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Pelosi attacker says, “I’m sorry I didn’t get more of them,” in odd call from jail

On Friday, The San Francisco Superior Court released footage of the October 28, 2022 attack at the Pelosi home in San Francisco, California, during which Paul Pelosi was hit with a hammer by a man now known to be David DePape.

In the graphic footage, DePape can be seen struggling to gain entry to the home and then, later, bashing Pelosi in the head in front of police officers who had arrived at the scene.

Shortly after the footage was released on Friday, DePape phoned in to the KTVU newsroom from jail, where he’s up against state charges of attempted murder and elder abuse, and federal charges for kidnapping. In the chilling call, DePape boasted about his actions during the attack, and expressed the wish that he would have “been more prepared.”

“Now that you all have seen the body cam footage, I have an important message for everyone in America,” DePape said in the call. “You’re welcome.”


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DePape goes on to say that he sought out to “pay a little visit” to the people he believes to be responsible for killing freedom and liberty, and is only regretful that he “didn’t get more of them.”

 “I have a lot more to say,” DePape continued. “I had a website of over 300 pages. That’s 300 pages of stuff they don’t want you to hear. I’m in the process of trying to set up a new site out of the reach of tyrannical global fascists.”

In December of 2022, DePape pleaded not guilty to attempted murder for the attack that left Pelosi with a fractured skull. A San Francisco judge has set a trial date for DePape of Feb. 23.

For my Chinese American parents, ballroom dancing brought fun, comfort and a sense of belonging

I woke up last Sunday to the news of the shooting in Monterey Park, and my head spun — this was a predominantly Asian American community. In fact, my parents had frequented the Lai Lai Ballroom and Studio in nearby Alhambra. On my phone, I discovered the shooter had attempted to attack dancers at the Lai Lai after he had killed 11 people at the Star Ballroom Dance Studio, but the owner’s grandson had wrestled his gun away from him.  

In a culture where being reserved and stoic is often revered, many Chinese feel dancing is an appropriate creative outlet.

Making matters worse, the attack happened on the eve of Lunar New Year, the most important holiday to many Chinese – and other Asian diaspora – people worldwide. It’s a time for joyful family gatherings, special foods and traditional dances and musical performances at festivals and parades. 

The night before, my husband and I had gathered with other members of our large Chinese American church, which is 45 minutes away from these attacks. Those of us who’d gathered were of the same age as most of those who had been at the dance studios — these were our peers. 

In the extensive media coverage ensuing over the following days — often overlooked was the compounding tragedy. Surely the shooter had understood this, that he was striking at the heart of a close-knit community to which he had belonged. Specifically, in Southern California, these types of dance studios play a central role in fostering and maintaining community in the Asian American diaspora. Also, they are frequented by revered older members of the community who comprised all of the shooter’s victims. 

In a culture where being reserved and stoic is often revered, many Chinese feel dancing is an appropriate creative outlet. Fifty million people in China practice ballroom dancing and thousands compete in local and national competitions. Ballroom dancing appeals to seniors because it is a low-impact exercise where agility, technique and flexibility are more important than strength. For older adults, challenging oneself mentally by learning new dance combinations and lessening the chance of falls while socializing adds to this hobby’s appeal. 

These studios regularly hold parties, karaoke nights and showcases where students and patrons perform. Monterey Park is 66% Asian with 54% foreign-born. Alhambra is 50% Asian. 

Feeling safe and among their own, [my parents] made many friends there while polishing off their tango and quickstep.

As a child, I’d sit on the steps of our Detroit suburban home and watch my parents and their friends, fellow members of the Chinese diaspora, waltz, rumba and foxtrot the night away. For my research scientist father, dancing was a release from the frustration of hitting the bamboo ceiling at his automotive supplier position. It was a time to speak Chinese, exercise and have fun. 

Each year, as the Lunar New Year approached, our house bustled with activity. I’d wear a Chinese quilted jacket and my mother would don a traditional Chinese qipao. She piled lucky new year cakes and fragrant steamed dumplings on our dining table. My brother and I would bow three times from our waist before our grandma, who gave us each a lucky red envelope filled with five dollars. We wouldn’t dare clean on this auspicious day because we feared sweeping away good luck for the coming year.

After my brother, and then my husband and I moved to Los Angeles, my parents visited us semi-annually. I remember the first time we took them to Monterey Park. They marveled at the number of Chinese restaurants and grocery stores dotting Garvey Street and Atlantic Boulevard. They felt so comfortable. My brother held his wedding rehearsal dinner at NBC Seafood, a popular area restaurant for celebrations large and small.

In their 70s, my parents moved to the area to be closer to their children and six grandchildren. Once settled, they started going to dance studios and were regulars at Lai Lai. Feeling safe and among their own, they made many friends there while polishing off their tango and quickstep. My mother insisted she was the better dancer, much to my father’s annoyance. She chafed at a man “leading” on and off the dance floor.  


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One Saturday, the entire extended family gathered for a sumptuous dinner at a Monterey Park restaurant. My parents were experts at ordering the perfect combination of dishes. It also helped that they could read the daily specials, written only in Chinese on a whiteboard. Afterward, we went to Lai Lai Ballroom for a dance exhibit. Dad, a rare 6-foot-tall Chinese man for his time, looked dapper in a black suit. Mom wore a flowing pink chiffon dress, all the better to twirl as she spun and dipped on the wooden floor. She cherished her silver ballroom dancing shoes and always kept them polished. 

The Year of the Rabbit, which people had gathered to celebrate, ironically symbolizes longevity and peace. I only hope the rest of this year, unlike the past few years, which have been marked by an increase in violence directed at Asian Americans, will bring forth the promise of the Year of the Rabbit. In the meantime, we grieve. Six women and five men were slaughtered wearing their dancing shoes. I hope and pray they are dancing in heaven. 

Democracies don’t bounce back post-dictatorship. “Argentina, 1985” shows how justice looks afterward

When the director and the star of “Argentina, 1985” stepped on stage to accept a 2023 Golden Globe Award, the title of the film may not have meant much to many Americans in the audience. But for Argentines, 1985 is pivotal: the year leaders of its most recent dictatorship went on trial.

Santiago Mitre’s film details the complex judicial process against members of the military junta, which helped secure Argentina’s democratic future after years of repression that killed tens of thousands of people. The story illustrates how justice is built by both top-down and bottom-up forces, as ordinary people’s work for human rights turns them into heroes.

My work focuses on Latin American literature and films, particularly how they represent ethical issues about violence and human rights. Part of what intrigues me about a legal thriller like “Argentina, 1985” is how it brings lofty ideas down to earth: showing the exacting legal processes that it takes to turn justice from an abstract concept into reality, and not shying away from murky moral questions.

Mitre’s portrayal may make “Argentina, 1985,” which is now a nominee for the Best International Feature Film Oscar, a strong contender at the Academy Awards in March.

30,000 “desaparecidos”

In the film, which was co-written by Mitre and Mariano Llinás, a team of lawyers takes on crimes against humanity perpetrated during Argentina’s so-called National Reorganization Process: a military junta that lasted from 1976 to 1983.

These abuses did not only include the estimated 30,000 people who were “disappeared” – known as “los desaparecidos” – by government forces and paramilitary groups during the period. There was a massive campaign of repression that targeted real or imagined opposition members and “subversives,” including students, workers and labor leaders, human rights activists, academics, doctors, priests and politicians. In addition, there were severe human rights violations, like the trafficking of infants born to political prisoners, clandestine concentration camps and widespread torture.

The junta was one of several Latin American dictatorships of the period, which cooperated in a system known as Operation Condor, an extrajudicial campaign of violent repression against political dissidents. But popular pressure to end Argentina’s military dictatorship mounted amid the country’s defeat in the 1982 Falklands War against the British. Resistance also rose because of corruption and economic policies that increased poverty.

The leader of an opposition party, Raul Alfonsin, triumphed in the 1983 presidential elections, returning the country to democracy. He had vowed to end impunity for the dictatorship’s crimes as part of Argentina’s gradual re-democratization.

Defending democracy up close

Stories of the dictatorship have been portrayed on screen many times – most famously, perhaps, in “The Official Story,” which won the foreign film Oscar in 1986. More recent versions include “Rojo,” a portrait of the tensions leading up to the junta, and the thriller “Azor,” also co-written by Llinás.

To complete the picture, Argentina needed a film to show the judicial response to those crimes: a story to represent not just the abuse of human rights, but their defense and restoration, as well as the struggle against impunity. “Argentina, 1985” plays that role – which may be why it has drawn more than 1 million viewers in Argentine movie theaters.

The film’s main story is that of real-life prosecutor Julio Strassera, and behind him a team of volunteers with a mission: to demonstrate the government’s accountability for the shadowy crimes of Argentina’s dictatorship. Strassera is portrayed as someone placed in the eye of the hurricane by fate and bureaucracy. It falls on him to mount a watertight accusation of abuses that until then had not been proved in court.

Confirming the facts through appropriate witnesses is more important than a mere ideological victory. The prosecutors – and the movie viewers with them – are immersed in horror of reconstructing the crimes, showing how the defense of human rights is not only an abstract ideal, but an intricate, painstaking procedure.

As part of its narrative style, which closely follows the rules of the legal thriller genre, the film’s photography mirrors the dark drama of Argentina’s dangerous transition, as the country’s democratic future hung in the balance. One of the script’s key points is to highlight that this trial was a notable exception at the time, compared to similar cases around the world where military leaders had been allowed to live out their days in the comfort of their homes or in exile.

Watching “1985” in 2023

Another accomplishment of the film is to avoid supporting the theory of the two demons, which still has supporters today: the belief that the violence of the extreme left was just as evil and violent as the extreme right’s.

As in other Latin American dictatorships, violence by radical leftist groups was often an excuse for the authoritarianism of Argentina’s regime. However, the smaller-scale attacks of these groups cannot be equated with a junta’s state terrorism. Artists have strongly criticized this false equivalence for decades, as I have written about in my publications and presentations on other films and novels.

“Argentina, 1985” resists blaming the whole of Argentine society, diverting attention from key institutions and perpetrators. However, it partially omits the stories of other groups that helped bring justice to the junta, such as the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo, whose loved ones disappeared during the dictatorship.

Yet the plot does show a series of ethical gray areas in the protagonists’ lives, avoiding the simple black-and-white view of morality that can sneak into historical storytelling. Examples of this are Strassera’s professional past as federal prosecutor during the dictatorship, when he didn’t confront the military’s abuses in several cases, and the surveillance he imposes on his daughter. These storytelling decisions illustrate how the ideology behind authoritarian rule can permeate private lives, although people can later transform their views.

The film will likely resonate in Argentina and other places where people today are forgetting the pitfalls of authoritarianism and dictatorship, while taking democracy for granted. Back in 1984, the National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons helped to coin an expression now famous in Argentina: ¡Nunca Más! – Never again! “Argentina 1985” foregrounds the need for that human rights slogan to be sustained in memory and action.

Carlos Gardeazabal Bravo, Assistant Professor of Spanish, University of Dayton

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Are evangelicals breaking up with Trump? Don’t get your hopes up

There are a lot of discussions in political and even religious circles these days about whether the marriage between Donald Trump and evangelical Christians is officially over. Prominent evangelical leaders are backing away from Trump heading into the 2024 campaign, and Trump is openly disparaging them. I know that’s an exciting prospect to many on the left but I promise you: This relationship is not over. The truth is that Trump’s evangelical voters love him, and that love is not going away.

It is entirely true that the Republican establishment does not want Trump to win the nomination this time around, and the foremost evangelical leaders probably don’t want him either. Gov. Ron DeSantis is the guy they want. He is seen as a solid politician with plenty of charisma and “Christian values,” and he loves cruel political theater, like sending planeloads of Latin American migrants to Martha’s Vineyard. The problem is that Republican leaders and evangelical pastors only get one vote apiece during the GOP primary season. It’s actual Republican voters who will decide.

Remember that when Trump first ran in 2015, almost no evangelical leaders lined up behind him. The Republican establishment probably wanted Jeb Bush to win the nomination, and a number of evangelical leaders preferred Sen. Ted Cruz, who was seen as one of their own. Only after Trump started winning primaries one after another did the evangelical leadership start to get behind him. It was the people that wanted Trump, not any leadership group. Hell, back then there were plenty of Democrats who tried to elevate Trump as the Republican nominee, believing he would lose easily to Hillary Clinton.

At this point, Donald Trump is perceived by the GOP establishment as a three-time loser. In 2018, 2020 and 2022, he was essentially rejected by this country as a whole. But you may have noticed that the primary season is not about the whole country, and on the Republican side it’s about the true believers and right-wing activists who are highly motivated to vote. As I see it, most of those people still prefer Trump over DeSantis. Once Trump really starts campaigning, we’ll see the polling numbers favor him even more than they do now.

That’s equally true for evangelical voters, if not more so. Most of them still love Trump and will show up in large numbers to make sure he wins the nomination. When that happens, suddenly all these evangelical pastors will start talking about what a great president Trump was, and how great he will be again. It’s obvious that nearly all Republicans will support him rather than betray their own party, whatever private misgivings they may feel.

Understand that pollsters have never quite been able to predict the voting patterns of evangelicals. These simply are not the type of people who will answer the phone or be honest with some pollster. We have to assume that Trump’s 80% support among evangelicals will remain intact as long as he’s alive and keeps on running for president. Quite frankly, this is a case of reaping what you sow: Evangelical leaders spent so much time and energy convincing their followers that Trump was the chosen man of God, and they can’t take that back so easily.  

The relationship between Trump and his evangelical followers is true love, although it pretty much runs in one direction. Sometimes when you love someone that much, you end up staying with them no matter how they treat you. We’ve all seen it happen. Trump is the equivalent of an abusive, neglectful and hopelessly selfish partner. One of the biggest problems we face in life is that sometimes we love the wrong person.


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Democrats have two options to combat this issue. They can simply ignore it, betting that the larger voting public outnumbers the evangelical base and that Trump’s window of possibility for winning national elections has closed. I certainly hope that is true. The second option is to recognize that Trump really could win again and do everything to avoid that, by trying to connect to those evangelical voters who may be questioning their loyalty to this abusive boyfriend.  

Reaching at least some of those evangelicals can be done. It is not true that the entire 80 percent is head over heels in love with the guy. Many are working families desperate to give a better life to their children. If the left can speak the language of the blue-collar everyday American, without being superior or condescending, some of those voters can be won over. Not so much by specifically targeting evangelicals as by talking to them about issues that unite us all.

Remember that there was a significant chunk of the electorate who voted for Barack Obama twice and then for Trump, and a whole lot of those people were evangelical Christians. At least some of those working-class Trump voters, according to polling at the time, might have been willing to support Bernie Sanders. It’s crucial to remember that the voting public is not as predictable as many observers believe, a lesson we learned again in the 2022 midterms. People are complicated, and so are the reasons that drive their votes.

The relationship between Trump and his evangelical followers is true love. But sometimes when you love someone that much, you end up staying with them even when they’re abusive, neglectful and hopelessly selfish.

But the hard truth here, which we all have to face, is that the marriage between evangelical voters and Donald Trump is far from over. The leadership will come around once Trump starts winning primaries again. They might not like it but they will support him in the end. My own opinion is that because of this hidden strength among evangelicals, Trump is still capable of winning a national election, and that Democrats must at least attempt to reach a few evangelical voters who feel uncomfortable with him. 

Of course it’s true that evangelicals generally hold views about abortion and the LGBTQ community that are completely unacceptable to Democrats. I’m not suggesting there’s some middle ground on those issues, only that evangelical leaders care about a lot more about those things than ordinary evangelical voters do. They mostly care about taking care of their families and paying the bills, like everybody else. Liberals and progressives can do a much better job at communicating to all voters that Democratic policies on health care and the economy will benefit most Americans in a real and measurable way, while Republican policies are actively harmful.

America is in a very difficult place, but I pray that people begin to understand that our country is not the same as its political leadership. Years ago I had the great privilege of hearing the brilliant poet Maya Angelou speak in person. She told us over and over again that we are all much more similar than we are different, and that we should respect that everyone has a story to tell and everyone deserves to be heard.  We all want to be loved, and to love. We all want a better life for our children, to grow old with dignity, and to have a job with value and purpose. Those who voted for Trump or for Bernie or for Obama are not as different as many believe — and sometimes are the very same people. If we can accept that, then just maybe America can finally rid itself of one of the most unhealthy and damaged people ever to enter the political world. Then perhaps evangelicals will finally break it off with their abusive, neglectful and narcissistic boyfriend.   

Oil refineries are polluting US waterways. Too often, it’s legal

Oil refineries are a well-documented source of air pollution, but less attention is paid to the ways they also pollute the water. Transforming crude oil into petroleum produces millions of gallons of wastewater each day filled with toxic chemicals and heavy metals that pours out of the plants and flows into rivers and streams affecting nearby communities.

While the Environmental Protection Agency, or the EPA, is legally required to regulate these pollutants and impose penalties, a new study released Thursday by the Environmental Integrity Project maintains that hasn’t been happening. 

The project’s analysis looks at monitoring data, permit applications, and toxic release reports from the nation’s 81 oil refineries that discharge their waste into waterways directly or through off-site treatment plants. In 2021 alone, the plants released a total of 60,000 pounds of selenium, known to cause mutations in fish, and 15.7 million pounds of nitrogen, which feed harmful algal blooms. Some 10,000 pounds of nickel, also toxic to fish in trace amounts, streamed into waterways as well, plus 1.6 billion pounds of chlorides, sulfates, and other dissolved solids that can corrode pipes and contaminate drinking water.  

Oil refineries released vast amounts of pollutants in 2021. The table above shows a selection of contaminants that are completely unregulated by the EPA in refinery wastewater. Environmental Integrity Project

The totals in the report do not include contaminants released in stormwater runoff or spills that bypass water treatment systems, noted Eric Shaeffer, executive director of the Environmental Integrity Project who previously served as director of the EPA’s Office of Civil Enforcement. “We think we’re understating the problem,” he said.

Most of this pollution, the report found, happens in places where people have fewer economic resources and political influence to push back. More than 40 percent of the refineries in the study are located in communities where the majority of residents are people of color or considered low-income. 

John Beard, executive director of the Port Arthur Community Action Network, which advocates for environmental justice in the refinery-dense communities east of Houston, Texas, joined a press call for the report. “They don’t build these facilities in Beverly Hills or River Oaks, Texas, and places that have a way and a means to seek justice and correction,” he said. “They take the ‘path of least resistance,’ [building near] people who can ill afford to fight back.”

The “witches’ brew,” as the report calls it, flowing out of these refineries poses a real threat to aquatic life and communities. Wastewater from two-thirds of the refineries studied contributed to the “impairment” of downstream waterways, meaning they became too polluted to drink, fish, or swim in, or support healthy aquatic plants and animals.

Yet much of this pollution is actually legal, the Environmental Integrity Project points out.

The federal Clean Water Act requires the EPA to limit industrial discharges of 65 toxins, but in fact they regulate only 10 pollutants for refineries. The agency is also supposed to update its limits every five years as technologies to treat wastewater improve, but the rules for refineries have not been changed since the 1980s. In addition, refineries are now twice the size on average than they were when those regulations were last made. 

While the EPA does have rules about ammonia, for example, they are not reflective of the current technology that makes refineries capable of much lower discharge rates of the compound. And there are no limits to the amount of selenium, benzene, nickel, lead, cyanide, arsenic, mercury, and PFAS, or per- and polyfluoroalkyl substances, known as forever chemicals, that can come out of these facilities.

When it comes to the outdated rules the EPA does have for refinery wastewater, the agency has repeatedly failed to enforce them. The Environmental Integrity Project found that 83 percent of U.S. refineries violated regulations on water pollutants at least once between 2019 and 2021. The EPA is supposed to fine violators, but less than a quarter of the refineries received any penalty. One of the worst offenders, Hunt Southland Refinery in Lumberton, Mississippi, violated water pollution limits 144 times during the study period, but was subject to just two penalties, amounting to fines of $85,500. The Phillips 66 Sweeny refinery near Houston, Texas, exceeded its limits 44 times, mostly for excess cyanide, but was only penalized once.

When refineries violate their water pollution limits, they are rarely penalized by the EPA. When they are fined, the amounts are negligible compared to industry profits. Environmental Integrity Project

States also have authority to regulate refinery wastewater through permitting, but they often look to the EPA guidelines in setting their rules. While a few have included additional limits, the report notes that these are also rarely enforced. The EPA has made recent headlines for being short staffed and falling far behind on its own deadlines to create dozens of regulations that are central to the President’s climate goals, despite a new injection of funds from the bipartisan infrastructure law and the Inflation Reduction Act. 

“What are we asking for? No more than what the Clean Water Act has required since the 1970s,” said Shaeffer. “We ask the EPA to comply with the law, rise to the occasion, and write new standards based on the advanced treatment systems we have in this century, instead of the ones we should have left behind in the last one.”

“Groyper” guru Nick Fuentes returns to Twitter (briefly): Hateful content keeps flowing

Nick Fuentes, the white nationalist youth activist and founder of the far-right “groyper” movement — who shared an infamous dinner with Ye and Donald Trump in November — had his verified Twitter account reinstated last Tuesday, only to be suspended again a day later. Fuentes was first suspended from the platform in July 2021 “for repeated violations of the Twitter Rules.” 

Fuentes’ brief return to the platform, thanks to Twitter CEO Elon Musk’s purported commitment to unfettered “free speech,” didn’t last long. It can hardly have been a surprise that he began posting overtly antisemitic content almost immediately, as Hannah Gais of the Southern Poverty Law Center told Reuters.

Fuentes’ reinstatement, followed by his almost immediate suspension, “kind of shows that Musk does not know what he’s doing with content moderation,” said Kayla Gogarty, deputy research director at Media Matters. “It’s something that we have tried to warn about: I think advertisers need to start considering their brand safety. As Musk is removing those guardrails, we are seeing consequences, like increases in hate, increases in misinformation.”

Social media platforms are not government entities and are not subject to the First Amendment’s free speech guarantees. Nearly all of them have carefully worked-out policies against hate speech, disinformation, harassment or violent conduct, aimed at creating a non-threatening environment for civil discourse and communication, said Yosef Getachew, a media and democracy program director at Common Cause. Allowing a blatantly bigoted and disruptive user like Fuentes back on Twitter sends a clear signal that the platform is failing to enforce its own policies, he added.

“You’re creating an environment where users may feel threatened, harassed or attacked, or you could be inciting others to engage in offline violence,” Getachew said. “That’s essentially how the [Jan. 6] insurrection started, given that millions of users were exposed to harmful content and were asked to organize and mobilize offline to try and overthrow our government. It’s the same type of pattern.”

Dozens of Fuentes’ followers have been promoting white Christian nationalist ideology on Instagram, according to Media Matters, although that appears to be a clear violation of the platform’s policies.

Fuentes’ self-styled “Groyper Army,” which has no official organizational structure, is a loosely allied group of white nationalist and far-right activists, predominantly young and male, who are trying to introduce far-right politics into mainstream conservatism. 

The groyper memes are a derivative of the “Pepe the Frog” meme co-opted by the alt-right several years ago to communicate racist, homophobic and antisemitic tropes.

Originally, groyper-affiliated accounts were primarily found on 4chan and Gab — the “free speech” alternative platforms favored by right-wing activists – when the movement began. Now, their memes and content have spread all over mainstream social media platforms. 

At least 18 identified Instagram accounts have been associated with Fuentes or the groypers, and another 29 have been promoting the America First groyper movement by sharing memes, clips and links, Media Matters found. 

In many cases, those accounts even rely on Instagram’s link sticker feature, directing users to Cozy.TV – a streaming platform that Fuentes launched in 2021, which he has described as “anti-gay, anti-woman, anti-Black, antisemitic.” 

Fuentes hosts nightly broadcasts on Cozy.TV, fueled by supposedly humorous attacks on Jewish people, the LGBTQ+ community, feminism and various other minority communities.

Even after being de-platformed from YouTube and Facebook, Fuentes has retained a loyal following that has kept growing, either in spite of or because of his increased notoriety and increasingly offensive opinions. He has at least partly succeeded in getting ever closer to the conservative political mainstream, with the explicit goal of pushing the Republican Party toward the extreme right.

Accounts on Instagram that share Fuentes-related content consistently direct users to more fringe platforms, where they will find the most incendiary and hateful content, said Gogarty. Even when Facebook bans a specific Groyper Army link, “it often slips through the cracks” since platforms haven’t outright banned entire domains from being shared, she added. 


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Fuentes first rose to prominence as a Trump superfan during the 2016 campaign and went on to found the America First Political Action Conference — a white nationalist-focused gathering meant as a right-wing alternative to the American Conservative Union’s influential CPAC events.

He attended the Unite the Right Rally in Charlottesville in 2017 and made headlines last year for his dinner at Mar-a-Lago with Trump and the rapper Ye, formerly Kanye West.

Fuentes has repeatedly recited antisemitic tropes about alleged Jewish control of the media, and has called for embracing Christian nationalism as official policy in the United States.

Many Instagram accounts share groyper content — but avoid the worst of it, consistently directing users to fringe platforms where they can find the most overtly hateful and incendiary material.

“If we’re going to make America great again, we’ve gotta talk about this anti-white thing that’s going on,” he said during a broadcast of his “America First” show in February 2022. “We’ve got to make America a Christian nation again. And you can understand why influential Jewish people in conservative media are not really gung-ho about that. They’re not promoting white identity. They’re not promoting this.” 

Fuentes and his groypers have strategically used different social media platforms and internet spaces to spread their messages and coordinate harassment campaigns. For example, during a 2019 Turning Point USA event featuring Donald Trump Jr. at UCLA, groypers showed up in large numbers, demanding that Trump Jr. answer their questions. 

At another event that same weekend featuring Rep. Dan Crenshaw, R-Texas, the groyper army tried to monopolize the Q&A session with questions about Israel, Vox reported. Their apparent goal with such disruptions is to record video clips that have the potential to go viral on social media. 

“There are reports out there that these groups are organizing, that they’re harassing individuals, that they’re building momentum,” Getachew said. “A lot of times, those kinds of things are not taken into account. Platforms are just looking to see what’s going on in this particular moment, rather than the bigger picture.”

Kai Schwemmer, a groyper influencer who shares memes and other content aimed at younger audiences, has more than 12,000 followers on Instagram to date. On his website, Schwemmer describes himself as a “Gen Z conservative from Utah,” writing that he “stands for freedom, for traditional values and he promotes an energetic, youthful conservatism; he stands against mass immigration and cultural decay.”

While Schwemmer’s content on Instagram isn’t overtly racist or antisemitic to attract new supporters, his presence on fringe platforms has a much different flavor. On Telegram and Gab, for example, he reposts homophobic memes and cartoons making “jokes” about Adolf Hitler and the Holocaust, Vice News reports

“We’ve seen this strategy really blossom by extremists, where they use these mainstream platforms to garner that audience, but then send them to more harmful content on other platforms,” Gogarty said.

Another groyper influencer, Paul Escandon, uses his Instagram to promote Fuentes and America First content, including a film about Fuentes he recently also produced.

Instagram and Facebook’s parent company, Meta, explicitly prohibits “praise, support and representation of white nationalism and white separatism” on both of those platforms. Fuentes has been suspended from Instagram since 2019, but supporters continue to spread his video clips and posts on different fringe platforms, and then rely on Instagram to direct curious users to more extreme spaces. 

Numerous users who have been banned from YouTube for posting extremist content have moved it to Rumble, a site that brands itself as a “free speech” alternative for video. “A lot of the QAnon figures are on Rumble,” Gogarty said. “They stream on Rumble and then on Facebook pages that all link back to these Rumble videos.” That doesn’t technically violate Facebook policies, she noted, “because they’re not specifically putting that content on the platform organically, but they’re linking to that content.”

Failed MAGA candidate’s vulgar speech goes viral

A recording of a vulgar rant by a failed Republican candidate has thrown Nevada’s GOP into turmoil.

Newly elected GOP delegate Drew Hirsty was expelled by the state Republican Party Central Committee earlier this month for recording and sharing a video of losing state attorney general candidate Michele Fiore slurring former state party chairwoman Amy Tarkanian as “Ms. Alcoholic” and a “panty dropper after two shots” after she endorsed her Democratic rival, reported the Las Vegas Review-Journal.

“[I was] appalled, offended and shocked,” Hirsty said.

He uploaded the video to Google Drive and sent it to fellow Republican Margaret White, who then circulated the video that soon caught the attention of media outlets, and both Hirsty and White expect to be booted from the Clark County GOP over the flap.

“It’s not what I believe Republicans stand for: integrity and class,” said White, a former chief of staff of the Clark County Republican Party. “They just want their small clique of people they can control. … They throw out anybody that disagrees with them.”

Hirsty also recorded video at the same Nov. 15 event of Nevada GOP chairman Michael McDonald criticizing “backstabbing” Republicans like Tarkanian, who endorsed incumbent attorney general Aaron Ford and state treasurer Zach Conine, both Democrats, in the election, and Hirsty said Clark County GOP chairman Jesse Law threatened to “get even,” which he denies.

Law won a bruising leadership fight for the county party in 2021 over state Sen. Carrie Buck (R-Henderson), and the Review-Journal obtained video of him at the Jan. 14 central committee meeting calling for a motion to remove Hirsty, which eventually passed 55-45.

“To me, it’s rather destructive to this organization, to the state organization,” Law says in the video. “It’s a big embarrassment and that really bothers me.”

“I don’t want any of this problem, but also I don’t want videos uploaded where we get to be a laughingstock,” Law adds. “I want Clark County to be doing great, so anyone involved in trying to upload videos and share with the media to harm us and embarrass us, I didn’t think that this body would want to be a part of that.”

Fiore has since moved from Clark County to Nye County, where she was appointed justice of the peace despite having no judicial experience or even a law degree.

Tyre Nichols video shocks legal experts

On Friday evening, the Memphis Police Department released body camera footage showing four since-fired officers brutally beating Tyre Nichols during a traffic stop. Nichols died later as a result of his injuries, and the officers behind the beating, who worked for the so-called SCORPION unit, have now been charged with murder.

Legal experts on Twitter were quick to react with horror on the video, which was split into four parts and did not include footage of the original traffic stop, but showed the officers beating Nichols multiple times as he screamed in pain and also showed paramedics failing to render proper aid when they arrived on the scene.

“A depraved indifference toward human life,” said Georgia State Law professor Anthony Michael Kreis. “Nothing short of an extra-judicial execution.”

Wheaton political science professor Miranda Yaver agreed, writing, “The first major news story that I remember following on TV was the beating of Rodney King. It’s infuriating how little has changed since then.”

Former federal prosecutor Harry Litman walked through some of the most significant parts.

“Nichols does nothing to resist arrest while the officers kick and punch Nichols and beat him with a baton. He falls and stands up and gets pummeled by 5 blows,” wrote Litman. “Video 3 is maybe the worst Officers taser him, threaten to do it again. Nichols screams out “Mom” repeatedly Officers f-bomb him repeatedly Officers breathless from beating him … They actually stand him up to beat him again and worse.”

Meanwhile, civil rights attorney Andrew Laufer retweeted the statement, “I won’t be sharing the video or viewing it. I will say it’s long past time to end qualified immunity [for police officers] across the board.”

Ron DeSantis calls for “new blood” in RNC — but Ronna McDaniel wins anyway

Just 24 hours before Ronna McDaniel was re-elected to a fourth term as chair of the Republican National Committee, Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis called for “new blood” at the RNC, praising Harmeet Dhillon, McDaniel’s principal challenger. It obviously wasn’t enough: McDaniel beat Dhillon by a vote of 111-51, with four votes for MyPillow CEO Mike Lindell.

Politico reports that McDaniel was forced “to assemble an aggressive whip operation to shore up her support.” After her victory, she called for Republican unity:

 

“We need all of us,” McDaniel told committee members after calling Dhillon and Lindell to join her onstage. “We heard you, grassroots. We know. We heard Harmeet; we heard Mike Lindell… [W]ith us united and all of us joining together, the Democrats are going to hear us in 2024.”

Dhillon said she was “committed to healing and coming together with folks,” but also described her campaign as a “national grassroots movement,” suggesting that “if our party is perceived as totally out of touch with the grassroots — which I think some may take away from this outcome — we have some work to do.”

In his effort to boost Dhillon before Friday’s vote, DeSantis sought to blame the GOP’s recent setbacks on McDaniel, and perhaps indirectly on former President Donald Trump, who installed her as party chair in the first place.   

“We’ve had three substandard election cycles in a row, ’18, ’20, and ’22, and I’d say ’22 was the worst,” DeSantis said Thursday. “I think we need a change, I think we need to get some new blood in the RNC, I like what Harmeet Dhillon said about getting the RNC out of D.C.,” DeSantis told Charlie Kirk, the conservative founder of Turning Point USA, who had endorsed Dhillon. 

“I do think we need some fresh thinking,” said DeSantis, who is expected to be Trump’s main opponent for the GOP’s 2024 presidential nomination. “And practically, you need grassroots Republicans to power this organization with volunteering and donations, and I think it’s going to be very difficult to energize people to want to give money and volunteer their time with the RNC if they don’t change direction.”

DeSantis also criticized his party for its losses during the 2022 midterm elections, claiming that the political environment was “tailor-made to make big gains in the House and the Senate and state houses all around the country. And yet that didn’t happen.”

While around 30 RNC members were listed on Dhillon’s website as supporters of her campaign, she evidently lacked enough widespread support to become chair, despite the vocal support of outside activists and right-wing media celebrities like Kirk, Tucker Carlson and Laura Ingraham. 


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McDaniel will now lead the party through the 2024 presidential election. The RNC controls most of the presidential nominating process, including debates and voting calendars, and helps with fundraising to elect a Republican president. Committee rules dictate that it must remain neutral during the presidential primary, a major change from 2020 when Trump was running as an incumbent. He remains the only announced GOP candidate for 2024, but several other contenders are expected to announce their campaigns in the coming months, including DeSantis, former Vice President Mike Pence and former Secretary of State Mike Pompeo.

Dhillon told reporters that she would remain neutral in the 2024 primary, but implied that her Trump-aligned opponent, McDaniel, would not. “President Trump’s team is here whipping votes for Ronna … so I think that speaks for itself,” Dhillon commented. McDaniel has previously stated that she would remain neutral as well. 

At least officially, Trump stayed out of the RNC race, saying he would “let them fight it out.” To some extent, McDaniel’s victory is a signal that he still has considerable influence within the party.

Could we feed a city on Mars? This question is central to the future of space exploration

Could we feed a city on Mars? This question is central to the future of space exploration and has serious repercussions on Earth, too. To date, a lot of thought has gone into how astronauts eat; however, we are only beginning to produce food in space.

Space launches are quite expensive. And with the growing desire to establish a human presence in space, we are going to have to consider food production in space. But the challenges are vast, requiring research into how plants respond to a variety of changes, including to gravity and radiation.

As food and agriculture researchers, we explored this question in our latest book, “Dinner on Mars.” We believe that a sustainable Martian food system is possible — and that in building it, we’ll change food systems on Earth. However, this will take some out-of-the-box thinking.

Martian agriculture

The basis of food systems on Mars would involve water harvested from the soil (rovers have shown that there are small but significant amounts of frozen water in the crust) and cyanobacteria, often referred to as blue-green algae.

On earth, cyanobacteria can be a big problem, as it grows in polluted waterways causing eutrophication — a nutrient-induced increase in phytoplankton productivity in the water body.

On Mars, however, cyanobacteria can use the carbon dioxide in the atmosphere and grow on the sandy inorganic and toxic regolith — the layer of loose rocks and dust covering bedrock — to produce the basic organic molecules on which the rest of the food system will rest.

Cyanobacteria is capable of growing in Martian conditions, which has the very real added benefit of neutralizing extremely toxic chemicals called perchlorates. Perchlorates are laced throughout the Martian regolith and are toxic to humans in minute quantities, so having cyanobacteria provide a double duty of neutralizing the toxins while producing organic material will be a huge boon to any Martian community.

Greenhouse technologies

Once bacteria are happily growing away under a Martian sky, they will provide nutrients needed to support luxurious crops of plants. A Martian city could be imagined as a lush green place, with hydroponics and soil-bound crops filling tunnels, carpeting domed craters and growing away in every unused corner.

Advanced greenhouse technologies — like vertical agriculture — that create a suitable controlled environment will provide abundant leafy greens, vegetables, fruits and specialty crops, such as herbs, coffee and chocolate.

Carbohydrates might be in short supply, however, as they take up large amounts of space. Our grain consumption is likely to be lower on Mars, though legumes and grains will still appear in Martian diets in smaller quantities reflecting what can economically be produced on site.

All plants on Mars will also play key roles in oxygen generation, water recycling and the provision of raw organic material for manufacturing.

These technologies are also valuable on Earth as we attempt to shorten supply chains and improve the availability of healthy fruit and vegetables in the winter months.

Meat on Mars?

Animal agriculture is notoriously inefficient. On Earth, billions of domestic animals threaten natural biodiversity, contribute to climate change and suffer from needless animal cruelty.

Animal-based systems will not be viable on Mars, but protein could be abundantly produced through cellular agriculture and precision fermentation. Precision fermentation involves creating proteins by utilizing modified yeasts, fungus and bacteria that consume starches and sugars — on Mars, this will largely come from food waste — and turn them into desired proteins.


Start-up companies are already making real dairy products without using cows.

Cellular agriculture involves taking stem cell samples and growing them in the lab to create cuts of meat identical to those from animal agriculture.

Reducing inefficiencies

Imagining what agriculture could be like on Mars is a fascinating project, but it’s when we think about how these technologies may affect life on Earth that this topic becomes extremely serious. This is because on Mars — where each gram of organic matter, milliliter of water and photon of solar energy is scarce — there can be no inefficiencies.

The “waste” products of one part of the system need to be deliberately used as inputs into another part, such as using the dead cyanobacteria as a growth medium for later parts of the food system. But more than the technologies themselves, it may be the mindset of building a Martian food system that will change how things are done here on Earth, where one-third of all food is thrown away.

Our excitement about food technologies comes through in “Dinner on Mars,” but we are not techno-optimists. Technology isn’t a panacea. For example, if technologies like vertical farming reduce the need for farmland, then policies are required to ensure that the land will not just be paved over.

We also need to be mindful of the negative impacts of technologies and be sensitive to how people’s livelihoods may need to change and adapt. Helping manage this transition and minimize disruption is another important area for policy.

The technologies unlocked by Mars, together with equitable policies, could place us on a much more sustainable trajectory on Earth.

Lenore Newman, Director, Food and Agriculture Institute, University of The Fraser Valley and Evan Fraser, Director of the Arrell Food Institute and Professor in the Dept. of Geography, Environment and Geomatics, University of Guelph

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license.

Looking to take your cooking to the next level? Don’t shy away from bitterness

Bitterness is a critical component of building intensity and complexity of flavor, but here in the U.S. we often shy away from using bitterness to accentuate our food and instead focus on tired adages like “fat is flavor” when attempting to build nuance into dishes. I’d like to divulge why bitterness is so key to developing complexity in finished foods, with a short guide on different ways you can play with the styles, levels and textures of the taste.

Why is bitterness an important part of flavor? To start, our taste buds are extremely attuned to the taste of bitterness, especially at the backs of our mouths. Scientists theorize this evolved as a “last chance” button of sorts to detect potentially poisonous foods and allow us to physically eject them from our bodies, as almost all toxic plants are bitter. This means that we don’t need to use a lot of bitterness for most people to discern it on the plate — a little goes a long way and makes a big impact.

Also very interestingly, bitter is one of our five primary tastes (six if you count fat, seven if you count spice), and it balances out umami — similar to how sourness helps neutralize fattiness. You can increase umami and bitterness as you cook, knowing that as long as the two are in sync, the final product will taste balanced. In my experience, incorporating a bitter note is a big part of the “craveability” factor that many of us chefs are striving for when we cook.

Bitterness also helps cleanse our palates; in a way, it’s like taking a whiff of coffee beans in between wines during a tasting. When I think back to the times I’ve tasted something very delicious but just can’t stand more than a few bites before my taste buds are overwhelmed (e.g. most commonly when I eat truffles, wagyu or caviar), I find it’s because there’s just not enough bitterness present to make me want more. While it’s not the flavor you want to blanket the food with, I liken it to little boosts of adrenaline for your taste buds to keep them stimulated while reformatting your palate back to neutral so the next food still feels interesting as we continue to eat. Maybe this is why naturally caffeinated items are bitter?  

Bitterness also helps cleanse our palates; in a way, it’s like taking a whiff of coffee beans in between wines during a tasting.

When cooking, think about when and how your bitter component is being incorporated, as that will likely determine when that same bitterness will spark your diner’s taste receptors. Sprinkling a warm, rich, bitter ingredient like cacao powder on top to finish a dish versus braising meat in a juicy but tannic red wine for hours feels different because the ingredient’s bitterness reaches our tongues in varying stages when eating. Also consider how that bitter ingredient is cut: Large strips of collards as a side yield different results than having thin chiffonades incorporated throughout a dish.

When eating, consider what hits your tongue first versus last. What flavors are present in each of these stages? Where the bitterness “sits” in a dish is a manifestation of how it independently smells and tastes, and when and how it was incorporated. Do you want subtle bitterness dispersed evenly throughout a soup or concentrated at the beginning or end of the eating experience? If you’re creating a plated dish, is there bitterness in every component or accents like a few dots of a fluid gel?

Bitter IngredientsBitter Ingredients (Courtesy of Jenny Dorsey)

I’ve put together a short chart of bitter ingredients that you can experiment with. It is certainly not exhaustive but will hopefully help turn your attention to some interesting new components to play with the next time you cook. Why not use a whole lemon when braising to infuse some of that bitter pith into the foundation of that dish? What about spiking a classic vodka sauce with a touch of bitter liqueur instead? Perhaps black tea can be the secret ingredient of your next spice blend. Once you master the nuance of bitterness, you’ll see the boundaries of deepening flavor profiles will expand exponentially.

By Chef Jenny Dorsey, Institute of Culinary Education

At least 9, including elderly woman, killed by Israeli forces in refugee camp “massacre”

An elderly woman was among at least nine Palestinian people killed in an early morning raid at a refugee camp in Jenin in the occupied West Bank on Thursday, in what President Mahmoud Abbas denounced as “a massacre from the Israeli occupation government, in the shadow of international silence.”

The woman died of a gunshot wound in her neck, Middle East Eye (MEE) reported.

Heavily armed soldiers with the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) entered the refugee camp in a commercial truck and shot at residents who were trying to block them. The IDF also used bulldozers in the raid and targeted an area that was used as a meeting place for residents. According to Al Jazeera, “dozens of armored vehicles and snipers” were involved in the raid.

“The sounds of bullets and gunfights were intense, and clouds of smoke covered the sky,” Anas Huwaisheh, a correspondent at a local channel, told MEE. “The Israeli occupation cut off the electricity, the internet, and the cell phone network during the storming. This shows that it was planned.”

At least 20 people were injured as of this writing, including four who were in critical condition.

The raid made Thursday one of the deadliest days in the occupied West Bank since the IDF intensified its attacks early last year in response to the Palestinian resistance.

At least 29 Palestinians have now been killed by Israeli forces in the occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem this month, including five children and 15 people from Jenin.

Palestinian Health Minister Mai al-Kaila accused the IDF of obstructing ambulances as emergency workers tried to take victims to a nearby public hospital and of “deliberately [firing] tear gas bombs at the hospital’s children’s department, choking children.”

“There is an invasion that is unprecedented… in terms of how large it is and the number of injuries,” Wissam Baker, the head of the public hospital, told Al Jazeera. “The ambulance driver tried to get to one of the martyrs who was on the floor, but the Israeli forces shot directly at the ambulance and prevented them from approaching him.”

The IDF denied firing tear gas at the hospital deliberately but said soldiers fired the chemicals close enough to the hospital that it could have entered the children’s ward.

Murad Khamayseh, a medic, told MEE that “it was almost impossible to go into the camp” to rescue victims.

“Israeli forces fired warning shots and signaled at the team to not approach the area,” Khamayseh said. “As paramedics we have gotten used to this, but I honestly couldn’t keep myself together after the things I have seen today.”

Political analyst Aleef Sabbagh told Al Jazeera that the raid is likely “the first shot in a coming, larger Israeli operation” and warned that without a “real, strong response” to the attack and other incidents like the killing of Palestinian-American journalist Shireen Abu Akleh last year, “Israel will continue to do what it wants without punishment.”

“The targeting of ambulances and hospitals, preventing aid to wounded people, the field executions—even the killing of Shireen Abu Akleh—there has been no accountability,” Sabbagh said.

Abu Akleh was shot to death while covering an IDF raid in Jenin last May; multiple investigations have determined the Israelis were responsible for her killing, either intentionally or unintentionally, but Israel said in recent weeks it would not cooperate with a U.S. investigation into the matter.

Jewish Voice for Peace said Thursday that the Jenin raid was “the result of unrestrained violence by the Israeli military.”

The group also called on the U.S. to “end its complicity in Israel’s brutal violence and apartheid.”

“Over and over, the Biden administration has refused to take action in response to Israel’s blatant war crimes against Palestinians, all while continuing to send billions of dollars to the Israeli military,” said Beth Miller, the group’s political director. “Next week, Secretary Blinken is visiting Israel to continue normalizing relations with its far-right extremist and violent government. Enough is enough.”

A general strike was called across the West Bank on Thursday to protest the raid at the refugee camp.

Bivalent boosters protect against the super-infectious new variant XBB.1.5, new data finds

On Wednesday, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) released early data on the effectiveness of the updated COVID-19 boosters and how they’re faring against the most common omicron subvariants, known as XBB and XBB.1.5

Fortunately – given that America is in the middle of the winter COVID season — the news is hopeful.

“All of a sudden, it binds to the host receptor better than most variants that we know so far.”

In adults up to age 49, both boosters from Pfizer-BioNTech and Moderna were nearly 50 percent effective against symptomatic infections from both BA.5-related infections and XBB/XBB.1.5-related infections. However, for those 65 and older, effectiveness dropped to 37 percent against BA.5 and 43 percent against XBB/XBB.1.5.

The 37-to-50 percent range might not seem that high. But, in the grand scheme, these numbers are comparable to the standard range of flu vaccine effectiveness.


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The report is based on COVID-19 test results of more than 29,100 adults with COVID symptoms who were tested at pharmacies nationwide between Dec. 1 through Jan. 13. As Salon previously reported, subvariant XBB.1.5 has been rapidly increasing in spread across the country and exhibiting disconcerting immune-evasive properties. Some hospitals have noted that they’ve seen a surge in cases, and some worry that the winter could be similar to last winter’s COVID-19 outbreak. As of January 21, XBB.1.5 is responsible for about 1 in 2 new COVID-19 cases. 

“XBB is a different ballgame,” Dr. Rajendram Rajnarayanan, an assistant dean of research and associate professor at the New York Institute of Technology campus in Jonesboro, Arkansas, previously explained to Salon. “With a recombinant, you get mutations that makes it more evasive. And as we expected, [XBB.1.5] changed one small mutation, a V changed to a P at the 486 position. And that’s it. All of a sudden, it binds to the host receptor better than most variants that we know so far.”

Dr. Brendan Jackson, the head of the CDC’s COVID response, said in a call with reporters this week that the CDC’s data was “quite reassuring.” “These updated vaccines are protecting people against the latest COVID-19 variants,”Jackson said.

Unfortunately, not many people have received the latest and greatest booster; only about 15 percent of Americans have received a bivalent booster, according to CDC data. As Dr. Jenna Clark, a Senior Behavioral Researcher at Duke University’s Center for Advanced Hindsight, previously wrote for Salon, the lack of people getting their bivalent boosters isn’t necessarily a consequence of vaccine hesitancy. 

“The majority of people say the bivalent booster is as safe and effective as the original COVID-19 vaccine – if not more – and 70% of those already vaccinated against COVID-19 intend to get a booster in the next year,” Clark explained. “But there’s a big gap between intending to do something and actually getting around to it — and that is where the problem lies.”

Experts hope the CDC’s new data might motivate people to get these boosters.

“With this data, we see there is a benefit that might convince some people to sign up and get a bivalent booster,” Dr. Peter Hotez, co-director of the Center for Vaccine Development at Texas Children’s Hospital, told NBC News.

 

Get to know collard greens: Why this leafy green vegetable is worth getting excited about

You love collard greens, but did you know there are so many varieties to love? And so many ways to love them? Like many vegetables, collards are mostly sold as just plain “collards” at the grocery store, with no mention of what kind — and there are very few varieties commercially available. But there are so many more varieties than the ones you know. If you can name more than four varieties of apples or tomatoes, challenge yourself to learn and taste as many (or more) varieties of collard greens. You could even pledge to grow one or more varieties in your home garden this year.

Why collards are worth getting excited about

Through our Eat Winter Vegetables Campaign, created by Lane Selman and the Culinary Breeding Network, FoodPrint was introduced to The Heirloom Collard Project, whose goal is to secure “recognition and respect of collards as a key component of American food culture so their seeds and stories will never be forgotten.” Chris Smith of the Utopian Seed Project is one of the core organizers of this work. He has called collards “magical greens.”

The Utopian Seed Project produced a beautiful zine called “Collards,” a collection of collard-focused art, essays, history, poetry and recipes edited by Cynthia Greenlee. In the intro, Greenlee says that “collard lovers tend to think of these greens as the James Brown of vegetables — the hardest working plant around,” noting that true believers can be miffed by all of the attention kale has gotten. Why shouldn’t collards enjoy the spotlight, too?

It’s an incredible collard resource, drawing on many voices and sharing important history, including what Chris Smith writes in the intro, “It needs stating explicitly: We owe thanks to the enslaved African Americans who, robbed of their freedom and their homelands’ foods, adopted the collard and integrated it into gardens, kitchens and therefore Southern foodways.” As food historian Michael Twitty writes, “If there is any American vegetable that screams African-American, it’s the collard green.” It’s a staple side on Southern plates, and especially dear to Black southerners.

Learning about new collard varieties

So which are the best and tastiest collard varieties? Chris Smith says it depends how you want to enjoy them. “In a similar vein to the different types of kale, different types of collards will have preferred uses and different flavor profiles. Ruffled leaves are popular raw, as they have lift and can ‘catch’ the salad dressing. Lighter-colored collards seem to be more mild in flavor and are good ‘starter’ varieties for people new to collards. We’ve worked with chefs who often pick Tabitha Dykes as the ‘sweetest’ collard.”

You can learn more about the myriad collard varieties available on The Heirloom Collard Project’s website. Some new-to-you collard varieties might exhibit some of the following characteristics that set them apart from the more commercially available collards.

Curly Leafed Collards: Those curly leaved varieties Smith mentions can make them look more like kale than the large, smooth leaves we typically think of with collards.

Tree Collards: Some heirloom varieties grow up tall on a tree-like stalk. According to Project Tree Collard, they are a great variety for home gardeners, since “for very little input, they can provide an abundance of greens all year round.”

Different Color Collards: As Michael Twitty notes in his love letter to collards in the “Collards” zine, “You are green and blue and yellow and purple.” A rare few varieties are even red.

Shiny Collards: While most varieties of collards have a waxy film that the plant produces to protect itself, there are some less waxy varieties that instead appear glossy.

The Heirloom Collard Project has listed out all of the collard varieties available through Seed Savers Exchange — 70 varieties total, including names like Drusilla Delone, Miss Annie Pearl Counselman and Old Timey Blue (as well as other Old Timey varieties). The USDA collection of collard seeds has even more varieties. This represents a huge amount of genetic diversity. And it turns out that the Utopian Seed Project created a new “variety” called Ultracross Collards, which Chris Smith says are his new favorite. In 2020, Utopian Seed Project, as part of a collard trial with the Heirloom Collard Project, grew 21 heirloom collard varieties; during the winter of 2020, the collards survived lows of 8°F, and in spring/summer 2021, seeds were saved from the surviving plants.

Smith says “these seeds represent massive genetic diversity, firstly because the original heirloom collards are genetically diverse, and secondly because they’ve cross-pollinated with each other. Collard grower and Heirloom Collard participant, Melony Edwards, described them as an ultracross: This is not a technical term, but captures the spirit of these collards!”

How to enjoy collards

There are so many ways to enjoy collards, whether cooked or raw. Traditional preparations are often stewed/braised, maybe with a ham hock. Matthew Gilliard, in his cookbook “Bress ‘N’ Nyam” has a vegetarian version he calls “Mess o’ Greens.” In her cookbook “Jubilee,” Toni Tipton-Martin offers up a recipe for collards with cornmeal dumplings. Raw salads are common, too. Chef Ashleigh Shanti, of the Heirloom Collards Project, offers up collards three ways, a salad that has raw, fried and pickled collards.

More fun with collards

In “One Fine Morning” Léa Seydoux experiences the exquisite heartbreak and passion of everyday life

“One Fine Morning” is writer/director Mia Hansen-Løve‘s lovely, sentimental drama about Sandra (Léa Seydoux) experiencing both heartbreak and passion. 

“One Fine Morning” offers no big dramatic moments, just tiny episodes that reveal Sandra’s lived experience.

Sandra is a translator whose father, Georg (Pascal Greggory), a philosophy professor, is slowly slipping away. He has a neurological disease that has impaired his vision and is erasing his memory. It is determined that he can no longer live on his own and he must find an assisted living facility. Sandra is saddened by this not unexpected development, and Seydoux often breaks down in tears at the thought of her father — as when one of his father’s students approaches her and asks about him.

Sandra, who has an amiable 8-year-old daughter Linn (Camille Leban Martins), does find some happiness when Clément (Melvil Poupaud), an old friend reappears in her life. When Sandra visits Clément in his office — he is a cosmo-chemist and shows her some boring machine — they kiss and soon embark on a love affair. While Clément is married, he explains that he and his wife are growing apart. (Sandra’s husband died a few years ago and Sandra claims that she feels her love life is over.) 

“One Fine Morning” — the title refers to the name of the memoir Georg planned but never wrote — nicely captures the quotidian details of these parallel and sometimes overlapping storylines. 

Sandra helps her mother, Georg’s ex, Françoise (Nicole Garcia) clean out her father’s apartment. They reflect on objects from fountain pens and toy cars to Georg’s extensive collection of books. There is talk about knowing the identity of a person from their library. (“One Fine Morning” is that kind of film; if such an idea seems too precious, steer clear.) 

Sandra’s pain at watching her father decline is ameliorated somewhat by her romance with Clément. She felt as if she had forgotten how to make love and is amazed at how she can desire Clément so fast. They have sex at every opportunity, and at one point go to a museum just to do something other than go to bed. They don’t touch in public, but then they do; Sandra and Clément simply cannot resist each other. Watching them play hide-and-seek around a hedge maze is pleasing. She is radiant, although he seems perpetually horny. Their sex is mostly discreet. It is that kind of tasteful film.

One Fine MorningOne Fine Morning (Sony Pictures Classics)

Hansen-Løve is gently guiding viewers through Sandra’s life here, and it is an agreeable experience. There is a cute moment where she asks her daughter Linn for a lick from her ice cream and ends up taking the whole cone. But there is also a somber scene of an emotionally exhausted Sandra crying on a bus ride. 

Léa Seydoux gives a very delicate performance.

The subdued nature of the film is an asset. “One Fine Morning” offers no big dramatic moments, just tiny episodes that reveal Sandra’s lived experience. She talks with her father one afternoon and he tries to cover the fact that he cannot see his daughter. He eventually cannot hide the truth from her. Likewise, when Clément tells Sandra that he has told his wife about their affair, and his wife kicked him out, Sandra is both happy and sad. Her first thought is: What did Clément tell his young son?

Georg’s decline accelerates, and Sandra wonders how he will die. Her relationship with Clément becomes one where she is at the mercy of his availability, an unenviable position. Sandra needs to find a way back to surer ground. As this happens, poignant passages are read in voiceover about how Georg’s disease has deprived him of the things that are dearest to him. It is quietly powerful.

There is a charming scene late in the film in which Sandra’s family celebrates Christmas and her siblings enact a scene of Santa delivering presents while Linn and her cousins are out of sight but within earshot. A running bit involving Françoise getting involved with protests, however, seems unnecessary. 

One Fine MorningOne Fine Morning (Sony Pictures Classics)

“One Fine Morning” is marvelously acted by the ensemble cast. Léa Seydoux gives a very delicate performance as a young woman who is involved with two splintering families. She tries to hold on to the folks she loves because they give her strength. And it is touching watching her grapple with her conflicted emotions as Georg and Clément alternately please and frustrate her. 

In support, Melvil Poupaud may be playing a bit of a cad, but he is likeable enough and very warm and caring towards Linn. As Georg, Pascal Greggory nicely underplays his diseased character. It is distressing to see him hunched over during one section of the film, but Greggory does not make Georg maudlin or affected. It is why that storyline is so effective.

Mia Hansen-Løve excels at these kinds of compassionate character studies, as evidenced by her previous films, “Bergman’s Island,” “Things to Come,” and “Goodbye First Love.” “One Fine Morning” joins this cluster of exquisitely rendered dramas about the ebb and flow of everyday middle-class people.

“One Fine Morning” is in theaters Friday, Jan. 27. Watch a trailer via YouTube.

“Friends for years”: Billionaire donor Elon huddles with Kevin McCarthy ahead of Twitter hearing

Billionaire political donor and Twitter CEO Elon Musk reportedly met privately on Thursday with House Speaker Kevin McCarthy as Congress prepares to open its investigation into Twitter’s handling of users’ posts. Musk’s public embellishment of the meeting was quickly debunked by both McCarthy and a Democratic aide, who refuted Musk’s claim that he had met with both McCarthy and House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, D-N.Y., to discuss partisanship in Twitter’s policies.

“Just met with Speaker McCarthy and Rep. Jeffries to discuss ensuring that this platform is fair to both parties,” Musk tweeted Thursday. 

That’s not what happened, according to McCarthy, who told Scripps News’ Nathaniel Reed that Musk just dropped in to wish the speaker a happy birthday.   

“Leaving a meeting with Elon Musk, Speaker McCarthy won’t elaborate on what the two discussed, besides saying they’ve ‘been friends for years,’ and that Musk came to wish him a happy birthday,” Reed reported in a tweet. 

As Bloomberg pointed out in a Friday tweet, however, Musk is also a longtime McCarthy donor, and urged his massive Twitter audience to vote Republican in 2022. 

McCarthy also reportedly lobbied Twitter officials — both personally and through his chief counsel — to restore the Twitter account of Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, R-Ga., which had been suspended for peddling conspiracy theories about COVID-19.

CNN’s Oliver Darcy reported that Musk’s claims of a meeting with Jeffries were quickly disputed.  

“For what it’s worth, an aide to Jeffries tells me that there was no pre-planned meeting with Musk scheduled. Jeffries was meeting with McCarthy in the speaker’s office and, as it was ending, Musk came in, the aide said,” Darcy said in a Tweet. 

“They didn’t have a meeting. They met. It was mostly just an introduction,” the aide reportedly told Darcy. 

Musk’s Capitol appearance comes just as the House Oversight Committee reportedly prepares to hold hearings on Twitter’s previous attempts to regulate the spread of political misinformation on its platform — focusing specifically on its short-lived efforts to stymie the spread of the New York Post’s now-infamous article about the contentes Hunter Biden’s laptop. 


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CNN’s Melanie Zanona reported on Thursday that hearing may be held as early as Feb. 8. 

“Some news here: Sources tell ⁦(CNN’s Donie O’Sillivan) and me that the House Oversight Committee is in active talks to have three former Twitter employees testify, and looking at Feb. 8 as a potential target date for a hearing on Twitter and the Hunter Biden laptop story,” Zanona said.  

The expected February hearing would be the first of several under Oversight Committee chair Rep. James Comer, R-Ky., who has continually indicated the investigation will be a sweeping affair. 

“We’re going to have every single people at Twitter that was involved in this in front of the House Oversight Committee as soon as possible,” Comer said in a Dec. 2 appearance on Fox. 

“Too much baggage”: Top N.H. GOPers done with Trump even before his Saturday speech

Donald Trump’s speech at a New Hampshire high school on Saturday is being greeted with a mixture of yawns and trepidation among Republican Party insiders as he tries to ramp up interest in his third presidential bid.

The former president is headed to Salem, New Hampshire, and Columbia, South Carolina, this coming weekend in one of his first forays away Mar-a-Lago since he announced his bid for the 2024 GOP presidential bid in November, an event that failed to catch fire.

According to reports from both the Washington Post and the International Business Times, Trump is getting the cold shoulder from GOP leaders in both states, which could make his appearances lonely affairs.

With the Post reporting that South Carolina Republican lawmakers are finding better things to do than share the dais with the scandal-plagued Trump, the Business Times reports that supporters of the former president are planning on moving on or have already jumped off the Trump train.

According to the IBT report, only three of the 10 previous Republican Trump supporters they spoke with remain in his camp, with Gov. Ron DeSantis of Florida, being the latest object of their affection.

“As the former president kicks off his bid to recapture the White House in 2024 with a speech in New Hampshire on Saturday — his first event in an early primary state — he will find the political landscape more treacherous than he did six years ago, according to party activists, members and strategists in the state,” the report stated before continuing that those who have moved on admitted suffering from “Trump fatigue.”

With the report adding, “The public souring on the former president is a troubling development for Trump. A defeat could complicate his chances of winning the party nomination for president, analysts say, because New Hampshire often gives a candidate momentum as they head to other primary states,” IBT’s K.C. Downey suggested the ‘lack of enthusiasm” could infect grassroots activists crippling his campaign.


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Brian Sullivan, 60, a Hillsborough County Republican Committee member who backed the former president in 2016, bluntly stated, “Donald Trump right now is a distraction for the Republican Party in trying to go forward. Donald Trump has run his course,” before adding the former president has “too much baggage.”

Lori Davis, 67, stated he got involved in grassroots politics because of Trump in 2015, and admitted she has moved on.

“I like Donald Trump. But he has gone too far polarizing. It’s going to be an uphill battle for him in this primary because of his divisiveness. People are tired of the drama,” she claimed before adding, “I’m seeing that people want DeSantis. He has a lot of the Trump philosophy, but is not as bombastic, he’s not attacking people 24/7. People are tired of that. It gives them headaches.”

Neil Levesque, executive director at the New Hampshire Institute of Politics at Saint Anselm College, added. “People want a winner and the elections are about the future. Republicans want someone who can win and who is not going to be a pushover for the left. Trump represented that before but I’m not sure he represents that now.”

You can read more here.

Simplifying the vaccine: Why a new COVID booster each fall could be the norm moving forward

Ever since the first iteration of the COVID-19 vaccine, it seemed like no one was entirely sure how long to wait between booster shots — or exactly how many we should be getting.

Indeed, years later, all that is clear is that one series of shots is not enough. That’s because SARS-CoV-2 is not the kind of virus (nor vaccine) that provides durable — meaning, lifetime — immunity; rather, it is, like influenza, a vaccine that confers only short-term immunity. Hence, like influenza, it seems that a new vaccine for COVID-19 each year, based on newly circulating variants, is the best public health protection. 

“Having vaccines is not sufficient. We need to have them be used.”

Hence, as the coronavirus has mutated over the last couple of years, vaccines have evolved. But how vaccines will be doled out in the future, and exactly when, remained unclear. 

Now, we finally have some vision of the future of COVID vaccination from government public health officials. This week, the Vaccines and Related Biological Products Advisory Committee (VRBPAC), an independent advisory committee for the Food and Drug Administration (FDA), held a meeting providing insight on what an endemic COVID-19 future might look like. Specifically, the committee voted in favor of phasing out the primary two-shot series that targets the original SARS-CoV-2 strain and vaccinating individuals moving forward with the latest formulation that targets more recent subvariants.

“Speaking with colleagues, friends, family — questions I’m answering from the community,” said Archana Chatterjee, VRBPAC member and dean of the Chicago Medical School. “There’s so much confusion about these different formulations that I think anything we can do to ease up on that confusion and simplify things is going to be a good thing; having vaccines is not sufficient. We need to have them be used.”

The 21-0 vote followed a proposal released earlier this week that outlined a future where the schedule for COVID-19 shots could look like a flu shot, meaning that most people would be advised to get whatever the latest version of the vaccine is based on the strain that is most prominent and circulating that year. In the briefing document released prior to the meeting, the FDA said the proposed change would be “similar to the approach with influenza.” Under the proposal, manufacturers, the FDA and independent experts would decide which strain to target in fall by June, which is similar to the flu vaccine process each year. Researchers usually look at what’s circulating in the southern hemisphere to determine which variant to target in the annual influenza.


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While members of the committee were supportive of such an approach, a vote didn’t follow. 

“I think this is a reasonable approach. We have to keep reminding ourselves that this is not influenza and we need to keep paying attention to that to make sure we don’t just follow that dogma because we’re used to doing it,” said Dr. Bruce Gellin, a temporary voting member of the panel. “We’ll try this this time. I don’t think we’re setting it in stone and we’ll see how it goes. We may need to adjust along the way.”

The idea behind simplifying the coronavirus vaccine strategy is to make it less confusing.

“Because of [the coronavirus’] rapid evolution we’ve needed to adjust our approach over time, and we’re now in a reasonable place to reflect on the development of the COVID-19 vaccines to date to see if we can simplify the approach to vaccination,” said Dr. Peter Marks, FDA’s top vaccine official at the all-day meeting.

According to data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, only 15 percent of the U.S. population have received the latest bivalent COVID booster.

“We can’t keep doing what we’re doing,” Gellin said. “We have to move on.”

Unmet needs: Critics cite failures in health care for vulnerable foster children

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One night last month, a 9-year-old boy who had autism and talked about killing himself was among about 70 foster care children and youth under state supervision sleeping in hotels across Georgia.

Georgia’s designated health insurer for foster care, Amerigroup Community Care, had denied the boy placement in a psychiatric residential treatment facility, said Audrey Brannen, coordinator of complex care for Georgia’s child welfare agency. He stayed in a hotel for more than a month before receiving a temporary emergency placement in a foster home, she said.

The boy and the other children staying in the hotels lacked permanent placements, Brannen said, and many weren’t getting help for their complex mental and behavioral needs.

The frustration over gaps in care had gotten so bad that Candice Broce, commissioner of the Georgia Department of Human Services, sent a scathing six-page letter to the state Medicaid agency in August — signaling an unusual interagency conflict. She argued that Amerigroup, a unit of Elevance Health, isn’t being held accountable for failures in care, and that its foster care contract should not be renewed.

“Simply put, the state’s most vulnerable children cannot access the physical, mental, or behavioral health treatment they need — and deserve,” Broce wrote.

Amerigroup declined to comment on Broce’s remarks specifically, saying it had not seen her letter. But Michael Perry, an Amerigroup Georgia spokesperson, said the insurer hosts collaborative monthly meetings with state agencies to hear any concerns and will “continue to work on behalf of these vulnerable individuals to ensure they have access to the appropriate healthcare and support services they need to be successful.”

Such problems extend beyond Georgia, according to Sandy Santana, executive director of the national advocacy group Children’s Rights. While foster care grabs headlines mainly in cases of abuse or neglect — even deaths — the failures of states and insurers in providing adequate health care for these children are widespread and occur largely without public scrutiny.

“These kids cycle in and out of ERs, and others are not accessing the services,” said Santana, whose group has filed lawsuits in more than 20 states over foster care problems. “This is an issue throughout the country.”

Nearly all children in foster care are eligible for Medicaid, the state-federal program for those with low incomes, but states decide on the delivery mechanism. Georgia is among at least 10 states that have turned to managed-care companies to deliver specialized services exclusively for foster kids and others under state supervision. At least three more — North Carolina, New Mexico, and Oklahoma — are taking similar steps. But regardless of the structure, getting timely access to care for many of these vulnerable kids is a problem, Santana said.

Obtaining mental health care for privately insured children can be a struggle too, of course, but for children in state custody, the challenge is even greater, said Dr. Lisa Zetley, a Milwaukee pediatrician and chair of the American Academy of Pediatrics’ Council on Foster Care, Adoption, and Kinship Care.

“This is a unique population,” she said. “They have experienced quite of bit of toxic stress prior to entering foster care.”

For states that use specialty managed care for these kids, transparency and oversight remain spotty and the quality of the care remains a troubling unknown, said Andy Schneider, a research professor at Georgetown University’s Center for Children and Families.

Illinois, for example, has paid more than $350 million since 2020 to insurance giant Centene Corp. to manage health coverage for more than 35,000 current and former foster care children. But last year, an investigation by the Illinois Answers Project newsroom found Centene’s YouthCare unit repeatedly failed to deliver basic medical services such as dental visits and immunizations to thousands of these kids. Federal officials are now probing allegations about the contract.

Centene said YouthCare has not been informed of any probe. In a statement, the company said Illinois Answers Project’s reporting was based on outdated information and didn’t account for its recent progress as it works “to ensure that families have the access they need to high-quality care and services.”

In some cases, child advocates say, the care kids do get is not appropriate. In Maryland, the local branch of the American Civil Liberties Union, Disability Rights Maryland, and Children’s Rights filed a lawsuit this month against the state accusing it of failing to conduct adequate oversight of psychotropic drug prescribing for children in its foster care system. As many as 34% the state’s foster children are given psychotropic drugs, court documents said, although most of them don’t have a documented psychiatric diagnosis.

In Georgia, Lisa Rager said she and her husband, Wes, know well the hurdles to obtaining services for foster kids. The suburban Atlanta couple has cared for more than 100 foster children and adopted 11 of them from state custody.

She said one child waited more than a year to see a specialist. Getting approvals for speech or occupational therapy is “a lot of trouble.”

Rager said she pays out-of-pocket for psychiatric medications for three of her children because of insurance hassles. “It’s better for me to pay cash than wait on Amerigroup,” she said.

Such problems occur often, Broce said in her letter. Amerigroup’s “narrow definition for ‘medically necessary services’ is — on its face — more restrictive than state and federal standards,” she wrote.

“Far too often, case managers and foster families are told that the next available appointment is weeks or months out,” she told the state’s Joint Appropriations Committee on Jan. 17. Broce added that her agency has formed a legal team to fight Amerigroup treatment denials.

Amerigroup’s Perry said its clinical policies are approved by the state, and follow regulatory and care guidelines.

In a recent 12-month period, Amerigroup received $178.6 million in government funds for its specialty foster care plan that serves about 32,000 Georgia children, with the large majority being foster children and kids who have been adopted from state custody. The contract is currently up for rebidding.

David Graves, a spokesperson for the Department of Community Health, which runs Medicaid in the state, said the agency would not comment on Broce’s letter because it’s part of the contract renewal process. Graves said the agency regularly monitors the quality of care that children in state custody receive. He pointed to a state report that showed Amerigroup did well on several metrics, such as use of asthma medication.

But Melissa Haberlen DeWolf, research and policy director for the nonprofit Voices for Georgia’s Children, said the majority of kids cycling through the state’s emergency departments for mental illness are in foster care.

“The caregivers we speak to are desperate for behavioral health care coordination help — finding providers and getting appointments, understanding how to manage behaviors and medication, and prevent crises, and sharing health information between providers,” she said.

To fix these problems, Zetley, the pediatrician, recommends creating a larger benefit package for foster kids, coordinating care better, and raising Medicaid reimbursement rates to attract more providers to these managed-care networks.

Contracts with managed-care companies also should be performance-based, with financial penalties if needed, said Kim Lewis, managing attorney of the National Health Law Program’s Los Angeles offices.

“Managed care is only as good as the state’s ability to manage the contract and to make sure that what they’re getting is what they are paying for,” she said. “It doesn’t work by just, you know, hoping for the best and ‘Here’s the check.'”

But in Georgia, the state has never financially penalized Amerigroup for failing to meet contractually mandated quality standards, Department of Community Health spokesperson Graves confirmed. He said the agency and Amerigroup work to resolve any issues brought to their attention.

Georgia has set up an oversight committee, with public meetings, to monitor the quality of Amerigroup’s performance. But the committee hasn’t met since August 2020, the state said last month. After KHN queries, Graves said the panel would start meeting again this year.


KHN (Kaiser Health News) is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues. Together with Policy Analysis and Polling, KHN is one of the three major operating programs at KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). KFF is an endowed nonprofit organization providing information on health issues to the nation.

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The quiet takeover of the Tea Party: GOP establishment is now full MAGA

House Speaker Kevin McCarthy made good on his promise this week to exact revenge on Democrats for denying committee assignments to far-right extremists Marjorie Taylor Greene, R-Ga., and Paul Gosar, R-Az. He booted two California congressmen, Reps. Adam Schiff and Eric Swalwell, from the Select Committee on Intelligence. AS Speaker, McCarthy has the power to make this move unilaterally. But he is also proposing to kick Minnesota Rep. Ilhan Omar off the Foreign Relations Committee, which will require a vote of the full House.

The cycle of revenge has officially begun.

It should be noted that the removal of Greene and Gosar, both of whom have addressed white nationalist gatherings and publicly advocated for the deaths of Democratic officials, was decided by a bipartisan vote by the full House. But that was an earlier, more innocent time. A golden era when death threats against Democratic colleagues were considered bad form by at least a handful of Republicans. It was all the way back in 2021, a lifetime ago. In the Republican Party of 2023, Kevin McCarthy’s clown show, such behavior is rewarded with plum committee assignments while prominent critics of Donald Trump are politically sacrificed in ritual acts of retribution.

There is no difference now between McCarthy, Jim Jordan of Ohio, a Freedom Caucus founder, and Florida’s Matt Gaetz, a former MAGA gadfly. They are all the Republican establishment now. And nothing illustrates that better than the relationship between the Speaker of House McCarthy and his rightwing-woman Greene, whom he vowed to never abandon:

“I will never leave that woman. I will always take care of her … If you’re going to be in a fight, you want Marjorie in your foxhole. When she picks a fight, she’s going to fight until the fight’s over. She reminds me of my friends from high school, that we’re going to stick together all the way through.”

That’s an interesting thing to say about the woman who recently told a Republican audience in New York that if she had organized the January 6th Insurrection, “we would have won, not to mention it would’ve been armed.”

The New York Times describes this new MAGA establishment this way:

Their political union — a closer and more complex one than has previously been known — helps explain how Mr. McCarthy rose to power atop a party increasingly defined by its extremes, the lengths to which he will go to accommodate those forces, and how much influence Ms. Greene and the faction she represents have in defining the agenda of the new House Republican majority.

It feels as if this has all happened overnight.

The whole Tea Party phenomenon seems sort of quaint now but it had a powerful influence on the Republican Party.

Greene was just elected to the House in 2020. She never even served when Trump was president. During his tenure, she was just an average QAnon housewife pushing conspiracy theories on Facebook. A scant two years later she’s being discussed as a possible running mate for Donald Trump in 2024. How on earth did it come to this?


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Well, it was actually a long time percolating in the party.

We can go all the way back to Joseph McCarthy in the 1950s, and then Barry Goldwater, Richard Nixon, Ronald Reagan, and Newt Gingrich to see the evolution of what was once the party of Main Street into an ideologically extreme political faction. The seeds were sown all through those eras. But this new MAGA establishment is a direct outgrowth of a specific movement of the past decade or so: the Tea Party.

The whole Tea Party phenomenon seems sort of quaint now but it had a powerful influence on the Republican Party. There were a lot of rationales for its formation, springing up as it did in the wake of the financial crisis of 2008, but the real impetus was the election of the first Black president which seemed to send a good number of Republicans into a frenzy of revolutionary zeal.

As is usual when a Democrat wins the White House after a GOP president has run up the national debt, Republicans suddenly claimed to be intensely concerned about deficits, spending and the size of government, which soon came to be symbolized by their rabid opposition to the Affordable Care Act. It was a heavily astroturfed movement, supported by big-money donors like the Koch Brothers, but it was a genuine grassroots movement as well, largely enabled by the right-wing media and emerging social media platforms.

Their organizing was impressive with big marches, cross-country bus tours and, once they got rolling, riotous Town Hall protests against the health care reform. And soon they were electing people to Congress carrying their message. In 2010, Rand Paul of Kentucky and Marco Rubio of Florida were both Senate Tea Party candidates. In the House, there were a number of Tea Party winners who signed something they cleverly called “The Contract From America” and went on to form the Freedom Caucus. (Founding member Jim Jordan was a back-bencher elected in 2006 who joined this new “revolutionary” movement.) 

The anti-tax, government-slashing extremists are one with the revolutionary MAGA culture warriors.

The Freedom Caucus went on to engineer the ousting of the Speaker of the House John Boehner, shut down the government more than once and refused to negotiate in good faith or compromise on anything. They were drunk with power and did what they wanted damn the consequences. But then Donald Trump came along and the Freedom Caucus rebels, with their hardcore adherence to free market capitalism, global trade and slashing government programs got very, very quiet. They did get some massive tax cuts in the first year of Trump’s term but they were passed by acclamation — there were suddenly no dissenters in the party on that one.

Meanwhile, the MAGA movement, under Trump, took up what was once the undercurrent of the Tea Party movement, the culture war, and brought it to center stage. No longer did anyone have to pretend that all they cared about was spending cuts. They could hate on immigrants and Black people and gays and liberals right out in the open and could do it in the crudest terms possible. Conspiracy theories were encouraged to flourish and loyalty to Trump was the only “issue” they needed to care about.

This new Congress finally brings it all to the fore. It’s all come together. The anti-tax, government-slashing extremists are one with the revolutionary MAGA culture warriors. Today Speaker Kevin McCarthy embraces Freedom Caucus member and MAGA heroine Marjorie Taylor Greene while Freedom Caucus founder and MAGA leader Jim Jordan leads a crusade to “take down the deep state” and Freedom Caucus member and MAGA superstar Matt Gaetz plots ways to destroy the economy if they don’t get their way. They are all one. These former gadflies and bomb throwers are the establishment now. They are the Republican Party. The metamorphosis is finally complete.

Ginger ale cured every sickness when I was a kid, or so I thought — but why?

Nothing hurts a parent more than watching your child suffer. My three-year-old daughter had the flu recently and a piece of me crumbled. I know that things could be worse than a cough, a fever and some phlegm. But seeing her hacking and restless makes me restless. “Go to the store and pick up some Zarbee’s and Chestal with honey,” my wife ordered, our daughter tucked between her arms. 

I ran to the door like a rom-com protagonist, stopping to blow a kiss at my hacking child before blasting to the drugstore to clean out the child medicine aisle. I took it all: Zarbee’s and Children’s Tylenol and Children’s Motrin and Children’s NyQuil, even though I know my wife won’t give the baby the hard stuff. I bought it because I take it. Those overpriced Whole Foods herbal and homeopathic cold remedies do nothing for me — I need that old stuff like Robitussin (which we call The Tessem) and heavy-duty cough drops that dissolve into my hot tea. So I buy the children’s versions for her, just in case. As I load the cart, I walk past a refrigerator case of ginger ale — the one fluid that has cured generations of Black people. This is what the baby needs, I think.

“Ginger rail” is how every single person in my orbit pronounces it, from the people who never stepped foot in the classroom after elementary to the ones with letters behind their names. This soda has been the number one remedy for sick Black people my entire life. Got a cold? Have some ginger ale. Fever? A huge, iced cup of ginger ale will bring it down. Get shot three times with a 45-caliber pistol?  Rub some room-temperature ginger ale on those wounds and you should be able to go back to work in the morning.

Ginger ale can cure classism, put the spice back in a failed marriage, help Lance Armstrong crush the Tour de France and cancel racism in America. The ale is that serious.

As a child, I had asthma. It wasn’t strange for me to be playing touch football with my friends or biting the heads off my sister’s Barbies one minute and then regurgitating everywhere as my head spiraled, “Exorcist”-style, trying to catch my breath while being rushed to the hospital the next. During those hospital visits, I don’t remember funny doctors, fluids that came from IVs, ice cream or lollipops. I almost don’t even remember the few years I had to carry an inhaler. But I really remember that big, ice-cold cup of ginger ale that always made me feel like I was taking a turn for the better.

No matter the brand, that spicy, syrupy fluid always seemed to work.

People outside of my community reading this need to understand that ginger ale was only 50 percent of the cure. The other half is “go lay down.” My grandma, or any other unlicensed doctor, would prescribe, “Drink some ginger-rail and go lay down.” 

My grandma, or any other unlicensed doctor, would prescribe, “Drink some ginger-rail and go lay down.” 

Does it really work? Johns Hopkins Medicine credits ginger with having the ability to ease morning sickness in pregnant women, reduce nausea and inflammation, and aid in the treatment of migraines. Emma Slattery, a clinical dietitian at Johns Hopkins Medicine writes, “Ginger is fantastic. It’s not just delicious. Gingerol, a natural component of ginger root, benefits gastrointestinal motility ― the rate at which food exits the stomach and continues along the digestive process. Eating ginger encourages efficient digestion, so food doesn’t linger as long in the gut.”

No one chopped up pieces of actual ginger root for me and blended them into a smoothie or boiled them down into a drinkable liquid during my childhood. As an adult, I’ve experimented with my own ginger concoctions and purchased all kinds of ginger drinks from different juice bars and I can honestly say it tastes nothing like ginger ale, the beverage I trusted for most of my life when dealing with common colds. 

Traditional ginger ale, Healthline tells me, is fermented and contains natural ingredients. Traditional ginger ale could potentially offer some of the medicinal associated with the root. But the ginger ale cans I saw in the drugstore were filled with high fructose corn syrup and ginger extract “with natural flavors.” What the hell are natural flavors? I grabbed two cans anyway, so I would have something to splash into my drink later on — you know, just enough to change the color while I complete my research. 


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If I had to imagine the root of my community’s obsession with ginger ale, I would probably trace it back to slavery, and then Black people receiving no or poor health care. I’d think about the way James Marion Sims experimented on Black women and his brutal treatment of enslaved babies during neonatal tetanus experiments, and the Tuskegee Study of Untreated Syphilis in the Negro Male, and how medicine has long been a scary trigger for many Black people in America. I didn’t grow up trusting doctors and hospitals because my parents didn’t. I didn’t go for routine checkups, I went when I literally couldn’t breathe. We would do any and everything in our power to avoid being treated by medical professionals. That mentality, that medical fear, gives way to home remedies like chicken noodle soup, gargling with salt water, taking a nap and, yes, sipping on the syrupy, high fructose, food-colored ginger ale. 

I wanted a little insight into my family’s history with ginger ale and other home remedies, so I called my mother. She was a late-’50s, almost ’60s, baby who didn’t grow up with Whole Foods, organic medicine, the internet, or that God-awful Web MD that always seems to tell me I am dying. And she didn’t have the same resources that I have now, so maybe ginger ale was more important when I was a kid. Maybe it had to work. 

I told her I would never give that soda to my child — until she became old enough to mix it with alcohol, I joked — but also said it couldn’t have been that bad because she gave it to me when I was young and I’m still alive and pretty healthy. 

“That wasn’t me,” mom hissed. “I worked in the medical field for plenty of years and I know that doesn’t make any sense.” 

“Don’t be a Monday morning quarterback, Ma,” I said, remembering being nine years old and tilting my head back to drink from the two-liter while playing Mario, happy as hell that asthma had kept me out of school. “Just act like it’s a fever in the year 1989. Now you were really young, so I’ll give you a pass. But take me back to the time when you filled up that big cup of ginger-rail and poured it on top of your sick son.”

I could hear her grin. “I gave you baby aspirin when you had a fever. I took you to the ER when you used to have those asthma attacks. Your father prescribed ginger-rail and I don’t know where he got it from. You need to talk to him.” 

I called my dad and he simply said, “It works. It still works. But after you drink it, just lay down.” 

Dad has a way of making me laugh and then quickly ending the conversation. He knows exactly when to put a pin in it. I know ginger ale isn’t what we think it is. Luckily, I have more resources at my fingertips than my parents had, from available information to finances. But the fundamental thing I got from them, and will pass down to my child, is love. What that love looks like has changed since I went from a little kid to a middle-aged dad. Parental love will continue to change when my daughter is a parent, too, if she decides to have children. My parents gave the sick kid ginger ale because that’s all they had. I googled what the hell is ginger ale and figured out something else. My daughter might be chopping up ginger root and sprinkling it on her own kid’s oatmeal someday. 

The baby was asleep when I got home from the store, but we knew her cough would wake us up by 2 a.m. So we had an array of organic remedies waiting for her, knowing they may take longer to work and cause her to miss a week of early learning. At least I know the ingredients. That’s all I can ask for.

Wave of rural nursing home closures grows amid staffing crunch

 

WAUKON, Iowa — Marjorie Kruger was stunned to learn last fall that she would have to leave the nursing home where she’d lived comfortably for six years.

The Good Samaritan Society facility in Postville, Iowa, would close, administrators told Kruger and 38 other residents in September. The facility joined a growing list of nursing homes being shuttered nationwide, especially in rural areas.

“The rug was taken out from under me,” said Kruger, 98. “I thought I was going to stay there the rest of my life.”

Her son found a room for her in another Good Samaritan center in Waukon, a small town 18 miles north of Postville. Kruger said the new facility is a pleasant place, but she misses her friends and longtime staffers from the old one. “We were as close as a nice family,” she said.

The Postville facility’s former residents are scattered across northeastern Iowa. Some were forced to move twice, after the first nursing home they transferred to also went out of business.

Owners say the closures largely stem from a shortage of workers, including nurses, nursing assistants, and kitchen employees.

The problem could deepen as pandemic-era government assistance dries up and care facilities struggle to compete with rising wages offered by other employers, industry leaders and analysts predict. Many care centers that have managed to remain open are keeping some beds vacant because they don’t have enough workers to responsibly care for more residents.

The pandemic brought billions of extra federal dollars to the long-term care industry, which was inundated with covid-19 infections and more than 160,000 resident deaths. Many facilities saw business decline amid lockdowns and reports of outbreaks. Staff members faced extra danger and stress.

The industry is still feeling the effects.

From February 2020 to November 2021, the number of workers in nursing homes and other care facilities dropped by 410,000 nationally, according to the federal Bureau of Labor Statistics. Staffing has rebounded only by about 103,000 since then.

In Iowa, 13 of the 15 nursing homes that closed in 2022 were in rural areas, according to the Iowa Health Care Association. “In more sparsely populated areas, it’s harder and harder to staff those facilities,” said Brent Willett, the association’s president. He noted that many rural areas have dwindling numbers of working-age adults.

The lack of open nursing home beds is marooning some patients in hospitals for weeks while social workers seek placements. More people are winding up in care facilities far from their hometowns, especially if they have dementia, obesity, or other conditions that require extra attention.

Colorado’s executive director of health care policy and financing, Kim Bimestefer, told a conference in November that the state recognizes it needs to help shore up care facilities, especially in rural areas. “We’ve had more nursing homes go bankrupt in the last year than in the last 10 years combined,” she said.

In Montana, at least 11 nursing homes — 16% of the state’s facilities — closed in 2022, the Billings Gazette reported.

Nationally, the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services reported recently that 129 nursing homes had closed in 2022. Mark Parkinson, president of the American Health Care Association, said the actual count was significantly higher but the federal reports tend to lag behind what’s happening on the ground.

For example, a recent KHN review showed the federal agency had tallied just one of the 11 Montana nursing home closures reported by news outlets in that state during 2022, and just eight of the 15 reported in Iowa.

Demand for long-term care is expected to climb over the next decade as the baby boom generation ages. Willett said his industry supports changing immigration laws to allow more workers from other countries. “That’s got to be part of the solution,” he said.

The nursing home in Postville, Iowa, was one of 10 care centers shuttered in the past year by the Good Samaritan Society, a large chain based in South Dakota.

“It’s an absolute last resort for us, being a nonprofit organization that would in many cases have been in these communities 50 to 75 years or more,” said Nate Schema, the company’s CEO.

The Evangelical Lutheran Good Samaritan Society, the full name of the company, is affiliated with the giant Sanford Health network and serves 12,500 clients, including residents of care facilities and people receiving services in their homes. About 70% of them live in rural areas, mainly in the Plains states and Midwest, Schema said.

Schema said many front-line workers in nursing homes found less stressful jobs after working through the worst days of the covid pandemic, when they had to wear extra protective gear and routinely get screened for infection in the face of ongoing risk.

Lori Porter, chief executive officer of the National Association of Health Care Assistants, said nursing home staffing issues have been building for years. “No one that’s been in this business is in shock over the way things are,” she said. “The pandemic put a spotlight on it.”

Porter, who has worked as a certified nursing assistant and as a nursing home administrator, said the industry should highlight how rewarding the work can be and how working as an aide can lead to a higher-paying job, including as a registered nurse.

Care industry leaders say that they have increased wages for front-line workers but that they can’t always keep up with other industries. They say that’s largely because they rely on payments from Medicaid, the government program for low-income Americans that covers the bills for more than 60% of people living in nursing homes.

In recent years, most states have increased how much their Medicaid programs pay to nursing homes, but those rates are still less than what the facilities receive from other insurers or from residents paying their own way. In Iowa, Medicaid pays nursing homes about $215 per day per resident, according to the Iowa Health Care Association. That compares with about $253 per day for people paying their own way. When nursing homes provide short-term rehabilitation for Medicare patients, they receive about $450 per day. That federal program does not cover long-term care, however.

Willett said a recent survey found that 72% of Iowa’s remaining nursing homes were freezing or limiting admissions below their capacity.

The Prairie View nursing home in Sanborn is one of them. The facility, owned by a local nonprofit, is licensed for up to 73 beds. Lately, it has been able to handle only about 48 residents, said administrator Wendy Nelson.

“We could take more patients, but we couldn’t give them the care they deserve,” she said.

Prairie View’s painful choices have included closing a 16-bed dementia care unit last year.

Nelson has worked in the industry for 22 years, including 17 at Prairie View. It never has been easy to keep nursing facilities fully staffed, she said. But the pandemic added stress, danger, and hassles.

“It drained the crud out of some people. They just said, ‘I’m done with it,'” she said.

Prairie View has repeatedly boosted pay, with certified nursing assistants now starting at $21 per hour and registered nurses at $40 per hour, Nelson said. But she’s still seeking more workers.

She realizes other rural employers also are stretched.

“I know we’re all struggling,” Nelson said. “Dairy Queen’s struggling too, but Dairy Queen can change their hours. We can’t.”

David Grabowski, a professor of health care policy at Harvard Medical School, said some of the shuttered care facilities had poor safety records. Those closures might not seem like a tragedy, especially in metro areas with plenty of other choices, he said.

“We might say, ‘Maybe that’s the market working, the way a bad restaurant or a bad hotel is closing,'” he said. But in rural areas, the closure of even a low-quality care facility can leave a hole that’s hard to fill.

For many families, the preferred alternative would be in-home care, but there’s also a shortage of workers to provide those services, he said.

The result can be prolonged hospital stays for patients who could be served instead in a care facility or by home health aides, if those services were available.

Rachel Olson, a social worker at Pocahontas Community Hospital in northwestern Iowa, said some patients wait a month or more in her hospital while she tries to find a spot for them in a nursing home once they’re stable enough to be transferred.

She said it’s particularly hard to place certain types of patients, such as those who need extra attention because they have dementia or need intravenous antibiotics.

Olson starts calling nursing homes close to the patient’s home, then tries ones farther away. She has had to place some people up to 60 miles away from their hometowns. She said families would prefer she find something closer. “But when I can’t, I can’t, you know? My hands are tied.”


KHN (Kaiser Health News) is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues. Together with Policy Analysis and Polling, KHN is one of the three major operating programs at KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). KFF is an endowed nonprofit organization providing information on health issues to the nation.

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Biden administration unveils roadmap for a greener, more equitable transportation sector

Cars, trucks, planes, trains, and ships make up the U.S.’s biggest source of greenhouse gas emissions — about one-third of the nation’s total. Now, the Biden administration is laying out a strategy to clean up the transportation sector while also making it more convenient and just.

Four federal agencies unveiled a “national blueprint for transportation decarbonization” earlier this month, a collaboration they described as the first of its kind for the federal government. Co-published by the Departments of Energy, Transportation, and Housing and Urban Development, as well as the Environmental Protection Agency, the 88-page roadmap envisions a low-emissions mobility system that is “clean, safe, secure, accessible, affordable, and equitable, and provides sustainable transportation options for people and goods.”

“The domestic transportation sector presents an enormous opportunity to drastically reduce emissions that accelerate climate change and reduce harmful pollution,” Jennifer Granholm, secretary of the Department of Energy, said in a statement.

The document lays out three overarching strategies for decarbonizing transportation. The most straightforward — and the one that’s expected to cut greenhouse gases the most — involves replacing fossil fuels with cleaner alternatives. For the most part, this means cars, trains, and planes powered by batteries or green hydrogen, a fuel made using renewable electricity and water. The agencies also propose some level of decarbonization via “sustainable liquid fuels,” a category that includes biofuels made from corn, agricultural waste, or algae.

The two other strategies, “increasing convenience” and “improving efficiency,” are more cross-cutting, a nod to the interconnected nature of the transportation sector. Putting schools, workplaces, and businesses closer to people’s homes could cut down on traffic, simultaneously cutting greenhouse gas emissions and boosting quality of life. Better walking and biking infrastructure can also encourage physical activity and make travel safer. 

Improving efficiency involves fewer single-occupant vehicles and more people on trains and buses, which can shuttle more people around while using less space and energy. Cars, buses, and trains can also become more efficient themselves, using newer technology to go farther with less fuel or electricity. Such improvements can reduce energy use and save people money.

The report identifies opportunities within both strategies — increasing convenience and improving efficiency — to rectify environmental injustices related to the transportation sector. As a result of decades of restrictive housing policies and zoning laws, poor people and people of color tend to face a disproportionate burden of air pollution from major transit corridors like highways — all while living farther from reliable public transit than their whiter and more affluent counterparts. The roadmap says new transportation investments should benefit these people, including through new job opportunities and by building more affordable housing near transit centers. 

Environmental advocates have applauded the roadmap for highlighting decarbonization solutions that go beyond electric cars, although some have raised eyebrows at its “ambivalence” on biofuels. According to the roadmap, 50 billion gallons of these fuels will be needed by 2050 for every mode of transportation except passenger vehicles — but especially for aviation and shipping. Environmental advocates argue that crop-based biofuels can drive deforestation and biodiversity loss and that other kinds of biofuels are not technologically viable. Even when they decrease greenhouse gas emissions, research suggests they may have unintended knock-on effects, like when fertilizer runoff causes rivers, lakes, and ocean areas to lose their oxygen, suffocating the animals that live there.

The federal agencies emphasize more research is needed to produce sustainable fuels in a way that “considers climate change, land use, water, and ecosystem implications.”

The roadmap doesn’t represent a commitment from the federal government to clean up the transportation sector, but Deron Lovaas, a senior policy adviser for the Natural Resources Defense Council, said in a blog post that it’s a promising “starting gun” — a vision that can become reality with concrete action plans from each of the four federal agencies, as well as coordinated action from states and companies. 

Federal agencies “have a lot of leverage and influence,” Lovaas told Grist, but they’ll be hard-pressed to reach their decarbonization targets on their own. “State agencies are key,” he added, urging them to support the federal roadmap by launching their own transportation projects, taking advantage of unprecedented federal funding from President Joe Biden’s climate spending and bipartisan infrastructure laws.