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Why billionaires love to park their wealth in places like South Dakota

Billionaires love South Dakota, a sparsely-populated state with a population of 884,000.

If you want to understand how U.S. billionaires are able to pay so little taxes, as exposed by this June 2021 ProPublica report, look to the Mount Rushmore state.

One tool that wealth advisors to the rich deploy is called a "dynasty trust."

A dynasty trust is a form of trust that is designed to sequester wealth for longer than ordinary trusts—sometimes for centuries or forever. These trusts are often formed in U.S. states—such as South Dakota—that have suspended or altered their state "rule against perpetuities," legislation that previously limited the lifespan of a trust. (For the full wonky version see this background brief that I co-authored about dynasty trusts.)

In the 1980s, South Dakota changed its laws to attract wealthy people looking to park their money in trusts (they did the same thing to attract the credit card industry). A few other states followed suit, such as Wyoming and Alaska. Today, a private trust industry flourishes in the South Dakota, helping billionaires hoard their wealth. 


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Over the last several decades, South Dakota's trust industry has attracted dynastically wealthy families to form "dynasty trusts" including the Chicago Pritzker family (Hyatt hotels), the Minnesota Carlsons (Radisson Hotels), the Wrigley family (heirs of chewing gum magnate William Wrigley), and others. 

In my book, The Wealth Hoarders: How Billionaires Spend Millions to Hide Trillions, I describe how the wealth defense industry deploys dynasty trusts to enable ultra-high net worth individuals—those with $30 million or more—to systematically avoid wealth transfer taxes—that is, estate, gift, and generation-skipping taxes. A recent exposé by ProPublica revealed how the super-wealthy also deploy "Granter Retained Annuity Trusts" (GRATs) and other loopholes to shield their wealth. Billionaires will often deploy both methods to aggressively avoid taxes.

Because the super-wealthy are avoiding or reducing their taxes, they are shifting the obligations to pay for society's investments onto lower and middle-income households. Dynasty trusts also entrench existing levels of wealth inequality and facilitate the formation of dynastic concentrations of hereditary wealth and power.  

Lawmakers should act at the federal level to shut down or discourage the formation of dynasty trusts and GRATs for the purposes of tax avoidance and dynastic succession.  Actions could include the passage of a federal "rule against perpetuities," banning certain trust arrangements, and taxing income and wealth in trusts.

Congress is debating federal tax policies, including reforming the estate tax and taxing billionaires.  But they won't succeed if the super-rich can park their wealth in South Dakota dynasty trusts.

To learn more, read the full IPS Policy Brief: "Dynasty Trusts: How the Wealthy Shield Trillions from Taxation Onshore," by Kalena Thomhave and Chuck Collins.

Man targeted in alleged Proud Boys assassination plot found dead under suspicious circumstances

An Arizona man who had allegedly been targeted for surveillance and an assassination plot has been found dead under suspicious circumstances.

Police found the body of Thomas Christopher Retzlaff with “fatal injuries” on Sept. 1 at his El Mirage home while responding to a welfare check requested by his wife, and the Maricopa County medical examiner later ruled his death a homicide, reported Phoenix New Times.

The 55-year-old Retzlaff had been embroiled in an ongoing legal battle with Texas-based attorney Jason Van Dyke, a former Proud Boys member who had served as the right-wing militant group’s lawyer, and he was facing prosecution in Maricopa County at the time of his death for alleged identity theft and forgery.

He had previously been convicted of misdemeanor assault against his wife, tampering with government records and a felony weapons offense.

Van Dyke filed a $100 million libel lawsuit in federal court against Retzlaff in 2018 for allegedly calling him a Nazi and pedophile in blog posts, and Retzlaff filed bar complaints against the attorney in an effort to keep him from taking a job as a prosecutor in the Victoria County District Attorney’s Office.

Retzlaff’s attorney tried to get the libel suit dismissed in March 2020 by accusing Van Dyke of orchestrating an “assassination plot” involving Proud Boys members, and the motion claims the attorney had directly threatened his life on multiple occasions.


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“No more lawsuit,” he allegedly told Retzlaff. “See you this weekend with my rifle.”

“I promise you motherf*cker: if my law career dies, you die with it,” Van Dyke wrote in a December 2018 email.

Van Dyke denied the allegations in a court filing, but he admitted to the New Times after learning of Retzlaff’s slaying that he had previously fantasized about killing him.

“People asked me, ‘Well, did you think of killing him at that time?'” Van Dyke told the outlet. “Well, yes, I did — who wouldn’t in that situation? Did that thought pass through my head? Yes. Did I decide ultimately not to do it? Of course.”

“Candidly, at that time, I was not in a good state of mind,” Van Dyke added. “It was exhausting dealing with this guy.”

A judge eventually dismissed the libel without prejudice in November 2020, leaving him with the ability to refile the claim, but Van Dyke denied any involvement in Retzlaff’s death and said he had not been in contact with Proud Boys members in recent years.

No arrests have been made in the case, and police said they had not ruled out Van Dyke, Proud Boys members or anyone else who knew Retzlaff as suspects in the case.

Elon Musk starts beef with Biden, says president is “controlled by unions”

Elon Musk feels a little forgotten — and wants President Joe Biden to know it. 

The eccentric billionaire and Tesla “Technoking” said as much during a barnburner of an interview at the technology industry summit “Code Conference” in Beverly Hills, Calif., this week, blasting everyone from Biden to Jeff Bezos to the financial regulators at the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission, who he has publicly sparred with for years.  

In particular, Musk appeared to be peeved at the fact that the Biden Administration had snubbed Tesla when organizing an electric vehicle summit at the White House in August — opting instead to invite Ford, General Motors and Stellantis, which recently formed after a merger between Fiat Chrysler and PSA Group. Perhaps most importantly, the United Auto Workers’ union was also at the event — a group that shares no particular love for Musk or Tesla after the electric vehicle maker comes off a recent stretch of union-busting activity at its U.S. factories.

“(They) didn’t mention Tesla once and praised GM and Ford for leading the EV revolution. Does that sound maybe a little biased?,” Musk told technology journalist Kara Swisher at the conference. “Not the friendliest administration, seems to be controlled by unions.”


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Musk has a long track record of anti-union statements, putting him at odds with the president, who speaks often about the need to create “good paying union jobs” in order to rebuild the American middle class. He even drew the scrutiny of the National Labor Relations Board back in 2018 after he tweeted that employees would lose their stock options if they attempted to organize, which the NLRB contends was illegal. He was later forced to delete the tweet and reinstate a Tesla union organizer that had been fired.

When asked whether Tesla was snubbed due to Musk’s anti-union stances last month, White House Press Secretary Jen Psaki said: “Well, these are the three largest employers of the United Auto Workers, so I’ll let you draw your own conclusions.”

Musk has also expressed disappointment that Biden never congratulated him or his company, SpaceX, after a successful private spaceflight which raised more than $100 million for charity. 

But Musk didn’t stop at Biden, using his appearance at the Code Conference to breathe fire into several ongoing beefs — including one with fellow billionaire and spaceflight hobbyist Jeff Bezos

The most recent spat between the two businessmen came about after Bezos’ aeronautics company, Blue Origin, sued NASA after it handed a nearly $3 billion contract to Musk and SpaceX. 

Musk admitted to Swisher that he had “not verbally” spoken with Bezos about the budding legal battle, though he did admit to subtweeting his rival from time to time.

“You cannot sue your way to the Moon, no matter how good your lawyers are,” Musk added.

In response, Amazon sent technology site The Verge a 13-page list of lawsuits and governmental petitions that SpaceX has filed — seemingly to make the argument that Musk was also attempting to sue his way to the moon. 

“Attached is a list of some of the times SpaceX has sued the U.S. government on procurement matters and protested various governmental decisions,” a spokesperson for the company’s satellite offshoot, Project Kuiper, wrote to The Verge. “It is difficult to reconcile their own historical record with their recent position on others filing similar actions.”

Musk, who co-founded the online payment behemoth PayPal in 1999, also got a final shot in against U.S. financial regulators, who he argued should take a hands-off approach to regulating cryptocurrencies — a hot-button issue on Capitol Hill right now.

Musk, who did admit at one point that he wasn’t an expert in cryptocurrencies, is nonetheless a thought leader in the space: Tesla announced in February that it would be making a billion-dollar bet on Bitcoin, accepting the popular cryptocurrency as payment for its electric vehicles. 

Since then, Musk has become a star in the budding market, sending prices soaring — or tumbling — with each of his tweets. 

Swisher asked about the phenomenon, and whether being able to cause that kind of volatility is a good thing.

“If [the price of bitcoin] goes up, I suppose it is,” he said, grinning.

In Netflix thriller “The Guilty,” cop Jake Gyllenhaal mesmerizes during one fateful night on the job

Director Antoine Fuqua‘s passable remake of the 2018 Danish film, “The Guilty,” is a perfect film to shoot during COVID. This compact story, about a 911 dispatcher who receives a distress call, is almost a one-man showcase for the actor (Jake Gyllenhaal, who also produced). Moreover, it deals with another issue that is prominent in the news, that of the duties and responsibilities of the police. Both Fuqua and Gyllenhaal, working from a script by Nic Pizzolatto (“True Detective”) give this relentless, claustrophobic drama their all, but, somehow, it is more phlegmatic than exciting.

Joe Baylor (Jake Gyllenhaal) is first seen using his inhaler in the gender neutral bathroom at the 911 dispatch facility where he is working. Joe is a Los Angeles police officer who has been demoted to desk duty while he awaits trial for an unspecified incident. A reporter from the Los Angeles Times keeps calling him, hoping to get a quote about his court appearance the next day, but Joe dismisses her.

As Joe’s shift begins — the film is set over the course of one long night — he answers 911 calls in a flat, affectless tone that exudes calm as he tries to help citizens. But he quickly becomes impatient, as when a man (voiced by Paul Dano) calls about his laptop being stolen by a sex worker. Joe’s anger issues become more apparent, especially when he gets more hotheaded, lashing out at his colleagues, Sgt. Wade (Christina Vidal) and coworker, Manny (Adrian Martinez). His tone is particularly edgy when he tells an injured cyclist, “Call an Uber and don’t bike drunk, asshole!” Yes, Joe is stressed with his upcoming trial, but he is also having issues with his wife Jess (voiced by Gillian Zinser), whom he has been separated from for six months. She is not letting him speak to their daughter.

Joe is an anxious, raw nerve, and Gyllenhaal plays this toxic man with his typical intensity. He grips his inhaler like a stress ball. He has verbal and physical outbursts. He is a man not in control of his emotions. And, as the film shows, he perhaps cares too much. He often repeats that the job of a police officer is to provide protection.

Fuqua shoots much of the film by focusing on Gyllenhaal’s face, a terrific landscape, and the actor conveys his internal and external emotions with his eyes and his implacable expressions. When Joe is staring at an antacid, he is practically hypnotized, and when he is looking at his phone or his computer screens, he is laser-focused. A scene of him asking a caller to “breathe with me,” as he tries to get them to calm down, is also very effective.

“The Guilty” pivots on a particular call Joe receives from a woman named Emily (voiced by Riley Keough, “Zola“). She has clued Joe in that she is being abducted by pretending to call her daughter. Joe becomes emotionally involved in this situation keeping Emily on the line as he connects with the police station and the California Highway Patrol. While Joe tries to coordinate a rescue, (Los Angeles is also experiencing wildfires) there is a lack of concrete information. An effort to stop a white van that Joe suspects contains Emily is inconclusive. (Fuqua cuts to a hazy shot of the van being pulled over, which is a mistake; viewers can imagine the scene far more vividly.)

But as the evening unfolds, Joe also contacts Emily’s daughter Abby (voiced by Christiana Montoya), who describes a situation that causes Joe more concern. Taking the law into his own hands, Joe is soon calling in favors from friends and insisting the cops not only do a welfare check on Emily’s kids (Abby has a baby brother, Oliver), but also kick down the door of Emily’s estranged husband, Henry (voiced by Peter Sarsgaard), whom Joe believes has abducted Emily. 

“The Guilty” builds to a climactic moment that involves Joe experiencing an emotional catharsis as the situation with Emily comes to a head. The film deliberately, wisely, buries this lede, but in doing so, it also mutes the potency of the drama. (Fuqua errs again when he amps up the music during one of the film’s “twists.”) After a big confessional moment, what follows — a scene of Joe in a bathroom stall, reeling from what has transpired — is smartly filmed and acted, but surprisingly unemotional. 

Herein lies the film’s conundrum: viewers are supposed to side with Joe, who strongly believes he is doing the “right thing” at all times. But he is not a particularly likeable character. He shouts at everyone he talks at (not to) and demands that they do what he wants, regardless of protocol. He is the quintessential “entitled” white male police officer dictating that he is “doing his job” — even when he is not doing what he is supposed to. Joe’s flawed character is also what makes “The Guilty” so interesting. 

Fuqua’s film is spare and compelling, and perfectly suited for both Netflix and fans of Jake Gyllenhaal. 

“The Guilty” is currently in theaters and streams on Netflix beginning Oct. 1.

Alex Jones cries foul after court rules he must pay for his Sandy Hook conspiracy theories

Far-right radio host Alex Jones on Thursday claimed that the First Amendment was “crucified” because of three rulings that hold Jones responsible for defaming the families of children who were killed in the 2012 Sandy Hook shooting. 

The decision, first reported by The Huffington Post, effectively resolves three years-long lawsuits filed by the parents of the victims, who claimed damages as a result of Jones’ baseless allegations that the tragedy was a “hoax”‘ coordinated by opponents of the Second Amendment. Judge Maya Guerra Gamble on Thursday issued default judgments against Jones for his apparent failure to provide the court with relevant information to the suits.

“The Court finds that Defendants’ failure to comply … is greatly aggravated by [their] consistent pattern of discovery abuse throughout similar cases pending before this Court,” Gamble wrote.


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Jones, for his part, has steadfastly denied all wrongdoing and accused the proceedings of being “show trials.”

“The trial court’s entry of a default in these cases is stunning,” Jones wrote in a joint statement with Infowars attorney Norm Pattis. “It takes no account of the tens of thousands of documents produced by the defendants, the hours spent sitting for depositions and the various sworn statements filed in these cases.”

“Nothing less than the fundamental right to speak freely is at stake in these cases,” the two added. “It is not [sic] overstatement to say the first amendment was crucified today.”

Responding to the rulings in a Banned.com broadcast, Jones later said “my identity is not Sandy Hook.”

“Sandy Hook is a blip on the radar screen in the different stories … I’ve covered,” he added, “But it’s not a blip on the radar screen for the lobbies that are anti-gun […] They have successfully been able to use the deaths of those children to … demonize the idea of self defense itself.”

The fatal shooting occured back in December 2012, when 20-year-old Adam Lanza stormed the Newtown, Connecticut elementary school and gunned down twenty children and six adult staff. Shortly after the tragedy, Jones began to promulgate baseless conspiracy theories alleging that the event was staged by “crisis actors,” many of whom, he said, were parents of the victims.  

In 2018, six families of the Sandy Hook victims filed a defamation suit against Jones, claiming that they were subject to harassment, stalking, and death threats by Jones’ supporters. Another suit was filed by Leonard Pozner, another parent of the Sandy Hook victim, who Jones also accused of being a crisis actor. 

Gamble’s decisions center on three lawsuits brought by Pozner and Veronique De La Rosa, a parent of another victim. The other two suits were filed by Neil Heslin and Scarlett Lewis, also parents of victims. A number of other similar lawsuits are reportedly being filed against Jones by parents in Connecticut. 

“​​My clients have and continue to endure [Jones’] 5-year campaign of repulsive lies,” one lawyer of the plaintiffs’, Bill Ogden, said. Quoting the judge’s ruling, Ogen continued: “We believe the Court hit this nail on the head when it considered Alex Jones’ and Infowars’ ‘bad faith approach to this litigation,’ Mr. Jones’ ‘public threats,’ and Jones’ ‘professed belief that these proceedings are show trials.'”

Young Turks founder Cenk Uygur challenges Joe Rogan to a fight

A war of words broke out between podcasters Cenk Uygur and Joe Rogan Thursday night after the Young Turks founder criticized Rogan’s ongoing attacks on COVID-19 vaccines.

“To all the loser @joerogan fans crying over my attack on his ‘freedom’ hypocrisy & stupidity, are you guys part of the crew or do you kiss his ass for fun? I thought he was a big boy who could handle himself,” Uygur wrote on Twitter after sparring with Rogan’s fans.

“If he doesn’t like my free speech, he can grow a pair & defend himself.”

Uygur quickly offered to take the conflict offline, saying that he could beat Rogan — a longtime mixed martial arts hobbyist and commentator — in a fight. He even told a fan who offered $1,000 to stage the encounter that it would be the “easiest $1,000 I ever made.”


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“You think he’s going to assault me? Sure, whatever. That’s incredibly dumb. But also wouldn’t work. I’m much larger than Joe and I’ve fought my whole life. I’d end him. But grownups don’t do that. I’ll send you the PO Box to send check to later,” Uygur tweeted.

Following the comments, Uygur became a trending topic on the platform as thousands of Rogan’s fans began to speculate about the specifics of a potential fight between the two podcast heavyweights. 

Rogan’s immensely popular show, the Joe Rogan Experience, also slipped to No. 2 on Spotify’s charts Thursday after a monthslong ride at No. 1. 

Today’s anti-mask activists have much in common with anti-handwashing doctors of the 1840s

People were dying, and only one man knew why. He was brilliant but unpopular, and therefore fated to be rejected even though he had reason and righteousness on his side. Like so many historic geniuses, he went uncelebrated in his own time, dying in disgrace as the inmate of a lunatic asylum. Today his name is synonymous with the archetype of a brave and perceptive truth-teller surrounded by the villainously ignorant.

The story of Ignaz Semmelweis may have become a historical footnote, but it is chillingly reminiscent of the public health situation in the United States today — and in particular, the movement of millions of Americans who turn up their nose at basic public health tenets like mask-wearing. 

The man with the plan 

You may have never heard of Semmelweis, but his story likely sounds familiar. The year was 1847, and Semmelweis was a young doctor at an obstetrical clinic in Vienna General Hospital. Tasked with figuring out why maternal mortality rates were so much higher in the maternity ward run by doctors than the one led by midwifes, Semmelweis came up with a series of simple hygiene solutions. The most important rule: Require the doctors to wash their hands. He noticed that doctors would often go directly from corpse dissections into delivery rooms where they would perform medical duties. While germ theory was not widely accepted at that point as a cause for disease, Semmelweis argued that particles from the cadavers could still be “poisonous” to the mothers. Scientists believed that miasmas, or bad smells, caused disease, and Semmelweis noted that these miasmas were supposedly produced by dead bodies. His idea was for doctors to rinse their hands in a solution of calcium hypochlorite.

And it worked: Within four months, the mortality rate had dropped from above 18 percent to below 2 percent.

But fate did not reward Semmelweis for his intelligent and humane work. He was harassed and despised by his peers, professionally destroyed by office politics, ignored by the medical community and ultimately driven insane. He was eventually institutionalized and died shortly thereafter, mere years before Louis Pasteur’s work on germ theory would vindicate him.

Those who opposed Semmelweis had a range of personal reasons for doing so. A large segment of the public was offended at the idea that invisible particles on their skin marked them as inherently “dirty,” and that they could easily get others sick. Doctors in particular took umbrage when informed that their hands could be dirty, since they associated filth with the poor. From a religious angle, many Christians held the misogynistic belief that risking one’s life should be innate to childbirth. And Semmelweis’ lack of charisma may have been a problem for communicating his message: The Hungarian physician and scientist was reportedly eccentric and difficult to work with, and may have had bipolar disorder.

These motivations translated into ridiculous arguments against his conclusions. Despite Semmelweis basing his claims on observable and repeatedly demonstrable cause and effect, his ideas were dismissed as speculative. Scientists scoffed at the notion that the vast majority of childbed fevers could have been caused by a single problem like cadaver contamination, and he was similarly faulted for bucking the orthodox notion that there was more than one cause of disease. Individual errors in his thesis were nitpicked, even though its main flaw — his belief that cadaver particles were the problem and not germs in general — was one that would have even further offended Victorian sensibilities. The Semmelweis story is one in which a perfect storm of sorts came together, with the forces of cultural prejudice, scientific ignorance and petty personal dislikes aligning to all but guarantee that motivated reasoning would overpower legitimate scientific research.

It is a tragic story, to be sure, and contains an obvious lesson about how respected establishments can focus more on gatekeeping and melodrama than fulfilling their duties to the public. At the same time, there is also a romance to the archetype that Semmelweis represents. It feels good to believe that you are smarter than the people widely perceived to be intelligent, or more moral than those entrusted to lead society. That desire for a positive self-image causes many people to behave stubbornly when confronted with evidence that their views are wrong. In their minds, they play the role of Semmelweis, and everyone shoving evidence in their face is an ignorant Viennese doctor circa 1847.

But the most curious (and apropos) aspect of the Semmelweis saga may be the way in which his detractors fought him despite his quantitative evidence. The number of deaths were lower when doctors washed their hands. Shouldn’t that be enough? 

Something psychological was happening, something that Semmelweis couldn’t account for. It involves a human trait that psychologists call motivated reasoning. And it couldn’t be more relevant to the pandemic today. 


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Motivated reasoning and you

While the scientific literature supporting masks is straightforward and indisputable, how they work should be self-evident. The essence of science is empiricism, or the understanding that knowledge is acquired from what we can perceive using our senses. If you cough, talk, exhale or otherwise expel droplets from your mouth and nose, most if not all of those droplets will be contained by any physical barrier placed over those orifices. Since this virus is transmitted through those bodily fluids, it is logical to say that wearing masks will help limit the spread; some materials are more effective than others, and there is always more research to be done on mask efficacy in specific contexts, but the bottom line is clear.

A similar principle applied to the problem of hand washing in 1847. Germ theory had not yet been commonly accepted, but anyone who understands how touch works knows that if you put your hands on something potentially unhealthy, you might transmit the dangerous particles to another person. Since there is no more harm in washing one’s hands than in wearing a light mask over one’s face, it might seem nonsensical (by today’s standards) that one might argue against such a mild precautionary measure when the literal life-and-death stakes were so high.

The problem was, in that particular case of motivated reasoning, the demands of the motives cancelled out the requirements of reasoning.

Motivated reasoning is, quite simply, when a person’s emotions incentivize them to produce justifications for a position that they desire to hold rather than the one which is actually supported by evidence. It is closely related to confirmation bias, which is when people embrace ideas and “evidence” that confirms what they want to believe and give less weight to facts which do not. While a person practicing motivated reasoning could also be correct about a given issue, that will usually be a coincidence. When a person holds a view due to motivated reasoning, they are driven by their emotions, not by their reason — no matter how vehemently they insist otherwise.

So it is with the motivated reasoning of the facemask opponents. Just as conservative political assumptions helped motivate the anti-hand washers of Semmelweis’ day, a May study found that conservatives are much more likely to have inaccurate knowledge about mask-wearing efficacy and other coronavirus-related subjects than liberals. 

As right-wing leaders like President Donald Trump and media outlets like OANN downplayed the importance of wearing masks, and local officials opposed or flouted masking regulations, Americans who opposed liberal politics learned to associate not wearing masks with taking a stand against the left. This has led to erroneous anti-mask arguments that vary from exaggerating supposedly disqualifying health issues, to wrongly claiming there is no scientific consensus on the matter, to claiming mask mandates violate one’s freedom. Some mask opponents insist facemasks form part of a government conspiracy.

Motivated reasoning not only affects the end results of our beliefs, but it affects how we formulate them, too. 

“When we’re engaging motivated reasoning, we tend to hold evidence to a lower threshold of quality before we believe it’s true,” Dr. Nicholas Epley, a professor of behavioral science at the University of Chicago, told Salon by email. “A person trying to justify a belief they have might ask themselves ‘can I’ believe this to be true, while a person trying to refute a belief they’d rather not have holds evidence to a higher standard, asking themselves ‘must I’ believe this to be true.  Both are motivated approaches to evaluating evidence. The first can lead us to accept weak evidence in support of a belief, while the latter can lead us to be overly skeptical of good evidence.”

He added that the underlying problem — to mask opponents, or any motivated reasoning-spurred argument — is that one might start with a conclusion that one wishes to reach (e.g. “face masks are wrong”), then retroactively construct arguments to justify it.

“If you start with the conclusion that masking is wrong, then the motivated reasoning becomes an attempt to identify the harm that it causes,” Epley noted.

This is evident in many of the specific claims made by mask opponents. 

“The turning to irrational thought to defend inaccurate beliefs is evident in the quotations ‘masks do not prevent the spread of the coronavirus,’ ‘masks are bad for children,’ ‘young people are not at risk,'” said Dr. David Reiss, a psychiatrist and expert in mental fitness evaluations. Reiss culled these quotes from a recent anti-mask rally held by Steve Lynch, the Republican candidate for county executive in Northampton, Pennsylvania, who infamously called for 20 “strong men” to remove school boards that pass mask mandates.

Reiss had a similar observation about those who attack masks using religious language, describing it as “grandiose thinking, in essence ‘I have access to a level of knowledge that supersedes and replaces logic.'” When one anti-mask protester read from the Book of Psalms, it was an irrational distraction because “whatever one might believe regarding the Book of Psalms, the Book says nothing about the science of epidemiology and prevention of disease.”

Motivated reasoning is something everyone does

If there is anything to be learned from mask opponents, it is that we should be mindful of the signs when we allow motivated reasoning to cloud our judgment. After all, every human being has motives, and all of us inform our world view based on those motives. The goal is not to eliminate motivated reasoning, which is inherent to our nature, but to make sure that it does not cloud our judgment.

“Start by asking what the evidence is before deciding what the conclusion is, and then genuinely look at the evidence before arriving at a conclusion,” Epley told Salon when asked how people can avoid lapses in judgment due to motivated reasoning. “This is much easier advice to give than to actually follow in practice.”

It is telling that nearly two centuries after the Semmelweis tragedy, so many people have failed to follow the scientific methods to which he devoted his life. Semmelweis was literally driven to ruin because he wanted to use science to protect public health. If nothing else, he earned the right to be deemed a champion for truth.

GOP governor fights to use COVID relief funds to build new prisons

Alabama, which currently has the highest death rate from COVID-19, is planning to use its pandemic emergency relief funds to bankroll the construction of three new state prisons.  

“The Democrat-controlled federal government has never had an issue with throwing trillions of dollars toward their ideological pet projects,” Alabama GOP Gov. Kay Ivey said in a statement on Tuesday. “The fact is, the American Rescue Plan Act allows these funds to be used for lost revenue and sending a letter in the last hour will not change the way the law is written,” she added. 

On Monday, the state’s legislature convened a special session to discuss the project, which is set to cost $1.3 billion, according to an AP News report. About $400 million would be financed by dipping into the state’s coronavirus relief funds, which came as part of President Biden’s $1.9 trillion American Rescue Plan passed back in March. The Biden administration released guidance on how the funds should be spent, emphasizing the need to maintain “​​vital public services,” according to CNN. Back in July, the White House urged state lawmakers to use the federal aid to combat the sharp uptick in violent crime this year. 

https://twitter.com/worthrises/status/1443743957561741314


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Ivey has claimed that expanding Alabama’s prison system is necessary for the state’s welfare. “These prisons need to be built, and we have crafted a fiscally conservative plan,” she said. 

“It’s the right thing to do,” echoed Republican state Sen. Greg Albritton said of the proposal. “We can’t expect people to come to work when they don’t know they’re going to be able to leave work alive. We can’t expect to house people, inmates, in conditions that are deteriorating and unhealthy. We’ve got to fix the problems. The prisons are falling in.”

The Republican-backed plan has met significant scrutiny from across the aisle. 

On Monday, U.S. House Judiciary Committee Chairman Jerrold Nadler, D-N.Y. penned a missive to Treasury Department Secretary Janet Yellen, calling on her department to “prevent the misuse of (American Rescue Plan) funding by any state, including Alabama.”

“Directing funding meant to protect our citizens from a pandemic to fuel mass incarceration is, in direct contravention of the intended purposes of the ARP legislation,” the New York representative added. 

Prison reform advocates have meanwhile called on the state’s legislature to find deeper solutions to Alabama’s longstanding carceral problems, which include overcrowding and dilapidation, according to The Washington Post

“We could be using this money on mental health, on our sewage system. Covid is still going on, we should be using this money on our health care system,” Pastor Robert White, who heads the Legal Advocacy Group, told CNN. “We’re not saying the prisons don’t need to be built. We’re saying that this money needs to go to mental health, education, not a plantation in the middle of nowhere. The problem doesn’t change. The murders don’t stop.”

Last year, the Justice Department sued the state of Alabama over its prison system’s derelict conditions. Echoing White, the agency argued that “new facilities alone will not resolve the contributing factors to the overall unconstitutional condition of [Albama’s] prisons.”

Progressives play hardball — with Biden’s support — and confuse the media

Late Thursday, the House’s progressive caucus did what the long-received wisdom in D.C. believed they would never do: They stood their ground in the face of centrist sabotage.

Months ago, conservative Democrats demanded that President Joe Biden’s ambitious infrastructure and jobs agenda be divided into two separate bills. They promised that doing so was just a way to get bipartisan support for some of it. But progressives feared that it was actually a way to destroy the parts of Biden’s agenda that are popular with voters but not so popular with right-wing lobbyists. 

Well, progressives had their fears confirmed this week.

A small centrist minority of Democrats, led by Sens. Joe Manchin of West Virginia and Kyrsten Sinema of Arizona, made it quite clear that they very much always intended to renege on their end of the pass-both-bills bargain the second Congress passed the only bill they care about, which is a small and bipartisan infrastructure bill. But rather than be bullied into accepting the betrayal, the progressive caucus in the House refused to vote for the smaller bill when the time came, forcing Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., to delay the vote that was scheduled for Thursday. Now much of the mainstream press, in a bout of epic wrongness, is portraying the delayed vote as a blow to Biden. 

House Delays Vote on Infrastructure, in Big Setback for Biden Agenda,” reads the front page of the New York Times. 

The Washington Post described the delayed vote as “a major setback for President Biden’s economic agenda.”

The left defies Pelosi as Biden’s big hopes are in limbo,” declares the CNN headline. 

But this framework is deeply misleading. Progressives who are forcing a delay on the vote aren’t threatening Biden’s agenda. They are the people who are trying to save it. 


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The actual threat to Biden’s agenda is the small group of centrist Democrats. No matter how much they swear up and down that they aren’t trying to gut Biden’s agenda, their actions speak otherwise. There is absolutely no other reason for them to demand that a small, bipartisan bill pass by itself. It’s clear that the second they get what they want, they will renege on their agreement to support the bigger bill supported not just by progressives, but by the White House and the majority of the Democratic caucus.

Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York explained the strategy of saving Biden’s agenda from centrist sabotage on MSNBC. 

Unfortunately, the media has been portraying this fight as a battle between “progressives” and “moderates.” But that is a flat-out false understanding. The vast majority of Democrats — including most who are more moderate — want both bills to pass and object to Manchin’s and Sinema’s antics. Progressives just happen to be the ones who are standing up for the majority of Democrats, as well as the majority of voters. Activist Bree Newsome pointed this out on Twitter, noting the press is “ignoring how public sentiment actually aligns w the progressive caucus b/c US govt is to the right of most Americans.” 

Rep. Pramila Jayapal of Washington, who heads the progressive caucus in the House, also objected to the mainstream media framing:

Both women are right. The larger Biden agenda isn’t the realm of a progressive minority but is broadly popular with the public. An August poll from Data for Progress shows that strong majorities of Americans back not just the small, bipartisan infrastructure bill, but the larger $3.5 trillion proposal that would expand childcare, improve health care, and fight climate change. Indeed, even as Republican voters have kneejerk opposition to it, they aren’t that ginned up about it. Less than a third say they “strongly” oppose the bill. As Dan Pfeiffer points out in his Message Box newsletter, “Republican voters cannot get fired up to oppose one of the biggest expansions of the social safety net in decades,” making passing this bill about the smartest political move possible for Democrats right now. 


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But, as I note in the Standing Room Only newsletter, Sinema and Manchin have been impervious to both reason and shame. The only language they clearly respond to is power. By flexing their muscle, progressives have finally rattled the confidence these two have that they can tank the Democratic agenda while getting everything they personally want. As Heather “Digby” Parton writes at Salon, both Manchin and Sinema started to show cracks in their grandstanding obstinance Thursday, meaning “that the two bills — and thus Biden’s agenda — still have a chance for passage.”

Indeed, the surest sign that progressives are trying to save, not tank, Biden’s plan is that the White House appears to be quietly backing progressive’s hardball play. As Politico reported on Thursday, sources close to the White House have signaled that “they are not displeased with all the talk about voting down the infrastructure package” and hope “the prospect of a progressive revolt will only add to the pressure they’re attempting to exert on” on Manchin and Sinema. 

If, as the headlines claim, this vote delay is a “setback” for Biden, it’s an odd thing for Biden to be quietly supporting it. But of course, it’s not a setback, so much as the only possible hope of saving the Biden agenda. Progressives are displaying the will to use the power that Democrats all too often shy away from. It’s one reason Democrats have so long struggled to pass their policies, which in turn contributes to the general malaise that leads to lower voter turnout and bad electoral outcomes for Democrats.

Half-a-loaf is not enough to fire up voters for what is going to be difficult midterm elections, due to all the voter suppression and gerrymandering Republicans have been engaged in. Progressives are taking a big risk, but there is no possibility of a reward without it. 

7 shelf-stable school lunches kids’ll actually eat

Welcome to Kids & the Kitchen, our new landing pad for parents who love to cook. Head this way for kid-friendly recipes, helpful tips, and heartwarming stories galore — all from real-life parents and their little ones.


A very specific sort of terror washes over parents when they realize their kid is departing for school momentarily…and has no lunch. What if said lunch also needs to stay fresh from drop-off until chow time — around four hours? What if frozen cooler packs are a no-go? Cue blind panic.

Take a deep breath, as Daniel Tiger would say: A cache of shelf-stable ingredients can conjure satisfying school lunches that don’t require refrigeration. (Note: The USDA says that technically you should “avoid leaving cut, peeled and cooked fruit and vegetables at room temperature for more than two hours.” So you could of course consider investing in a lunch box that includes an ice pack . . . but we’ll be over here with our hours-old carrot sticks.

These kid-friendly lunch ideas are so good, you’ll want to make an extra helping for yourself.

1. Soba Salad

Tots love noodles. Precooked Japanese soba noodles, which will last for months in a cool, dark place, have a pleasantly chewy texture and subtly nutty flavor. Trot them out for salads splashed with soy and dotted with fava beans or draped in a rich tahini and sesame oil dressing. The buckwheat noodles are also an excellent vehicle for vegetables like raw cucumbers and carrots, although you should skip cooked beets, which won’t last more than two hours out of the fridge. If your crew can handle heat, consider soba tossed with peanut sauce and chile paste.

Spring Soba Noodle Salad with Fava Beans

Spring Soba Salad

2. Onigiri

Why reinvent the wheel? Onigiri, a popular Japanese snack food of balled rice, may well have been the original packed lunch, favored by samurai before battle. Roll onigiri in toppings like sesame seeds or umami-rich furikake, or pan-fry it to get crispy edges for a take on yaki onigiri. You can also stuff them with all manner of goodies, though we dig those that can last a few hours at room temp, such as purple cabbage and even pitted Manzanilla olives. To pack some protein, you can try tofu or tempeh, of course, but you also may want to call on another shelf-stable staple, wispy pork floss, which lands a salty-sweet punch and lasts indefinitely in the pantry.

Spanish Yaki Onigiri

Onigiri

3. Chickpea Salad

Canned chickpeas forever. We dig them sautéed in garlic and oil, tossed with roasted cubes of zucchini and sweet potato, and hit with a lemony tahini dressing for a warm side that’s excellent even at room temperature. They’re also great in a spiced salad of Israeli couscous, shredded carrots, sliced almonds, and tangy feta. (Yep, cheese can hang out sans refrigeration for four hours and still be A-OK.) For something that’s the same but different, add toast on the side.

Sweet Potato, Zucchini and Chickpea Salad

Carrot Chickpea Couscous Salad

4. Savory Oatmeal

Psych your kids out! If they like oatmeal for breakfast, swerve it into lunch territory with savory ingredient combos like portobello mushrooms with spinach and Parmesan, or pesto with cheddar and avocado. (Just try, and see if they’ll bite.) If you’re short on time, opt for rolled oats over steel-cut varieties. They’ve been steamed and smashed, and therefore cook faster — in 10 minutes or less, compared to steel-cut oats’ 20 to 25 minutes.

How to Make Oatmeal Perfectly Every Time

5. Pasta Salad

What do you do when your kid’s daycare or school doesn’t refrigerate lunches? Get creative. The big winner: pesto pasta. Cherry tomatoes make it a meal. Whether you’re using bowties, fusilli, macaroni shells, or whatever their favorite shape is, pasta salads have massive lunchtime potential. Toss them with sautéed veggies, capers, nuts, herbs, and mozzarella, a no-cook tomato sauce, or even tempeh bacon.

No-Mayo Peperonata Pasta Salad 

Pesto Pasta Salad

6. Next-Level PB&J

Give the humble lunchbox standard a savory makeover: Swap out white bread out for eggier, richer challah. Sprinkle slices with curry powder before slathering with peanut butter, perky orange marmalade, and — if your kid can handle it — a squirt of sriracha. Then, add some fresh basil for an herbaceous brightness. Need something a little tamer? Trade plain old grape jelly for sour cherry and lime jam and regular peanut butter for almond butter sprinkled with sea salt. Once assembled, sizzle the whole thing in butter as if it were a grilled cheese. Va-va-voom.

Sour Cherry and Lime Jam

Spicy-Savory PB&J

7. Tuna Salad on Crackers

We know what you’re thinking: “Tuna salad, really?” Yes, really. Look, not all tuna salads are created equal, and we’re not talking about the dreary mayo varieties of the 1970s and 80s. Consider lighter, French-style tuna salad — the kind found on pan bagnat — tossed with sliced Niçoise olives, red bell pepper, parsley, and chopped artichoke hearts. If you have a baguette on hand, use it, but crackers from the pantry will also do nicely. Look for tuna tins with a certified seal from The Marine Stewardship Council, which highlights well-managed fisheries. (And do watch your kids’ total tuna intake, for health reasons!)

Armed with these standbys, prepping kiddo lunches should be a whole lot easier and breezier from here on out.

Pan Bagnat: Le French Tuna Salad Sandwich

Justice Brett Kavanaugh tests positive for COVID ahead of first in-person Supreme Court session

Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh tested positive for COVID ahead of fellow Justice Amy Coney Barrett’s formal swearing-in ceremony, the court said Friday.

Kavanaugh, who has been fully vaccinated since January, tested positive for COVID ahead of Barrett’s investiture, the court said in a news release. He has no symptoms and his wife and daughters, who are also fully vaccinated, tested negative. But the family did not attend the Friday ceremony as a “precaution.”

Barrett, who was confirmed on a straight party-line vote to replace the late Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg just a week before the 2020 election — at the time, the Senate had a 52-48 Republican majority — had her formal swearing-in delayed by nearly a year as a result of the pandemic. More than two dozen people who attended former President Donald Trump’s announcement of her nomination last fall later tested positive. Barrett herself reportedly tested positive for COVID last summer before her nomination.

All nine justices are scheduled to hold their first in-person session on Monday, but it’s unclear if Kavanaugh will attend. Arguments will not be open to the public but the court will provide a live audio feed. The justices have been holding conference calls to hear arguments since last March.

Kavanaugh tested negative as recently as Monday ahead of a private meeting with his fellow justices. The Trump appointee participated in the ACLI Capital Challenge race with numerous members of Congress and other Washington officials on Wednesday.


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Though fully vaccinated people can still get COVID, those who have received the Pfizer or Moderna vaccine are 60-70% less likely to be infected. All three available vaccines are 86% effective in preventing hospitalization, according to a recent study published by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, and unvaccinated people are many times more likely to die from COVID than the vaccinated.

The court’s upcoming term will feature two hotly-watched cases with major national implications.

Justices are scheduled to hear a challenge to a Mississippi law that bans most abortions after 15 weeks. Reproductive health advocates worry that the Trump-packed court may use the case to chip away at the 1973 Roe v. Wade precedent, or even overturn it entirely. Kavanaugh defenders like Sen. Susan Collins, R-Maine, insisted during his confirmation process that he views Roe as settled law but that is by no means clear. Kavanaugh joined Barrett and fellow Trump appointee Neil Gorsuch in allowing Texas’ near-total abortion ban to go into effect last month, further stoking fears that the court may eventually rule there is no constitutional right to an abortion.

The court is also scheduled to hear a challenge to a New York law restricting guns in public in its first major Second Amendment case in more than a decade.

The court came under criticism over the summer even before its Texas abortion ruling after issuing “shadow docket” decisions blocking President Joe Biden from reversing an immigration policy that required many asylum seekers to remain in Mexico while their claims were processed and striking down the administration’s federal eviction moratorium.

Justice Samuel Alito defended the court this week amid concerns over its growing politicization and its use of the shadow docket, in which it issues often unsigned important opinions without hearing arguments.

“The catchy and sinister term ‘shadow docket’ has been used to portray the court as having been captured by a dangerous cabal that resorts to sneaky and improper methods to get its ways,” Alito complained during a speech at the University of Notre Dame Thursday. “And this portrayal feeds unprecedented efforts to intimidate the court or damage it as an independent institution.”

Alito accused critics of seizing on the shadow docket issue to criticize opinions they don’t like, but did not respond to the same criticism from liberal members of the court.

Justice Elena Kagan in the Texas abortion case penned a blistering dissent, which was joined by Justices Sonia Sotomayor and Stephen Breyer, blasting the conservative majority for failing to “explain its conclusion” that the law should stand.

“The majority’s decision is emblematic of too much of this Court’s shadow-docket decision-making — which every day becomes more unreasoned, inconsistent, and impossible to defend,” Kagan wrote.

The court’s approval plummeted amid its controversial decisions over the summer. A recent Marquette University Law School poll found that public approval of the court fell from 60% in July to 49% in September following the Texas decision. A separate survey from Gallup found the court’s approval rating falling to just 40%, the lowest since tracking began.

Manchin and Sinema finally feel the pressure from Democrats. Is it too late to save Biden’s agenda?

Thursday evening, as negotiations over President Biden’s domestic agenda dragged on for hours on Capitol Hill, Democratic Sen. Joe Manchin stood at the stern of his large yacht and spoke to some of his West Virginia constituents.

It would be easy to mock Manchin standing there addressing his people from on high, considering that he and his partner in obstruction Sen. Kyrsten Sinema, a Democrat from Arizona, are both behaving like a couple of theatrical divas. In the last few days especially, both of them have been all over the place, ostentatiously declaring their independence and generally driving everyone nuts with their vague and inconsistent objections combined with constant, tiresome grandstanding. But if you can get past the bizarre spectacle and listen to what Manchin said, it’s clear that all is not lost.

Yes, Manchin balked at expanding Medicare benefits with a bogus claim that the federal program is going broke. (It is not.) But, importantly, he did say that he believed in taxing the rich and that we should be negotiating for lower drug prices. That’s a more concrete promise than we’ve seen from him in quite some time.

That little interaction came on the heels of the release earlier in the day of a memo from last summer, co-signed by Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (who added that he would try to talk Manchin out of it), that outlined Manchin’s “topline” number for the bill: 1.5 trillion. If Manchin is negotiating in good faith, then that number cannot be written in stone, leaving at least some room for compromise. The publicizing of this proposal was obviously in response to a growing chorus of Democratic frustration that Manchin and Sinema were throwing their weight around and preening for the press without laying out their own counter-offers. After weeks of op-eds and press gaggles in which Manchin was saying that he wanted a “strategic pause” and appeared not to be interested in passing a bill at all, the release of this memo at least ended that charade. Manchin may still blow up the president’s agenda, but he is apparently now negotiating specifics, which is hopeful.

There have been a gazillion pixels deployed on the question of what Kyrsten Sinema really wants and it’s quite difficult to fathom. My personal opinion is that she is simply carving out a brand as an Arizona Maverick and believes that drawing attention to herself as someone who bucks the party will stand her in good stead back home. It’s hard to imagine that destroying the Democratic agenda and ushering in another era of GOP dominance, likely led by Donald Trump, will endear her to her base voters but that seems to be her motivation. It certainly isn’t any adherence to ideology or principle.

But it turns out that she too felt the pressure of the criticism coming from the party and so released a statement on Thursday insisting that she is negotiating with all the parties and has offered specifics, although she didn’t say what those were.

What this all means is that the two bills — and thus Biden’s agenda — still have a chance for passage.


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On Thursday night, the House worked with the White House and members of the Senate into the wee hours but were unable to come to an agreement on the reconciliation bill. So they missed the vote on the bipartisan infrastructure bill by the deadline agreed to by House Speaker Nancy Pelosi to appease a small handful of recalcitrant House “moderates.” It was an arbitrary date, so missing it is insignificant in itself. They plan to continue to negotiate today and beyond if that’s what it takes. This is monumentally important legislation and it makes no sense to cobble together a deal at 2 AM for no good reason.

Notably, the House progressives are holding together in their demand that the infrastructure bill will not pass unless the Senate also passes the rest of the Biden agenda in the larger reconciliation package. From the gasps in the media as Thursday night wore on, it seems that few believed they would do it. In fact, they apparently thought that they had done something catastrophic when, in reality, they were just being smart negotiators.

That headline is just wrong. The progressives were not alone in this and it isn’t a big setback. The leadership didn’t whip for votes on Thursday night and for good reason: The entire Democratic caucus minus a small handful in the House and two Senators are on board with this legislation. Even more importantly, the President of the United States is with the progressives as well.

Politico reported on Thursday that the White House is happy with the progressive strategy to hold fast to their terms in the hopes that it would put pressure on Manchin and Sinema to get with the program. It quotes Press Secretary Jen Psaki being downright complimentary in the press briefing this week, saying “[M]embers of the Progressive Caucus want to have an understanding of the path forward on the reconciliation package. They have stated that publicly. You know why? Because they think it’s a historic progressive package that will make bold changes into addressing our climate crisis, into lowering costs for the American people, bringing more women back into the workplace.”

In press appearances, progressives have likewise been on message, making very clear that they want to vote for the Biden agenda and it’s the small rump of so-called moderates who are standing in the way. Politico characterized the relationship this way:

Ultimately, the White House wants to see the infrastructure bill passed when it is brought up. But the idea that it would be comfortable with an effort by a portion of its own party to delay and put into question one of the president’s most important initiatives would have been unheard of in previous administrations. These, however, are not normal times. And this is hardly a normal legislative calendar.

And it is not your grandfather’s Progressive Caucus either. They are a savvy group, leveraging their numbers to pass an ambitious agenda that’s been proposed by a mainstream Democratic president. They are a force to be reckoned with.


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I don’t know what will happen today. Pelosi says there will be a vote. It sounds as though Manchin and Sinema have moved off their high horses, at least for now, and are seriously engaged in the details. But there’s nothing wrong with taking the time to hash this out and get an agreement and if it takes some more time it’s worth it. What they all must recognize is that this is their shot to do something historically important and if they don’t succeed they may not get another chance. The future of the country — and the planet — depend on it.

Meet the CEPP, the biggest federal climate policy you’ve never heard of

President Joe Biden ran on a platform that promised climate action on a scale never seen before in American politics. One of the supporting beams of that plan is something called a clean energy standard — a mandate for utilities to generate a certain amount of clean electricity by a set date. Biden’s proposed standard targeted a carbon-free electricity sector — the second-most polluting slice of the emissions pie in the U.S. behind transportation — by 2035. 

Congressional Democrats sought to put that clean energy standard into Biden’s first major legislative priority — a $2 trillion infrastructure package aimed at improving the nation’s infrastructure and simultaneously reducing emissions. But a handful of centrist Republicans and Democrats succeeded in whittling down the package by about a trillion dollars and removing the standard from the bill, which has already passed the Senate and is poised for a vote in the House this week. Biden and progressives promised to get their clean energy standard done another way. That’s how something called the Clean Electricity Performance Program, a wonky and complicated climate policy that nobody had ever heard of before this month, made its way into Democrat’s $3.5 trillion budget reconciliation bill. 

The CEPP, as it’s called, could be Democrats’ last best chance to pass climate policy this decade. And if it passes, it will become the nation’s first-ever federal policy aimed at significantly reducing emissions from the power sector. A year ago, the CEPP didn’t even exist as a concept. Its invention is an acrobatic feat and a calculated effort to get past arcane Senate rules.  

In January, Democrats found themselves in a rare and unexpected position. Joe Biden had ousted former President Donald Trump, Democrats had hung onto a slim majority in the House, and Raphael Warnock and John Ossoff had pulled off two extremely unlikely Senate runoff races in Georgia, meaning Democrats finally had, by the skin of their teeth, a trifecta.

Environmental policy groups immediately started putting their heads together to find a way to make Biden’s clean energy standard happen without Republicans. The groups that initially led the charge — Third Way, a center-left think tank; Evergreen Action, an environmental policy outfit; and the Natural Resources Defense Council, the nonprofit environmental advocacy group — knew that there was only one pathway to success: a little-known process called budget reconciliation.

“Ever since we realized that budget reconciliation was going to be a process that we could do, conversations about how you could do a budget-based clean energy standard started up,” Lindsey Walter, deputy director for Third Way’s climate and energy program, told Grist.  

Each year, the House and Senate pass budget resolutions that establish the dollar amounts that the various federal agencies, like the Department of Defense and the Department of Commerce, can spend. These resolutions are not binding, but they set the course of debate for the entire year in both chambers.

Budget reconciliation is when committees make changes to laws that have to do, exclusively, with spending, revenues, or the federal debt limit. Crucially, reconciliation is immune to the filibuster — it only takes 51 votes to pass it in the Senate. That meant that the majority party could pass a climate policy like the clean energy standard in a budget package, if all 50 Democratic senators voted for it and Vice President Kamala Harris served as a tiebreaker. But it would have to look different in order to abide by the strict rules that govern the reconciliation process.

Since January 6, the day Democrats clinched the Senate, Senator Tina Smith, the junior Democratic senator from Minnesota, had also been thinking about how to make a clean energy standard fit the budget reconciliation process. She had introduced a clean energy standard bill back in 2019, a policy she knew was doomed under Trump but could get a second chance at life in the next presidential cycle. But the clean energy standard was a mandate, not a fit for the parameters of reconciliation. In order to figure out the best way to make the standard amenable to the process, Smith’s office started collaborating with the green groups, some of which had already put out policy papers on how to get a clean energy standard passed via reconciliation. Their powers combined produced the CEPP, the first federal climate policy of its kind.

“I haven’t seen a policy like this in front of Congress before,” Walter, from Third Way, said. “This would be in many ways a first.”

Here’s how the CEPP works as both a clean energy standard and a reconciliation-friendly piece of policy. 

A clean energy standard is built on a foundational assumption: If utilities produce more clean power, they’ll become greener over time, and emissions will go down. But forcing utilities to get clean isn’t a budgetary matter, it’s a policy change. The CEPP gets around that by using federal dollars — which, of course, pertain to the budget — to reward utilities for going green.

More specifically, any type of company that retails electricity that increases its share of clean energy by 4 percent each year can tap into a $150 billion grant program created by the CEPP. Clean energy is defined as power sources that emit no more than 0.1 metric tons of emissions per megawatt-hour, which include wind, solar, geothermal, nuclear, and hydropower.

So if you’re a company that sells power to customers and you manage to increase the amount of clean electricity you provide to customers by 4 percent in a year-long period, you would get $150 for every megawatt-hour of clean energy you sell over 1.5 percent of the previous year’s target. And if you don’t meet that 4 percent goal, you get penalized $40 for every megawatt-hour of clean electricity you failed to come up with. Plus, you have to make up the deficit the following year. This concept, applied to utilities across the U.S., would ultimately lead to emissions reductions of about 82 percent from 2005 levels by 2030, when the program would end.  

“You’ve now taken a policy idea — the clean energy standard — and turned it into a budgetary tool,” Representative Sean Casten, a Democrat from Illinois who formerly worked in clean energy development (and used to be a contributor to this magazine), told Grist. “If we’re doing it right, hopefully it has the same impact as a clean energy standard.” 

Critics of the plan have argued that transitioning to a grid that mostly relies on clean energy within a decade would sacrifice reliability, a concern that has been top of mind for many since a deadly winter storm in February knocked out power for wide swaths of Texas and created a humanitarian crisis. 

“Any time you make rapid changes to a system you potentially put some reliability at stake,” Rich Powell, executive director of the centrist climate and energy policy think tank ClearPath, told Grist. “I think most people who look at the Texas situation for example would say that actually if a number of the big coal plants that had recently retired in Texas had been around and available they very likely could have contributed to getting the power back on that system faster.” Powell argued that maintaining a diversity of fuel sources, pairing polluting energies like natural gas with carbon capture, and weatherizing all of them against extreme events like the Texas winter storm would be the best way to accomplish emissions reductions without sacrificing reliability.

But it’s not a foregone conclusion that a grid that relies primarily on renewables would result in a situation where there’s not enough electricity to go around. “I think that’s a bunch of hogwash, frankly,” Sam Ricketts, cofounder of Evergreen Action, told Grist. “I vehemently disagree with the assertion that this can’t be done. Utilities are already showing that the transition is possible.” 

An analysis provided to Grist by Evergreen Action suggests that the CEPP would not sacrifice grid reliability. A 70 to 90 percent clean grid would be able to provide enough supply to meet demand, the analysis said. It also shows that at least 12 U.S. utilities are already on track to grow their share of clean electricity by more than 3 percent annually in the coming years. “We need to help those utilities and ensure that every utility is actually making the transition, which means faster than they’re planning to go and using federal investment to make it happen,” Ricketts said. 

Casten also rejected the reliability argument. “The sun does not shine 24 hours a day and the wind does not always blow. Nobody doesn’t know that,” he said. “The question of what can you do in order to get a 100 percent zero-carbon grid just with existing technologies? There’s an infinite number of ways you could do that. We could expand nuclear. We could build out a ton of geothermal. We could invest in energy efficiency. There’s no reason you can’t technologically get there.” 

The plan may be possible from a technological standpoint, but it remains to be seen whether it’ll work politically. Democratic Senators Joe Manchin from West Virginia and Kyrsten Sinema from Arizona are at odds with progressives in their caucus, like Senator Bernie Sanders from Vermont, about the size, cost, and ambition of the $3.5 trillion reconciliation plan.

A spokesperson for Senator Tina Smith’s office told Grist that Smith and Manchin have been discussing the possibility of a clean energy standard for months. But there’s no saying, at this point, exactly what the powerful West Virginia Senator wants the CEPP to look like, if he agrees to vote for it at all. It’s possible that he will advocate for eliminating the penalty from the program, which would make it all carrot and no stick. He might seek to redefine what “clean” energy means — Manchin has long been an advocate of carbon capture technology, which is still relatively nascent but could, hypothetically, be added to natural gas–fired power plants to reduce emissions and fit the contours of the CEPP. Or he may refuse to vote for it altogether. Manchin has said publicly that he believes utilities are already decarbonizing on their own as renewable energy becomes more affordable. Still, Smith’s office is confident that the program will garner support from 50 senators when all is said and done. 

House Speaker Nancy Pelosi plans to bring the bipartisan infrastructure bill to a vote in the House on Thursday, despite promising her progressive colleagues that she would bring the infrastructure bill and the reconciliation package to the floor at the same time. The idea was to use the bipartisan deal as leverage to force the warring factions of her party to pass both bills. But on Monday, Pelosi announced that she was forging ahead with the infrastructure deal because her party hadn’t agreed on a price tag for the reconciliation bill. On Tuesday, the chair of the House Progressive Caucus, Representative Pramila Jayapal from Washington, said that progressives “will only vote for the infrastructure bill after passing the reconciliation bill.” 

Depending on what happens next, the budget reconciliation bill, and the CEPP within it, could shapeshift a lot in the coming days and weeks. Casten is confident that the general structure of the CEPP will remain in the deal, but beyond that, he’s not sure about anything. “There’s more people than Joe Manchin I wouldn’t trust in a dark room with climate policy,” he said. “Until it’s written into law and signed, assume that all the text is variable.”

Fossil footprints prove humans populated the Americas thousands of years earlier than we thought

Our species began migrating out of Africa around 100,000 years ago. Aside from Antarctica, the Americas were the last continents humans reached, with the early pioneers crossing the now-submerged Bering land bridge that once connected eastern Siberia to North America.

At times throughout the Pleistocene ice age, which ended 10,000 years ago, large ice sheets covered much of Europe and North America. The water locked in these ice sheets lowered the sea level, allowing people to walk the bridge from Asia through the Arctic to Alaska. But during the peak of the last glacial cycle, their path south into the Americas was blocked by a continental-wide ice sheet.

Until now, scientists believed humans only travelled south into the Americas when this ice barrier began to melt — at the earliest, 16,500 years ago. But together with our colleagues, we have discovered a set of fossil footprints that suggest humans first set foot on the continent thousands of years earlier.

These footprints, unearthed at White Sands National Park in New Mexico, were made by a group of teenagers, children and the occasional adult, and have been dated to the height of the last glacial maximum, some 23,000 years ago. That makes them potentially the oldest evidence of our species in the Americas.

Our findings support the idea that humans were present in the southern part of North America before the last glacial peak — a theory that has so far been based on disputed and potentially unreliable evidence.

Step change

There are literally tens of thousands of fossil footprints at White Sands. Together, they tell stories of how prehistoric humans interacted with extinct Ice Age megafauna, such as Columbian mammoths and giant ground sloths.

The tracks were deposited around the margins of a large wetland — perhaps a lake after the rainy season, but at other times more like a patchwork of water bodies. Until now, the problem had been dating these footprints. We knew they were imprinted before the megafauna became extinct, but not precisely when.

This changed in September 2019 when the team found tracks with undisturbed sediment above and below them. Within that sediment were layers containing hundreds of seeds of the common ditch grass Ruppia cirrhosa. These seeds, when radiocarbon dated, would reveal the age of the footprints themselves. Analysis revealed the seeds range in age from 21,000 to 23,000 years old, suggesting humans made repeated visits to the site over at least two millennia.

The White Sands footprints provide unequivocal evidence that people were in the Americas at the height of the last glacial maximum, rather than some time after, as was previously thought. That’s a big deal for our understanding of the peopling of the Americas and the genetic composition of indigenous Americans.

Using the DNA of modern indigenous Americans, scientists have worked out that their ancestors arrived from Asia in several waves, some of which became genetically isolated. The cause of this isolation is not clear. Now, our new footprint evidence provides an explanation, suggesting that the earliest Americans were isolated south of the North American ice sheet, only to be joined by others when that sheet melted.

Our discovery may also reopen speculation about other archaeological sites in the Americas. One of them is Chiquihuite Cave in Mexico. Archaeologists recently claimed that evidence from this cave suggests humans occupied the Americas around 30,000 years ago – 7,000 years before people left the White Sands footprints.

But the Chiquihuite Cave findings are disputed by some, as stone tools can be difficult to interpret and tool-like stones can form via natural processes. Stone tools can also move between layers of sediment and rock. Fossil footprints can’t. They are fixed on a bedding plane, and so provide more reliable evidence of exactly when humans left them.

Teenage kicks

We tend to picture our ancestors engaged in life-or-death struggles — forced to battle the elements simply to survive. Yet the White Sands evidence is suggestive of a playful, relatively relaxed setting, with teenagers and children spending time together in a group.

This is perhaps not that surprising. Children and teenagers are more energetic and playful than adults and therefore leave more traces. Adults tend to be more economical in their movement, leaving fewer tracks.

But another interpretation of this new footprint evidence is that the teenagers were part of the workforce in these early bands of hunter-gatherers. It’s possible that the tracks were left by young people fetching and carrying resources for their prehistoric parents.

In any case, the people that left their tracks on White Sands were some of the earliest known American teens. Set in stone, their footprints pay tribute to their forebears, who we now know walked the long land bridge into the Americas millennia earlier than what was commonly believed.

Matthew Robert Bennett, Professor of Environmental and Geographical Sciences, Bournemouth University and Sally Christine Reynolds, Principal Academic in Hominin Palaeoecology, Bournemouth University

White terror: Millions of Americans say they’d support violence to restore Trump to power

Two weekends ago, Trump loyalists gathered in Washington for the “Justice for J6” rally, a supposed show of solidarity with the “political prisoners” arrested for their alleged (or confessed) participation in the Jan. 6 Capitol attack.

Trump’s Republican-fascists and their propagandists have elevated these hooligans, vandals and (in many cases) terrorists to the status of martyrs and patriots as a way of legitimizing their anti-democratic movement, creating sympathy among Trump’s faithful that can be exploited for fundraising and, of course, recruiting and encouraging more extremists to the cause. 

Despite warnings from the Capitol Police, DHS and other authorities that more violence was possible, the rally on Sept. 18 was a tame and peaceful affair. No more than a few hundred Trump cultists attended, greatly outnumbered by law enforcement and the news media. This low turnout was widely mocked among the chattering class,  liberals and progressives of the “resistance” and others who oppose Trump and his movement.

As I have argued before, such reactions are shortsighted and ill-advised — another example among many of the way America’s political class, news media and the public at large still does not understand the nature of the threat they face from the Republican-fascist movement and the larger white right.

Experts on domestic terrorism have repeatedly warned that in the aftermath of Jan. 6 many militant Trumpists and other neofascists are operating more covertly, perhaps by breaking up into small cells that are difficult for law enforcement to track and apprehend. Right-wing militants and terrorists are more likely to attack “soft targets” as opposed to widely publicized events and locations where law enforcement is sure to be present.

As seen in Michigan and elsewhere, right-wing militants are likely to focus their attention at the state and local level where law enforcement assets are more porous and likely targets are, in general, more vulnerable to attack.

But in fact the real power of Jan. 6 and its aftermath is difficult to measure by such standards. Those events, and Republican efforts to rewrite the history of that day, have increasingly normalized right-wing political violence — if not in fact made it a preferred and desired way of obtaining and keeping political power.

In keeping with Nazi propaganda minister Joseph Goebbels’ “Big Lie” strategy, a large majority of Republican and Trump voters actually believe that the 2020 presidential election was “stolen” from Donald Trump — and, in effect, from them as well. Public opinion polls also show that a significant percentage of Republicans believe that the violence and coup attempt on Jan. 6 was a “patriotic” or at least understandable action that was necessary to “defend” democracy and Trump’s presidency.

On a daily basis, neofascist white supremacist opinion leaders and other propagandists on Fox News and across the right-wing propaganda echo chamber are radicalizing millions of white Americans. Most will not personally commit acts of violence against nonwhites, Muslims, “radical socialist Democrats” and others designated to be the enemy. But they are ever more likely to tolerate or condone such crimes.

Ultimately, fascism is a type of political and social poison which manifests as violence and other antisocial and anti-human behavior. New research by Robert Pape and the University of Chicago Project on Security and Threats demonstrates how far that poison has spread among the American people.

In a new essay at The Conversation, Pape summarizes these findings, beginning with the most startling result:

We have found that 47 million American adults – nearly 1 in 5 – agree with the statement that “the 2020 election was stolen from Donald Trump and Joe Biden is an illegitimate president.” Of those, 21 million also agree that “use of force is justified to restore Donald J. Trump to the presidency.”

Our survey found that many of these 21 million people with insurrectionist sentiments have the capacity for violent mobilization. At least 7 million of them already own a gun, and at least 3 million have served in the U.S. military and so have lethal skills. Of those 21 million, 6 million said they supported right-wing militias and extremist groups, and 1 million said they are themselves or personally know a member of such a group, including the Oath Keepers and Proud Boys.

Only a small percentage of people who hold extremist views ever actually commit acts of violence, but our findings reveal how many Americans hold views that could turn them toward insurrection.

Pape’s polling found that 9% of American adults agreed that “Use of force is justified to restore Donald J. Trump to the presidency, while 25% agreed that “The 2020 election was stolen from Donald Trump and Joe Biden is an illegitimate president.”

Pape reports a margin of error of 4 percentage points, meaning that the proportion of American adults who hold both those views is somewhere between 4% and 12%. “The best single figure,” he writes, “is the middle of that range, 21 million.” He continues:

People who said force is justified to restore Trump were consistent in their insurrectionist sentiments: Of them, 90% also see Biden as illegitimate, and 68% also think force may be needed to preserve America’s traditional way of life.

In an interview with the CBS News podcast “Intelligence Matters,” Pape further explained what this new research reveals about the relationship between the white supremacist “great replacement” theory, the QAnon cult and right-wing violence:

Sixty-three percent of the 21 million adamant insurrectionists in the country believe in the “Great Replacement,” the idea that the rights of whites will be overtaken by the rights of Blacks and Hispanics. The second most important driver was a QAnon belief, where 53 percent of the 21 million believed that our government is run and controlled by a satanic cult of pedophiles. Those are the two radical beliefs that are really … the key drivers of the insurrectionist sentiments in the country today.

Pape also sounded the alarm about the prospects for right-wing political violence and terrorism in the months leading up to the 2022 midterm elections:

This is about, what are the prospects for other instances of collective violence, especially related to elections going forward? … I think that we need to be aware that we are moving into already a politically tumultuous 2022 election season just in the last month with the events in Afghanistan, which has created tremendous amount of anger in many of our military circles, military communities; with the new mandates for COVID, which President Biden has just announced, which are already generating tremendous pushback against the federal government. … We need to understand the risks that that could break out into violence.

For all of these escalating warnings about the potential for serious right-wing political violence, America’s political class remains largely unwilling to properly respond to the clear and present danger. Such an outcome is in part explained by the very language that is most often used in these discussions.

For example, “right-wing terrorism” or “right-wing extremism” is often presented in a race-neutral fashion.

A more accurate description would be to say “white right-wing terrorism” or “white supremacist violence.” Similarly, the events of Jan. 6 could be described as a “white insurrection” or “white riot,” which more clearly captures the role of race and racism in the violence of both that day and the Age of Trump as a whole.

To be clear, there are Black and brown people who belong to Trump’s cult. Some are among his most militant supporters. Regardless of their skin color, such people are loyal to Whiteness as a social and political force. As such, Black and brown Trumpists and other neofascists want to access white power and white privilege for themselves. For them, the end goal is to somehow “earn” a type of transactional honorary whiteness.

Trumpism and other forms of American neofascism and racial authoritarianism are an extreme personal and existential problem for nonwhite people and others who are marginalized as the Other. They are also a problem spawned by and of White America.

Until that distinction is internalized by America’s elites, and widely accepted as common sense by the American people, neofascism will continue to gain momentum and the country’s democracy crisis will continue to escalate toward full-on disaster, from which no return to “normal” will be possible. America’s past and America’s present (again) runs along and through the color line.

Is this grandma-approved dishwasher hack too good to be true?

Babs (aka Barbara Costello) has given a whole new meaning to doing things just like Grandma. The 72-year-old Connecticut-based grandmother and viral TikTok sensation never ceases to amaze with her humor, wisdom, and simple life tips for making everyday living easier. From advice on teething babies (the youngest of her eight grandchildren is less than one year old) to a hilarious hack that keeps the man in your life clean during a messy outdoor barbecue (hint: place a piece of Press’N seal wrap on his polo shirt for an invisible bib), Babs is always sharing savvy ideas on the engrossing social media platform.

Babs’ loyal followers are always quick to say how much she reminds them of their own Nonnas too. “Thanks for this. I miss my grandma and you remind me of her. Thank you,” wrote user bentellectstan. Here, we’re rounding up five of Babs’ most beloved viral home hacks ever.

Hack #1: Secret detergent hack

Babs recently shared a genius dishwasher hack to her 1.2 million followers on TikTok. She offers a solution for the inevitable problem of needing to do dishes but not having enough dishwashing detergent. “I have a sink full of dirty dishes and no dishwashing detergent! If you don’t want to do them by hand, try this,” Babs says. First, rinse your dishes in the sink and then transfer them to the dishwasher. Add three teeny-tiny drops of Dawn dish soap to the dishwasher and then fill the rest of the nook with baking soda. Set the dishwasher to the regular cleaning mode and by the end of the cycle, the dishes will be completely clean, no detergent needed. “It works!” she says.

In just a few days, the video has racked up more than half a million views and hundreds of positive comments. “No point in buying detergent now! Save tons of money I’m sure,” wrote one TikTok user. Another commented that they tried the hack in a pinch over the weekend and it worked so well. Some TikTok users were concerned that the dish soap could lead to an extra bubbly dishwasher (and a potentially messy kitchen situation), but Babs assured her followers that if a very small amount of soap is used, you should be able to clean a full load of dishes, suds free. McMullan Appliance & Mattress, a Canada-based appliance store with their own sizable TikTok following, added a word of caution that with very soft water and a bit too much soap, you’ll be in trouble.

Hack #2: Drying dishes hack

This isn’t the first time that Babs’ wisdom has gone totally and completely viral. She previously demonstrated how to dry still-wet dishes after they’ve been washed in the dishwasher in a TikTok video that has since gained more than 8 million views since it was posted on July 26th, 2021. “At the end of the cleaning cycle, place a terry cloth towel on the door of the dishwasher. Close the door, wait five minutes, and you won’t have to hand-dry the dishes,” she says. Home52’s Editorial Lead Arati Menon found that the towels didn’t completely dry the dishes, but did absorb some excess steam trapped in the dishwasher. She recommends trying this hack for more than five minutes in order to completely dry your load of dishes.

Hack #3: Garbage bag hack

More than 3 million TikTok users were mesmerized when Babs demonstrated how to prevent a garbage bag from collapsing inside the trash can. “Has this ever happened to you? You go to your garbage to throw something away and the bag has collapsed!” Leave it to Babs to come up with an inexpensive and totally innovative solution. She sticks two small Command hooks upside down on either side of a rectangular trash can. Attach the plastic pulls from the bag to the hooks and “problem solved!” The hooks keep the bag in place in the can no matter what you throw away. And the best part? You can use the hooks over and over again even as you replace the trash bags.

Hack #4: Dryer sheet hack

“Did your mom ever tell you ‘stop wasting money on buying dryer sheets?'” I certainly heard that from my mother and now the rest of the internet has learned it from Babs, too. But of course, our favorite internet grandmother has a solution. Wool balls! Babs adds four to five wool balls in the dryer along with her clothes, sheets, and towels instead of using disposable dryer sheets. “Your clothes will come out fluffy and lovely every time,” she explains. Plenty of followers wanted to know where to buy wool balls, and we’re one step ahead. Try our colorful assortment of Five Two Wool Dryer Balls — we think Babs would approve.

Hack #5: Protect your pumpkins

The official start of fall is just days away, which means that soon enough, porches will be decorated beautifully for fall with pumpkins and gourds, haystacks, witches’ brooms, and more seasonal decor. To protect your freshly picked pumpkins from being eaten by rodents, Babs recommends spraying them with hairspray. If you stock up on the pumpkins now, this viral hack, which has since gained more than 600,000 views, will keep your pumpkins untouched until Halloween (and beyond). Babs’ engaged audience also recommended trying the same method using Vaseline or Mop & Glo, both of which will add shine and keep critters away.

Former senior aide to Kyrsten Sinema worked as top lobbyist for JPMorgan Chase, fighting tax hikes

A former senior aide to “centrist” Sen. Kyrsten Sinema, D-Ariz., worked until recently as one of the top lobbyists for JPMorgan Chase, the largest U.S. bank and a leading opponent of President Biden’s proposed corporate tax increases — which Sinema also opposes.

Sinema’s refusal to endorse Biden’s Build Back Better plan over its $3.5 trillion price tag has emerged as a major obstacle to Biden’s agenda. Sinema, a former Green Party member who campaigned on lowering drug prices and previously called for big corporations and the rich to “pay their fair share,” has also balked at Democrats’ plan to lower prescription drug costs and increase taxes on the wealthy and large companies, amid a massive lobbying blitz by corporations and industry groups aiming to torpedo the bill.

Sinema’s former legislative director and senior policy adviser, Alyssa Marois, left her office to lobby on behalf of JPMorgan Chase, a gigantic investment bank and holding company with more than $3.6 trillion in assets, which according to the Financial Times is the world’s largest lender to the fossil fuel industry. The bank has donated $47,500 to Sinema’s campaign and related PACs, and has been one of the leading critics of Biden’s proposed corporate tax hike.

Marois was listed last year as vice president of federal government relations for the bank and the government relations manager for the company in its latest Federal Election Commission filing. A spokesperson for Chase said Marois left the job over the summer. The job involves developing “relationships with key policymakers,” coordinating with “industry trade associations to maximize effectiveness,” and building industry coalitions on “matters of shared interests.” The position is part of JP Morgan Chase’s Government Relations and Public Policy Group, which the bank says “directs our company’s political spending.”


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JPMorgan Chase has spent more than $1.3 million on lobbying on “corporate tax issues” and other matters between the first and second quarter this year, according to its lobbying disclosures.

Marois herself has actively lobbied on several issues where the banking industry is at odds with the Biden administration, according to the disclosures. Among other issues, she lobbied the Senate and House on financial issues related to bank structure, capital requirements, “examination and enforcement issues” and other bank regulation matters. During the past few months, the banking industry has escalated its fight against proposed regulations in the Build Back Better plan to increase IRS enforcement of wealthy tax cheats. Banks are pressuring lawmakers to drop a plan to require them to report transaction data to the IRS to help crack down on tax avoidance.

JPMorgan Chase was a major beneficiary of the Republican tax cuts signed by Donald Trump in 2017, which slashed the corporate tax rate by 40%. The bank saved $8.7 billion in 2018 and 2019 on its IRS bill, according to Bloomberg. Trump even urged a senior JPMorgan executive to “thank him” for the newfound profits during a meeting, the outlet reported.

Biden has proposed raising the corporate tax rate to 28%, well below the 35% it was before the Trump tax cuts. JPMorgan Chase CEO Jamie Dimon earlier this year called the proposed tax increase a “little crazy” and dismissed Biden’s plan to raise the top capital gains tax rate to nearly 40%. Dimon sits on the board of directors of the Business Roundtable, which includes the CEOs of some of the country’s largest companies and has vowed to wage a “significant, multifaceted campaign” to stop the proposed tax increases. The Business Roundtable has praised the Senate’s bipartisan infrastructure plan that Sinema helped negotiate but said it is “deeply concerned about potential tax increases on U.S. job creators” in the Build Back Better proposal.

Another longtime former Sinema aide, Kate Gonzales, earlier this year joined the high-end lobbying firm of Brownstein Hyatt Farber Schreck, which brags that its “political connections deliver results” and that former Capitol Hill staffers are among its principals. Gonzales is a member of the firm’s Energy, Environment, and Resources Strategies Group, where she “provides insight into Democratic priorities,” according to the company. “She is highly skilled at developing compelling messaging for moderate Democrats and Republicans,” her bio says. Biden’s spending proposal includes numerous measures aimed at tackling climate change and cracking down on energy firms.

Meanwhile, Sinema’s current chief of staff, Meg Joseph, used to be a lobbyist at Clark & Weinstock, which has represented Pfizer and other top pharmaceutical companies and trade groups that oppose Biden’s proposal to allow Medicare to negotiate the price of prescription drugs.

Pharmaceutical companies and medical firms have donated more than $750,000 to Sinema during her career, including more than $466,000 since she was elected in 2018.

Sinema has also received more than $920,000 from companies and industry groups leading the lobbying blitz against Biden’s proposal, according to an analysis from the progressive government watchdog group Accountable.US.

Sinema’s office said in a statement on Thursday that the senator has been clear for months that “she would not support a bill costing $3.5 trillion.”

“While we do not negotiate through the press — because Senator Sinema respects the integrity of those direct negotiations — she continues to engage directly in good-faith discussions with both President Biden and Senator [Chuck] Schumer to find common ground,” the statement said.

Sinema has stonewalled the media in recent weeks, saying little or nothing beyond bland press releases. But she has continued to raise money from business groups that oppose Biden’s bill. Accountable.US says campaign contributions from antagonistic corporate interests may explain why Sinema continues to oppose proposals that are overwhelmingly supported by voters both nationally and in Arizona.

Sinema’s opposition to Biden’s agenda drew a rebuke from the Arizona Democratic Party last week, which threatened to hold a vote of no confidence against her if she “continues to delay, disrupt, or votes to gut” Biden’s plan. Activists who helped elect her in 2018 as Arizona’s first Democratic senator in decade have launched a crowdfunding campaign to raise money for a potential primary challenger, as Salon first reported on Wednesday. At least two other groups have since launched similar efforts to fund a potential primary challenger as polls show Sinema’s favorability among Democratic voters lagging significantly behind fellow Sen. Mark Kelly, D-Ariz.

“With the Biden Build Back Better plan poised to give millions of struggling families a chance to get ahead, there’s too much at stake for this process to get mucked up and watered down with typical Washington revolving door corporate influence and money,” Kyle Herrig, president of Accountable.US, said in a statement to Salon. “We hope Senator Sinema is ultimately guided by the overwhelming public sentiment in favor of corporations paying their fair share and investments that will build an economy for all, not just billion-dollar businesses.”

Dan Abrams hopes to change cable news, chip away at CNN and Fox News — with pro-cop agitprop

ABC News legal analyst and media mogul Dan Abrams is a powerful guy, with his fingers in many pies, even once owning a stake in an upscale Greenwich Village restaurant. But his latest launch, the primetime NewsNation cable show “Dan Abrams Live,” takes a peculiar tack: Rather than “speaking truth to power,” in the journalistic cliché, it centers around protecting some of the most powerful people in our society: police officers. 

Abrams’ new show appears drenched in deep and unconditional love for those who wear the badge. One promotional ad I heard recently on the Washington, D.C., Metro goes like this: “You know, too often the media ignores the everyday heroics of police. That changes on NewsNation.” 

During his debut episode on Monday night, Abrams said: “As a regular feature of the show, we will be highlighting police work and some of the incredible and dangerous situations officers deal with every day.” And over the next two broadcasts on Tuesday and Wednesday, the former host of “Live PD” on A&E — a highly-rated show that was pulled from the air after filming an incident in which a Black man was killed by police — continued to carry copious amounts of water for cops. On Monday, Abrams was joined by former Tulsa police sergeant Sean “Sticks” Larkin, a regular talking head from the A&E show.

Strategically and in every other way, this seems odd. Why is a politically “moderate” cable news show — yes, it’s being billed that way — advertising heavily in the diverse D.C. metro area with a message that police officers are role models too often railroaded by more mainstream news outlets?

I emailed Abrams this week with these and other questions about his new program and, more specifically, his particular affection for policing.

In one email, I asked him about the perception that BIPOC (Black, indigenous and people of color) Americans are unjustly killed by police at disproportionate rates, and how he squares that with a show focused on the good-faith acts of cops. Wouldn’t a “moderate” cable news show hold those with power accountable? 

Abrams ultimately requested that I run both my questions and his answers in full for “fairness and completeness,” something I hadn’t agreed to in advance. I’ve done my best to accommodate that in good faith.

He responded to that question by writing that “uniformly demonizing police is a scourge I hope to combat” on his show:

I appreciate the transparency about your viewpoint in the question so I hope you will appreciate my response in the same vein. I believe one of the greatest sins journalists can commit is to feign objectivity, so your willingness to make your poition on the matter clear and unambiguous, is refreshing. You seem to be suggesting that “BIPOC Americans” are being “murdered” by police on a regular basis with just the “occasional good faith” police officers doing their jobs. This, in my opinion, shows a fundamental lack of understanding of what police officers do and are supposed to do, every day. In fact, part of the purpose of this show is to present far more accurate and complete portrayals of policing in America. Police reform is important and police officers who commit crimes must be held to account, but uniformly demonizing police is a scourge I hope to combat.


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In response to my question about accountability and police misconduct, Abrams said he won’t avoid the topic. “I will certainly be covering police misconduct and the accompanying trials when appropriate. This show is not, however Salon TV,” he wrote. “It is entirely within your discretion to solely focus on police misconduct, but that is not what I will be doing. I hope that answers your question.”

As full disclosure, I worked for the site Mediaite, which is owned by Abrams, for more than a year, from January 2020 to March 2021. I have never met him in person, and had never previously communicated personally with him before our email exchange over the past week.

Abrams’ show has yet to capture the attention of major media reporters, and may remain an oddity on the cable landscape. It’s unclear why pro-police viewers would pick “Dan Abrams Live” over the known right-wing propaganda enterprises at Newsmax and Fox News, and even less clear why liberals or “moderates” who traditionally watch CNN would do so. Indeed, recent cable news history would seem to back such an assertion. When former Fox News host Shepard Smith moved to CNBC, his attempt to brand a “moderate” cable news show was a “high-priced flop.”

At the moment, NewsNation averages around 100,000 viewers daily, according to publicly available cable news ratings, making the channel barely visible relative to Fox News and CNN, and even behind CNBC and Newsmax TV as well. 

Asked about the difficulty of pulling audiences away from the cable news behemoths, Abrams said: “Yes, it’s an uphill battle because I do think people are stuck in their echo chambers. But I certainly hope we will be able to break through, because the vast majority of Americans identify themselves as moderates.”

Alex Jones loses 2 Sandy Hook cases after failing to comply with court orders: report

Conspiracy theorist Alex Jones was found guilty of two defamation lawsuits after pushing the lie that the 2012 Sandy Hook school shooting was a “false flag” operation carried out by “crisis actors.”

“Judge Maya Guerra Gamble on Monday issued her ruling for default judgments against Jones in two different cases, which means he and the conspiracy-theory-spewing outlet Infowars have been found liable for all damages and a jury will now be convened to determine how much he will owe the plaintiffs,” Sebastian Murdock reported for HuffPost.

The rulings against the InfoWars host were made public on Thursday.

“The ruling — which is often referred to in Texas as a ‘death penalty sanction’ for a party unwilling to comply with court orders — is a rarity in the legal world. Jones, who is now on his seventh lawyer in these cases, had years to provide documentation requested by the court, including internal company emails,” HuffPost reported.


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The lawsuits were brought by Leonard Pozner and Veronique De La Rosa, whose 6-year-old son Noah was killed in the shooting and Scarlett Lewis, whose 6-year-old son, Jesse was also among the 20 children killed. Six adults were also murdered in the mass shooting.

“In total, nine families who lost loved ones in the Sandy Hook shooting have leveled lawsuits against Jones and Infowars for the damage he and his outlet caused. Since then, Jones has lost multiple legal battles in his many lawsuits and was ordered to pay nearly $150,000 in legal fees in 2020 for failing to provide discovery documents for the plaintiffs,” HuffPost reported.

In 2018, the watchdog group Media Matters for America created a video documenting the conspiracy theories Jones pushed about the school shooting in Newtown, Connecticut.

Active duty Marine under investigation after appearing on stage with Trump during rally

Lance Cpl. Hunter Clark, an active-duty Marine who appeared over the weekend on stage with former President Donald Trump at a “Save America” rally, is now being investigated by the United States military for potentially breaking rules against taking part in political activities.

Task & Purpose reports that Clark appeared at the Trump rally and claimed to have helped rescue a baby at the airport in Kabul as America evacuated its forces from Afghanistan.

However, the military says that it cannot confirm that Clark rescued an infant at this time, and it tells Task & Purpose that no videos it has seen of soldiers rescuing infants at the airport feature Clark.

Additionally, the publication writes that the military forbids active-duty soldiers from speaking “before a partisan political gathering, including any gathering that promotes a partisan political party, candidate, or cause.”

However, Clark has some facts working in his favor, writes Task & Purpose, including the fact that he “was not in uniform when he appeared with Trump” and “nor did he campaign for a political candidate or suggest that service members follow a political party.”

“The Problem with Jon Stewart” has a few issues, but nothing that a little tough love can’t fix

It is tough to resist the opportunity to go for the cute, simple sentence when pointing out that “The Problem with Jon Stewart” has, shall we say, issues to overcome.

Topmost is the host’s refusal to let go of the “Daily Show” format he may not have originated, but definitively and successfully innovated.

More than six years after his final “Daily Show” broadcast, Stewart’s method of blending cogent current events analysis with satire carries on through “Full Frontal with Samantha Bee,” “Last Week Tonight with John Oliver” and “The Late Show with Stephen Colbert.Current “Daily Show” host Trevor Noah took what Stewart built and broadened his views to take in the world, not just the U.S., while speaking with authority to issues of race, class, and LGBTQIA+ rights.

You can even credit Stewart’s successful “Daily Show” run for inspiring NBC to construct “Late Night with Seth Meyers” around political headlines instead of punchlines – acknowledging, of course, that Meyers is mainly playing to his strengths as a former “Weekend Update” host.

The field may not be full, but it is amply populated, to the point that other excellent topical comedy shows by “Daily Show” alums including Wyatt Cenac, Hasan Minhaj, Michelle Wolf and Larry Wilmore have come and gone.

Knowing all of this, what on Earth could Stewart possibly add to the whole “comic takes on news” gig? Why would he think that after his successors improved upon his means of punching up the news that he could bring something even fresher to the fray?  

The answer may be a single word that begins with the letter H and ends with . . . OK, it’s hubris. However, burying “The Problem” and scooting Stewart back to his farm and animal sanctuary shouldn’t be the goal here.

Instead, let’s borrow a conceit Stewart used often in his day and invite this audience of readers, which probably doesn’t include him (but who knows?), to meet me at the imaginary equivalent of camera two. You know, for some real talk.


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. . . Hey there, buddy. How are you holding up?

Asking because the first episode of your show is out there, and while it’s great to have you back, it is not your best work. Even you acknowledge this when the live studio audience doesn’t laugh at one of your brainier opening punchlines. Maybe the crowd is tougher. Maybe the joke didn’t hit the mark as well as it did in rehearsal. It’s probably a bit of both.

And we empathize with your situation. The world has changed since you raised “The Daily Show” from a toddler into a rebellious teenager. While you were semi-retired, your former co-workers and inheritors refined that style you perfected to stake out their own territories on the talk variety landscape, each familiar yet unique.

In the same way they have specific passions and areas of expertise, so do you. Just as the last five years have weathered all of us, they’ve also shifted your priorities. Semi-retirement has changed you, Jon, and not in a bad way.

Acknowledging that change is the key to solving “The Problem,” if Apple grants you the space to do so and, more to point, if you choose to continue with it. Hopefully you will. People should realize by now that few series are the best versions of themselves in their first episodes, and that’s doubly the case with news-comedy hybrids. With a few tweaks, what ails “The Problem” can quickly be cured.

The first is probably the most extreme suggestion: dump the guy-behind-a-desk schtick. Sure, the set is new, and that style is a genre standard, although Bee busted out by ditching the desk completely. Bill Maher’s continued success with the panelist roundtables on “Real Time with Bill Maher” may have inspired you too.

But you’re not Maher, or Oliver, or Bee, or any of those folks. That is not a quality judgment; it’s a reminder of brand identity. Your brand has changed in the five-plus years since you’ve done this on a regular basis. Now you’re the beloved older brother who drops by “The Late Show” to comfort and thrill the audience. More people know you as the passionate voice of reason who shamed Congress into extending funding for the September 11th Victim Compensation Fund through 2090.

“The Problem” clashes that Jon Stewart against the Ghost of Stewart Past.

You even acknowledge this, sir, in a production meeting segment featured in your series opener “War.”  The episode looks at the disconnect between our public support for the men and women who serve in the military and our government’s failure to provide adequate healthcare for them once they return to civilian life.

To illustrate this, you zoom in on the problem of toxic burn pits, the main means of large-scale waste disposal on military bases in places without existing infrastructure. In these pits, the episode shows, soldiers burn everything from equipment to body parts to feces – and the men and women serving breathe in the foul air that results. It is shocking.

You look closely at health risks they pose to men and women who serve, and the government’s failure to adequately care for veterans who develop diseases, by soliciting the views of those who served and family members who watched their loved ones’ health deteriorate.

And we see all of this before that production meeting snippet, where we see you and your writers bouncing relevant questions off one another before you interrupt. “This is the problem with the hybrid comedy shows,” you say. “The whole time we’re talking about this, I’m just looking at No. 1 with an asterisk” – referring to the list of ideas on a nearby white board – “snake penis.”

See how you’ve unintentionally hit on what’s doesn’t feel right? You’ve anchored your episode in a real, painful issue with human cost, and brought a few of those humans in front of the camera with you.  This doesn’t mean you can’t insert some jokes at the grim absurdity of it all in there, but jamming skits into unnecessary act breaks is not the way to do that. (One of them, “Ken Burns Presents Ken’s Burn,” is embarrassing for both the PBS filmmaker and “The Problem.”  Burns is clearly doing you a favor here; now, you owe him.)

Luckily by calling attention to this problem you have stumbled upon a better solution.

Once you’ve gotten rid of the studio audience, the stagnant set and the urge to shove jokes where the sun don’t shine, embrace the Jon Stewart of Today.

This means acknowledging that you are an elder statesman in the comedy world.

Perhaps you find that term uncomfortable. Get over it.

The very fact that “The Problem with Jon Stewart” exists is evidence that you’ve attained that status. Throw in the respect you’ve earned as a First Responders advocate and all those old credits in the trust bank from back in the day when Gen Xers and millennials were supposedly getting their news from you, and guess what? You’ve more than earned your right to do serious interviews that aren’t rolled in sugar.

David Letterman showed the way with his Netflix show “My Next Guest Needs No Introduction” which, in its first season, uses celebrity guests as Trojan horses to enter discussions of larger social and political issues.

But it’s not as if you need some instructive pattern to guide you, Jon.

That first episode interview with Veterans Affairs secretary Denis McDonough demonstrated your ability to ply a respectful amount of skepticism in harmony with unfiltered B.S. detection. Surely viewers who are closer to the details of the topic will take issue with your argument, but that only works in your favor. It’ll get people talking about the take instead of the host, you, which is what you want.

And if you can find away to blend that type of gravitas with the lively energy sparking throughout the second episode’s conversation with dissidents from Egypt, Venezuela and the Philippines, that’s a wonderful means of bridging your classic approach with something different, if not entirely new.

That second episode, “Freedom,” contains hints of how that can might manifest even though it bears an closer resemblance to a version of old “Daily Show” that borrowed “The Nightly Show” table from a storage room. Leading off with classic Stewart rants about anti-mask, anti-vax hypocrisy reminds us of what we loved about you back in the day. Those kicked life into the studio audience, but at a cost: the comedown diverts some of the vitality away from the poignant conversation that followed about how dictatorships rise out of democracies.

“The Problem with Jon Stewart” is a work in progress, and there’s absolutely nothing wrong with that. We’ve also only seen a few episodes. But one hopes that your and your creative team can find a way to emphasize the art of that equation. Wilmore, Cenac and Minhaj created brilliant work with “The Nightly Show,” “Problem Areas” and “Patriot Act” by blending news and comedy that was perhaps ahead of their respective times. They left us too soon.

But you, Jon, are afforded a level of privilege they don’t have, which Cenac brutally pointed out when your show was announced in April.  

Don’t be mad. Use your platform to elevate necessary conversations in ways that are distinct from what your peers are doing.

It matters little that your hair is silver and, to quote your own very harsh joke back at you, that you look like an anti-smoking poster. You don’t, by the way, but you have returned to walls and furnishings that have a whiff of nicotine-stained staleness about them. Move out, move on, and don’t be afraid to drop the old bits to spend the wisdom points you’ve gained. We’re betting that if you do that, more people will be glad to listen to what you have to say.

“The Problem with Jon Stewart” premieres with two episodes on Thursday, Sept. 30 on Apple TV+, with new episodes released every other week.

https://youtu.be/UBMqejibrGg

A major Pacific current system is poised to heat up — with potentially devastating repercussions

Earth’s oceans are not merely home to most of Earth’s life, but they also function like heaters and coolers for the entire planet. This means that they are crucial to survival of all life, not just the flora and fauna that happen to live underwater. Yet human industrial civilization has been mistreating our oceans, and it shows. Scientists have known for years that the deluge of plastic pollution dumped into our seas makes them less safe for both humans and wildlife. And last month, they learned from a new paper that a vital current system in the Atlantic Ocean could soon destabilize, threatening hemisphere-wide repercussions.

Now, a new study reveals that the Pacific Ocean may be having its own problems with a comparable, albeit slightly smaller current system. It is known as the Kuroshio Current and Extension, or KCE, currents snaking from the South China Sea past the coast of Japan and into the Northern Pacific Ocean. Adriane R. Lam, a paleoceanographer and Binghamton University postdoctoral fellow, described the Kuroshio Current and Extension as “the workhorses of the ocean.” 

Just as the Gulf Stream controls the motion of the ocean along North America’s east coast, the Kuroshio Current and Extension form the main western boundary current as part of the North Pacific ocean gyre (meaning a large system of circulating currents) that spans from the North American Pacific Coast to Polynesia.

The KCE helps move heat from the tropics to colder regions in the north Pacific by moving gases and salt up from the equatorial regions. Indeed, the most northern corals in the world exist in parts of the ocean within the KCE because of its ability to heat up those waters. Yet like so many other things on Earth, the KCE may be in danger of heating extensively and/or altering its flow because of climate change. 

That is the conclusion of this new study, co-authored by Lam and recently published in the journal Paleoceanography and Paleoclimatology. The researchers conclusively found, using chemical data, that the KCE warmed, adjusted its latitudinal position northward, and possibly increasing the amount of warm water that it moves north in the process (additional studies will need to be conducted). A previous study Lam referenced found that the Kuroshio Current has warmed by between 1° and 2.5° degrees Celsius between 1900 and 2008, which would amount to a heating rate twice or three times faster than the global mean surface ocean temperature. That could be a red flag foreshadowing serious weather and ecology problems in the near future for people who live near the Pacific.

The good news is that the KCE alters its flow path on timescales that take about a decade, meaning that these alterations could be partially attributable to natural processes. This brings us to the bad news: If the KCE were disrupted, it could have serious consequences for both humans and wildlife.


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“The Kuroshio Current Extension is home to some of the highest biodiversity (number of organisms) in the world ocean today,” Lam wrote to Salon. “This is one reason why Japan’s fishing industry is so robust.” Such fisheries would, of course, be deeply affected by a disruption to KCE.

Studies offer varying predictions about how organisms within the KCE will react to major changes; species could move into or out of the KCE, depending on a number of variables. The Kuroshio Current also helps determine storm tracks and intensities, and strong storms in terms influence the current itself. The current also belches moisture and heat into the lower atmosphere, which impacts weather patterns from Japan to California.

The news about the Kuroshio Current Extension occurs against a backdrop of troubling news about climate change and the world’s oceans. Last month a report in the journal Nature Climate Change described how the Atlantic Meridional Overturning Circulation (AMOC) is at risk of slowing to dangerous levels or even stopping entirely. If that happened, there could be drastic weather changes from northern Europe to central Africa. The news about the KCE is less bleak because AMOC is, as Lam put it, “the entire circulation system in the North Atlantic Ocean.” The KCE is more analogous to the Gulf Stream, which is part of AMOC’s surface ocean components.

Leaked emails reveal connections between Oath Keepers, two NYPD officers

The New York Police Department launched an internal investigation Thursday after a data leak reportedly revealed at least two of its officers are affiliated with the Oath Keepers, a far-right anti-government militia whose members were well-represented among the crowd storming the U.S. Capitol building on Jan. 6.

“The incident is under internal review,” a spokesperson for the NYPD told CNN. 

The leak contains emails, published by Distributed Denial of Secrets, between various Oath Keepers and the group’s prospective members, the outlet reported. It remains unclear whether the pair of officers are current or former members of the right-wing group and neither officers are currently under scrutiny in connection with the Capitol insurrection. 

The leak, first reported by Gothamist, comes on the heels of a separate but similar hack coordinated in August, in which hacktivist group Anonymous revealed that it had successfully penetrated Epik, a web hosting company that “provides domain name, hosting, and DNS services for a variety of clients,” including Gab, Parler, and QAnon home 8chan, as well as the Texas GOP and a variety of other right-wing networks, according to Wired. The group, which gathered 180 gigabytes of data, is now allegedly sitting on a “decade’s worth of data from the company.”


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Aside from the aforementioned NYPD officers, Gothamist also confirmed that three New York public officials were formerly associated with the Oath Keepers. Two of them – Ralph E. Stacy, an Oswego County legislator, and Thomas Zmich, a candidate for Queens Borough president – are members of the state’s GOP Party. The third, Ed Keyrouze, is chief of staff for the New York Guard.  

Gothamist could not confirm that the NYPD officers named in the hacked records are active members of the Oath Keepers, so the outlet chose not to publish their names.

New York Mayor Bill De Blasio said in response to the allegations that “there will be a full investigation to find out if any officer was involved, how were they involved, what did they do, what did they say, if it’s the kind of thing that would disqualify them from serving.”

“If we receive an allegation of someone being affiliated with those particular groups, then that would definitely automatically trigger a thorough investigation,” NYPD Chief of Patrol Juanita Holmes added.  

In the past, Oath Keepers founder Stewart Rhodes claimed the group recruits heavily among past and present members of law enforcement.

Correction: A previous version of this story connected the Oath Keepers data leak to a separate incident in which the hacktivist group Anonymous shared data it obtained from the web hosting company Epik, which serves a number of far-right clients. The two are different events which occurred around the same time. 

Mike Lindell returns to Fox News with MyPillow ad complaining about “cancel culture”

Mike Lindell is back on the Fox News airwaves once again. 

The icy relationship between the conservative network and the bedding magnate-turned-election conspiracy theorist appeared to be thawing Thursday afternoon after eagle-eyed Twitter users spotted Lindell’s mustachioed visage on Fox once again, where he was once one of the company’s most prolific advertisers. 

He used the spot, broadcast on Fox News’ midday program “America Reports,” to whine about “cancel culture” and the “millions” of people affected by the phenomenon, as well as hawk his bible-themed pillow products. 

“Hello, I’m Mike Lindell,” he opened. “Cancel culture has not only affected myself and MyPillow, but millions of you out there.”

He then transitioned to a quick plug for his memoir — titled “What are the odds?” — before mentioning that he was offering the “best prices ever” on a set of five pillows with bible-themed images on them. Normally, Lindell said, the bundle cost more than $200 — but he’s now offering the package for $99, and that deal even includes a copy of his book.

The entire infomercial harkened back to a past era of Fox News, before the relationship between the two parties turned icy.

Everything changed back in July when the MyPillow CEO angrily pulled his advertisements from the network after it ignored his South Dakota “cyber symposium” and declined to run advertisements for the gathering, at which Lindell had promised to unveil proof of industrial-scale election fraud that would propel former President Donald Trump back into office. 

Obviously this proof never materialized, and in the aftermath of the widely panned event Salon learned that Lindell couldn’t get his ads back on Fox News — despite his increasingly desperate attempts over the past few months to get back into the Rupert Murdoch-owned network’s good graces. 

According to Lindell, Fox News had barred him from mentioning both the election and his social media site, FrankSpeech.com, during his ads. During a broadcast on the site, he said Fox representatives “didn’t like the content on the platform, the website, the stuff that was on FrankSpeech.com.” They were almost surely referring to Lindell’s use of the site to spread the false assertion that Trump had won last November’s election due to widespread fraud. 


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Following the spat, Lindell repeatedly blasted Fox, saying “Shame on Fox News!”

“[Fox] has done more damage to our country than all the left wing media combined,” he added at one point.

Both the network and Lindell have been mired in expensive lawsuits over false assertions relating to last year’s presidential election. Unlike Lindell, Fox has stepped back in recent months from suggesting that President Joe Biden’s victory was illegitimate.

Representatives for both Fox News and Lindell did not respond to Salon’s requests for comment. 

Before their falling-out this summer, Lindell was one of Fox News’ biggest advertisers — dropping nearly $50 million in 2020 and close to $19 million in the first few months of 2021 alone.

He told The Wall Street Journal last week that he was not sure if he would return to his previous levels of spending.