's a person connected to that. Now imagine a world in which AI can do that, and imagine a world in which there is no regulatory demand that you know when you're talking to a computer, a bot or a human. That to me is the most obvious point. 

You can start to scale this sort of social tent. Imagine people friending you six months before an election and they're talking to you. You have shared interests and then they start to say things about the election and they're kind of trying to drive you toward a certain point of view. And then it turns out, "Oh, that's just an AI bot that was deployed at scale." There are serious ethical questions here.

Donald Trump has harnessed the attention industry that we live in. Is it that he works the system well, or is it the system going, "OK, we can use this person to do what we need to do, which is to monetize"?

I think it's sometimes that a man meets his moment. In this case, it's sort of a dystopian version of this, where a person whose desire for attention is so defining and pathological that it's genuine and authentic in a way that's unthinkable. He is not an authentic person insofar as he lies all the time, but his desire for that attention is so deep, it's coming from such a deep place, he needs it pathologically. He entered politics at the moment when attention is the most valuable resource, and from this sort of feral instinct he backed into this realization: All attention is good attention, even negative attention; the point is to dominate attentional space. 

If you look at his first few weeks in office, he comes out every day behind the Resolute Desk. I've never seen it before. Every day, four o'clock, Resolute Desk, Oval Office. It could be the most insane surreal thing you've ever seen, like Elon Musk twitching with his four-year-old in front of him, but you're watching. That's the point, and I think the central insight that has helped him.

Democrats are losing the war of attention. I have members of Congress on my radio show, and they get slightly defensive when I go, "You guys are not fighting back hard." They'll list what they're doing. I'm like, "Well, it didn't make press coverage."

That's the thing: "Are you fighting back?" or "Are you getting attention?" might not be the same thing.

That's what they are not getting, that's the disconnect. 

I thought when they went outside USAID, I thought that worked. I don't know if they had a mic set up or maybe just a megaphone, but there were protesters there. That was the first time where I was like, "OK, there's something happening here that's new, that's different, you're trying to break through." But a huge part of it is just this default institutionalism, this hidebound risk aversion that I think has become a real cultural problem in the Democratic Party. This kind of stasis, not wanting to try new things and being scared of new things. 

"There's this entire industrial complex around democratic politicians. PR people and comms people, and everything has to be vetted… AOC just goes on Instagram and she talks to people."

I also think there's a real problem, which they've found themselves in for perfectly good reasons: They really are more comfortable governing than being powerless in opposition. Republicans are the other way around. What Democrats want to do is try to get bills through Congress, and what Republicans want to do is go on podcasts. What happens is when the Democrats are in power and Republicans are out of it, they're each suited to their roles. When it flips, what you have is Democrats struggling to get attention and Republicans having a hard time governing, and instead going to war against their own government.

Democratic leadership during the election campaign would say, "Donald Trump's a fascist, he's going to take away our freedoms, our democracy, everything." After he wins, they're like, "Let's find common ground." How does that work?

I think that was a pretty rough message twist. I don't think their worst fears have been disproven by his actions in the first three weeks. Let me defend them this way. Here's their logic, and I don't think it's ludicrous: We believe this is true, that he is a threat to democracy. We made this argument consistently and forthrightly to the American people and they were like, "Eh, I don't care."

Then I think what they said is, "Look, if people don't care about that argument, if that's not breaking through to people, we shouldn't keep trying it. We should try something new. What we're going to try is we'll work with him on areas we agree, but what about the price of eggs?" Now, again, that has a certain logic to it and in the latest polling, even a very good poll for him that came from CBS where he had positive approval, 77% of people said he wasn't doing enough about prices. You had inflation come in hot this week. So it's not crazy, but there's something a little narratively incoherent as he lays waste to the government to be like, "Well, what about the price of eggs?" Like, OK, yes, but …

Politics is about figuring out effective means of public communication, particularly when you're in the minority. They literally have no power to set an agenda, they have to react to the agenda. One of the things you have to do is try different messages, try to do different things, and one of the things I think you can say is, "Look, he has given the keys to the government over to a billionaire to enrich themselves, to screw over working people, to push through big tax cuts and what is happening to your costs?" There's a way to unify those messages. Some Democrats are doing a good job. I think it's hit-and-miss. It's a little generational, too.

One of the things that I think is really important is that there's this entire industrial complex around Democratic politicians, PR people and comms people. Everything has to be vetted because blah, blah, blah. AOC just goes on Instagram and she talks to people. Maybe she's going to say some things that are going to be taken out of context and she's going to get killed in the New York Post for it, and that does happen. But she is trying her level best to authentically communicate, without these filters. There's a lot to learn from that, which is just go talk to people. On any platform you can find, go talk to people.

Your book is about attention, and you've been on TV now for more than a decade. What have you learned about getting attention over this year? How has it changed for you in terms of trying to get the viewership attention?

One is just the constant change of the universe we live in. When I started doing this show, I remember we had the showrunner for “House of Cards,” Beau Willimon, on [as a guest]. It was 2013 or ‘14, because the big thing was, Netflix has a show now. That was the reason we booked him, it was a political drama, but the big story was, "Whoa, Netflix making content." Radical transformation! TikTok didn’t exist, none of that.

"People talk about advertisers all the time. No one knows my advertisers less than me."

In every moment, everyone who's doing something like what you and I are doing is competing with every other piece of content ever made in human history. I see it with my kids sometimes, they'll be rooting around on Disney and discover a canceled sitcom from 2002 that they watch every episode of. “Dog With a Blog.” That's a real show. There's a show called “Dog With a Blog” about a dog with a blog. Didn't last very long. My daughter loves it. The point of that is the competition is incredibly fierce, more intense than it's ever been. 

It's hard to move people off the platforms they're on, that's the other thing. I have a podcast that comes out weekly — we reach a bunch of people that don't watch my TV show. A lot of people watch my TV show and don't listen to the podcast. I hope there's a lot of people that read this book who don't do either. I'm on Bluesky and I'm on X and I'm on Threads, and part of the reason that I'm on all these different places is that different people, different generations, different demographics, get information in different ways. You kind of have to be in all these different places.

If there were things you couldn't talk about on your show, would you choose to talk about them in a book? Is there ever push and pull from the big world of corporate media?

No. I think I had this conception when I was younger: "Corporate media won't let you say X or Y." I've really not had that experience. People talk about advertisers all the time. No one knows my advertisers less than me. I talk to viewers who will mention my advertisers all the time. I'm like, "I've never seen an ad for my own show. I have no idea who my advertisers are. In fact, you know much better than I because you actually watch it from the outside. I sit there in the studio like … ‘Four minutes.’" That part of it is just not a factor. 

What is a factor is format. That's the big factor. What can you do in an eight-minute cable news block, versus what can you do in a 45-minute podcast, versus what can you do in a 300-page book, versus what you can do in an essay, in a tweet or a Bluesky post. That's where I think you hit limitations in format. I did this podcast with this guy, David Roberts, who's a great writer on the green economy, and we talked about the electrical grid for 50 or 55 minutes and it was fascinating. You can't really do that on a cable news show, there's too much detail to fill up. 

One thing that's great is with these different formats, at the same time we have this lowest-common-denominator sirens' call of the casino-fication of content and the algorithmic drive to short video, and next to that we have these boundless human appetites for all sorts of different things. People listen to four-hour podcasts, people get really into shows about history or astrophysics. People are interested in different stuff and a more diverse landscape allows you to meet those different needs in different places and create small-scale but sustainable outlets. The question is, which of those two impulses is ascendant?

In red states, GOP lawmakers revive an “incredibly regressive” push to treat abortion as murder

With abortion policy left to the states, far-right GOP lawmakers in nearly a dozen ultraconservative states — already with some of the nation's strictest abortion bans — are trying to tighten the reigns even more for pregnant people by opening them up to murder charges. 

Republican state lawmakers in more than 10 states, including South Carolina, Idaho, Kentucky, Missouri, Georgia, Indiana, North Dakota and Oklahoma, have all introduced bills that would redefine abortion as homicide by defining a "person" or "human being" as inclusive of an "unborn" or "preborn" child. All seek to criminalize abortion in a way that has been rejected by even the most hard-line anti-abortion states: by explicitly criminalizing the person who obtains the abortion. Though several of the measures appear stalled and unlikely to move ahead this year, more than a half-dozen proposals are still making their way through state legislatures.

Such legislation is not supported by mainstream anti-choice organizations like Susan B. Anthony Pro-Life America, which last year issued a statement arguing that "[c]riminalizing women does not protect the unborn." But the bills are supported by the so-called abortion abolition movement, including organizations such as Abolitionists Rising and the Foundation to Abolish Abortion, which argue that abortion is murder and should be punished as such. In fact, the Foundation to Abolish Abortion boasts that it has been "involved with much of the legislation and public policy efforts across the country to abolish abortion."

Even if the bills do not ultimately pass, reproductive justice advocates argue that their mere introduction sets the stage for further, broader criminalization of people for the outcomes of their pregnancies.

"Even if these bills don't pass, just putting that thinking and that rhetoric around it and pushing forth these false beliefs about abortion and these extremely stigmatizing beliefs about abortion, they can also lend fodder to other types of bills that we see passed fairly regularly," including legislation restricting abortion medications, said Kimya Forouzan, principal state policy advisor for the Guttmacher Institute.

Forouzan added that the mere presence of these bills in state legislatures can also have a "chilling effect" on pregnant people seeking abortion care. 

"People might be afraid to even talk to one of their friends or loved ones about abortion and where they can go to get an abortion because they're so afraid of this threat of criminalization. People might be afraid to travel for abortion care," she told Salon in a phone interview. 

These proposals' efforts to write fetal personhood into state law is the most alarming aspect of these bills, Forouzan argued. The language contributes to a broader effort to strengthen and codify fetal personhood in a wide range of legislation, including some that don't relate to abortion at all like probate bills and taxes, oftentimes at the expense of the pregnant person. 

In 2025, lawmakers in at least these eleven states introduced bills aimed at backing fetal personhood. President Donald Trump also included language strengthening fetal personhood in one of his first executive orders. 

"We know that the rhetoric and often the false information that's being pushed forward by the Trump administration, by people who are supportive of the Trump administration, can have really harmful effects and it can embolden … state legislators to push forward even more restrictive bills than before," she said. 

In South Carolina, Republican state Rep. Rob Harris reintroduced in December the "South Carolina Prenatal Equal Protection Act," which seeks to add a definition of "person" to existing state laws governing homicide and assault that includes an "unborn child at any stage of development," starting at fertilization. The bill would also ensure that unborn victims of assault and homicide in the state are "afforded equal protection" under state law, citing the 14th Amendment of the U.S. Constitution's Equal Protection clause. 

South Carolina already has one of the most restrictive abortion bans in the country, prohibiting access after six weeks with very few exceptions. 

While the proposal provides that the pregnant person can be prosecuted for getting an abortion, it allows that person to use as a valid defense that they obtained that care because they were "compelled to do so by the threat of imminent death or great bodily injury." 

The other bills — also filed in Georgia, Texas, Idaho, Kentucky, Iowa and Missouri, which enshrined a right to abortion access in its state constitution in the 2024 election — have similar aims, codifying fetal personhood in state homicide law and, in almost all cases, referencing the equal protection clause to do it. The Oklahoma bill also includes language striking provisions that allow a person to "direct, advise, encourage or solicit a mother to abort her child." Four of the proposals — in KansasNorth Dakota, Oklahoma and Indiana — are now dead.

Almost none of the bills would have applied to situations when an abortion was necessary to protect the life of the pregnant person or in instances of "spontaneous miscarriage." All of the bills, however, would open abortion patients up to the death penalty, life imprisonment or other severe sentences if convicted. 

"These lawmakers are at least positioning their states to put people in jail and potentially prison for their birth outcomes, whether it is a miscarriage, a stillbirth or an abortion," argued Ashley C. Sawyer, senior policy counsel for reproductive justice organization Pregnancy Justice. "There was a time when it seemed as if there was a lot of carefulness around protecting mothers and pregnant people, and these are vicious attacks on the liberty and the actual freedom of pregnant people."

Sawyer flagged the bills' citation of language from the 14th Amendment, telling Salon that the inclusion demonstrates an effort to "sully" important Reconstruction-era amendments intended to extend full citizenship and liberty to newly freed Black Americans. 

"To borrow that language or to copy that language and apply it to fetuses, is a particularly insidious form of co-optation," she said. "It is part of a larger movement for fetal personhood and to basically say that fetuses should have more liberty, more rights, more protections than the mothers and the pregnant people who are carrying them. That is incredibly regressive, and something that signaled, I would think, to our movement that these lawmakers don't actually believe in the value of pregnant people's lives."

Harris, Oklahoma state Sen. Dusty Deevers and North Dakota state Rep. Lori VanWinkle, the Republican primary authors of their states' "homicide" proposals this session, did not respond to requests for comment. A press secretary for Indiana state Rep. Lorissa Sweets, the primary GOP author of now-defeated HB 1334, said he would pass Salon's request on to the legislator. Sweets did not respond by Monday afternoon. 

Deevers' bill was voted down 2-6 on Feb. 19 in the Oklahoma Senate Judiciary Committee, receiving bipartisan opposition. In the hearing leading up to the vote, he described the lack of criminal penalties for abortion patients as a "massive loophole" in state law.

“She can buy abortion pills, premeditatedly know exactly what she's doing, look it up online, make the phone call, wait a few days, get them in her mailbox, take them from her mailbox to her house, unpackage them and ingest the pill. … This is all premeditated action," said Deevers, a self-described "abortion abolitionist," per StateImpact Oklahoma. "But our current law has a loophole that says she will not be prosecuted if she takes the life of her own child. We have a protected class of murderer in our state.”

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The North Dakota bill was killed earlier this month in a 16-77 House floor vote. In her remarks supporting the bill ahead of the vote, VanWinkle repeatedly evoked the Christian God and advocated for lawmakers to "close the loophole" allowing for what she described as "murder."

"Perhaps women are going to the IVF clinics because judgment is on their womb, and God has effectively closed their womb because we are murdering massive amounts of children in our nation," VanWinkle told her colleagues. "And if we would repent and do the right thing, maybe those people would actually get pregnant." 

In Indiana, HB 1334 died after failing to pass out of committee before the Legislature's Feb. 20 deadline, the spokesperson for Sweets told Salon. The Kansas bill did not pass out of the originating chamber before the state's Feb. 20 crossover deadline either.

The South Carolina, Texas, Idaho, Kentucky, Iowa, Missouri and Georgia bills, however, appeared to still be alive as of Wednesday. The Missouri House bill, though introduced in January, does not have any hearings scheduled. 

Madeline Gomez, managing senior policy counsel for Planned Parenthood Federation of America, told Salon that, while bills criminalizing abortion aren't new — restrictive abortion policies have been used to prosecute pregnant people for their pregnancy outcomes before — what's novel about this batch is their explicit references to prosecuting pregnant people. 

While these proposals are largely stalling in state legislatures now, Gomez said it's likely that one will eventually pass in a state, especially one with a particularly strict abortion policy.

"I don't want to be alarmist, but I do think we should be attentive because we have seen over the course of the last 10 years the way that anti-abortion lawmakers have advanced an agenda in opposition to popular belief and popular support for abortion rights," Gomez told Salon in a phone interview. "Even the total bans that are in effect in states now are wildly unpopular. They go against the will of the people."

Still, she said, she's hopeful the legislation "won't go that far" and she has a "fair amount of optimism" that abortion rights advocates and other individuals opposing the bills "can push back" in the immediate future. 

Sawyer agreed, emphasizing the importance of people making their voices heard, believing that their lawmakers are supposed to be accountable to them and not ceding or obeying in advance. She pointed to the success of ballot measures in a number of states in 2024 that sought to enshrine access to abortion care and other reproductive rights in state constitutions as an example. 

"It is possible to protect the rights of pregnant people and protect the freedom of pregnant people and protect abortion access if people are willing to fight for it," Sawyer said. "All hope is not lost."

At the grassroots level, Angie Klitzsch, the CEO of nonpartisan activist organization Women4Change Indiana, told Salon in an email some of the key ways individuals in these states can make their opposition to these restrictive bills known: reaching out directly to state representatives to express it; participating in rallies and lobbying efforts, authoring opinion pieces in local outlets and raising awareness on social media platforms to mobilize others; supporting advocacy and activist organizations; and sharing personal narratives to "humanize the issue" for the public. 

"This isn’t just about abortion — it’s about personal freedom, privacy, and government overreach," Klitzch said, adding: "We must continue to stand up against these dangerous policies and work toward a future where reproductive healthcare is accessible, safe, and free from political interference."

“Our strength comes from hiring the best people”: Apple rejects push to end DEI initiatives

Apple shareholders rejected a proposal that would roll back diversity, equity and inclusion initiatives at the tech company on Tuesday.

The National Center for Public Policy Research, a conservative think tank, submitted the ultimately unsuccessful proposal. In a statement, NCPPR described DEI as “dangerous, demeaning and immoral,” and claimed that the programs pose “litigation, reputational and financial risks to companies.”

Apple CEO Tim Cook defended the company's inclusion efforts and expressed a commitment toward continuing to push for equity, even if political headwinds shift.

"We've never had quotas or targets for Apple. Our strength has always come from hiring the very best people and then providing a culture of collaboration," Apple CEO Tim Cook shared during the meeting, per CBS News. "Our North Star of dignity and respect for everyone, and our work to that end, will never waver."

President Donald Trump has repeatedly attacked equity initiatives since taking office, issuing executive orders to root out diversity-promoting programs in the federal government. Many of Trump's attempts have been temporarily blocked by federal judges. In a Wednesday morning post on Truth Social, Trump badmouthed Apple's decision.

“APPLE SHOULD GET RID OF DEI RULES, NOT JUST MAKE ADJUSTMENTS TO THEM,” Trump wrote. “DEI WAS A HOAX THAT HAS BEEN VERY BAD FOR OUR COUNTRY. DEI IS GONE!!!”