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Earth’s space junk problem is getting worse

Outer space is incomprehensibly vast and empty. Yet over the past century, humans have managed to clutter a region known as low Earth orbit (LEO), which stretches from 125 to 1,200 miles above the surface of the planet, with “space debris.” This broad category of man-made objects includes “dead” satellites, jettisoned rocket boosters, shrapnel from collisions, lost equipment such as cameras and spatulas, and chunks of frozen urine. 

Space agencies track approximately 29,590 of these objects, and estimate that their combined mass exceeds 9,600 metric tons. The smallest observable objects are about the size of a softball, no wider than 10 centimeters across. The largest approach the size of a Greyhound bus. 

Space junk rips around LEO at speeds exceeding 17,500 miles per hour — the minimum velocity required to resist falling back into Earth’s gravity well. At that ferocious speed, a fleck of paint has the potential to take out a satellite. Space debris has punctured a robotic arm on the International Space Station, forced astronauts to hide in escape capsules, and has smashed into active satellites, producing clouds of high-velocity shrapnel that will spend decades in orbit. 

While the amount of debris in LEO — and the region above it, known as geosynchronous orbit (GEO) — increases with each passing year, so does the interest of governments and private companies to use outer space for military and commercial activities. Cleaning up this region suddenly feels urgent, but despite the incentives, a host of technical, financial, and political challenges have prevented much progress. 

“What is it going to take to take this seriously?” said John L. Crassidis, a professor of Mechanical and Aerospace Engineering at the University of Buffalo, who works with NASA and the U.S. Air Force on the issue of space junk. “Unfortunately, like everything, it’s going to take a human disaster, right?”

Kessler Syndrome and the problem of tracking debris

Space junk is hard to track. The vast majority of objects are too small to monitor, and the larger pieces are difficult to distinguish from one another. The bulk of this work is done by the U.S. Department of Defense (DoD), which monitors around 27,000 discrete pieces of debris. It voluntarily shares its findings with most satellite operators, who use the information to decide whether to initiate an avoidance maneuver, otherwise known as “dodging” debris, if a piece swings too close. 

But the DoD’s motivations are not purely altruistic. Collisions have the potential to scatter more debris across LEO or GEO, which would not only increase the number of objects the organization has to track, but also bring a hypothetical situation known as Kessler’s Syndrome closer to fruition. 

The Kessler’s Syndrome scenario was proposed in 1978 by Donald J. Kessler, a scientist working for NASA. He imagined a future where LEO was so densely packed with satellites and debris that a collision event would initiate a chain reaction: debris would collide with other orbiting objects, creating more debris that would then soar away and smack into other objects, and so on, eventually rendering the region overcrowded with junk and unusable for military, commercial, or scientific purposes. 

For decades, Kessler’s syndrome was largely written off as a scary but unlikely scenario. Most satellite operators subscribed to Big Sky Theory — the idea that, because outer space is so massive, the chance of a collision is incredibly unlikely. Even today, that is still largely true. The annual probability of a collision event sits around 0.8% in LEO. But with every new satellite shot into orbit — around 1,400 have gone up this year alone — the probability increases. 

“It’s just like gambling,” said Crassidis. “Eventually, somebody’s going to win the lotto.”

In 2009, two communication satellites —  Iridium 33, a commercial satellite, and Kosmos-2251, a “dead” communications satellite — unexpectedly collided. The impact scattered 2,500 pieces of trackable space debris across LEO, along with a storm of smaller pieces too tiny to monitor. The event rattled scientists and satellite operators. On the day of the collision, a handful of other satellites were flagged as more likely to collide.

The Iridium-Kosmos incident came two years after the Chinese government blew up a defunct weather satellite drifting through LEO, in a test of their anti-satellite capabilities. The explosion produced over 3,000 pieces of trackable space junk — by far the single largest debris-producing event in history. 

Taken together, these two events have catalyzed a shift in thinking among satellite operators, who are now more likely to initiate a dodging maneuver — even if the chance of collision remains small. They also intensified conversations about the shared responsibility of governments and private parties to keep LEO and GEO free of junk. But, despite a widely acknowledged need for change, few treaties have been signed and little progress has been made.  

“It is not a simple problem,” said Hanspeter Schaub, a professor of Aerospace Engineering at the University of Colorado at Boulder. “And it’s not just a technological problem — there’s an economic aspect, a political aspect, a social aspect. It’s a complex field.” 

Political and financial challenges 

The Inter-Agency Space Debris Coordination Committee (IADC) is an inter-governmental body, founded in 1993, to address the problem of space debris. There are currently 13 members, including United States’ NASA, Russia’s Rococosmos, and the China National Space Administration (CNSA). The committee recommends a handful of protocols for decommissioning satellites at the end of their use period, including “…venting leftover fuel or other pressured material that could lead to explosions,” and lowering “dead” satellites into the atmosphere, where drag causes them to disintegrate within 25 years. 

But because these protocols are merely recommendations, not laws, many operators choose to leave satellites in orbit once their mission has been completed. Schaub and his colleagues, in a 2015 paper, explained the financial motivations behind this: “Orbital debris has built up over the years because it is less costly to abandon the spacecraft than choosing ‘mitigation’ or… disposal.” 

In the paper, the authors detail the many costs involved with owning and operating a satellite. Things add up quickly. There is the expense of building the device, filling it with fuel, launching it into orbit, possibly insuring it — something most operators forgo — all before it reaches LEO or GEO, which is when standard operational costs kick in. To avoid losing the satellite to undetectable space debris, many are equipped with shields that can deflect or mitigate impact. But the ideal scenario, of course, is to avoid being hit at all. 

While facing large-scale incoming debris objects, capable satellites may perform a “dodge” maneuver. This sounds like an obvious course of action, but dodging is expensive, too. These maneuvers burn precious fuel, and also lead to “satellite down-time,” which is when the satellite is temporarily dysfunctional outside of its standard orbit. 

These expenses have led to two habits among operators, both of which contribute to space debris. The first is that, when a satellite reaches the end of its use period, it’s common to simply “abandon the spacecraft” instead of spending extra money to propel it into a “graveyard orbit,” meaning an orbital path away from other satellites. The second is that, given the low probability of a collision — and even after warnings have been issued — the abiding practice is to do nothing, sit tight, and hope that the large object will simply sail by. There’s a lot riding on that gamble. 

“Years of successful mitigation can be negated by one collision,” said Schaub.

Schaub also pointed to another hurdle in the effort to clean LEO and GEO: the fact that each piece of “debris” is not simply trash, but the property of a private entity or government. This further confounds any clean-up effort. 

“Yes, it was trash. Yes, it was going to take out people in the space station, but as soon as you grab it, they’re like, ‘hey, that’s theft,'” he said. “As soon as you touch it, there’s all kinds of legal liabilities that are going to come into play… this has to all be worked out, and it’s actually quite complicated.”

And because cleaning space junk from LEO and GEO would be a monstrously expensive endeavor, individual governments are de-incentivized from tackling the problem unless agreements are reached between all space-faring countries.  

“If we deal with this problem and we don’t get China and Russia on board, what’s the point? We’re wasting our money, right?” said Crassidis. “If we don’t sign some international treaties… the best hope is following the [IADC] guidelines, and that’s not happening with every country.”

Possible solutions

Despite the significant political and financial hurdles involved with cleaning up space junk, a burgeoning field of startups and research programs are directed at solving the problem. 

In his lab at the University of Colorado at Boulder, Schaub has been working on an “electron gun” — akin to the sci-fi concept of a tractor beam — that would shoot electrons at a target, allowing the operator to slow the object down or redirect it towards a graveyard orbit.

“By spitting out electrons, you can make yourself positively charged, which creates an attractive force,” he said. “We call that the electrostatic tractor. You would gently be able to pull something into a new orbit,” though it would take “several weeks,” Schaub added.

Another proposed solution involves “tethering,” which has been pursued by the Japan Aerospace Exploration Agency (JAEA). The idea essentially involves lasso-ing space junk by shooting a 2,300 foot long electrodynamic tether at the object from a spacecraft, and dragging it down into the atmosphere. 

A Japanese video simulates the tether experiment.

But there are significant technical hurdles to this solution, explained Schaub.

“Once you tether to a debris object, and then try to thrust, you’ve got a complicated two-body system,” he said. “It’s like towing a boat on a river.” 

Despite the difficulties, some researchers are pushing ahead with tethering. RemoveDEBRIS, a research platform designed by the Surrey Space Centre, was sent into space in April 2018. Its capabilities include a “dragsail,” allowing the platform to drop into the planet’s atmosphere, and a harpoon and a net, designed to pierce and trap mock debris targets in LEO. 

Private companies are also testing solutions, including D-Orbit, based in Italy. The company is developing add-on thrusters that can be equipped to a satellite, which, once defunct, could propel it into a graveyard orbit above GEO or pull it down into the atmosphere to burn up. ELSA-d, a Japanese spacecraft, is designed to attach to satellites equipped with compatible docking plates, and push them back down towards Earth. 

Yet even if these solutions prove effective (Crassidis says he doesn’t “see anything practical in the next ten to twenty years”), without legal penalties for leaving junk in orbit, there remains a key problem.

“What is the economic model to actually pay for this?” said Schaub. “Nobody wants to pay to move trash.”

CORRECTION: An earlier version of this story misspelled Hanspeter Schaub’s surname. The story has been updated.

17 turkey recipes to gobble up on Thanksgiving

Maybe you’re the family’s go-to turkey whisperer. Or maybe this is the first year you’re in charge of cooking the perfect turkey for Thanksgiving dinner. You’re looking to roast, smokefry, or grill a meal to remember, and don’t want to let your fans (aka your friends and family) down. Look no further! I’ve gathered Food52’s best turkey recipes for Thanksgiving, from traditional to dark horse favorites. If this is your first time cooking a turkey, you’ll be amazed at how far herb butter, salt, and pepper can go.

brined turkey is a must to seal in those good juices, but whether to wet or dry brine it is up to you. Most of our recipes are traditional methods for roasting a whole turkey, but you may want to spatchcock it for speedier service. Or maybe the deep-fryer that you saw in your neighbor’s backyard last year is calling your name this time around. The world is your oyster and these 18 recipes will put you on the right track. Once you remove the turkey from the oven, let it rest, and carve it, you’ll feel a huge sense of accomplishment . . . then grab the wishbone and pray to the turkey gods that you’ll nail it next year, too.

Classic roast turkey recipes

1. Dry-Buttermilk-Brined Turkey

You’ve heard of a dry brine with fresh herbs and salt. You’ve heard of a wet brine with herbs and spices in water. But a dry buttermilk brine seems like an oxymoron! Not so much. Recipe developer brined a whole turkey in seasoned buttermilk powder, so that you get the tenderizing benefits of buttermilk without the mess of a wet brine.

2. Honey and Sage Brined Roast Turkey

Your best-ever wet brine starts with honey, garlic, a bunch of thyme, plenty of peppercorns, and a handful of fresh sage. “The result is a crispy-skinned, tender, subtly earthy bird fit for any holiday meal,” according to our editors.

3. Compound Butter and Herb Roast Turkey

The secret to a golden-brown turkey with crispy skin is butter and lots of it. But the trick to an even more flavorful turkey is roasting it with compound butter, which is softened butter mixed with fresh herbs and spices (in this case, garlic, thyme, sage, and lemon zest). The butter is spread underneath the skin of the turkey, which infuses the meat with bright, earthy notes.

4. Russ Parsons’ Dry-Brined Turkey (aka The Judy Bird)

It doesn’t get simpler or easier than this dry-brined Thanksgiving turkey. This dry brine is made with salt. That’s it! Sure, you could add fresh herbs and spices but you could also keep it easy and no one would be the wiser.

5. Slow-Roasted Turkey

If you have a small kitchen, only one oven, or are crunched for time, move on to the next recipe. But if you are blessed with a double oven and a large kitchen island, this slow-roasted turkey recipe may just be the one for your holiday meal. It takes a whopping 11 hours to cook (plus four days of air-drying the bird so it gets super crispy in the oven). Serve dinner on the later side this year and you may just have a winner. Can I come over?

6. Torrisi’s Turkey

I’ll be honest — this isn’t Food52’s most basic turkey recipe or the easiest. It’s for the home cook looking for a bit of a creative challenge on Turkey Day. For crispy (not dry) skin and juicy meat, the trifecta of brining, glazing, and roasting the bird is worth the effort.

7. Herb-Rubbed Roast Turkey

On the other hand, if you’ve never roasted a turkey before or are looking for a low-key method, this is the recipe for you! It calls for a basic dry brine with salt, rubbing the bird with butter and herbs, and roasting the turkey for about 2½ hours.

8. Gin Brined Turkey

It’s happy hour all day on Thanksgiving with this gin-soaked turkey that brings notes of juniper berries and crisp cucumber to the holiday table. Gin skeptics should grab a few slices of the breast meat; our test kitchen editors say that the flavor of the liquor was more pronounced in the turkey thighs.

9. Barbara Kafka’s Simple Roast Turkey

Barbara Kafka’s high heat-roasting technique ruffled feathers in the 1990s (500 degrees! No rack, no trussing, no basting!) — until everyone realized it gives you crackly-skinned turkey in no time at all. There’s no salt, which isn’t a typo. The bird is so juicy you won’t miss it,” according to our editors.

10. Roast Spatchcock Turkey

Cut the cooking time of a traditional Thanksgiving turkey in half by spatchcocking it, a method that calls for breaking the backbone of the bird in half (sounds violent, but it won’t fight back!) and cooking it in a large roasting pan with a flat rack inserted inside.

Non-Traditional Thanksgiving Turkey Recipes

11. Stuffed Turkey Breast Marsala (or Poor Man’s Veal)

Maybe you’re hosting a low-key Thanksgiving this year, or maybe you’ve just grown tired of the usual roast turkey. Either way, stuffed turkey breasts with Marsala wine will still be a festive upgrade for dinner.

12. Thanksgiving Osso Buco

Instead of the usual beef or veal shanks, turkey drumsticks braised with dried cranberries, Turkish apricots, hard cider, and a trio of warm spices make for a Thanksgiving-worthy stew.

13. Turkey Pot Pie

Do away with endless sandwiches and make this savory dinner pie instead. This pot pie is a great way to use up leftover cooked turkey, turkey broth, and vegetables from Thanksgiving.

14. Spicy Turkey Meatloaf

Ground turkey isn’t always the most exciting on its own, but leave it to the combination of soy sauce, ketchup, spicy brown mustard, rice vinegar, Worcestershire sauce in the loaf (plus the Spicy Sriracha Glaze on top) to make it something that I want to eat every night of the week.

15. Turkey Shawarma Pitas

Leftover cooked Thanksgiving turkey takes on an entirely new life with half a dozen shawarma spices and a quick, homemade tzatziki sauce.

16. Best Ever Turkey Chili

Recipe developer KMartinelli wasn’t intending to make a turkey-based chili, but it’s significantly cheaper than beef in Israel. Lucky for us, she turned the economical protein into something flavorful, comforting, and mild enough for anyone who is intolerant to serious heat.

17. Turkey Pho

“Anyone who knows pho knows that it’s all about the broth. WinnieAb uses turkey leftovers (meat and stock, which should really be homemade for this) to coax the most out of this soup,” according to our editors.

“Love Hard” shows we should all aspire to be like a mouthy, fearless Asian elder

In Netflix’s latest Hallmark-esque, holiday rom-com “Love Hard,” modern daters could learn from the fearless and feisty Grandma June.

In the film, Josh Lin (“Silicon Valley” breakout Jimmy O. Yang) charmingly catfishes Natalie Bauer (Nina Dobrev) on a dating app using another guy’s photos. When Natalie flies across the country to surprise Josh for Christmas, she learns the truth, and the two wind up striking a deal: Natalie will pretend to be Josh’s girlfriend in front of his family, and Josh will try to set her up with his friend Tag (Darren Barnett), the actual man featured in Josh’s stolen Flirt Alert app photos.

In other words, “Love Hard” is the predictable sort of holiday treat we’ve come to expect from Netflix, but the twist of Natalie cozying up to Josh’s Asian family sets it apart for the better — especially with a scene stealer like Josh’s Grandma June (Takayo Fischer, familiar to fans of Netflix’s “The Baby-Sitters Club” as Mimi).

RELATED: “Love Hard,” a holiday catfish story masquerading as a romance, is a swipe right and a miss

From her first scene, Grandma June is a delight for her out-of-pocket lines reminiscent of many an Asian grandma who runs her family and doesn’t have time for bulls**t. She’s honest, fun, and seemingly clueless in the best ways.

When Natalie shows up at the Lins’ doorstep looking for Josh, his stepmother, Barb (Rebecca Staab), asks whether Natalie is Josh’s “g-word.”

“Geisha?” supplies Grandma June.

But the value she contributes to the otherwise run-of-the-mill plot of “Love Hard” goes beyond her quips and outrageous one-liners, which include telling Natalie she’s “absolutely beautiful” at breakfast one morning, only to add the disclaimer, “but I can’t see s**t.” June also has her own insights on and desires for love, as an elderly Asian widow looking to get back out there and try dating apps like Flirt Alert.

Where the other Lins seem confused about how Natalie and Josh fell so hard for each other just by meeting on an app, June doesn’t need convincing.

“People used to fall in and out of love based solely on the written word,” the Lin matriarch insists. “The pen is mightier than the penis.”

Grandma June’s interest in dating apps and love after the death of her husband an undisclosed amount of time ago, is treated mostly as comic relief as Josh and Natlie iron out the stressful kinks of their fake relationship deal. But the search for love after losing someone, and certainly as an older person, is a real and familiar story for many people — and it’s a story that isn’t always a tragedy, and can come with as much laughter as Grandma June brings to “Love Hard.”

Shortly after enabling Josh’s spontaneous marriage proposal to Natalie by giving him her ring off her own finger (“Take mine. I don’t have to be buried with it!” she insists), June brings the “couple” into the local senior center so they can host a workshop on making a dating app profile – since they’re experts at finding love in a very honest way and all.

One senior asks whether he should reveal that he uses a wheelchair, to which another at the senior center advises that he frame it as, “I enjoy rolling with my homies.” Another old woman asks whether she should disclose that she lives in a senior home, to which someone tells her to say she’s “into the group thing.”


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Much of the scene is, again, fodder for the usual modern romantic comedy, and certainly a setup for Josh to get on his soapbox about the importance of honesty in relationships, as if all of this isn’t happening because he catfished a woman who lives across the country. But it’s also a glimpse into the reality that dating apps aren’t just for young people, and plenty of older people like Grandma June and her senior home cohort are looking for love on the internet, too. That is, after all, why these apps include options for acceptable age ranges for potential matches, and why niche dating platforms for older people like “Our Time” exist.

Like the other seniors wondering how to talk about wheelchair use or senior home living, Grandma June has questions of her own, such as, at the very end of “Love Hard,” “What is a d**k pic?” There are going to be kinks and foibles to navigating digital spaces in pursuit of love and connection for older people, but Grandma June embodies how fun it can all be, too.

Of course, the cherry on top of June’s infectious curiosity and entertaining bluntness is her identity as an Asian elder, who isn’t included in the movie just to recount some harrowing memory of life in a Japanese internment camp, or the racist horrors of immigrating to the US in the 1950s and ’60s after the Korean and Vietnam Wars. June is just a plucky, mouthy, joyful grandma, who wants to see her grandkids put themselves out there — and wants to put herself out there, too. 

After all, she’s reached an age where she’s unfraid of who she is  – all quips about profile tweaking aside – and she’s someone deserving of all the love.

“Love Hard” is now streaming on Netflix.

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How much longer will major league baseball stay in the closet?

In his 1990 autobiography, “Behind the Mask: My Double Life in Baseball,” Dave Pallone, a gay major league umpire who was quietly fired in 1988 after rumors about his sexual orientation circulated in the baseball world, contended that there were enough gay major league players to create an All-Star team.

Since then, attitudes and laws about homosexuality have changed. High-profile figures in business, politics, show business, education, the media, the military and sports have come out of the closet.

Athletes in three of the five major U.S. male team sports – the NBA, NFL and MLS – have come out while still playing, with NFL player Carl Nassib and NHL prospect Luke Prokop coming out in summer 2021. Meanwhile, according to OutSports magazine, at least 185 publicly out LGBTQ athletes – 90% of them women – participated in this summer’s Tokyo Olympic Games, more than in all previous Summer Olympics combined.

But among the more than 20,000 men who have played major league baseball, not one has publicly come out of the closet while still in uniform.

What’s taken so long? And is baseball ready for its gay Jackie Robinson?

Two ex-players pave the way

“I think we’re getting close,” Billy Bean, the only openly gay former major league player alive today, recently told me. “We’re making incredible strides.”

Bean played for the Detroit Tigers, Los Angeles Dodgers and San Diego Padres for parts of six seasons, hiding his homosexuality from his friends, fans and teammates at great emotional cost. He quit baseball in 1995 and four years later publicly came out. In 2003 he published a book, “Going the Other Way: Lessons from a Life In and Out of Major League Baseball,” in which he describes the anguish of being a closeted ballplayer. In 2014, then-Commissioner Bud Selig hired Bean as Major League Baseball’s first Ambassador for Inclusion.

Bean was the second major league baseball player to come out of the closet after hanging up his spikes. The first, Glenn Burke, played for the Dodgers and Oakland Athletics between 1976 and 1979. He came out publicly in 1982 in an Inside Sports article, “The Double Life of a Gay Dodger.”

“It’s harder to be gay in sports than anywhere else, except maybe president,” said Burke. “Baseball is probably the hardest sport of all.”

In his autobiography, “Out at Home,” published shortly after he died of AIDS in 1995, Burke recalled: “I got used to the ‘fag’ jokes. You heard them everywhere then.”

No other ex-major league baseball player – much less one still in uniform – has yet followed in Bean’s and Burke’s footsteps.

A lingering stain of homophobia

What’s stopping LGBTQ baseball players from coming out publicly?

Perhaps they calculate that the personal or financial costs still outweigh the benefits.

There is a strong current of fundamentalist Christianity within baseball, which could make life uncomfortable for openly gay players. One study of Bible verses in pro athlete’s Twitter bios concluded that major league baseball players were “far and away the most overtly religious group of athletes of the four major sporting leagues.”

There are also lingering strands of explicit homophobia.

In 2012, Detroit Tigers outfielder Torii Hunter told the Los Angeles Times that he’d be uncomfortable with a gay teammate, because “biblically, it’s not right.”

In 2015, Houston Astros slugger Lance Berkman, an evangelical Christian, campaigned against the city’s Equal Rights Ordinance, designed to protect LGBTQ rights. “To me,” Berkman said at the time, “tolerance is the virtue that’s killing this country.” The ordinance was defeated.

Other MLB players have made homophobic comments over the years, including John Rocker, Julian Tavarez, Yunel Escobar, Daniel Murphy and Todd Jones, along with manager Ozzie Guillen.

Changes start at the top

Even as players on big-league rosters stay in the closet, MLB and individual teams have taken steps to make baseball more inclusive for LGBTQ employees and fans.

In 2009, when the Ricketts family purchased the Chicago Cubs, Laura Ricketts became the first openly LGBTQ person to own a professional sports team. Billie Jean King, the former tennis star who, in 1981, became the first openly gay high-profile sports figure, is now part-owner of the Dodgers.

At least four teams – the Dodgers, Baltimore Orioles, San Francisco Giants and Arizona Diamondbacks – now have openly gay top-tier executives. Bean has started a program to recruit and mentor more LGBTQ people to work for teams’ front offices at the major and minor league levels.

In 2000, a lesbian couple was ejected from Dodger Stadium for kissing. Today, out of 30 MLB teams, only the Texas Rangers have never hosted an LGBTQ Pride event of some kind.

Several teams have fined or suspended players, managers, and at least one broadcaster – the Cincinnati Reds’ Thom Brennaman – for uttering anti-gay slurs. And despite the occasional homophobic epithet that continues to emerge from their ranks, more and more straight baseball players have expressed support for the LGBTQ community over the past couple of decades.

In 2003, Colorado Rockies star Mark Grace told the Denver Post that most ballplayers wouldn’t be threatened by the idea of a gay teammate. “I’ve played for 16 years, and I’m sure I’ve had homosexual teammates that I didn’t know about.”

Added Grace: “I think if you’re intelligent at all, you’d understand that homosexuals are just like us.”

In 2005, Reds outfielder Ken Griffey Jr. said that having a gay teammate “wouldn’t bother me at all. If you can play, you can play.” And in 2018, after the media highlighted a rash of anti-gay slurs tweeted by several major league ballplayers, pitcher Sean Doolittle tweeted a full-throated defense: “Some of the strongest people I know are from the LGBTQ community. It takes courage to be your true self when your identity has been used as an insult or a pejorative.”

No perfect time

The first gay major league baseball player to come out will not be a matter of if, but when.

A 2015 poll found that 73% of Americans – including a majority of white evangelical Christians – said they would support a pro sports team signing an openly gay or lesbian athlete.

Some hope that the first pro ballplayer to come out will be a star. In 2014, Pallone, the gay former umpire, told Fox Sports that he wanted it to be “a player whose name rolls off somebody’s tongue. That’s what will do the most good.”

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Or the first gay big-leaguer could simply emerge from the prospect pipeline. In the past decade, two openly gay ballplayers – David Denson and Sean Conroy – played in the minor leagues. A third minor leaguer, Bryan Ruby, currently an infielder for the Salem-Keizer Volcanoes, part of an independent professional league in Oregon, came out in September 2021. There are growing numbers of openly gay college players, and the best of them could ascend the professional ranks into the majors.

“When I was playing, homosexuality was a taboo topic. We never talked openly about it,” Bean said. “Gay athletes in high school, college and the minors now have role models.”

There will always be some who argue that the time isn’t ripe for a major breakthrough. But as Jon Buzinski, the founder of OutSports, told me: “Everybody will say, ‘We aren’t ready.’ Society was not ready for Jackie Robinson. If you are going to wait for everybody to be ready, nobody will do it.”

Peter Dreier, E.P. Clapp Distinguished Professor of Politics, Occidental College

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

An insane week of activity in D.C. — and one that may define Joe Biden’s legacy

My mother taught me at a young age to appreciate people who learn quickly.

Of course, Mom’s definition of “learning quickly” was that you only had to stick your finger in a light socket once before learning not to do it again.

That said, I don’t know that a lot of people would pass her test — at least when it comes to politics. 

Last Friday, shortly before midnight, the House of Representatives finally passed a $1.2 trillion infrastructure bill and sent it to President Biden for his signature. The measure was co-signed by 13 Republicans who crossed party lines to make the bill the greatest example of bipartisanship in the last decade. Still, don’t confuse it with bipartisanship from the past, which meant large numbers of both parties signing on the bottom line together. But it was a first step, and the bipartisan move gave six Democrats the freedom to step away from the measure and vote against it. 

Do not, for a moment, believe that purely symbolic gesture wasn’t understood by the White House and sanctioned by the party. The six left-leaning Democrats who wouldn’t vote for the bill did so because they wanted the Build Back Better measure voted on at the same time the House voted on infrastructure, and were convinced the BBB would not be voted on otherwise. If Nancy Pelosi had needed those six votes to pass the bill — well, the House might still be in session. But I have no doubt she’d have gotten them eventually.

RELATED: GOP may punish members for backing infrastructure — but Gosar, MTG are no problem

How this all shook out was vintage Washington politics the way it used to be played. Biden’s greatest strength, as we found Friday, is working backroom deals, talking with politicians and getting them to come to the table in agreement on important issues. He also understands — unlike some of the Democrats who voted against the infrastructure bill — the art of “Half a loaf.” Getting something is better than getting nothing. The Democratic opponents to the bill are more of the “two in the bush” mind, rather than being happy with the bird in the hand.

Former President Trump, who is currently trying to sell MAGA Christmas-tree ornaments while telling his fans they could win an autographed football by donating money to his cause, was obviously angry and issued the following statement:

Very sad that the RINOs in the House and Senate gave Biden and Democrats a victory on the “Non-Infrastructure” Bill. All Republicans who voted for Democrat longevity should be ashamed of themselves, in particular Mitch McConnell, for granting a two month stay which allowed the Democrats time to work things out at our Country’s, and the Republican Party’s, expense!

By Monday, the leadership of what remains of the morally bankrupt GOP was threatening those who had crossed party lines and voted with the Democrats. So what was their message? What is the Republican alternative to the infrastructure bill? Missouri Sen. Josh Hawley questioned the manhood of Americans who watch too much porn and play too many video games. 

Texas Sen. Ted Cruz, who never met a problem he couldn’t run away from, called Big Bird a communist.

That’s the Republican agenda. 


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It turned a few heads. Hawley prompted questions of “what’s too much?” A former general who served in both Gulf wars asked, “What does he think soldiers in the field do in their down time?”

As Rep. Eric Swalwell, a California Democrat, said about Cruz, “Imagine picking a fight with a fictional bird instead of the man who called your wife ugly.” 

Clearly there are a lot of people who call themselves Republicans who perpetually stick their fingers in light sockets. Perhaps that is why an overwhelming majority of Americans take such a dim view of them. 

As it is, Trump continues to make as much noise as he can, but the passage of the infrastructure bill may well be a watershed event that finally pushes him to the sidelines and into the recesses of time where he and various other demons of democracy should dwell until they fade from existence. The bill’s passage also revives the idea of bipartisan cooperation and brings it back into the national consciousness as a solid example of the motto of the Commonwealth of Kentucky: “United We Stand. Divided We Fall.”

The bill’s passage is even more iconic in juxtaposition to what occurred in federal court this week. District court judge Tanya Chutkan ruled that Trump cannot shield White House records from the Jan. 6 committee. “Presidents are not kings and Plaintiff is not President,” she wrote.

Trump, of course, appealed. That’s his playbook: Keep everything tied up in court until hopefully it goes away.

But the reckoning for Trump’s divisiveness continues, and of late has gathered some steam. Perhaps others are also coming around to the idea that a United States of America is preferable to a divided state of America. As CNN and others reported, the House committee investigating the Jan. 6 riot at the U.S. Capitol announced on Tuesday a new batch of 10 subpoenas to former Trump White House officials, as the panel charges ahead in seeking testimony and documents from witnesses relevant to its probe.

These subpoenas follow six others that were announced Monday.

Stephen Miller and Kayleigh McEnany, senior officials in the Trump administration, were among those subpoenaed. Miller, by his own account, “participated in efforts to spread false information about alleged voter fraud in the 2020 election, as well as efforts to encourage state legislatures to alter the outcome of the November 2020 election appointing alternate slates of electors,” the committee noted.

McEnany? The woman who accused me of being delusional for asking Trump more than a year ago whether, “win, lose or draw,” he would accept a peaceful transfer of power, is being sought because, according to the committee, she made “multiple public statements from the White House and elsewhere about purported fraud in the November 2020 election. For example, in the first White House press conference after the election, Ms. McEnany claimed that there were ‘very real claims’ of fraud that the former President’s reelection campaign was pursuing, and said that mail-in voting was something that ‘we have identified as being particularly prone to fraud.’ At another press conference, Ms. McEnany accused Democrats of ‘welcoming fraud’ and ‘welcoming illegal voting.” She was also apparently hanging around with Trump during the January insurrection.

Trump’s woes don’t end there. New York prosecutors investigating his business dealings have convened a new grand jury to hear evidence in that investigation, leading to speculation that the ex-president may get an indictment as a Christmas gift — or at the very least a subpoena. 

Trump has survived inquiries in the past. But he no longer has the services of a fixer like Michael Cohen, or even the decrepit and derelict Rudy Giuliani. Cohen has long said Trump could face an indictment by the end of the year. He may prove to be right.

Whatever happens to Trump, it is clear there is a renewed sense that on some basic level, our country works best when we try to work together — which means it doesn’t work with Trump involved. It is a message the fascists do not want to hear. It is a message people like Hawley, Cruz and Ron DeSantis think they cannot use to get re-elected. 

But if the Democrats and whatever remnants endure of the old Republican Party can beat that drum loudly enough, it will drown out the mutants who can only scream they are against cooperation, but always fail to provide an alternative policy worthy of consideration.

And in 2021, we are at that precipice. This country is dominated by two political parties. One has no heart. One has no head. By continuing to back Trump’s play, what’s left of the Republican party has revealed that it’s not only heartless but headless. The GOP is dead. That party is a bloody stump, and individually all that remains are a bunch of schizophrenic, delusional paranoids you’d be embarrassed to see at a neighborhood barbecue, sticking their fingers in light sockets while screaming about Big Bird, video games and pornography. As former Republican congressman Joe Walsh said, “If you are pro-vaccine, anti-insurrection, and you state the truth that Joe Biden won the 2020 election fair and square, you have no future as a Republican. Just think about that.”

Meanwhile, for the Democrats to prove they’ve grown a head to go with their sizable heart, they need to get inflation under control (start by just acknowledging it’s a huge problem), find decent candidates who are not as marginal as the far right and continue to pass legislation that helps all Americans. And never stop reminding the voters that’s what they’re doing. That continues to be the key Democratic problem: poor messaging.

While the Democratic holdouts on the infrastructure bill indicate there are plenty of people on both sides of the aisle who love to stick their fingers into light sockets, last week’s actions also show there is renewed hope for a return to sanity..

It’s a nice way to cruise into Thanksgiving. As a nation, we all have something to be thankful for: infrastructure and hope.

More from the bewildering circus of post-Trump D.C.:

I needed IVF to have a baby. The military told me no

When my husband was on his first deployment, our first pregnancy ended in stillbirth. I called him on a fuzzy static line with a strange echo in the background and told him our very wanted baby-boy-to-be didn’t have a heartbeat anymore. My pregnancy was the latest in an unexplained pattern of five generations of male fetal deaths in my maternal lineage. 

While I was in labor alone, my doctors agreed the best course of action for a healthy baby was to do in vitro fertilization and preimplantation genetic testing to have a girl. When my husband returned from deployment a few months later, we began a different process of building a family with a reproductive endocrinologist and the assistance of advanced reproductive technology. We called Tricare, the military health insurance company, to figure out which covered medical treatments would be necessary to avoid another male stillborn. 

The answer was swift and definitive. On the phone with Tricare, we were served a blanket “no” to any reproductive treatment coverage, based on a Congressionally-set policy: “Tricare doesn’t cover non-coital reproductive procedures, services or supplies, including in vitro fertilization.” We were on our own to finance our treatments. As an active duty military family, our family-building journey would not be covered by my husband’s health insurance. 

The journey would be painful, expensive, and emotionally exhausting. There were more deployments and training trips, more disappointment, and almost a hundred doctor’s visits. Each visit required an out-of-pocket expense, whether paying for parking in a garage or simply taking time off work. It felt like we were fighting a Sisyphean battle against an empty chorus of “Support The Troops” hashtags and bumper stickers.

Soon we learned we were not the only ones in uniform fighting quiet battles to have babies. The general population numbers of infertility are discouraging. Studies suggest that 12-15% of couples struggle with infertility, unable to conceive within a year of trying. Birth rates are declining. Military service members face additional challenges: chemical exposures, environmental hazards, chronic stress, challenging sleep patterns and, of course, physical separation from one’s partner. Relative to the general population, the need for family building support among active duty troops is high.

RELATED: She was struggling with infertility. Her best friend was pregnant. Would their friendship survive?

My infertility experience, and that of many other military families, is not merely sad and frustrating for us. It is also an American military readiness and retention issue. Seamus Daniels, associate director for Defense Budget Analysis at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, noted in his recent analysis of military personnel costs that “retention is especially important for the military because it has few programs that allow it to hire mid-career professionals into the ranks — what is known as lateral entry.” That has important demographic consequences. According to the most recent public data, 81.6 percent of active duty service members are 35 or younger, an age at which family planning and building is common. If we want to retain this talent, and have that talent ready to deploy, we need the resources to plan our families and address the challenges that come with family building and military life. 

Reducing infertility rates also benefits recruiting. The U.S. military has been an all-volunteer force since 1973. Ending the draft was seen as a way to correct the virulent anti-military feelings from the Vietnam War, but military leaders were initially skeptical of being able to maintain a strong standing force without the draft. We haven’t needed to reconsider this professionalized military system. One recruiting pipeline has consistently filled some of our hardest and most important jobs during the interceding generations: new military members mostly come from military families.


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The New York Times reported in 2019 that 79 percent of U.S. Army recruits came from a military family, and 30 percent had a military parent. Including the other branches, approximately 70 percent of our currently serving troops come from military families. As a military spouse, I play an essential role in producing the next generation of Americans who will volunteer to serve in the armed forces. If families like mine are not able to have children ― whether due to frequent separations of military life or medical infertility ― we risk having a smaller pool of recruits in the future.

To have our very wanted children, my husband and I spent more than $100,000 in the private IVF market over three years. We were separated about 70 percent of that time. Both were big costs to our lives. One was paid directly to the American people. The other was paid by us, for medical treatments that a vast majority of our military peers could not afford. 

In Congress, U.S. Senators Tammy Duckworth (D-IL) and Patty Murray (D-WA) introduced the Veteran Families Health Services Act to offer comprehensive fertility health care coverage for military families. Thanks to the benevolence of private sector partner WINFertility, my organization, the Military Family Building Coalition, is helping female active duty service members in the Naval Aviation community navigate and plan their family building sPo they don’t have to choose between serving the country and having children. A managed fertility benefit can help the Navy recruit and retain talented aviators, and control the costs associated with having children so that our dollars go farther.

The choice between having a military career and having children only exists because military families don’t have family building support as a matter of policy. Only the public, through Congress, can change this policy. Americans’ lapel pins, bumper stickers and social media pages say they #supportthetroops. We love videos showing the surprise return of a deployed Mom or Dad to their child’s school. We don’t hear the less heartwarming stories ― the miscarriages; the seven-month gap in “trying” to have a baby; the female pilot who didn’t get pregnant in the right window and has to decide between continuing to fly in the military, or getting out to pursue assisted reproduction treatment.

More from Salon on veterans and health care: 

Democrats and the dark road ahead: There’s hope — if we look past 2022 (and maybe 2024 too)

Over the past couple of weeks, we’ve seen the Democratic Party at its worst and, approximately, at its best — or at least the best it’s capable of at the moment. But here’s the problem: No version of the current Democratic Party seems remotely prepared for its date with destiny, as the only electoral force standing in the way of a Republican congressional majority in 2022 and a triumphant resurgence of Trump-style discount-store fascism in 2024 (whether or not Donald Trump is personally involved).

This leads us, I think, toward, an inescapable conclusion, but one the left-liberal-progressive quadrant of the electorate is largely unwilling to face. Let me set up my defenses first: I’m not advocating fatalism or passivity. If you’re deeply invested in firewalling the Democratic majority in 2022, and plan to sink your time, money, energy and some percentage of your soul into the Senate race in Ohio or North Carolina or Pennsylvania, or any of the two or three dozen House races that could go either way, have at it. Action is always preferable to inaction. Of course it’s possible that Democrats could beat the odds, defy both the laws of political physics and the relentless grind of Republican redistricting and hold onto one or both houses of Congress. It could happen!

But, y’know, don’t bet the grandkids’ college fund on that outcome or anything. My point is that those who are committed to the redemption, restoration or fulfillment of America’s “multiracial democracy” (as Salon’s Chauncey DeVega often puts it) need to take a longer view. Politics and history will not suddenly come to an end if (or when) Kevin McCarthy — who is, yes, a repulsive and craven idiot — becomes speaker of the House in January of 2023. Indeed, I think it’s possible that a new kind of politics will be necessary after that. While we’re there, we might also need to consider the still darker possibilities that may arrive in the election cycle following that one, because even those will not cause the sun to drip blood or the Four Horsemen to ride forth from a smoldering cleft in the earth. You know where I’m going here: The Return of the Great Pumpkin. But before we indulge in that horror-fantasy narrative, let’s consider where we are.

I probably don’t need to go over the painful evidence of recent days, but let’s summarize. After the supposedly unexpected (but honestly completely predictable) victory of Republican Glenn Youngkin in the Virginia gubernatorial race — and the actually unexpected near-political-death experience of New Jersey Gov. Phil Murphy (a center-left darling of the moment), against a GOP nonentity with no discernible agenda and a spell-check-defying surname — we entered the ritual period of Democratic gnashing of teeth and rending of garments, as prescribed by scripture. 

RELATED: No exit for Democrats: Mitch has them trapped, and the path ahead is darker than ever

Democrats had supposedly gotten too woke, too radical, too defund-the-police, too obsessed with niche racial or social justice issues that alienated “ordinary Americans,” a term of art used in different ways by different members of the media and political castes, but always to mean people we regard as earnest and honorable (and almost entirely white), but who are unfortunately not that bright. This was a particularly hilarious charge to fling at Terry McAuliffe, the Virginia loser, who appears to be (and may actually be) an automaton assembled at Democratic National Committee headquarters, and whose entire campaign was structured around the indisputable fact that however much of a lifeless Clintonite retread he might be, he wasn’t Donald Trump. 

But the fact that the indictment was prima facie ludicrous was obviously beside the point. As a subsequent New York Times editorial written in baffling doublespeak appeared to argue, McAuliffe had somehow been contaminated by all the wild-eyed tax-and-spend radicalism of “progressives” in Congress, with their ridiculous SJW demands for — um, well, for child care benefits and parental leave policies and universal pre-K and lower drug prices for seniors and other stuff that is massively popular across the political spectrum. 

See, the Democrats’ current dilemma is not entirely or exactly or even mostly about the supposed Bernie vs. Hillary ideological and generational conflict that has created so much internal discord over the past five or six years. Here’s why: The so-called moderates within the party no longer have any clear policies or principles to defend, beyond the Reagan-era reflex that if we scare the normies too much, we’ll lose. (Translation: If we talk about race and racism too much — or actually at all — we’ll alienate middle-income and lower-income white people in the suburbs and rural areas. Who, admittedly, already hate our guts — but we’re sad about that.)

They used to have real positions! Let’s be clear about that: Once upon a time, centrist Democrats were for free-trade agreements and the unregulated flow of finance capital and defunding the welfare state and fiscal austerity and “muscular” foreign policy, along with — let’s be fair! — expanded civil rights and economic opportunities for women, Black people, LGBTQ folk and other marginalized groups. Some of this was just cynical or tactical politics, an effort to defang or outflank Republican attacks, but some of it was entirely authentic: The era of big government is over, the information economy is here, entrepreneurship is the social movement of the future, a rising tide lifts all boats — and yes, sorry, I’ll stop now before you need to vomit again.

I’m pretty sure there are still Democrats out in the wild — Kamala Harris, possibly; Pete Buttigieg, definitely — who subscribe to some semi-updated version of that 1992 “New Democrat” wisdom. If they’d like to come forward and talk about that stuff honestly, we’d all be better off for it. But after the Great Recession and the gradually accumulating bummer of the Obama presidency and the noxious collective brain-fart of the Trump regime and the last two years of a goddamn pandemic that has probably already killed a million Americans (and unquestionably will before it’s over), the stern but benevolent turning-you-down-for-a-loan act just doesn’t fly anymore. Well, except for the “muscular” foreign policy that both parties pursue without question, but holds no interest for folks out here in internet-land, the puzzling and humiliating quadrillion-dollar Afghanistan fiasco aside. 


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Joe Biden, the oldest person ever elected president, has figured most of this out, perhaps because he’s been around so damn long he never fully bought into any particular version of Democratic orthodoxy. But way too many of the “moderate” Democrats of 2021 have become like the Soviet apparatchiks of the 1980s, muttering the bromides they think may allow them to hold onto power, but depressingly aware that it’s all basically a con and that nobody outside their crumbling palace even pretends to believe anymore. 

At least Joe Manchin is both blatantly corrupt and trapped in his own Depression-bootstrap fantasy of the past, the last living specimen of the “conservative Democrats” who were a major power bloc well into my 1970s childhood. And at least Kyrsten Sinema is flamboyantly and performatively corrupt, the out bisexual Gen X senator with the deliberately mismatched outfits of the sort fashion magazines used to call “kicky,” inhaling whopping sums from Big Pharma and voting down a minimum-wage increase on her way to the They Might Be Giants reunion concert. (If they ever officially broke up, that is. I’m not sure, but I bet the gentlelady from Arizona knows.)

You have to respect and even admire them, in a way. No, wait: I don’t mean that at all. You don’t. But at least they know what they stand for, which is “this is how the world works, suckas,” or to quote the final line of a great and anguished film, “Forget it, Jake. It’s Chinatown.” A whole lot of other Democrats are hopelessly pinioned between the corporate donor class they have lovingly cultivated and the increasingly restless “progressive base,” and must also reckon with the fact that in our deeply undemocratic system their fragile majority literally rides on a few thousand randos in exurban “swing districts” and “purple states,” who are entirely likely to vote based on last week’s gas prices or whether the Amazon guy was a dick or some half-processed fragment of COVID misinformation. In that context, “Oh shit, let’s not spend all this money” becomes an understandable response, although not an admirable or defensible one.

So my point is not that Democrats can save themselves by waving the red flag and embracing the most fulsome version of the Bernie-AOC agenda. There’s something to be said for that, along the lines of the old proverb that tells us it’s better to be hanged as a thief than a beggar. (Even setting aside the fact that most of the stuff in that agenda would be amazing.) But nobody can possibly know whether that would work in electoral terms, and it’s not going to happen anyway. 

My point, in fact, is that the current version of the Democratic Party is screwed six ways from Sunday, partly due to structural factors beyond its control and partly due to its own haplessness, incompetence and corruption. I don’t know what will happen in 2022 — except, sorry, yes I do and so do you. Fight against a Republican majority all you want, but also be prepared for the likely outcome, which will be grim and unpleasant at every level but will also create new opportunities for struggle, and perhaps a necessary confrontation with reality.

I really and truly don’t know what will happen in 2024, because there’s a bunch of terrain to traverse before we get there. Joe Biden, if he runs again at age 107, will have the built-in advantage of incumbency, and there’s no reason to believe that every single tendency of political reality has been reversed just because You Know Who won that election that one time. But, yeah, we’d better face it: It’s definitely within the realm of possibility that Donald Trump returns to power, either in his own skin or by way of some mini- or micro-Trump, running as his minion or puppet but yearning to break free. That could happen through “legitimate” means, thanks to the absurd and antiquated Electoral College, or through flat-out fraud and quasi-constitutional legislative override and throwing the election into the House of Representatives, which hasn’t happened since the white-dudes-with-beards era of the 19th century.

That would be really bad news. Will it mean the end of democracy forever and the inauguration of a Thousand-Year Reich ruled for all time by a gaggle of white supremacist douchebags? No, of course not. Will it suck? Yes. Will it suck worst of all for people who don’t have all the unexamined privileges of someone like me? Yes. I’m not being like, oh no worries it won’t be that different LOL.

But to pretend that the deeply offensive and moronic (and evil) prospect of a Trump 2.0 regime will create a rift in the space-time continuum, bringing the end of all history and all politics and launching the era of “boot stamping on a human face forever” is just insulting and untrue. Why do we continue to think we’re so damn special? In almost every European nation, not to mention the nations of the developing world, there are living people who have survived periods of fascistic or autocratic rule and come out the other side. Millions of people live under such regimes right now. It might just be America’s time to get schooled by history.

As for the Democrats: There’s hope! It’s long past time for progressives or liberals or even (hypothetically) moderates to rebuild the party from the ground up. That’s what happened in the Republican Party during and after the Reagan era, which is why a party that only represents white people outside metropolitan areas, and holds an incoherent assortment of extremist views, has veto power over our entire political system. It’s finally starting to happen on the Democratic side too, and if there’s a way to redeem American democracy, and renew our poisoned and paralytic two-party system, that will begin at school boards and city councils and boards of supervisors and other unglamorous instruments of local government.

For at least the past 30 years, the Democratic Party has exclusively played defense, trying to win presidential elections and carve out legislative majorities and then govern from above, hoping against hope that the combination of gradual demographic change and incremental policy adjustments could change the political culture and turn back the rising right-wing tide. We’re normal and reasonably competent and mostly well-intentioned, Democrats announced, to the delight of the vanishingly small proportion of the public who view politics in rational and unemotional terms. To say that it hasn’t worked would be, quite literally, the understatement of the century.

You don’t have to agree with Bernie Sanders or Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez or the other prominent progressives within the Democratic coalition about anything at all to appreciate that they have shifted the party’s internal paradigm. Beneath the media narrative of Democratic defeat and despair in the off-year elections just concluded, there were dozens of progressive victories in local elections, and a degree of grassroots energy not seen since the 1970s. 

Does that mean that democratic socialism or ultra-woke intersectionality or some iteration of a “race-class narrative” is the path forward? That’s exactly what’s up for grabs; nobody knows. If you think you have a role to play, get in on the action now. Will progressives and Democrats and Americans have to go through a truly dark passage in the years ahead in order to reach those answers — a period of real danger and possible violence and almost certain trauma, which will require courage and patience and sacrifice, and whose ending is uncertain? If you’ve read this far, you know what I think. Draw your own conclusions. 

More from Salon on the trials and tribulations of the Democrats, post-Trump:

 

Ex-federal prosecutor warns Kayleigh McEnany to comply with subpoena or it will “haunt her”

Former U.S. Attorney Joyce White Vance on Tuesday discussed the decision by the House Select Committee investigating Jan. 6 to issue an additional ten subpoenas, including aides who were closest to former President Donald Trump throughout the day.

Speaking on an MSNBC panel of experts, Vance warned that Kayleigh McEnany is so young that her decision about whether to cooperate or not will determine her future in politics.

“It’s important to remember that Congress has a different role here than DOJ might have,” Vance explained about McEnany pushing the “big lie” from the White House podium. “Congress can’t indict anyone. Congress’ mission here is a fact-finding mission and so they’ll be interested in learning all of the obvious questions that we would have here. Who told her to say this. Did she think it was true? Did she push back? There’s a lot of rich information to explore with her.”


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What is hanging over her head, however, is how her participation could reflect on the Justice Department investigation and prosecutions.

“She’s a young woman, presumably she has future stages in her career,” said Vance. “So far, the DOJ hasn’t seemed to get serious about prosecutions. There hasn’t been accountability for any of the people involved in the big lie, but she is young enough for this to haunt her and for the risk, the threat of criminal prosecution down the road to be very serious. If she were to decide to tell the truth, she could do a lot to undo the many times she took to the podium after telling us she would never lie to us.”

Host Nicolle Wallace said Vance was “putting it kindly.”

More on the continuing investigation of the attempted Jan. 6 insurrection:

Mike Pence’s inner circle may be ready to spill dirt on Trump to the Capitol riot committee: CNN

Even as former President Donald Trump’s allies defy subpoenas from the House Select Committee investigating the January 6th Capitol riot, the committee is hoping that allies of former Vice President Mike Pence will be more willing to talk.

CNN reports that the Capitol riot committee “is interested in gathering information from at least five members of former Vice President Mike Pence’s inner circle,” specifically on actions Trump and his allies took to pressure Pence to reject the certified results of the 2020 election.


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“Some individuals close to Pence may be willing, either voluntarily or under the guise of a ‘friendly subpoena,’ to provide critical information on how Trump and his allies tried to pressure the former vice president to overturn the results of the 2020 election,” CNN writes. “According to sources familiar with the discussions, some Pence aides are proving more willing to engage with the committee than previously made public.”

Pro-Trump attorney John Eastman wrote a memo claiming that Pence had the power as vice president to reject the certified results of the election and then send the decision back to Republican-controlled state houses.

Trump angrily criticized Pence after he refused to go along with this scheme, and Trump supporters infamously chanted “Hang Mike Pence!” during the January 6th Capitol riots.

More on the continuing investigation of the attempted Jan. 6 insurrection:

“Being the Ricardos” investigates Lucille Ball as a Communist in new Amazon film trailer

“LUCILLE BALL A RED”

This accusation is splashed across the front page of the paper in the trailer for Amazon Prime’s upcoming movie, “Being the Ricardos.”

Written and directed by Aaron Sorkin, creator of “The West Wing” and “The Newsroom,” “Being the Ricardos” takes us back to the McCarthyism of early 1950s America. Based on true events, the series stars Nicole Kidman as Lucille Ball and Javiar Bardem (“No Country for Old Men”) as her first husband and co-star, Desi Arnaz. J.K. Simmons (“Whiplash”) and Nina Arianda (“Venus in Fur”) are also featured. 

RELATED: 16 nostalgia-inducing classic TV shows to watch with kids

In the trailer, we see Ball and Arnaz throughout one week of production on “I Love Lucy,” struggling with accusations of infidelity in their marriage, in the writers’ room, and on the stage of the show that became an American icon. In 1953, Ball gave sealed testimony to a House Un-American Activities Commission investigator about her previous voter registration as a Communist in the 1930s, but claimed she had never been a member of the Communist party or voted for a Communist candidate.


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In the early 1950s, the fear of Communism was costing people their jobs in Hollywood, with the HUAC leading the charge, and the accusation against Ball caused outrage.

“Lucille Ball is a threat to the American way of life?” one person asks incredulously in the trailer. With a tenuous marriage that is both personal and professional, and political drama woven throughout, the film is exactly what Sorkin is known for. 

“Being the Ricardos” premieres in theaters Friday, Dec. 10, and on Amazon Prime Tuesday, Dec. 21. Watch the trailer below via YouTube.  

More stories you might like:

Star GOP congressional candidate accused of abusing 14-year-old girl

Earlier this week, House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy selected Monica De La Cruz, a GOP congressional candidate in Texas, as one of his promising “young guns” ahead of the 2022 midterms.

On Tuesday, the Washington Post reported that De La Cruz, who’s running in the 15th Congressional District, is accused by her estranged husband of “cruel and aggressive conduct” toward his 14-year-old daughter.

De La Cruz is going through a divorce from her husband, Johnny Hernandez.

“Hernandez, who has been married to De La Cruz since 2015, has accused her of mistreating him and his daughter in documents filed in the Hidalgo County district court,” the Post reports. “In one incident described in the petition for divorce, Hernandez says that on a recent Sunday at church, his daughter began crying after some coffee was spilled. He alleges that De La Cruz took her to the bathroom and pinched her to stop her from crying, rather than try to console her.”


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Hernandez also accused De La Cruz of being verbally abusive toward his daughter. In August, she allegedly threatened to divorce him if he brought his daughter back to live at their home, after the teen had been hospitalized.

“Unfortunately it got to that point where I had to make a decision for the best sake of my daughter,” Hernandez told the Post. “She didn’t want to go to parenting classes and she didn’t want to make things better for my daughter.”

He also slammed De La Cruz for mentioning his daughter in a tweet last week, in which she announced she was going through a divorce.

“I believe that she is putting her campaign in front of our family,” Hernandez said. “She is using my daughter for sympathy votes. My daughter is going through mental health issues and she should not be using that on her campaign page. She needs to take that down.”

RELATED: How the Minnesota GOP imploded: From a toxic workplace to a full-blown sex trafficking scandal

De La Cruz told the Post the allegations are “false, and I’m heartbroken that as we work through some mental health issues that involve a minor this deeply personal matter is now being exposed in the national press. My number one concern will always be the well-being of all of my children, and I would appreciate your prayers and continue to ask for privacy for our family.”

De La Cruz is running for an open seat being vacated by Rep. Vicente Gonzalez Jr., who is switching districts.

On Monday, she attended a National Republican Congressional Committee fundraiser where former president Donald Trump spoke.

“Proud to represent #TX15 at the NRCC Countdown to the Majority dinner with special guest Donald J Trump,” she wrote on Twitter. “I am humbled to lead this great district to #VICTORY in 2022! Together we will TAKE BACK THE HOUSE and #FIRE Nancy Pelosi. Let’s Go Brandon!!”

John Cleese backs out of Cambridge appearance over “woke rules,” is praised by Piers Morgan

“Monty Python” alum John Cleese, who’s known for his comedic career spanning decades, isn’t laughing at the moment.

The “A Fish Called Wanda” actor announced Wednesday that he’s canceling a scheduled appearance this week at Cambridge Union, a debate and free speech society at the University of Cambridge, Variety reports. Cleese cited the Union’s decision to blacklist art historian Andrew Graham-Dixon for Graham-Dixon’s recent impersonation of Adolf Hitler at a Union debate last week.

“I was looking forward to talking to students at the Cambridge Union this Friday, but I hear that someone there has been blacklisted for doing an impersonation of Hitler. I regret that I did the same on a Monty Python show, so I am blacklisting myself before someone else does,” Cleese tweeted on Wednesday morning.

RELATED: What is an NFT, and why does John Cleese want to sell you his for $69.3 million?

He continued in a follow-up tweet, “I apologise to anyone at Cambridge who was hoping to talk with me, but perhaps some of you can find a venue where woke rules do not apply.”

To be clear, despite citing imagined “woke rules,” Cambridge Union did not cancel his appearance; rather he is the one choosing to back out of the event.

Cleese’s stance has caught the attention of none other than Piers Morgan, the conservative social media grifter and British broadcaster best known for harassing Meghan Markle after she shared her former struggles with suicidal ideation. “Bravo, Mr Cleese,” Morgan tweeted. “(Words I never thought I’d write, but this is an admirable response to yet more absurd campus cancel culture cr*p.)”


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It’s all rather disheartening for longtime fans of Cleese, who, it should be noted had a beef with Morgan once upon a time. Will they join forces next?

This also feels particularly disingenuous because many who cry “cancel culture” are often victimizing themselves and reaping the benefits as a branding opportunity and publicity stunt more than anything else.

Cleese of all people has shown his awareness of the profits and attention to be wrought from faux outrage over “cancel culture,” or powerful people facing some sort of often minor consequence for being terrible. He and the British television network Channel 4 literally created a documentary on the concept called “Cancel Me,” which “explores why a new ‘woke’ generation is trying to rewrite the rules on what can and can’t be said.” 

Cleese and the creative team behind “Cancel Me” were set to appear at Cambridge Union together on Friday, and Cleese’s little stunt of creating and enforcing his own interpretation of “woke rules” is quite transparently just a PR move for their documentary.

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Lentils, tinned fish and chickpeas — oh my! Dispatches from my Great Pantry Clean Out

I recently signed a lease for a new apartment in Chicago, which is about five hours away from my current home in Louisville. I’ve only had a few major moves as an adult, and in preparation, my free time has become a flurry of cardboard boxes, Pinterest boards and Googling the phrase “moving to-do lists” over and over again. 

Much of the advice is pretty predictable. Establish a moving budget, start changing your address for prescriptions and subscription services and transfer your renter’s insurance. But one to-do list item that popped up again and again feels particularly timely after COVID-era grocery hauls: Begin planning meals around ingredients that are already in your pantry and freezer.

The logic behind the recommendation is twofold: 

1) It’s a way to slowly clean out your kitchen so you’re neither hauling ingredients halfway across the country nor wasting food in a last-minute toss-out.

2) As you’re staring down the barrel of copious moving expenses — first month’s rent, new utilities, packing supplies — it’s a way to dine-in on the cheap, especially when the desire to just order food delivery has likely never been higher.

RELATED: I tried to make cacio e pepe for dinner and it was a disaster — here’s how to avoid the same mistake

So, I set out this week to do exactly that. I opened my pantry, and I started pulling out ingredients. Anything that was way beyond its expiration date or was noticeably stale got tossed. I was left with a fair amount of duplicate items: beans, canned chickpeas, coconut cream, jarred vegetables, lentils, nut butter, pasta, pickles, rice, and tinned fish. You know, all of the items that were packed into “How to stock your pantry” pieces that ran during the pandemic

But here’s the thing — there’s a reason they were featured on those lists. When I decided to use those pantry staples as the base of my dinners, I started to get more creative in my cooking and recipe-hunting. 

The first night after The Great Pantry Clean Out, I made pasta loosely based on this delicious Bon Appetit recipe by Ali Francis. Pulse some anchovies, garlic cloves, jarred roasted red peppers, nut butter, red pepper flakes and sun-dried tomatoes with some reserved pasta water. The sauce is punchy and creamy — and it coated the boxed cavatelli that had been lingering in my pantry absolutely beautifully. I didn’t have any fresh basil, but I had some almost-wilted spinach that needed a home, so into the pot it went. 


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For a little extra flavor, I took some panko breadcrumbs and tossed them in a pan with some dried Italian seasoning and a glug of olive oil until toasty. Those got sprinkled on the warm bowls of pasta and voila! I had a delicious, filling dinner that cost less than $1 per serving. 

The next night, I followed Priya Krishna’s “A Beginner’s Guide to Making Dal” as a way to use up a bag of pink lentils. I finished the dish with a splash of coconut cream, and I served it with rice. For a hit of funk and acidity, I pulled out the blender again to use up the remnants of a tub of Greek yogurt, a teaspoon of miso paste, half of an avocado, and a handful of scallions. I swirled the green sauce over the rice, and the whole thing was warming and incredibly satisfying. 

Looking ahead, I’ve got a running list of dinner ideas based on the remaining ingredients: chickpea salad sandwiches, Mary Elizabeth Williams’ Quick & Dirty cacio e pepe pieshakshuka, and spicy black bean soup with cornbread croutons.

Below you’ll find stories from the Salon archives about the kind of laid-back magic that can occur when cooking under certain restrictions, be they self-imposed or not, like time and budgetary restraints or dietary changes. If you like this collection of writing, be sure to sign up for the Salon Food newsletter, The Bite, where it first appeared. 

At the end, there’s cake 

“What’s holding you back from baking?” asks Salon’s Mary Elizabeth Williams. “Is it the myth that baking is fussy, that it’s a precise science, that it’s hard? Calm down already; it’s not nuclear fusion, it’s cake. And when you do it, at the end, there’s cake.”

With this in mind, check out her recipe for a 3-ingredient cheesecake where — get this — no measuring is required. Inspired by Patricia York and Southern Living, Williams’ cheesecake only asks that you separate some eggs and allow a long oven time.

It’s the definition of working smartly within restrictions, which, in this case, is that of limited ingredients. Read the full breakdown of the instructions here.

Speaking of cake . . . 

One of my absolute favorite episodes of TV is the ill-fated 2020 episode of “The Great British Baking Show,” (Collection 8, Episode 1)  in which contestants were tasked with creating celebrity busts out of cake. The results were spectacularly awful. 

As I wrote of that episode, “Bob Marley doesn’t have a mouth! Freddie Mercury’s head exploded! The bakers’ versions of David Attenborough and Jamaican poet ‘Miss Lou’ look like creatures from a knock-off version of ‘The Dark Crystal,’ while Paul Hollywood is forced to cut through Marie Antoinette’s cheek and a contestant’s David Bowie is, as Prue puts it, ‘about as far away from David Bowie as you could get.'” 

The restrictions here are obvious: time, preparation, and to some extent, the design skills needed to pull this off. The thing is, it’s one of the most memorable bits of food TV I’ve ever seen, largely because the contestants tackled the challenge with such good spirits. There’s something to be learned from their upbeat willingness to experiment in the kitchen. 

Your weekend dinner plans 

As I wrote in the last issue of The Bite, canned pumpkin is one of my favorite fall pantry staples. This weekend, treat it in a new way by turning it into pumpkin butter, which can then be used as the base for The Ultimate Fall Grilled Cheese.

The sandwich is greater than the sum of its parts, though the parts are pretty darn good: fluffy milk bread, goat cheese, gruyere, caramelized shallots, and of course, pumpkin butter. 

This sandwich is pretty much a meal in itself, but it pairs well with a classic cocktail, such as an Old-Fashioned. As Salon’s Erin Keane wrote in a recent “Oracle Pour” column, the standard base for this type of cocktail is bourbon or rye. 

“Muddle a sugar cube with a few dashes of bitters (and a splash of water, if you need it, but ‘water’ in the Old-Fashioned can just be the ice), stir in whiskey, serve over a big ice cube with a lemon or orange peel,” she wrote. “Deceptively simple. The result is a soft and sublime transformation of a good whiskey, while still allowing it to hold center stage.”

 

Read more great food writing: 

States that implemented gun control laws after Sandy Hook shooting had lower homicide rates: study

After 20 children and six adults were brutally murdered during the Sandy Hook school shooting in 2012, political leaders from President Barack Obama to ordinary Democrats pushed for gun control. Despite overwhelming public support for at least modest gun control measures, the efforts to implement federal reform were for nought, thanks in large part to the massive political clout wielded by pro-gun lobbying groups like the National Rifle Association (NRA).

Lost in all the controversy, though, was the simple question of whether the types of gun control policies considered by Obama could have saved lives. A study published earlier this year offers strong evidence that this is at least partially the case: As implemented after the Sandy Hook shooting, at least one kind of handgun restriction actually worked to reduce violence in the states that enacted it.

The researchers studied a specific set of policies — namely, those which impose a delay into a potential firearm owner’s efforts to purchase a handgun. The two categories of measures which achieve this are mandatory waiting periods and forcing buyers to obtain a purchasing permit.

After deciding to lump both sets of policies together because of their shared consequence (delaying handgun purchases), co-authors Christoph Koenig of the University of Bristol and David Schindler of Tilburg University led an analysis of data from 15 states which already had handgun purchase delay laws in place during the months after the Sandy Hook shooting (in late 2012 and early 2013). Their findings, which were published in the journal The Review of Economics and Statistics, are clear.

“We show that these measures causally prevented excessive gun sales after the shooting at Sandy Hook, and that this causes additional homicides, particularly among women in a domestic context,” Schindler told Salon by email. “To summarize your question: Laws that delay gun purchases cause lower gun sales after shocks like the Sandy Hook shooting and thus are able to prevent homicides, many of which are domestic.”

There was a surge in gun sales in the months immediately after Sandy Hook, as right-wing media outlets falsely told their audience that they were at risk of losing their Second Amendment rights. Yet during that period, Schindler and Koenig found that the 15 states with purchase delays experienced 2% lower homicide rates than those without those restrictions, which was linked to a 7% to 8% decrease in total handgun sales in those areas. This drop was driven entirely by handgun-related homicides. Soberly, the scholars also noted that according to their baseline estimate, roughly 200 lives could have been saved just in the six-month period after Sandy Hook if handgun purchase delays existed throughout the nation.


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Although national gun control efforts have seen little success in the nine years since Sandy Hook, the epidemic of gun violence continues to plague America. Another paper published earlier this year — this time in the journal Scientific Reports and by researchers at Penn State University — found that gun violence in the United States increased by more than 30% during the COVID-19 pandemic. This was largely fueled by massive jumps in gun violence, including a surge of more than 100 percent over the previous year in Michigan, Minnesota and New York. Although the authors did not set out to ascertain the causes of the gun violence increase, study co-author Dr. Paddy Ssentongo wrote to Salon that “the COVID-19 pandemic has been associated with psychological distress caused by the shelter-in-place orders, increased rates of domestic violence, disruption of social networks, unemployment, and record increases in gun sales and access to guns during the pandemic.” It was not unreasonable, Ssentongo pointed out, to assume these factors at least played an important role.

Schindler had a similar observation about how stressful social conditions motivate gun purchases.

“From our understanding, there are two main types of motives that drive people to buy guns,” Schindler explained. “The first is an increased perceived need for self-defense. Events like school shootings or a pandemic may induce some people to think that the government may no longer be in a position to keep them safe (fearing a collapse of government or public order), which in turn increases the desire to be able to defend oneself. The second is a fear (e.g., in the case of elections) that gun laws will change and gun purchases be no longer legal. Given the most recent SCOTUS interpretation of [the Second Amendment], these fears are largely unrealistic, of course, but if there are enough people having such an unrealistic fear, it will show up in aggregate numbers.”

There is a long and contentious political history to gun control laws in the United States, and the political boundaries regarding support or opposition have shifted over the years. Jurists grappled for more than a century over the extent to which the Second Amendment protected individual firearm rights, but no mainstream legal opinions at that time held that an ordinary citizen should be completely unfettered when trying to acquire weapons. Conservatives even threw their weight behind gun control measures like the National Firearms Act of 1934 (meant to fight organized crime and endorsed by the NRA) or the Mulford Act of 1967 (a California gun control law backed by future president Ronald Reagan, then governor, to stop armed Black Panthers from intimidating police officers). The prevalent militantly pro-gun philosophy can be traced back to a 1977 internal coup at the NRA, which transformed the organization from being more of a sportsmen’s club into the right-wing activist group it is known as today.

MTG losing close to one-third of her Congressional salary to mask fines, spokesperson says

Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, R-Ga., is losing a lot of money for continuing to defy a mask mandate in the House of Representatives — nearly $50,000 so far, to be exact.

The fines, which are automatically deducted from her Congressional paycheck, account for close to one-third of her total salary of $174,000.

A spokesperson for the controversial Georgia lawmaker, Nick Dyer, told the Washington Post last week that she has been fined at least 20 times for appearing in the House chamber without a mask on, costing her a total of $48,000 so far this year. Just last month, Greene tweeted that she had incurred more than $25,000 in fines.

She was first cited for the breach of House rules back in May, a charge which carried a $500 fine. Each subsequent offense cost her $2,500. A press release this week from the House Ethics Committee details four recent fines she incurred — including three subsequent days, from Sept. 27-29, that Greene was spotted not wearing a mask inside the House chamber. Of the 10 citations currently listed on the HEC website, it appears Greene has only filed an appeal in one of them. 

Still, she has remained obstinate despite the mounting fines she continues to incur, releasing a fiery statement this week railing against “communist Democrats,” who she at one point called “tyrannical dictators” for instituting public health measures amid an ongoing pandemic.


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“I will continue my stand on the House floor against authoritarian Democrat mandates, because I don’t want the American people to stand alone,” Greene said.

And she isn’t the only Republican lawmaker to rack up fines for defying House’s mask rule — fellow Georgia Rep. Andrew Clyde also has lost $30,000 in his own stand against the chamber’s COVID-19 prevention measures. 

Greene’s fines are just the latest hit she’s taken in what is likely a rough few weeks, financially, for the Congresswoman. As Salon reported last month, the Georgia representative likely took a large hit on her investment in a company linked to former President Donald Trump’s new media venture, according to financial disclosure documents. 

She purchased shares in the SPAC, Digital World Acquisition Corp., after it had skyrocketed more than 800% — to a high of $118.80 — following Trump’s announcement that he would be using the company to take his new venture public. But just after her purchase the stock’s value plummeted, and it is now sitting at $58 a share.

As for Greene’s mask-wearing, it appears the standoff will continue for the near future.

She filed a lawsuit back in July against House Speaker Nancy Pelosi over her decision to institute a mask mandate, arguing that the rule violates the 27th Amendment — which concerns payment for Congresspeople — though the case is still ongoing. 

More Salon reporting on Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene:

We can’t help but be cynical about Travis Scott’s post-Astroworld BetterHelp partnership

On Friday in Houston, rapper Travis Scott’s concert during his annual Astroworld festival resulted in hundreds of injuries, dozens hospitalized, and eight dead, including a 14-year-old. Festival-goers were hurt when the crowd surged and stampeded, causing several attendees to be suffocated and trampled. 

Scott, who’s built his brand around “raging” and stoking crazy, even violent behaviors among his fans and concert attendees, has been widely criticized for the devastating mass casualty event, and not just because it happened at his festival. Nearly 40 minutes after Houston police identified his concert as a mass casualty event, Scott continued performing his set on stage, Houston Chronicle has reported. He played on even as ambulances tried to make their ways through the crowd and concert-goers screamed for him to stop. Videos show Scott appearing to witness people in the crowd in severe medical distress.

Now, in the aftermath of the deadly tragedy, Scott’s crisis communications team is scrambling. Granted, there’s virtually nothing that can be said or done to even come close to remedying a situation that involves eight dead, hundreds injured, and thousands traumatized. But Scott’s sanitized, almost empty Saturday statement about being “devastated,” and his black-and-white filtered, emotionless Instagram story video of himself notably not apologizing, don’t come anywhere close.

RELATED: The booming business of music festivals has a problem only gun control can solve

Since the weekend, Scott has backed out of his scheduled performance at the Day N Vegas festival this coming weekend, pledged to cover the funeral costs of the victims, will refund all who bought Astroworld tickets, and as of Monday, has announced a “partnership” with the therapy app BetterHelp to provide one month of free online therapy to all Astroworld attendees. You’ll forgive us for being a bit cynical about this. 

Eight people are dead, and — obviously, to protect himself legally — Scott has yet to so much as apologize for the poor planning and conditions at his festival that led to these deaths, not to mention his refusal to stop performing and shut things down when it was clear what was happening. (As TikTok detectives have shown, Scott has previously stopped a concert when an audience member tried to steal his shoe, but couldn’t be made to stop last week while audience members were dying.) 

Now, Scott has rolled out what appears to be a brand partnership with a digital therapy app, and a relatively controversial one, at that. As Slate points out, unlike other therapy apps, BetterHelp doesn’t accept insurance from customers. The presentation of this resource as a “partnership” between Scott and the app feels almost self-promotional, and particularly eyebrow-raising with — again — eight people dead. It’s not even clear whether the free month of app-based therapy is coming directly out of Scott’s pocket, nor is it clear what options will be left for those still in distress from surviving the near-death-experience of Astroworld Fest 2021 after that one-month free trial expires.

All of that said, it’s easy to point out everything Scott is getting wrong — eight people died at one of his festivals. But in truth, it’s hard to say what the “right” response from him would be; as upsetting as Scott’s lack of apology is, an apology for his part in a mass casualty event would do little to nothing for those who are mourning deceased loved ones, or traumatized by the hellish sea of bodies they survived.


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In other words, there’s no form of apology, compensation, or (temporarily) free therapy program that can substitute for loss of life from fatally poor festival planning and conditions. As Houston police continue to investigate Astroworld, it’s clear that the deaths could have been preventable, most notably with proper crowd control, or selling a more limited number of tickets instead of prioritizing profits over safety. Let’s not forget that we’re still in a pandemic, and it seems unlikely that every member of the 50,000-person crowd at Astroworld was fully vaccinated. Festival-goers have also alleged that some of the severely understaffed medics working the festival were shockingly inexperienced and unprepared, including some who couldn’t even perform CPR and had to seek out CPR-trained audience members.

Scott can’t travel back in time to change the devastating conditions that led to these deaths, by, say, implementing common-sense safety measures, or capping ticket sales, or, hey, maybe not performing when he saw an ambulance trying to move through the crowd. But he can speak out and demonstrate an understanding of what went wrong, and work to meaningfully change the conditions at nearly all major festivals that put lives in danger. 

No compensation will ever be enough for the lives lost and the traumas Scott’s festival has inflicted on his own fans. But in addition to doing everything he can to financially support the loved ones of those lost, and others who were harmed and victimized, he should be speaking clearly and specifically about what he’ll do to ensure nothing like this ever happens again.

The Astroworld tragedy isn’t the first concert that’s become a mass casualty event. In 1979, a concert by British rock band The Who performed in Cincinnati, Ohio led to 11 dead following a rush of concert-goers outside the totally packed venue. The band faced a class action lawsuit, and wound up paying what would today be valued at $389,800 to the families of the deceased. And while Astroworld isn’t the first music festival-turned-deadly-tragedy, it probably won’t be the last either, if festival sales, understaffing, and other conditions continue as they are. 

If Travis Scott wants to do something to begin to correct for the lives lost at his festival, he can’t keep protecting himself by not accepting responsibility. He has to publicly recognize all that went wrong, his part in it, and prove that he’s doing the work to ensure these conditions are never replicated at any festival again.

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“Red Notice” star Chris Diamantopoulos swears he wasn’t trying to break up Jim and Pam

There aren’t too many actors who could convincingly play Frank Sinatra, Moe Howard, Robin Williams — and Mickey Mouse. But Chris Diamantopoulos isn’t like anybody else in Hollywood.

The versatile actor and voiceover performer is best recognized for his roles on “The Office,” “Silicon Valley,” “Community” and “Arrested Development,” but now, he is the co-star of the new Netflix film “Red Notice,” playing a mysterious collector with an artifact that Gal Gadot, Dwayne Johnson and Ryan Reynolds are all trying to get their hands on.

Diamantopoulos joined us for an episode of “Salon Talks” to discuss his evolution as an actor, channeling the voice of the world’s most famous mouse and why his character on “The Office” would have shown Pam a good time. Watch the video here, or check out the Q&A below of our conversation. 

The following transcript has been lightly edited for clarity and length

“Red Notice” is the biggest movie that Netflix has ever done. This is exactly the kind of movie that everybody loves  beautiful people being funny and then kicking each other’s asses to bits, in beautiful locations.

It’s a global — and when I say global, I mean some of the most stunning locations around the world — heist, adventure, action-packed comedy thriller. Rawson Marshall Thurber is a tremendous fellow, an excellent director, a cinephile, a storyteller, and beyond all of that is just a guy that you realize loved watching movies growing up. He took so many tropes from beloved movies and stories and beautifully wove them together to create this new caper.

When I first heard about the casting, each of those stars can power a small planet. With their energy and their charisma and their talent, putting all three together might not typically bode well. Sometimes too many massive and powerful personalities can cancel each other out. In this instance, it’s just the opposite. The interplay between the of three of them is tremendous, particularly DJ and Ryan. But also, I mean, anytime you slip Gal in there, it’s like both men disappear, and there’s Gal.


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It’s this beautiful cat and mouse dance. Tell me where you fit into this story.

There’s cat and mouse, and mouse, and I’m the wolf. I play Sotto Voce, and he is a bad dude. He is this nefarious, mustache twirling, international from unknown origin, arms dealer playboy torturer of people. It was just a great opportunity to really dive into something different than I’m used to playing, which is what I look for if I can be lucky enough to do a character that might be different than something I’ve just come off of. That’s always more fun for me. I became an actor because I find myself pretty boring, and I want to just play as many other different people as I possibly can.

I have a l knack for shifting up the way I sound and the way I look, and I love it. This guy was super fun to play. There’s sort of a fun history about it, too. In the script originally, I think he was scripted as a South American, sort of heavyset and short, kind of like Elmer Fudd. Like a South American Elmer Fudd.

So immediately they thought of you.

They thought of me. No, they actually didn’t, but my agents were clever enough to say, look, they’re having a hard time figuring out who this guy is, do you want to go in and give it a whirl? I said, look, I’m not South American so I don’t want to do that because I’m sure there’s a terrific South American actor that can do that. But I am Greek and I speak Greek, it’s my first language. Why don’t I try him as a Greek? That could be fun. I did, and they responded to it and I got the job, which was really lovely.

Except that about three and a half weeks before production started, I got a call from the director and he said, “I just watched a cut of Ryan’s most recent film, which was one of ‘The Hitman’s Bodyguard’ movies. There’s a Greek bad guy in that. I’m just worried that I don’t want to put him opposite another Greek bad guy. Am I going to need to find someone else?” I said, “No, no, no, no, no,” and the actor’s ingenuity kicked in. I was like, “You know what’s funny? I was thinking of calling you and telling you I don’t want to play it that way.” He said, “Well, you’re not going to do the South American thing.” I said, “No, no, no, no, no. We’re going to do something different.”

I, in this moment of panic, came up with this notion of making him of unknown European origin. His story is that when he was a child, his father was the crime boss. He had this study full of priceless, antique guns and the child was never meant to touch them. One day Dad came home and there I was, as a child holding his prize possessions, a beautiful Colt army revolver. Dad freaked out and grabbed me by the throat which is why you can’t understand where I’m from, because he crushed my windpipe. Then by accident, I shot him. So I enter into the crime world by killing my father.

That’s a good origin story.

Kind of a neat origin story. Then Rawson said, “I love this. He’s got kind of a strangled voice. We’ll call him Sotto Voce.” I was like, okay, you’re a genius. Then we came up with this idea that very aspect of this guy’s life gets tattooed onto his body, and he carries on with his destruction and mayhem.

RELATED: Alan Cumming: “Life’s just the same show with different costumes”

You create this “can’t wait to get your hands on it” character. You’re with this dream cast. It starts shooting in the winter of 2020 . . . and you get shut down. You have to pick up the pieces again. People may have moved on. How did you get the momentum back?

It was incredible. It’s a real testament to Rawson, and to Beau Flynn who produced it, and to Netflix, because we were midway through. I remember the day. It was March 12th. I was on set. I went in to shoot a quick sequence and the makeup artists were talking about, “We might be shutting down.” Looking back, I can’t believe how cavalier I was about it because I was just like, there’s no way. They’re not shutting this down. I got in my car and drove back to the hotel and when I got to the hotel, they were starting to pass out masks. I was like, this is so weird. That night I got a call saying, “You’re going back to New York. We’re shutting down production.”

It just happened so, so quickly. I called Rawson and said, “What’s the deal here? What are we going to do?” He said, “I have absolutely no idea.” Everyone was baffled, and it was many, many months before I heard back from production. It wasn’t until August or September that I got a call saying, “Look, we are going to gear back up, and the quarantine protocols are really strict.” I had to quarantine at home for two weeks. My whole family did, before getting on a plane and landing in Atlanta, quarantining for two more weeks just in my room because this was pre-vaccination. And then we were all in a bubble and we couldn’t leave. We had trackers on our cars and we could only go from set to our room. We couldn’t even go around the hotel facility.

I remember I just wanted some sunlight because I’d been indoors for so many weeks. The hotel room was this tiny little room, and the windows were those childproof windows that could only crack. One of the actors, Ritu, told me before I flew in, “You’re going to want to figure out a way to open your window because you’re going to go crazy.” So I brought a tool kit with me when I got there and I undid the screws on the window, opened it up. I brought one of the bureaus up against the window, and I would sit in my underwear in the window for the 20 seconds that the sun was out. That would be a great photo if someone has that. That was a look.

But you know what, to their credit, we finished. We were there, we shot, we finished everything. And the movie looks tremendous. I’m blown away by how good it looks.

I want to talk about the character’s voice. That’s your thing.

Yeah, it seems to be.

You are known to a lot of people who’ve watched different TV series, but you also have this other big career. You’re the voice of Mickey Mouse. You’ve been on “Family Guy,” “Invincible,” you’re going to do “Diary of a Wimpy Kid.” You’ve got this other new series, “Inside Job.” Is it something you always were into? Were you a guy who was doing voices when you were a kid?

The short answer is yes. It all ties together. When we would go to Greece in the summer when I was a little boy, we would stay in this tiny little place right near the water. It was me, my mother and my brother before my sister was born, and there was no TV. There was no air conditioning and at night to go to sleep. For entertainment, my brother and my mom would ask me to do the Stooges. I would redo all three of the Stooges in the Stooges episodes that we used to watch on WUTV, Buffalo 29.

They had about 40 or 50 of the shorts that they would play in a loop, and I memorized all of them. I was really good with the voices, and then I spent a career in school getting put out in the hallway for doing the very same thing. I realized that that was my thing. I loved playing with my voice. I had facility with it. It got me into musicals because I realized that I could hear the way a voice sounded. I could manipulate my voice, and manipulating it that way meant I could also probably manipulate it within a melodic framework. It turned out I was actually not a bad singer, and I took some voice lessons and realized I was actually a pretty good singer.

Broadway helped inform how I was able to really use voice, and it stretched it even more. When I was doing “Les Miz,” in between shows on Wednesdays and Saturdays, we didn’t have enough time to go away and eat because the show was so bloody long. So a few of the guys and I would order food from one of the delis or one of the diners, and we had a poker table downstairs in the basement of the Imperial Theater. We would play poker and eat our sandwiches and get ready for the second show. I would do all these voices at the table. It was Nick Wyman, a great character actor who’s still a great friend of mine, said to me, “You should do something with that. You’re messing around here with us, but you’ve really got a real talent for that.” I was like, what am I going to do?

He said, “I’m going to introduce you to my voiceover agent.” He had a commercial agent here in the city. I went in and met Jed Bernstein, who’s just a sweetheart. He said, “Look, we’ve got a lot of actors. I’ll give you some copy to read in the booth and maybe you’ll be good at it.” So I read the copy, and neither he nor I were particularly impressed, but I booked the job. It was my first audition out and I booked the job. That ingratiated him to me, and then I started working in voiceover commercials — AT&T, Claritin. I started doing that quite a bit.

It ended up being a pretty lucrative gig. When I met my wife, we were ready to leave New York and move to Los Angeles, because we wanted to try out that TV and film thing, I had this whole other career here. Back in those days, you couldn’t translate that. I couldn’t do the voiceover stuff from Los Angeles. It was too expensive, so I had to say goodbye to it and when I moved to LA. I said goodbye to Broadway and I said goodbye to the voiceover stuff. I found myself with no work and no agent. I would go to a casting with my wife, and she was 23 at the time, but she looked like she was 16. They would say, “Your dad has to wait outside.” I always looked like I was 46. I really was like, oh gosh, I think I made a really terrible mistake. Then what happened was a casting director out in LA gave me an opportunity on “American Dad.”

Linda Lamontagne was the casting director. Super, super sweet and creative and thoughtful. She said, “We have a small part, do you want to come on it?” I read on it and it was funny, and then she kept bringing me back. That ended up beginning my animation career, which is very different than the broadcast career. But it wasn’t until I did “The Three Stooges” movie, that animation took off for me. Once “Stooges” came out, my agent heard that Disney was putting out a very quiet and small net for a recasting of Mickey Mouse, to find a Mickey to do the original Walt Mickey, really go back to the roots and do where Mickey really first began. Having had the facility with the 1930s vernacular from Stooges, he thought I’d be a good candidate for it.

I at first avoided it because I’m more of a baritone and Mickey is Mickey. But I watched this documentary about Walt. It showed him speaking, and he had a very similar speaking voice to mine. The interviewer asked him to do a little Mickey, and he he kind of ignited his body when he did it. I watched him and I was like, I think maybe I can do that. I watched what he did with his mouth and with his face and with his body. I thought, yeah, maybe I’ll give it a try. It was really neat. I got to go to the old animation studio and I animated to some real old Mickey shorts. I got to put my voice on “Brave Little Tailor.” You watch it, and it’s all the production value with all the original voices, and there’s my voice. It’s so magical.

Then I found out I got that, and that really opened the doors. After Mickey Mouse, I really started working consistently in animation. It’s some of my favorite work because I get to sing, I get to use my singing voice, and singing as Mickey is a lot of fun. There’s some singing stuff in “The Wonderful World of Mickey” that we did that’s just tremendous. But I get to use my singing voice. I get to use all aspects of my voice.

Now, when COVID hit in particular, the adult animated world really opened up. I’m on a show called “Pantheon” for AMC that’s just a straight adult drama. There’s no pyrotechnics to it. It’s just an adult drama, which is just terrific. Then as you mentioned, “Inside Job,” which is an adult comedy. It’s kind of like “The Office” meets “The X-Files,” meets “Family Guy.” Really, really cool. And “Invincible” on Amazon and “Centaurworld” on Netflix. I mean, there’s a slew of really, really cool things. It’s been fun.

And “Diary of a Wimpy Kid.”

“Diary of a Wimpy Kid,” which was a blast to do. That whole world is so well crafted.

You mentioned “The Office.” I want to ask you about that, because you are such a pivotal character in that show, yet you had such a small role.

People hate me on that show. I get people yelling at me on the street. When I lived in New York, people were like, “Oh hey, why’d you try to break up Jim and Pam?” I’m like, “I just needed to pay my mortgage.

They called me, they said, “We have a job. We have an audition for you.” I remember it was actually really sweet because Jenna [Fischer] was at the audition with Greg Daniels. They really cared deeply about out how they were going to end this show. Of course they did, it was the show that we all loved. I mean, if we loved it that much, imagine how they felt. So they were very, very tenuous about what they were going to do, and I loved that. I admired how involved they were. John Krasinski was as well.

I remember there were a few, not tense, but very important days, where we stopped production and the three of them just were in really, really intense conversations about, really, what direction are we going to go? Particularly with this character where we break the fourth wall. I’m the boom operator and I’ve been watching Pam for all these years. I just had a divorce and I’m kind of smitten with her, a little in love with her, and I’m seeing that she’s having some marital problems. I mistake some of her signals for maybe a flirtation. Obviously Jim and Pam are alive and well. They’re canon. I didn’t go in there to try and break them up. I mean, listen, I think Pam would’ve had a good time with Brian.

I’m a little team Brian.

Brian was a badass, let’s be honest. He beat someone up with his boom pole, come on.

When people stop you on the street and say, “I hate you,” do you think, “Thank you”? What is your reaction?

The hard thing is when I’m walking with my children and people yell, “This guy fucks.” And my son’s like what? I’m like, no, he’s saying, this guy’s a fox. He’s like, “That’s weird too,” and I’m like, “I know. Everything’s weird.”

You’ve got a very limited window of time on that one before he catches on.

The whole point of what I do is that I want to entertain people. So if someone’s like, “I hated you on ‘The Office,'” okay. As long as they’re not threatening me physically, I’m A-OK with it. I love it. I don’t mind somebody recognizing me or wanting to talk to me about something that they enjoyed or a question that they had. I was raised in front of the TV and if I could have met one of the people that I watched on TV that would’ve blown my fucking mind. So I don’t take it lightly.

I’m not on social media because I missed the boat on how to really do that correctly. I tried it for a brief period of time. One of the studios mandated that I had it and it was a failed experiment for me. Not that it didn’t work. There were certainly people that wanted to communicate with me. But I felt beholden to communicate with everyone that communicated with me and I felt bad if I couldn’t. I also felt that if I meant something as a joke, it might not necessarily translate that way. I just thought, maybe I’m better off not doing this. So if someone wants to chat with me when they see me. I’m A-OK with that.

We talked about your comedy work, which is extensive. But another one of the next things you have coming out is more dramatic, even though it stars a big comedian. Talk to me a little bit about “True Story.”

It’s funny, after “Silicon Valley,” I really wanted to go in a different direction because the character was so overtly funny. “Red Notice” was a nice sort of stepping stone to bridge between “Silicon Valley” and “True Story” because “Red Notice” is this big action adventure and I play this bad guy. There are some comic overtones, but not necessarily from my character. My guy is dead serious.

Now, in “True Story,” it goes to the next level. It stars Kevin Hart and Wesley Snipes. I just have to say for the record I think there should be a picture of Kevin Hart in the dictionary next to the word “movie star.” Not only because of his charisma and his talent, but because of who he is on a set. A movie star, that term carries with it weight that sometimes I don’t think the person that has that title recognizes the responsibility attached to it. And that’s a guy that gets it. He understands that it all comes down from him. The energies come down from him, and he’s just a prince to the crew, to the cast. Not to mention the fact that he knows the material so well, that when I would flub a line, he’d say, “Oh no, no you have to say this.” I’m like, oh shit. You know my lines. It’s not enough that you’ve helped write and produce this whole thing, but you also know my shit. He was just tremendous to work with. This show is a limited series that’s a heightened, fictional take on aspects of his life coming up as a comic and becoming the huge, massive star that he is.

But there’s sort of a Scorsese-esque, “Goodfellas”-esque filter on it. It takes us into this very dark underworld in Philly, this mafia-like underworld run by this colorful Greek American family. I play Savvas, who’s the heavy of this family. I’m basically the brother that’s called in when someone needs to have their fingers broken, and he’s not a nice person. He’s not a funny person. He doesn’t really say much either, which was interesting for me because I’m a pretty verbose guy. He just hurts people in a horrible way. He’s violently abusive and yeah, he’s terrible.

Most important question about him though — this takes place in Philly.

He’s got good hair, yeah.

Do you do the “Mare of Easttown” accent?

No. It’s interesting. There’s this slight feathered accent in there. All of us talked about it because there has to be a unity too. Originally we talked about how Greek versus American they were. Were they fresh off the boat? It’s funny, because I grew up in Toronto and most of my friends were Greek Canadian. There was a very Gringlish way of speaking, where the Greek had permeated into the Canadian and the Canadian had permeated into the Greek. Billy Zane played one of the other brothers in the family and John Ales played the other brother, and all of us are of Greek origin. We sort of found this nice happy medium that really worked. And Eric Newman who wrote and produced it, signed off on it as well, as did Kevin.

So I guess I have to wait for another project of yours to hear you say “hoagie.”

Yes, exactly. You’ll have to wait for the other hoagie project.

Watch a trailer for “Red Notice” via YouTube.

More Salon Talks: 

Justice Department wants to put the so-called “QAnon Shaman” behind bars for 4 years

The Justice Department recommended that Jacob Chansley, the so-called QAnon Shaman, be sentenced to four years behind bars, according to new court documents filed late Tuesday night.

CNN.com reported Wednesday that it is the longest incarceration prosecutors have asked for thus far among the Jan. 6 defendants. Chansley was among the most recognizable of the insurrectionists, making it through the halls of Congress and into the Senate chamber where he was photographed in the gallery and behind the dais.

The documents call him “quite literally, their flagbearer” among the Jan. 6 attackers.


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The filing notes that Chansley and those like him “has made us all question the safety and security of the country in which we live.”

“Those enormous harms, borne out of the acts of this defendant, must be deterred so that we never see a similar assault on our democracy again,” the sentencing recommendation continues.

He’s slated to be sentenced by Federal Judge Royce Lamberth of the DC District Court one week from Wednesday. So far, he’s been behind bars for 10 months.

Read the full report at CNN.com.

Star power: More celebrities are lining up to run for office after Trump showed they can win

More Hollywood celebrities with no political pedigrees are floating their names as potential state and federal candidates, with former President Donald Trump having single-handedly obliterated what was once an expectation for candidates to have political experience before running for higher office.

On Wednesday, radio icon Howard Stern, known for hosting Sirius XM’s “The Howard Stern Show,” suggested in a broadcast that it was his “civic duty” to run for president in 2024 if Trump does. 

“If Trump decides to run again, you have to run against him,” said Robin Quivers, Stern’s co-host.

“I know. I’ll beat his ass,” Stern responded, claiming that he’d play the audio tape of Trump asking Georgia’s secretary of state to “find” enough votes to overturn the election.

RELATED: Georgia investigating Trump call pressuring secretary of state to “find” votes, overturn election

“I would just sit there and play that fucking clip of him trying to fix the election over and over again,” the radio host added. 

In January, Stern, a member of the Libertarian Party, said that he wouldn’t have enough energy to run for president considering his age, 67. 

“It’s going to create some heavy lifting,” he said at the time, according to The New York Daily News. “At this point in my life, I’m too tired to do that kind of heavy lifting. We need some young energetic people who care about their country.” 

Back in 1994, Stern cast a bid for New York governor against Democrat Mario Cuomo, but withdrew several months into his campaign. 


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Another aspiring celebrity-turned-politician is TV host Dr. Mehmet Oz, who, according to a Tuesday report by The Washington Free Beacon, has begun hiring staff and reaching out to campaign allies for a U.S. Senate bid in Pennsylvania. 

Oz, a cardiothoracic surgeon and onetime informal Trump COVID-19 adviser who has used his show to promote a number of unproven treatments over the years, is apparently a registered New Jersey voter but has “deep ties” to Pennsylvania — referring to his time at the University of Pennsylvania to study both medicine and business. 

“Since last year, Dr. Oz has lived and voted in Pennsylvania where he attended school and has deep family ties,” an Oz spokesman told the Free Beacon. “Dr. Oz has received encouragement to run for the U.S. Senate, but is currently focused on our show and has no announcement at this time.”

RELATED: Trump tells health officials to ask “quack” Fox News guest Dr. Oz for advice on coronavirus: report

Last year, toward the beginning of the pandemic, Oz said in a Fox News interview that school re-openings “may only cost us 2 to 3 percent in terms of total mortality” – a “trade-off some folks would consider.” He has also promoted the use of hydroxychloroquine – at one point a “miracle drug” promoted by Trump – to treat COVID-19. According to a 2014 study first reported by The Washington Post, roughly half of Oz’s medical advice is either “baseless or wrong.”

Meanwhile, in Texas, Academy Award winner Matthew McConaughey has floated the idea of a potential gubernatorial campaign, first announced back in March of this year. McConaughey told reporters on multiple occasions that he’s interested in running, despite his lack of political experience. According to Forbes, the actor has reportedly not voted since 2012 and has no political donation records. 

RELATED: Matthew McConaughey is flirting with a run for governor. But his politics remain a mystery

Winter weather could spur more COVID-19 infections, experts say. Here’s why

Winter is coming.

Last year, cooler temperatures ushered in one of the deadliest COVID-19 surges that many US states had ever seen. Many cities and countries had to reinstate shelter-in-place orders to slow the spread as the country reached a grim milestone of nearly 5,000 deaths per day last winter. This was, of course, before vaccines were widely available.

While the country is better prepared this year to weather another winter during the pandemic, cases are slowly rising again, especially in undervaccinated areas. That raises the question: is there something about the cold that makes COVID-19 thrive? After all, it is well known that rates of transmission of other respiratory viruses, including influenza, tend to rise during winter months.

Indeed, experts say that the connection is palpable.

“Colder temperatures likely increase the transmission of SARS-CoV-2 in a few ways,” Dr. Amesh Adalja, a senior scholar at the Johns Hopkins Center, told Salon. “The colder temperature may impact the ability of the nose to clear the virus — the tiny hairs may not trap viral particles as efficiently in lower temperatures.”

Adalja added that colder temperatures are also associated with less humidity that can “enhance the efficiency of transmission.”

Multiple researchers have investigated the connection between COVID-19 transmission and the weather. Relative humidity, which is a term for how much water vapor is actually in the air, appears to be a contributing factor. In the winter, relative humidity is often low — below 40 to 60 percent, which can affect COVID-19 transmission, because it becomes more difficult for the body to essentially filter the virus. 

The lungs rely on a collective effort to catch virus particles before they plummet into the body’s depths: sticky mucous in the respiratory tract and hair-like cilia on the lungs are designed as traps to stop invaders. Yet this process can be thwarted by dry air, because there’s not as much mucous available to catch the virus.

In one study published in the journal Clinical Infectious Diseases, researchers at Mount Auburn Hospital found that the rate of COVID-19 cases appeared to decrease as temperatures rose — though the decline stopped at 52°F. When temperatures exceeded 52°F, the decline in COVID-19 cases didn’t seem to be significant enough to determine that a rise in temperature makes a difference in coronavirus transmission. The study analyzed past data sourced from the National Centers for Environmental Information.

Similarly, a separate in vitro study found that SARS-CoV-2 appeared to survive for a shorter duration in higher temperatures. 

“SARS-CoV-2 does last longer in colder temperatures in the environment, but that doesn’t really matter,” said Dr. John Volckens, a professor in the Colorado School of Public Health at Colorado State University. “In warm […] low humidity environments — that’s like 50% humidity — the virus can last like an hour in the air.”

Volckens added: “If you make it cold, like super cold, like 10 degrees Celsius or just around freezing and high humidity, it can last five or 10 hours, but both of those are still way longer than it would take to get you infected.”

Indeed, it is believed that 15 minutes of close exposure to a person with COVID-19 can lead to infection.

Volckens emphasized that there is one big reason that colder temperatures lead to higher transmission rates — because they bring people together, indoors.


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“They drive together, they drive us to indoor spaces where it’s warm, and so when it’s cold, it’s harder for us to maintain physical distance because we’re all packed together in warm environments,” Volckens said. “And so the reason cold temperatures affect transmission is that cold temperatures drive us to be close together, and the closer we are together the higher chance for us to have a close contact, breathing in someone else’s rebreathed air, when we are in a closed space.”

Adalja agreed.

“Most importantly, colder temperatures drive people indoors where transmission rates are significantly higher,” Adalja said. “Colder temperatures also correlate with less sunlight which may make surface transmission more likely — though this is low likelihood to begin with.”

Volckens said that doesn’t mean this winter will be as deadly as the last. The possibility of another really deadly surge now depends on the location’s vaccination rates, and overall behavior of the communities.

“I think there’s just many factors that go into that, vaccination is a huge one, whether or not people are masking, whether there are masks mandates, whether there are proof of vaccination mandates for being in public spaces, that’s varied,” Volckens said. “I don’t think you can say, yes, everywhere COVID-19 cases are going to go up this winter because there’s just a lot of different behaviors, mandates and public health practices that are playing out across the country.

18 proudly vegan Thanksgiving desserts

So you’re planning a classic Thanksgiving finale (hello, pumpkin pie) or a dessert that will soon become a classic in your home. Will it vegan? On this list of our all-time favorite plant-based desserts, you can bet your bottom dollar that — yes, it sure will.

18 Best Vegan Thanksgiving Desserts

Pies and Tarts

1. You Won’t Believe It’s Vegan Pumpkin Pie

The title says it all. This was the pie that made Gena Hamshaw realize her pumpkin pie days were not over at all, especially with cashews subbing heavy cream for a truly dreamy filling.

2. Vegan Apple Pie

Pocket this vegan pie crust recipe for all future vegan pie endeavors, sweet or savory — with both oat milk and coconut oil, it provides a nutty texture. Bonus: oat milk makes an excellent substitute for egg wash.

3. Raw, Vegan Pecan Pie

Skip the oven with this date filled and sugar-free pecan pie you can make way ahead of time.

4. Vegan Chocolate Peanut Butter Cup Tart

It looks like a regular chocolate tart, then you cut into it and, well, wow. It’s the kind of dessert people will keep bringing up at all your other dinner parties.

5. Mocha Whiskey Mousse Tart with Pretzel Crust

Take your favorite chocolate mousse recipe (there are vegan ones here and here) and turn it into this holiday masterpiece.

6. Vegan Chocolate Pie

Make this not-too-sweet pie ahead and there’s pretty much nothing you need to do besides take it out of the fridge and onto the table. A dusting of powdered sugar would make a lovely finish, though.

Cakes

7. Margaret Fox’s Amazon Chocolate Cake

No mixer is needed for this lush cake, which is just as good for a late night craving as it is for a Thanksgiving feast.

8. Vegan Carrot Cake with Coconut Cream Frosting

The king of autumnal cakes — not that we’d say no to it in July. Naked sides mean less work for you and no sacrifice in terms of aesthetics.

9. School-Party Sheet Cake

Disclaimer: This cake calls for (dairy) buttermilk, but you can easily sub it for 3/4 parts plant-based yogurt thinned out with 1/4 non-dairy milk alternative for a great result (plant-based milk plus a teaspoon of lemon juice or neutral vinegar also works a treat). The star here is the vegan sweet potato frosting, which is one to save for all future cakes.

10. Sticky Rice Cake with Coconut, Ginger and Condensed Coconut Milk

This Burmese rice cake is gluten-free too.

11. Fudgy Vegan Banana-Brownie Cake You Can Eat for Breakfast

Somewhere between cake and brownie sits this recipe, which will make excellent leftovers.

12. Vegan Coconut Tres Leches Cake with Strawberry Sauce

With or without the strawberry sauce, this tres (plant-based) leches cake is very much worth the effort.

13. Yuzu Coconut Cake with Caramelized Sugar Crust

Is there a bad time for a bundt? Not in this universe. If you can’t find yuzu zest, sub in lime, lemon or orange zest.

Spoonables

14. Vegan Apple Crisp

Apple crisp is basically apple pie that needs the structure of a bowl in lieu of crust. Thus I’ve put it in this category of spoon desserts, AKA desserts that are just huggable.

15. 5-Minute Bittersweet Chocolate Pudding

Arrowroot powder replaces eggs in this five-minute and five-ingredient pudding, which you can vary to make Mexican or ginger-y.

16. Avocado Chocolate Mousse

This mousse comes together so quickly that if you excuse yourself to make it, people will just think you’ve gone to the powder room.

17. Baked Halva

Now’s the time to bring out those party ramekins. No mixer and just one bowl needed.

18. Coconut Milk Rice Pudding with Citrus and Ginger

Serve this wintry rice pudding warm or chilled.

Thanksgiving’s more expensive than ever — now what?

These days, it’s hard to go even an hour without hearing about supply chain issues, both in the United States and abroad. With shortages on everything from beauty products to toilet paper (again) to food, consumers are going to have to plan early and most likely spend more this holiday season. The Farm Bureau estimates that Thanksgiving 2021 will cost $46.90 for a group of 10, but to loosely quote our president, that’s a load of malarkey.

A typical Thanksgiving feast will likely feature at least a 12 to 14 lb. turkey, mashed potatoes, an assortment of vegetable side dishes, dinner rolls, a few kinds of pie, and most likely some good wine. Even if you’re not serving a heritage turkey, rolls with cultured butter, and mashed potatoes with truffles, Thanksgiving is pricy and this year, The New York Times says that it will be the most expensive feast ever. “There is no single culprit,” writes Times reporter Kim Severson. “The nation’s food supply has been battered by a knotted supply chain, high transportation expenses, labor shortages, trade policies, and bad weather.”

So what’s the best way to host Thanksgiving without breaking the bank? Before you start filling your cart with flour, cream of mushroom soup, pumpkin pie spice, and dinner rolls, “comb through your pantry and fridge for ingredients you already have on hand,” says Allison Thomas, culinary standards manager at Whole Foods Market. “Keep an eye out for the staples you tend to stock year-round, like spices, vanilla extract, flours, and sugar. Not only will you save time at the store not having to hunt down items you don’t actually need, but you’ll also save money in the long run.”

Oh, and there’s no need to cut your guest list and opt for turkey burgers and fries instead of a glistening roast. There are a number of ways to host a budget-friendly Thanksgiving. Consider shopping local. “If you have the ability to source from local farms for your produce and meat, that will help curb costs,” says Justin Freeman, executive chef at The Greenwich in Denver. Freeman also says to think about serving things that you can repurpose into leftovers so you can stretch your dollar farther for a couple of days post-Thanksgiving. While we’re all for a Thanksgiving breakfast sandwich that makes use of a little bit of stuffing, a tablespoon or two of cranberry sauce, and a few slices of turkey, Freeman says that you can also freeze sides like cranberry sauce and gravy to save for a new meal altogether.

Alternatives to whole turkey

Although turkey is generally a lean meat, both in terms of price and fat, November is the one time of year when it is guaranteed to be more expensive due to demand. Instead of serving a whole turkey for roasting, consider turkey legs or turkey breast if you’ve having a smaller gathering, which are less expensive and easier to cook too.

Budget-friendly vegetarian alternatives to turkey include a whole roasted cauliflower or the classic tofurky (do people do that anymore? Please, let us know if you do!). “The turkey also doesn’t need to be the focal point. You can focus on preparing some really great sides like butternut squash with roasted marshmallows, pumpkin caponata, or even roasted Brussels sprouts with pancetta, maple syrup, and fresh lemon juice,” says Freeman.

When to shop

The best time to go grocery shopping for Thanksgiving doesn’t just have to do with crowd-levels or availability, though both of those factors are important. In terms of price alone, the best time to pick up your meat, produce, and baking supplies is, well, now! “Do not shop the day before — it’s always more expensive and you end up buying whatever is on the shelf,” says Freeman. You can start buying canned goods, dry herbs, and non-perishable baking ingredients now. The weekend before Thanksgiving, stock up on hearty staple vegetables like sweet potatoes or squash, which tend to have a longer shelf life of at least four days.

You can also buy your turkey now and freeze it before prices and demand increase, says Freeman. Wondering how to defrost your turkey for Thanksgiving? We’ve got you covered.

Pick your produce carefully

This doesn’t just mean looking out for what is fresh and ripe (though you should certainly do that, too). It’s also strategically choosing inexpensive vegetables for side dishes. As a rule of thumb, out-of-season fruits and veggies will tend to cost more. Freeman says the most affordable vegetables include spinachred and white onionssweet potatoes, squash, pumpkins, and turnips. On the other hand, fresh herbs, escarole, cauliflower, green beans, and cucumbers are generally the most expensive per pound.

For low-cost side dishes for your Thanksgiving feast, try these Melted OnionsRoasted Baby Turnips with Dijon-Shallot Vinaigrette and Tarragon, a five-ingredient Sweet Potato Bake, or Sheet-Pan Mac and Cheese with Pumpkin and Brown Butter, because honestly, what’s Thanksgiving without a side of macaroni and cheese?

And don’t scoff at frozen veggies, either. “They’re frozen just after being harvested so they’re nutritionally comparable to fresh vegetables, and they’re great for dishes where you don’t have to worry about the texture difference (soups, stratas, stews, and frittatas, for example). Plus, they’re already washed and prepped for you,” says Thomas.

Skip organic

Even if you prefer buying all-organic produce and meat, doing so will cause your grocery bill to spike drastically. Instead, strategically add only certain organic items to your cart if it’s important to you. The EWG’s “Clean Fifteen” lists vegetables like sweet corn, onions, frozen peas, broccoli, cauliflower, and mushrooms as having some of the lowest levels of pesticide residue. This means that you can safely skip the organic label and save at least $1-$2 per pound on those veggies alone.

Buy whole vegetables

Although buying pre-cut produce will save you time in the kitchen, it won’t save money. Pre-cut or prepared (i.e. pre-roasted carrots) vegetables are more expensive than whole produce. According to Freeman, a whole butternut squash can typically feed five to six people, whereas pre-cubed butternut squash would be closer to two to four people. Plus, pre-cut vegetables tend to spoil more quickly than whole, which means there’s a chance you may have to discard the veggies — say halved Brussels sprouts or pre-chopped onions — before you actually get to cook with them for the feast.

If you end up with way more squash (or carrots or pumpkin or asparagus) than you expected, blanch or roast any extra. From here, freeze in a single layer on a rimmed sheet tray and then transfer to a freezer bag for a future soup or salad, says Thomas.

Make it a group effort

Even if you’re the type of host who insists on cooking everything, buying three different flower arrangements, and curating the perfect playlist, allow your guests to lend a helping hand this year. “If someone offers to bring a dish, let them. If it’s not a side dish, ask for a specific wine varietal that will go well with your meal (or the very versatile Pinot Noir or Sauvignon Blanc). Part of Thanksgiving is sharing those traditions,” says Thomas.

“Recruiting failure”: N.H. Gov. Chris Sununu bails on 2022 Senate race; Republicans mad

New Hampshire Gov. Chris Sununu on Tuesday announced that he will not be a Republican candidate for U.S. Senate in 2022, potentially endangering Republican hopes of regaining control of the chamber. Sununu was seen as the likely favorite in a potential general-election race against Sen. Maggie Hassan, D-N.H., whose odds of winning re-election now seem much improved.

Sununu’s surprise revelation came during a Tuesday press conference, in which he announced that rather than running for Senate he would seek a fourth term as governor of the Granite State. 

“My responsibility is not to the gridlock and politics of Washington, it is to the citizens of New Hampshire. I’d rather push myself 120 miles an hour delivering wins for New Hampshire than just slow down and end up on Capitol Hill debating partisan politics without results,” Sunuunu told reporters. 

“That’s why I’m going to run for a fourth term. And I’d be honored if the people in New Hampshire would elect me again as their governor. We have a lot more to do to protect the interests of New Hampshire citizens. And it’s just clear that I can be most effective doing that.”

Republicans, who perceived Sununu as by far the strongest potential contender for Hassan’s seat, expressed frustration that he was damaging the party bowing out early. According to Politico, Sununu had not told Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell or Sen. Rick Scott of Florida, who chairs the National Republican Senatorial Committee, of his decision before the public announcement.  


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“As of this morning, I don’t think any high-level folks knew for 100 percent sure what he was doing,” an unnamed Republican in Washington told The Hill. “It was a very well-kept secret.”

Other Republican insiders suggested that Sununu had broken an implicit promise he made to party leaders.

RELATED: Senate Republicans keep bailing out for 2022, opening the door for more Trumpers

“The takeaway was this was handled so poorly,” a Republican operative told Politico. “He publicly flirted with it. He hyped it up as this big announcement to the national press, and then bailed in a way that hurts the party’s momentum after a big week in Virginia last week.”

Others put the blame on national Republicans. One McConnell ally chalked Sununu’s decision up to a “recruiting failure” by the national GOP. 

Meanwhile, Democrats celebrated Sununu’s decision to step away from the race, although it’s fair to say that Hassan’s seat remains vulnerable. Herself a former New Hampshire governor, Hassan was elected in 2016 by the narrowest margin of any Senate race that cycle, defeating then-incumbent Sen. Kelly Ayotte by just 1,017 votes, or 0.14%.

With Sununu’s decision not to run, the main Republican to announce his candidacy is retired U.S. Army general Don Bolduc, who has endorsed Donald Trump’s conspiracy theory that the 2020 election was rigged. The Hill reports that Republicans will likely seek to recruit other candidates, including state Senate President Chuck Morse or Frank Edelblut, commissioner of the state Department of Education. According to Politico, Sununu is in talks with other Republicans who may step in.

“I know the governor has had conversations with two people, and I think one of them will take the plunge,” said Dave Carney, a New Hampshire-based Republican consultant. “New Hampshire is going to have an excellent election cycle in 2022, with Sununu leading the ticket.”

Sorry, there is no “post-Trump” GOP — his tiny fingers have Republicans in a death grip

Early Wednesday morning, Jim VandeHei of Axios — always ready to perform cleanup duty for the Republican Party — engaged in a hilarious bit of wishcasting with a piece headline “Post-Trump GOP doctrine.” While admitting in his conclusion that “Trump will probably run in 2024 and make the GOP about his various grievances,” VandeHei nonetheless insists that Republicans “are slowly but surely charting a post-Trump ideology and platform.” He even wrote that the shiny new GOP is “rallying around a plan to break up with corporate America,” a claim that perhaps made writers at the Onion jealous. 

There is no end to the delusional capacities of the Beltway media who want a more defensible Republican Party than the one they actually have to deal with, but this was a particularly striking week to roll out this particular Penthouse Forum letter of politics. Because right now we’ve got two concurrent stories that illustrate exactly how much the GOP remains in thrall to Donald Trump’s style of politics.

Trumpism is, of course, about being unapologetically racist and misogynist. But it’s also about an all-out war approach to politics, where Democrats are seen as an enemy to be annihilated — with actual violence most definitely on the table — rather than an opposition party in a democratic system of governance. After all, the Trumpist style rejects the legitimacy of democracy.


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Consider the situation of Rep. Paul Gosar of Arizona. In a densely competitive field, Gosar has a long history of standing out as one of the worst Republicans in Congress, who doesn’t even try to hide that he’s a white nationalist. On Sunday, Gosar tweeted out what can only be described as a fan-made video depicting Gosar and other noxious GOP trolls like Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene of Georgia and Rep. Lauren Boebert of Colorado murdering Democratic Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York and President Biden. Under criticism and threats of an ethics probe, Gosar took the tweet down, and of course denied that he had any violent intentions. Of course — since the GOP motto may as well be “always be trolling” — Gosar also made a point of referring to Ocasio-Cortez with an anglicized version of her last name, instead of the one she uses.  

The temptation, of course, is to write off Gosar’s video as an obnoxious but largely harmless bit of bait. Gosar’s team is pretending that’s the deal, appealing to the impulses of the Axios crowd that fervently wants to believe the GOP is returning to its 2012 state of so-called normal, meaning somewhat subtler race-baiting under a veneer of respectability. But Gosar’s actions can’t be meaningfully separated from what Charles Pierce at Esquire calls the “level of violence humming barely below the surface of our politics.”

RELATED: Arizona’s Rep. Paul Gosar: GOP’s leading ambassador to white supremacy

This is the same GOP that is backing Trump as he repeats the Big Lie, day and night, knowing full well that the result is an unprecedented number of violent threats aimed at election officials across the country. Even “mainstream” Republicans are rolling with this because they understand that such threats of violence are effective at running honest officials off, so they can be replaced with partisan hacks only too happy to help Trump steal the 2024 election. This is the same Republican Party that is busy covering up Trump’s attempted coup that culminated in the storming of the U.S. Capitol. Unsurprisingly, Gosar was one of the speakers at the rally that kicked off the insurrection. And, as literally everyone in politics knows, the unhinged types that Trump sent to the Capitol on Jan. 6 have a particularly murderous hatred towards Ocasio-Cortez

Naturally enough, House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy is ignoring all calls, including from Speaker Nancy Pelosi, to discipline Gosar for his behavior. Which is exactly what Ocasio-Cortez predicted McCarthy would do

Instead, McCarthy seems more worried about the House Republicans who voted for Biden’s bipartisan infrastructure bill. He had given GOP members the green light as they wished, but they didn’t do it in precisely the order he wished, and now he’s reportedly angry. In fact, this is just more evidence that the GOP is far more attuned to the desires of Trump and the far right than they are to any remaining moderates in their party, much less swing voters who might actually like to have crumbling roads and bridges and other elements of their community’s infrastructure shored up a bit. 

RELATED: GOP may punish members for backing infrastructure — but Gosar, MTG are no problem

Trump himself bashed the Republicans who voted for the bill on Monday, in a speech otherwise dedicated to — what else? — his endless griping about the 2020 election and his false claims that Biden “stole” it. In the speech, Trump said the 13 Republicans who voted for the bill should be “ashamed of themselves” for “helping the Democrats.”

But it’s not just the content of the speech that is relevant here. What’s even more important is that he was the big draw at a House Republican campaign event, and apparently droned on for 90 minutes. The point of his speech — as with every speech he gives, with the full support of the Republican Party — is that everything the GOP does should be focused on Trump’s fictional grievances about 2020 and his total-war views of politics. This is not the behavior of a “post-Trump” party. 


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The Trumpist camp has now declared war on those 13 House Republicans, with former White House chief of staff Mark Meadows taking to Steve Bannon’s popular podcast to rail about how they should be stripped of their committee assignments. McCarthy, who is basically a coward, probably won’t take it that far. But it’s doubtful he’ll lift a finger to defend those members, either from the death threats they’re reportedly getting or from primary challenges by the Trumpist far right.

This situation is even weirder than the Republican default setting, because as president Trump himself was always going on and on about the forthcoming “Infrastructure Week,” though he and GOP leadership were too lazy and disorganized to ever make that happen. Now Democrats have actually gotten it done — and Trump may well benefit from this bill, if he retakes the White House in 2024 and, inevitably, starts claiming credit for the roads and bridges.

But the Trumpian ethos of politics as total war doesn’t allow any kind of agreement with Democrats on anything — even when Trump actually agrees with them. To work with Democrats is to legitimize both the opposing party and the entire concept of representative democracy, and Trump will allow neither. The Republican Party, which he still totally controls, is falling in line.