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Spotify listeners can’t get enough of Joe Rogan for the third year in a row

With the end of the year comes a flurry of 2022 data from streaming service Spotify about its podcasts and music. The most popular podcast in 2022? Controversial figure Joe Rogan’s, as The Wall Street Journal and others reported. 

According to The Wall Street Journal, Rogan’s show earned the title “even after some of the podcaster’s comments ignited an internal controversy for the company earlier this year.” This is the third year “The Joe Rogan Experience” has topped the Spotify charts worldwide. Coming in second? Alex Cooper’s sex and relationship show, “Call Her Daddy,” which like Rogan’s podcast is a Spotify exclusive. 

Rogan, a former comedian, actor, sports pundit and host of the reality show “Fear Factor,” launched his podcast in 2009. He came under fire last year for spreading misinformation about COVID on his show. After contracting the virus himself, he said on the air that he had taken ivermectin — and offered to buy fans fake vaccine cards. He has hosted multiple anti-vaccine talking heads on his show, including Alex Berenson and Dr. Robert Malone, whose interview caused such a backlash, a petition circled, signed by multiple medical professionals, calling for Spotify to remove Rogan’s podcast due to his spread of misinformation. 

Rogan’s controversies did not start with COVID — and they have not ended with it, either. Early this year, a compilation was shared where Rogan used the N-word about two dozen times on his show, and also referred to Black people with demeaning stereotypes. Rogan has also been transphobic  and homophobic on his podcast, as The GLAAD Accountability Project and others have documented. Rogan has mocked trans women athletes, misgendered United States Assistant Secretary for Health Rachel Levine, expressed support for Florida’s “Don’t Say Gay” legislation and spread the fallacy that queer teachers sexually “groom” children. 


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Earlier this year, Spotify removed 70 episodes of “The Joe Rogan Experience” due to racist language. No action has yet been taken in regard to homophobic and transphobic language, or the misinformation regarding COVID and vaccines on multiple episodes of Rogan’s show.

In a statement shortly after musical legend Neil Young and others removed their music from Spotify in protest of Rogan’s misinformation platform, Rogan — who called himself a “huge Neil Young fan,”— said, “I’m not trying to promote misinformation. I’m not trying to be controversial. I’ve never tried to do anything with this podcast other than just talk to people and have interesting conversations.”

“I don’t believe he will ever get 218 votes”: GOP rebellion threatens to kill McCarthy speaker bid

Rep. Andy Biggs, R-Ariz., who ran against House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy, R-Calif., for the GOP House speaker nomination, predicted this week that McCarthy is down roughly 20 votes with “pretty hard nos” ahead of a full House vote, Politico reported

The California Republican needs to win the majority of the votes cast in January in a House in which Republicans hold a narrow majority over Democrats. McCarthy is at risk of falling short of the 218 votes necessary to secure the post if all members are present.

“I was told by a number of people, who came after to me afterwards, who aren’t members of [the] Freedom Caucus, [that] ‘Hey, I voted for you’ or ‘I voted against Kevin,'” Biggs, a member of the House Freedom Caucus, said on a Conservative Review podcast.

So far, at least four other House Freedom Caucus members have joined Biggs in opposing McCarthy for speaker: Reps. Matt Gaetz, R-Fla. Ralph Norman, R-S.C., Bob Good, R-Va., and Matt Rosendale, R-Mont.

Gaetz, Goods and Norman have been the most vocal about being resolute in voting against McCarthy, while Rosendale has suggested that he would be open to backing the California Republican if he makes significant concessions.

Biggs published an op-ed two weeks ago, making it clear he was a hard no when it came to voting for McCarthy. 

“I do not believe he will ever get to 218 votes, and I refuse to assist him in his effort to get those votes,” Biggs wrote. “In the end, I must concur with my constituents: it is time to make a change at the top of the House of Representatives. I cannot vote for the gentleman from California, Mr. McCarthy.”


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Gaetz was the first one to come out against McCarthy hard, before the House GOP conference chose him as its leader and nominee for speaker, according to The Washington Post

“I’m not voting for Kevin McCarthy,” Gaetz said. “I’m not voting for him tomorrow. I’m not voting for him on the floor.” 

No kind of concession could change his mind about supporting McCarthy, he told Puck News.

Good is also set on his vote. Asked about what McCarthy would have to do to earn his vote during an interview with Steve Bannon, Good responded, “No, sir, because we can do better.”

He added that several Republicans have come out publicly to oppose the California Republican and he believes many more will join them “on January 3rd [to] reflect the will of the voters, who sent us to Congress to make the change that’s desperately needed to save the Republic. We’re not going to get that with current leadership. We have to have a new speaker.”

Norman is also standing firm in his decision to vote no. He has cited McCarthy’s refusal to adopt the Republican Study Committee’s plan for the budget as one of his main points of contention. 

“I’m not going to support Kevin McCarthy,” Norman told Just the News. “Washington is broken. There’s a cancer in this country and it can’t be fixed with aspirin. It’s called overspending. When you’re bankrupt, you can’t function as a country.”

Rosendale, who is also leaning towards no, has indicated that House rules don’t empower the rank and file enough. 

“We need a leader who can stand up to a Democrat-controlled Senate and President Biden, and unfortunately, that isn’t Kevin McCarthy,” Rosendale said. 

A spokeswoman from his team told Puck News that Rosendale would vote for McCarthy only under “extreme circumstances.” 

As House Republicans decide whether to back the California Republican, McCarthy has warned that “If we play games on the floor, the Democrats could end up picking who the speaker is.”

McCarthy passed the first hurdle toward speakership when he won the House GOP’s nomination for the position earlier this month against Biggs in a 188 to 31 vote, with five others voting for neither lawmaker.

“I think at the end of the day, calmer heads will prevail,” McCarthy said. “We’ll work together to find the best path forward.”

Arizona GOP county refuses to certify votes — disenfranchising own voters and giving Dems a “gift”

Longtime Arizona Central columnist E. J. Montini could barely control his amusement on Tuesday after the two Republican supervisors tasked with certifying the 2022 election results refused to do so even though Republican Kari Lake was the recipient of 58.9 percent of the votes and two other Republicans hold huge voting advantages.

CNN reports that “by a 2-1 vote Monday morning, the Republican majority on the Cochise County Board of Supervisors pushed back certification until Friday, citing concerns about voting machines.”

Furthermore, CNN notes that “Cochise’s action could put at risk the votes of some 47,000 county residents and could inject chaos into the election if those votes go uncounted.”

Montini reacted to this by pointing out that Gov-elect Katie Hobbs is now being forced to sue the district to do their jobs and certify the votes that give a boost to her opponent’s overall vote total.

As Montini sees it, if the Cochise Country GOP supervisors are being forced by Hobbs to certify the Kari Lake-favoring votes because they think her election results in their district is fraudulent, then she must “stink” at cheating.

“Either the conspiracy theorists and election deniers are totally wrong about Gov.-elect and current Secretary of State Katie Hobbs, or she is really, really bad at cheating,” he wrote before adding an exasperated, “I mean, come on. This is a gift, a freebie, a waist-high fastball served right down the middle of the plate just asking for Hobbs to knock it out of the park.”

As he explained, “If Hobbs and her office chose not to follow the law and, essentially, look the other way, it would be a bonanza for Democrats, pennies from heaven,” before elaborating, “Cochise County is heavily Republican. According to records on the county’s website, Republican Juan Ciscomani received nearly 14,000 more votes than Democrat Kirsten Engle in their race for Arizona’s 6th congressional district. Likewise, Republican Tom Horne received 9,000 more votes than Democrat Kathy Hoffman in the contest for Superintendent of Public Instruction.”

“If the supervisors were to refuse to certify their election results and, as the law provides, “disenfranchise all of the voters in Cochise County”, Democrats would have enough votes from the other 14 counties to win both of those races,” he continued before urging Hobbs to call their bluff and hand her more Democratic support.

“Let the goofball Republican majority on the Cochise County board – who, ironically, squawk about non-existent voting irregularities – negate the votes of tens of thousands of their residents, the majority of them from their own party,” he wrote before quipping, “There would be no easier way to ‘steal’ a couple of elections.”

You can read more here.

Jacob Wohl, Jack Burkman must spend 500 hours registering voters over hoax targeting Black voters

Right-wing conspiracy theorists Jacob Wohl and Jack Burkman were ordered by a judge on Tuesday to spend 500 hours registering voters in low-income neighborhoods in Washington, D.C., after pleading guilty to telecommunications fraud.

Wohl and Burkman were behind the hoax robocalls seeking to intimidate Black voters out of casting mail-in ballots in the 2020 presidential election. The automated calls came during the height of the COVID pandemic, when mail-in voting was expanded throughout the country as a protective measure.

Both men were sentenced to two years of probation and ordered to wear GPS ankle monitors with home confinement for six months beginning at 8 pm every night. Cuyahoga County Common Pleas Court Judge John Sutula also placed a $2,500 fine on each of them, comparing their actions to the widespread Black voter suppression in the 1960s. 

“I think it’s a despicable thing that you guys have done,” Sutula said during the Zoom hearing. County Prosecutor Michael O’Malley added in a statement that the men “attempted to disrupt the foundation of our democracy.”

When given the opportunity to address their charges for the first time, Wohl and Burkman were brief. 

“I just really want to express my absolute regret and shame over all of this,” Wohl said.

“I would just echo Mr. Wohl’s sentiment,” Burkman said. “I think the same.”

Assistant Cuyahoga County Prosecutor James Gutierrez said Cleveland’s heavily Black city of East Cleveland was targeted with more than 6,400 robocalls, and that more than 3,400 voters were ultimately contacted. 

The calls warned that voters should not fill in mail-in ballots because the police, credit card companies, and the U.S. Centers for Disease for Control would use their personal information to find people with outstanding arrest warrants and credit card debt. 

“Don’t be finessed into giving your private information to the man,” the call said.

Gutierrez confirmed that all these claims are false. “There is not one kernel of truth into what they said in that recording,” he said.


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The voice of the robocalls came from someone who called herself Tamika Taylor and claimed to work for a civil rights organization called The 1599 Project. Gutierrez said that Tamika is also the name of the mother of Breonna Taylor, who was fatally shot in her apartment on March 13, 2020, after Louisville police officers forced entry into her apartment while claiming to execute a drug raid.

Gutierrez pointed to data from the Cuyahoga County Board of Elections that showed voter turnout decreased in 2020 as compared to 2016. The calls, he told Sutula, had a “chilling effect” on voters. The Ohio Bureau of Criminal Investigation found that 12 people who received calls were willing to testify had the case gone to trial. 

He added that Wohl previously admitted to probation officers during his pre-sentencing investigation that the robocalls were “a political stunt meant for attention and profit.” 

After the hearing concluded, Gutierrez told reporters the robocalls were a form of voter intimidation and suppression. 

“We’ve made convicted felons out of these two conspiracy theorists who did a political stunt that actually worked,” Gutierrez said.

In recent years, Wohl and Burkman have also tried to harm Democrats and Republicans who are critical of former President Donald Trump by organizing press conferences to falsely accuse them of sexual misconduct. 

They have been charged for the same robocalls in Michigan and are currently being sued by a civil rights organization in New York federal court.

Reporters asked Gutierrez after the hearing if he believed Wohl and Burkman’s schemes were finished.

“In Cuyahoga County, yes,” Gutierrez said. “As far as everything else goes, no. But that’s just speculation.”

Legal experts warn Trump should be worried: “Judges are consistently ruling against him”

The latest flurry of court rulings striking down former President Donald Trump’s claims of executive privilege might suggest the walls are closing in on his legal team as the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ) and special Georgia grand jury investigations progress.

According to The Guardian, a number of legal experts have weighed in with their perspectives on what the latest rulings could mean for Trump and how it is becoming more difficult for him to avoid testifying.

Speaking to the news outlet, former DOJ prosecutor Michael Zeldin said, “Trump’s multipronged efforts to keep former advisers from testifying or providing documents to federal and state grand juries, as well as the January 6 committee, has met with repeated failure as judge after judge has rejected his legal arguments.”

He added, “Obtaining this testimony is a critical step, perhaps the last step, before state and federal prosecutors determine whether the former president should be indicted … It allows prosecutors for the first time to question these witnesses about their direct conversations with the former president.”

Barbara McQuade, a former U.S. prosecutor in eastern Michigan, also shared a similar opinions.

“Favorable rulings by judges on issues like executive privilege and the crime-fraud exception to the attorney-client privilege bode well for agencies investigating Trump,” said McQuade. “Legal challenges may create delay, but on the merits, with rare exception, judges are consistently ruling against him.”

Another issue is the political dynamic of the judges who have delivered the rulings. The news outlet noted: “Although Trump has been irked by the spate of court rulings against him and his allies, experts point out that they have included decisions from typically conservative courts, as well as ones with more liberal leanings.”

Highlighting remarks from former U.S. prosecutor Dennis Aftergut, the outlet noted that he said, “Just last month, the 11th circuit court of appeals, one of the country’s most conservative federal courts, delivered key rulings in both the Fulton county and DoJ Trump investigations.”

He also emphasized: “The speech and debate clause only affords immunities from testifying about matters relating to congressional speeches and duties. That dog didn’t hunt here.”

Aftergut also noted the irony in the momentum of these cases. “The irony is that the new momentum has been spurred by lawsuits that Trump and his key loyalists filed as they’ve sought to block subpoenas for their testimony and documents,” Aftergut said.

Michael Bromwich, a former DOJ inspector also shared his prediction of what’s to come. “I think Trump is likely to be charged in Georgia and in the documents case,” Bromwich said to the news outlet. “I’ll be interested to see which happens first.”

Elvis Mitchell: The success of Black ’70s films was “the dirty little secret of American cinema”

Today cinephiles consider Gordon Parks Jr.’s “Three the Hard Way,” an action vehicle starring Jim Brown, Jim Kelly and Fred Williamson, to be a classic. But back in the day, veteran film critic Elvis Mitchell found the plot to be laughable.

Mitchell, who directed, executive produced and wrote the Netflix documentary “Is That Black Enough For You?!?” recalls that when he first saw it, he said as much his father: Imagine putting a chemical that would kill all Black people in the water supplies of major cities. Who’d think of that? “And my father said to me when the movie was over, ‘You don’t know about the Tuskegee experiment, do you?’ I went, ‘They experimented on Tuskegee?'”

By his father explaining the underlying inspiration for Parks’ blast-’em-up, he came to understand the way a piece of explosive entertainment could acknowledge a piece history left out of mainstream conversations. Suddenly the premise of “Three the Hard Way” made all the sense in the world.  

This one of the ways Mitchell began to forge an appreciation for late ’60s and ’70s-era Black cinema early in his life, a decade that the film scholar, critic and radio program host came to realize was both highly impactful and broadly dismissed. This one of the ways Mitchell began to forge an appreciation for Black cinema early in his life.

“Is That Black Enough For You?!?” is Mitchell’s way of bringing renewed attention to the groundbreaking output of Black filmmakers in that decade, linking their directing and cinematographic innovations to the work of auteur filmmakers that came after them, including Quentin Tarantino and Martin Scorsese. Within its two hours Mitchell achieves a broad enough sweep of titles, individuals and artistic influences for the documentary to qualify as a solid primer in film history. At the same time, Mitchell conveys his personal connection to these films in a way that encourage us to appreciate their creative daring and variety in a way rarely articulated in most American filmmaking appreciations.

“Even the films that were dismissed . . . as Blaxploitation had a lot more going on in them than meets the eye,” Mitchell told me in our recent conversation. “There’s just a richer and more satisfying artistic movement that took place in that period than was ever thought of before, except by people of color.”

Mitchell’s enthusiasm buoys our “Salon Talks” interview, where we discuss Black cinema’s legacy and how modern day filmmaking, music and television carries it forward.

The following interview has been lightly edited for clarity and length.

This is one of the first examinations of the ’70s and ’70s Black cinema that I’ve seen that put it in context of the whole of cinema and also the whole of Black cinema from the beginning of the medium, and also recognizing the reasons that it was so influential and overlooked. What was the impetus for making this documentary?

I felt like offering that kind of framing for this really exciting and explosive, and also by the way commercially successful, period of filmmaking had gone wildly overlooked. I remember when the book “Easy Riders, Raging Bull” came out and I said to a friend, “It should be really interesting to see how he places Black film in that context during that period.” He goes, “Well, there’s no Black people in the book.” Of course there’s no Black people in the book. 

Another thing that really forced this for me is at one point I was talking to a guy who ran Warner Bros. in the early ’70s who I quote talking about “Super Fly,” and he said, “Listen, the dirty little secret of American cinema is that it was financed by Black film in the ’70s.” We should remember that “Shaft” kept MGM from bankruptcy by the time they were auctioning off portions of the lot and Dorothy’s ruby slippers and all these artifacts that people thought they would keep forever. “Shaft” came through and was this breeze of I think a real hope for the movie business, but also a great and fascinating time for film that, to the point you made in the new introduction just a moment ago, just wasn’t getting it to do. 

You originally envisioned this as a book, is that correct? 

Yeah, I was imagining it to be a book and I thought, well again to go along with books such as “Easy Riders, Raging Bull” and Mark Harris’ great look of the film year in 1968 “Pictures at a Revolution.” And I thought, “Huh.” Because again, as you were saying, there’s just not been an examination of this period in phenomenological terms, in artistic terms, in so many ways. When you hear it mentioned, usually the word that begins and ends the conversation is Blaxploitation, as if that’s all they were. 

“What I wanted to do is show that there was a universe of Black film being made in that period and they were all part of the same tapestry.”

The associations that Blaxploitation that we get from that is just, “Well, it’s campy and it’s silly and it’s not to be paid attention to and we should dismiss it.” I think this was a period that shouldn’t be dismissed. So often when that kind of thing happens it does damage to us as a culture, but it’s also a way of just ignoring the impact that filmmakers of color, Black actors and actresses, Black musicians had on the medium. I think we do that at our peril and we do it too often.

What do you think that Blaxploitation means in 2022?

I think it’s still a reductive way to deal with the period. It’s like saying, “urban music.” That incredible thing you’re saying about the way you grew up, what I wanted to do is show that there was a universe of Black film being made in that period and they were all part of the same tapestry, really. I never separated them because growing up the way I did, all these things were available to see. So you could go see “Sounder” and then see “The Spook Who Sat by the Door” and see “Super Fly” and actually watch actors move back and forth. Antonio Vargas, who was one of the interview subjects, is in “Across 110th Street,” but he’s also in “Cleopatra Jones,” and then he’s in the Paul Mazursky film “Next Stop, Greenwich Village.”

Just to see these actors basically plying their trade and growing in their craft and that was fun to spot too, and if these actors weren’t making distinctions about the kind of movies that they were in then why should I? And that really became this eye-opening point of view for me and think, “Well, if these guys won’t look down on it, I won’t either.” It’s still become a kind of a watchword for me just to kind of follow the talent, and that’s one of the things I tried to do with this documentary.

“Success should beget success, and when it comes to projects from people of color, it often does not.”

Do you think that the documentary format suits the telling of this, the exploration of this history, better than having it as a book?

Given that people said no to the book, I’m going to say yes. Absolutely. Documentary much better than books, because otherwise I’d still be waiting to do it. Let’s not kid ourselves here, nobody wanted this book from me. 

Well maybe you should answer this question for me. Was the experience of getting it to the phase of getting the green light on a film — did it seem like it was a shorter distance than getting it made as a book?

I’ll give you a long answer. No, it wasn’t easier. I would just kind of mention it and people would go, “Oh, that sounds really interesting. My Uber is here so I’ll catch up with you later.”

I had done a Q&A event with Steven Soderbergh and we were just having a conversation after, and he said to me, “So what exactly is it you’re doing with your career anyway?” And I said, “Well that’s sweet you think I have a career. There’s this thing I’ve been trying to do.” And he goes, “Well, that’s a great idea.” 

[I thought] I know where this is going: “I’ll get the check so I can go.” He said, “No, this is a great idea. I can cash flow this for you.” This is four years ago now. I just said, “Oh my God, that’s great. I have no idea what that means.” He goes, “I can finance it, but let’s go set it up someplace so you can make a living and we’re not just financing it and selling it so you can make money after the fact.” 

“So much of Black culture in terms of ways it’s covered in this country is binary. Either it’s there or it’s not.”

We go and have a couple meetings and at one meeting somebody just turns away from me and goes, “So Steven, when are you going to have time to make this movie?” because this is the before times when we realized that Black people can make movies about themselves. He just looked and said, “Why would you think I should direct this? He’s sitting right here.” He just looks and he said, “You know David Fincher?” I said, “Yeah.” He goes, “Let’s get Dave and take this over to Netflix.” And Fincher says, “Oh, I know why you couldn’t get this made, because it’s about a bunch of Black people. So let’s go make it.” It took that. It took these guys getting behind it and getting it set up. I started to think it’s just going to be one of these things I tell people about and maybe one day I self-publish it or start doing it as a series on Instagram or something. That it turned into this thing with resources behind it and Netflix behind it is still unreal to me. 

One of the things that you brought up is the fact that these films were marketable, made money, and in one case saved a studio. You have the example of “Black Panther” coming up and all these different people saying, “See? Black films and films making about Black . . .” I see you wrinkling your nose. 

You say that, when four years ago when the first “Black Panther” came out, people were saying, especially after it became so successful, this is going to change everything. I said, “No, it’s not.” Some way it will be defined as sui generis. It’s a Marvel movie, it’s a sequel, it’s part of the Avengers Metaverse. Some way or another there will be people saying things that will prevent imitations of it. This year we finally got “The Woman King” and the sequel to “Black Panther” and that’s it. So it wasn’t what you were saying, because I love what you’re saying, but you take me back to the film with success should beget success, and when it comes to projects from people of color, it often does not.

To your point, there were so many people talking about the fact that this is an example and going back and saying, “This is how much money is being left on the table by not making films that tell stories of not just Black folks, but people of color.” One of the things that I think that your documentary does really well is show after all of this prolific output, all of these influential titles, at the very end it’s “The Wiz” that’s pointed to as like, “Well, these films don’t make money” and then it just kind of disappears. . . . What do you think that this [recent success] may do to open the doors for more Black creatives and more Black films in the future?

I think incrementally there have been some changes, certainly, and maybe the interregnum between these cycles are getting smaller. You’ll have a bust like “The Wiz,” which had it just got bad reviews and made money, people would’ve looked the other way because “Super Fly” and “Shaft” didn’t get great reviews but they were money-makers so people held their noses and went along with it. But when there’s this bust that’s always this kind of thing of, “Huh, well we tried. We tried, but we didn’t know how to get Black audiences out.” It leaves certain facts out like the African American audience, and for that matter the Latinx audience, spends disproportionately on entertainment in ratio to its part of the population. So you ignore that and leave that money on the table, as you said. You think about the Moneyball philosophy, you can go to the World Series hitting singles and doubles, and clearly “The Woman King” is a solid double. You put another runner on base, another runner on base, that’s a home run eventually.

. . . And when Black films come back, as often as not the story is, “Black films are back.” I say, “But they didn’t go anywhere.” “No, but Black films are back.” “They didn’t go anywhere.” “I see what you’re saying, but Black films are back.” So that somehow becomes about you and me trying to change the way that narrative is positive because so much of Black culture in terms of ways it’s covered in this country is binary. Either it’s there or it’s not. There’s no complication in the story and that’s the sad truth.

This movie is coming out around the same time as, sadly, one of my favorite TV series “Atlanta” is ending. I don’t know if you watch “Atlanta,” but the recent episode, “The Goof [Who Sat] by the Door” was so excellent in terms of the marvelous episodes in the entire series. All these little homages, not just to “The Spook Who Sat by the Door,” but also “Putney Swope,” all of these things within that particular episode were just genius. When I was thinking about that while watching this, I’m curious to know from you which TV creators, filmmakers are carrying forward the legacy that was established in the ’70s by all these great filmmakers that you feature here.

I think what you’ve just mentioned with what Donald Glover’s doing, and he’s doing it across media. He’s not just doing it in television, he’s doing it in music videos. He’s doing it in music. This idea that all Black culture is all connected. It’s what Issa Rae was doing. It’s what James Samuel is doing. So many filmmakers are doing this now. It’s what Gina Prince-Bythewood‘s doing for goodness sake. It’s just that there was a time when I think independent film was looked upon as being this viable resource. So many people come from that. There’s Ava DuVernay who got to start an independent film. There’s Dee Rees. I mean I could sit there and just the more we talk, the more names I can come up with. In the last few years or so we have had this collective wave of conscious filmmaking, conscious storytelling that includes all these touchpoints.

I got to tell you, I was thrilled when I saw the episode of “Atlanta” because it’s like my God it feels like there’s something in the water now. That there’s a Sidney Poitier documentary in the same time that this is out. At one point in this film I had a scene that we just had to lose for time about Louis Armstrong’s impact on mainstream film, that you go from Louis Armstrong to Bing Crosby who he got high with and taught how to get high. And the Bing Crosby example going to Dean Martin who was doing Bing Crosby. Then being Crosby to Dean Martin to Elvis Presley. I mean even seeing the movie “Elvis” and seeing Sister Rosetta Tharpe in that made me think, “Well gosh, these things all kind of surface often simultaneously. But when they go away, rather than try to replicate them as in the case of “Black Panther.”

And isn’t that puzzling? That that didn’t send people shuffling around through all their portfolios looking for other pieces of IP so they could try to do something like that with. But that even goes back to at one point Stan Lee and Jack Kirby saying that the character, when he was created in 1965, was inspired by Sidney Poitier. So there’s continual conversation. And I love it so often, especially in “Insecure” and in “Atlanta” and these really magnificently long range and long form pieces of storytelling, they don’t leave movies out, they don’t leave music out. They understand that people don’t just watch movies or watch TV or listen to music, that we all do all kinds of things.

This isn’t spoiling anything, but it’s such a great quote because I wanted to talk to you about it. It’s the very last quote in the movie that you say, “Being Black in America is often about remembering that what you think you are isn’t what other people see, and figuring out the distance between those two perceptions.” So how do you think that the films of this era really crystallize that for you?

You just mentioned “Atlanta” and that last episode. But what “Atlanta” does every season is there’s an episode that I think fundamentally asks that question. . . . I think “The Harder They Fall” they did that too. And this is a kind of thread that runs through the documentary, people talking about Westerns and Sam Jackson saying, “I would like to have had a Black cowboy,” and Suzanne de Passe saying the same thing. And even Charles Burnett. And it’s not that there weren’t Black cowboys, but there would be a Black Western that was also Harlem on the range. A western that’s also a murder mystery. That’s also a screwball comedy. That’s also a melodrama.

Those filmmakers had to pack these things in because they never knew when they’d get to do another. But with “Atlanta” or “Insecure,” where it’s about that neighborhood and the way people dealt with that neighborhood . . . I think that there’s a constancy of people working in that level of self-awareness in ways that are explicit now that they wouldn’t have been before. 

“I think this was a period that shouldn’t be dismissed.”

I mean in that period you had Bill Greaves doing it with “Symbiopsychotaxiplasm,” which is an astonishing film. A great piece of filmmaking, a film that’s completely aware of the presence of having a person of color. The discomfort that he causes, the director being a Black person, is never even addressed directly but it’s there. And for my money, you can’t look at that movie and not see the impact it must have had on somebody like Sacha Baron Cohen. Or to bring it back into full circle and to your question, to Eric Andre, who’s also dealing with that question of being a person of color and not talking about it. But being a person of color who’s also kind of a really bebop improviser and what that does to people who won’t acknowledge that but are still afraid that that’s part of who and what he is. I’m glad you asked that, because I think it’s extant in a way that it hadn’t been before and people can take or leave at their pleasure.

Why does Mountain Dew think people want to drink fruitcake?

There are a select few desserts that can be turned into drinks. Take for example crème brûlée, which received the Starbucks treatment with its Caramel Brulée Latte, or pumpkin-flavored donuts, which alternatively received the Dunkin treatment with its first-ever Pumpkin Munchkin Creamer.

Fruitcake, however, is not one of them.

That said, the often dry and nauseatingly sweet holiday cake is being transformed into a seasonal carbonated beverage, thanks (we guess?) to Mountain Dew.

The popular soda brand’s latest offering is called “Fruit Quake,” which meshes citrus soda with a “blast of the fruity taste of the holidays.” It looks like Mountain Dew is attempting to infuse the flavors of nuts, spices and dried fruit into one cohesive drink. 

Per several online reviews, “Fruit Quake” tastes more like an arts-and-craft project rather than a holiday treat. On Instagram, one online taste tester said the drink “tasted how Michaels craft stores smell” and awarded it a score of “0” on a 10-point scale. A separate taste tester described the drink as a mix of cherry cough medicine and fruit punch while another claimed the drink “doesn’t taste like fruit cake, but it tastes WEIRD.”


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“It has a fruity flavor but it also kinda tastes like soap,” they added. “I can’t pinpoint the fruits I’m tasting but it’s not good. Fun to try out but ew. 4/10.”

Mountain Dew isn’t the only brand that’s releasing holiday-themed drinks. Jones Soda Co. recently brought back their limited-time-only Turkey and Gravy Soda, which is a brown-colored soft drink that basically tastes like liquified Thanksgiving dinner. There’s also Jones Soda Co.’s outlandish holiday pack — which includes Sweet Potatoes, Dinner Roll and Pea and Antacid flavored sodas — Maine Root Handcrafted Beverages’ Pumpkin Pie Soda and Rocky Mountain Chocolate Factory’s Choco Fizz.

Oath Keepers convictions shed light on the limits of free speech — and the threat posed by militias

The verdicts in a high-profile, monthslong trial of Oath Keepers militia members were, as one defense lawyer acknowledged, “a mixed bag.” Leader Stewart Rhodes was found guilty on Nov. 29, 2022, of the most serious charge — seditious conspiracy — for his role in the Jan. 6, 2021, insurrection at the U.S. Capitol, and was acquitted on two other related charges.

One of Rhodes’ four co-defendants, Kelly Meggs, was also convicted of seditious conspiracy. All five on trial were found guilty of obstructing an official proceeding, namely Congress’ certification on Jan. 6, 2021, of the 2020 presidential election results.

The convictions for seditious conspiracy — a rarely used, Civil War-era charge typically reserved in recent decades for terror plots — are the most significant yet relating to the violent storming of the Capitol, and have meaning that extends beyond those who were on trial.

As someone who has studied the U.S. domestic militia movement for nearly 15 years, I believe the Oath Keepers convictions illuminate two crucial issues facing the country: the limits of the American right to free speech and the future of the militia movement.

Greater accountability

Rhodes’ seditious conspiracy conviction suggests the jury believed, as one prosecutor asserted, that he “concocted a plan for an armed rebellion to shatter a bedrock of American democracy.” In other words, he was convicted over what he had said and written prior to the actual Jan. 6 attack — and this is where free speech comes into play.

The First Amendment guarantees that “Congress shall make no law … abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances.” It’s considered a sacred American right, one that sets the U.S. apart from many peer nations, some of which have stricter controls and consequences for speech that may be harmful.

Efforts to arrest and convict groups in the U.S. that have discussed violence against racial groups, politicians or others have often been stymied by appeals to the First Amendment.

Far-right extremists or other hate groups can claim they are just venting or even fantasizing — both of which would be protected under the First Amendment. In the absence of any specific plan, threat or incitement, group members may never suffer legal consequences for oral or written expressions that nonetheless create fear in those who draw these groups’ ire.

For this reason, seditious conspiracy charges have historically been hard to prosecute.

The last time this charge was attempted was against members of the Christian militia group called Hutaree in Michigan in 2009, for allegedly planning to engage law enforcement “in armed conflict.” But the judge dismissed the sedition charges, citing First Amendment protections.

What is interesting about the Oath Keepers case is that Rhodes himself did not breach the Capitol yet was convicted of seditious conspiracy. Meanwhile three of his co-defendants — Jessica Watkins, Kenneth Harrelson and Thomas Caldwell — did storm into the Capitol building, but were not convicted of that charge.

This suggests that the jury believed that Rhodes’ texts and other communications incited others to violent, undemocratic action in a way that requires accountability.

‘Slower-brewing social harms’

Rhodes’ conviction follows three other prosecutions that reflect an evolving understanding of the limits of free speech. Conspiracy-purveyor Alex Jones was ordered to pay almost US$1.5 billion to families of children killed in the Sandy Hook school shooting in three defamation cases arising from Jones’ lies about the children’s deaths, the shooting itself, and the parents.

Jones claims the prosecutions violated his rights to free speech.

Neither defaming someone nor inciting immediate lawless action are protected under the First Amendment — but these cases have often been hard to prove. The Oath Keepers and Alex Jones verdicts may herald a new and greater understanding of the slower-brewing social harms that can arise if people are allowed to spread misinformation without consequences.

Take them seriously

The convictions of Rhodes and other Oath Keepers may also lead law enforcement agencies to similarly shift their understanding of militia groups.

In the past, such agencies, from the local to federal levels, have tended to disregard potential threats from militia groups. Some sheriffs in particular have even openly allied with militia groups for search and rescue efforts or used them for event “security.”

Both the seriousness of the charges against Rhodes and his defendants as well as the widely shared videos of physical assaults that took place on Capitol police officers during the insurrection may help change attitudes in at least some agencies.

The Oath Keepers convictions come just three months after convictions of several members of the Wolverine Watchmen, the militia whose members plotted to kidnap Michigan Gov. Gretchen Whitmer and put her on trial for treason. Together, the verdicts may, at the very least, solidify the impression that militia members have the potential for violent and organized actions against elected officials.

Militias still relevant force

An unknown in all this is how militias may respond to the implications of the Oath Keepers verdicts.

It is unlikely that there will be one single reaction within the militia movement.

Rhodes has long been a controversial figure within the movement, with some militia leaders I have interviewed supporting his efforts and others strongly disliking him. Some told me a decade ago that they distrusted both his general abilities, citing his self-inflicted gunshot wound, and his motives for pushing the Oath Keepers to be a national organization. Militia members who have always disliked Rhodes had little sympathy for him as the trial developed.

Those in the militia movement who continue to believe the 2020 election was stolen, however, may well view Rhodes as a martyr for a bigger cause. For them, Rhodes’ conviction and whatever prison sentence he receives could very well become one of several reference points about the purported unfairness or illegitimacy of the system. It could even serve as a rallying point for militias and their sympathizers who believe the soul of their nation is at stake and will want to fight for their desired outcome in the next election.

The U.S. is unlikely to see another Capitol incursion. But the militia movement — in which Rhodes was a leader — and other groups who share many of its ideological principles will almost certainly continue to be a relevant political force as the country heads into the 2024 presidential election cycle.

 

Amy Cooter, Senior Research Fellow in Terrorism, Extremism and Counterterrorism, Middlebury Institute of International Studies

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Herschel Walker repeatedly said “I live in Texas” while running for Senate in Georgia

Herschel Walker told a campaign audience earlier this year that he had special insight about the U.S.-Mexico border because he lives in Texas.

However, the Donald Trump-endorsed Republican is running for U.S. Senate in Georgia, where officials are facing pressure to investigate exactly where he resides as voters are already casting ballots for the Dec. 6 special election, reported CNN.

“I live in Texas,” Walker said in January, during a speech to University of Georgia College Republicans. “I went down to the border off and on sometimes.”

Earlier in that same speech, Walker, a former football standout at the university, said he had decided to run for Georgia’s Senate seat while at his home in Texas.

“Everyone asks me, why did I decide to run for a Senate seat? Because to be honest with you, this is never something I ever, ever, ever thought in my life I’d ever do, and that’s the honest truth,” Walker said. “As I was sitting in my home in Texas, I was sitting in my home in Texas, and I was seeing what was going on in this country. I was seeing what was going on in this country with how they were trying to divide people.”

Georgia Democrats have called for an immediate investigation into Walker’s residency, and whether he lied about it to get onto the ballot.

Ancient traces of hurricanes’ impact on the Atlantic sea floor doesn’t bode well for the coast

If you look back at the history of Atlantic hurricanes since the late 1800s, it might seem hurricane frequency is on the rise.

The year 2020 had the most tropical cyclones in the Atlantic, with 31, and 2021 had the third-highest, after 2005. The past decade saw five of the six most destructive Atlantic hurricanes in modern history.

Then a year like 2022 comes along, with no major hurricane landfalls until Fiona and Ian struck in late September. The Atlantic hurricane season, which ends Nov. 30, has had eight hurricanes and 14 named storms. It’s a reminder that small sample sizes can be misleading when assessing trends in hurricane behavior. There is so much natural variability in hurricane behavior year to year and even decade to decade that we need to look much further back in time for the real trends to come clear.

Fortunately, hurricanes leave behind telltale evidence that goes back millennia.

Two thousand years of this evidence indicates that the Atlantic has experienced even stormier periods in the past than we’ve seen in recent years. That’s not good news. It tells coastal oceanographers like me that we may be significantly underestimating the threat hurricanes pose to Caribbean islands and the North American coast in the future.

The natural records hurricanes leave behind

When a hurricane nears land, its winds whip up powerful waves and currents that can sweep coarse sands and gravel into marshes and deep coastal ponds, sinkholes and lagoons.

Under normal conditions, fine sand and organic matter like leaves and seeds fall into these areas and settle to the bottom. So when coarse sand and gravel wash in, a distinct layer is left behind.

Imagine cutting through a layer cake — you can see each layer of frosting. Scientists can see the same effect by plunging a long tube into the bottom of these coastal marshes and ponds and pulling up several meters of sediment in what’s known as a sediment core. By studying the layers in sediment, we can see when coarse sand appeared, suggesting an extreme coastal flood from a hurricane.

With these sediment cores, we have been able to document evidence of Atlantic hurricane activity over thousands of years.

We now have dozens of chronologies of hurricane activity at different locations — including New England, the Florida Gulf Coast, the Florida Keys and Belize — that reveal decade- to century-scale patterns in hurricane frequency.

Others, including from Atlantic Canada, North Carolina, northwestern Florida, Mississippi and Puerto Rico, are lower-resolution, meaning it is nearly impossible to discern individual hurricane layers deposited within decades of one another. But they can be highly informative for determining the timing of the most intense hurricanes, which can have significant impacts on coastal ecosystems.

It’s the records from the Bahamas, however, with nearly annual resolution, that are crucial for seeing the long-term picture for the Atlantic Basin.

Why The Bahamas are so important

The Bahamas are exceptionally vulnerable to the impacts of major hurricanes because of their geographic location.

In the North Atlantic, 85% of all major hurricanes form in what is known as the Main Development Region, off western Africa. Looking just at observed hurricane tracks from the past 170 years, my analysis shows that about 86% of major hurricanes that affect the Bahamas also form in that region, suggesting the frequency variability in the Bahamas may be representative of the basin.

A substantial percentage of North Atlantic storms also pass over or near these islands, so these records appear to reflect changes in overall North Atlantic hurricane frequency through time.

By coupling coastal sediment records from the Bahamas with records from sites farther north, we can explore how changes in ocean surface temperatures, ocean currents, global-scale wind patterns and atmospheric pressure gradients affect regional hurricane frequency.

As sea surface temperatures rise, warmer water provides more energy that can fuel more powerful and destructive hurricanes. However, the frequency of hurricanes — how often they form — isn’t necessarily affected in the same way.

The secrets hidden in blue holes

Some of the best locations for studying past hurricane activity are large, near-shore sinkholes known as blue holes.

Blue holes get their name from their deep blue color. They formed when carbonate rock dissolved to form underwater caves. Eventually, the ceilings collapsed, leaving behind sinkholes. The Bahamas has thousands of blue holes, some as wide as a third of a mile and as deep as a 60-story building.

They tend to have deep vertical walls that can trap sediments — including sand transported by strong hurricanes. Fortuitously, deep blue holes often have little oxygen at the bottom, which slows decay, helping to preserve organic matter in the sediment through time.

Cracking open a sediment core

When we bring up a sediment core, the coarse sand layers are often evident to the naked eye. But closer examination can tell us much more about these hurricanes of the past.

I use X-rays to measure changes in the density of sediment, X-ray fluorescence to examine elemental changes that can reveal if sediment came from land or sea, and sediment textural analysis that examines the grain size.

To figure out the age of each layer, we typically use radiocarbon dating. By measuring the amount of carbon-14, a radioactive isotope, in shells or other organic material found at various points in the core, I can create a statistical model that predicts the age of sediments throughout the core.

So far, my colleagues and I have published five paleohurricane records with nearly annual detail from blue holes on islands across the Bahamas.

Each record shows periods of significant increase in storm frequency lasting decades and sometimes centuries.

The records vary, showing that a single location might not reflect broader regional trends.

For example, Thatchpoint Blue Hole on Great Abaco Island in the northern Bahamas includes evidence of at least 13 hurricanes per century that were Category 2 or above between the years 1500 and 1670. That significantly exceeds the rate of nine per century documented since 1850. During the same period, 1500 to 1670, blue holes at Andros Island, just 186 miles (300 kilometers) south of Abaco, documented the lowest levels of local hurricane activity observed in this region during the past 1,500 years.

Spotting patterns across the Atlantic Basin

Together, however, these records offer a glimpse of broad regional patterns. They’re also giving us new insight into the ways ocean and atmospheric changes can influence hurricane frequency.

While rising sea surface temperatures provide more energy that can fuel more powerful and destructive hurricanes, their frequency — how often they form — isn’t necessarily affected in the same way. Some studies have predicted the total number of hurricanes will actually decrease in the future.

The compiled Bahamian records document substantially higher hurricane frequency in the northern Caribbean during the Little Ice Age, around 1300 to 1850, than in the past 100 years.

That was a time when North Atlantic surface ocean temperatures were generally cooler than they are today. But it also coincided with an intensified West African monsoon. The monsoon could have produced more thunderstorms off the western coast of Africa, which act as low-pressure seeds for hurricanes.

Steering winds and vertical wind shear likely also affect a region’s hurricane frequency over time. The Little Ice Age active interval observed in most Bahamian records coincides with increased hurricane strikes along the U.S. Eastern Seaboard from 1500 to 1670, but at the same time it was a quieter period in the Gulf of Mexico, central Bahamas and southern Caribbean.

Records from sites farther north tell us more about the climate. That’s because changes in ocean temperature and climate conditions are likely far more important to controlling regional impacts in such areas as the Northeastern U.S. and Atlantic Canada, where cooler climate conditions are often unfavorable for storms.

A warning for the islands

I am currently developing records of coastal storminess in locations including Newfoundland and Mexico. With those records, we can better anticipate the impacts of future climate change on storm activity and coastal flooding.

In the Bahamas, meanwhile, sea level rise is putting the islands at increasing risk, so even weaker hurricanes can produce damaging flooding. Given that storms are expected to be more intense, any increase in storm frequency could have devastating impacts.

Tyler Winkler, Postdoctoral Researcher in Oceanography, Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

GOP plans another post-election “autopsy”: But this one is rigged for Trump

Back in 2012, the Republican Party, feeling stung by its electoral losses, decided to do a serious postmortem to discover why it was having such a hard time in national elections. GOP leaders had convinced themselves that they had an excellent chance to beat Barack Obama and take control of the Senate, and from their point of view the stars seemed to be aligned.

Their presidential nominee that year, Mitt Romney, had been a popular and reasonably successful governor of a blue state (Massachusetts) and Democrats were defending 23 Senate seats in that cycle (including two independents) while Republicans only had to defend 10. It was the first congressional election after the 2010 redistricting, and looked to be brutal for Democrats in the House. But Obama won re-election handily, while Democrats also gained two seats in the Senate and eight in the House. At that point Republicans had only won the popular vote for president once in 24 years, and they understood that something was wrong.

So the Republican National Committee decided to convene a panel to take a look at why their party had gone off the rails and offer advice on how to change course. This was officially called the Growth and Opportunity Project, but became almost universally known as “the autopsy.” The group conducted more than 36,000 online surveys, 3,000 group listening sessions, 800 conference calls and 50 focus groups and produced a 100-page report it described as the “most comprehensive post-election review” ever done. The upshot was pretty simple: By and large, the American people simply did not like what the Republican Party was selling.

At a rollout of the plan at the National Press Club, one of the participants, Sally Bradshaw, put the conclusion starkly:

The party has been continually marginalizing itself and unless changes are made it will be increasingly difficult for Republicans to win another presidential election in the near future. Public perception of our party is at record lows. Young voters are increasingly rolling their eyes at what the party represents and many minorities think Republicans don’t like them or don’t want them in our country. When someone rolls their eyes at us they aren’t likely to open their ears to us.

Bradshaw also mentioned that the party needed to do better with women and address their “unique concerns.” Another participant, Glenn McCall of South Carolina, said that the party seemed “intolerant and unaccepting of differing points of view” pointing out that “if our party isn’t welcoming and inclusive, young people and increasingly other voters will continue to tune us out.”


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This was widely perceived as a badly needed wakeup call. The assumption across the political world was that the Republicans were serious about retooling both their policies and their messaging, and would avoid nominating candidates like Todd Akin of Missouri, who famously declared that a woman couldn’t become pregnant from a “legitimate rape” and lost a highly winnable Senate seat. The GOP was also expected to tone down its anti-immigrant rhetoric and move toward “the middle,” where it could appeal to more women and people of color in hopes of once again building a majority coalition. 

Things did not go as planned. On the day of the report’s release, a gadfly by the name of Donald Trump tweeted: “New @RNC report calls for embracing ‘comprehensive immigration reform. Does the @RNC have a death wish?” He added:

No one paid any attention to his political ravings back then. But fast forward three years, and guess what? Trump was winning the Republican presidential nomination, and torching all his GOP rivals, by doing exactly the opposite of everything the autopsy recommended. Politico reported at the time on the hysteria building among the autopsy’s authors — and the growing excitement among many Republicans over this new “movement” that promised to deliver a glorious election victory without having to cater to all those undesirables. That story featured an interview with one GOP operative from North Carolina:

“I spend a lot of time in beauty/barbershops, on the block and where ordinary people are,” she said. “They like Trump and his in-your-face style. He is viewed as sticking it to ’em. If Trump becomes the nominee then we should accept it and help him win and become a great president.”

You might think Republican leaders would dust off that report from 2013 and take a look, just in case those ideas about growing the party instead of shrinking it might have some merit after all. Yeah but no.

Six years on, we all know what happened. Trump has announced his Vengeance 2024 tour and is hoping to once again haul his people out to watch him “stick it to ’em” and vote him back into office. But the climate has shifted as the losses keep piling up. The only election the Republicans have really won since Trump came on the scene was that flukey victory in 2016, and this week RNC chair Ronna McDaniel, announced a plan for yet another autopsy in the wake of the party’s unexpectedly bad performance in this month’s midterm elections.

One might think that it would be wise for Republican leaders at least to dust off that report from 2013 and take a look, just in case those ideas about growing the party instead of shrinking it might have some merit after all. If anything, the conditions they cited nearly 10 years ago are even more relevant now. Consider what Ari Fleischer, former George W. Bush press secretary and devoted Trump acolyte, told Politico in 2016:

The fact remains, America’s demography is changing and that won’t stop. … So let’s just say Donald Trump wins the election because of his unique appeal to blue-collar Democrats. The report will be valid for his successor most likely. Demographics is demographics, and what we said remains important.

But that’s doesn’t seem to be where they’re going at all. McDaniel announced that the panel will be packed with Trump-friendly right-wingers, including longtime Trump adviser Kellyanne Conway, Trump-endorsed tech-bro Blake Masters — who just lost his Arizona Senate race — and Christian-right lobbyist and anti-abortion zealot Tony Perkins, along with newly-elected Trump endorsees like Sen.-elect Katie Britt of Alabama, Rep.-elect Monica De La Cruz of Texas and Rep.-elect John James of Michigan.

Anyone who thinks that particular group will be “charting a new path” needs to have another think again. This autopsy will almost certainly find a way to affirm that Republicans lost because they weren’t Trumpy enough. To reach any other conclusion would amount to repudiating the party’s base voters and the slightly tarnished Dear Leader they still worship.

“He tried to f**k me”: Kanye campaign chief says dinner was set up to “make Trump’s life miserable”

Far-right extremists Milo Yiannopoulos and Nick Fuentes claimed that their now infamous dinner with former President Donald Trump at Mar-a-Lago was a set-up.

Trump last week dined with antisemitic rapper Ye, formerly known as Kanye West, and Fuentes, a white nationalist Holocaust denier that has repeatedly praised Hitler. Trump has insisted that he was only supposed to dine with Ye and claimed that he did not know who Fuentes was. A growing number of Republicans have condemned Fuentes but many have stopped short of criticizing Trump directly.

Ye, who claims that he is running for president and reportedly suggested to Trump that he be his running mate, has tapped Yiannopoulos to serve as his de facto campaign manager. Yiannopoulos, a former Breitbart editor who was ousted after defending pedophilia and later banned from Twitter for inciting racist abuse against comedian Leslie Jones, told NBC News that he was the “architect” of the dinner.

The far-right agitator told the outlet that he arranged to have Fuentes slip into the dinner “just to make Trump’s life miserable” because he knew it would leak and damage him.

Yiannopoulos told the outlet that he arranged for Fuentes, who is also advising the rapper, to travel with Ye and persuaded former Trump 2016 campaign adviser Karen Giorno to drive Ye to Mar-a-Lago, where Fuentes would join their dinner party. During the dinner, Ye and Fuentes criticized Trump for not doing enough to help Jan. 6 Capitol rioters and warned him he may lose the 2024 election, according to NBC News.

“I wanted to show Trump the kind of talent that he’s missing out on by allowing his terrible handlers to dictate who he can and can’t hang out with,” Yiannopoulos told the outlet. “I also wanted to send a message to Trump that he has systematically repeatedly neglected, ignored, abused the people who love him the most, the people who put him in office, and that kind of behavior comes back to bite you in the end,” he added.

Fuentes himself “echoed the sentiment,” according to NBC News’ Marc Caputo.

“I hate to say it, but the chickens are coming home to roost. You know, this is the frustration with his base and with his true loyalists,” Fuentes told the outlet.

Fuentes said that he praised Trump as “my hero” but told him that he was “in danger of becoming a scripted establishment bore,” according to the report. Fuentes on Telegram later disputed Yiannopoulos’ claim that his “intention was to hurt Trump.”

“That is fake news,” Fuentes said. “I love Trump.”

Ye posted a video after the dinner saying that Trump is “really impressed with Nick Fuentes.”


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But the former president was furious after the dinner, according to NBC News.

“He tried to f— me. He’s crazy. He can’t beat me,” Trump told one confidant of Ye after the dinner, a source told the outlet.

“Trump was totally blindsided,” the source said. “It was a setup.”

An anonymous longtime Trump adviser agreed that “Kanye punked Trump.”

“The master troll got trolled,” the adviser told NBC News.

The dinner has led some Republicans to condemn Fuentes and Ye, with a few, including former Vice President Mike Pence, directly calling out Trump. But House Republican Leader Kevin McCarthy, R-Calif., falsely claimed that Trump “came out four times and condemned” Fuentes.

In fact, Trump has issued multiple statements insisting only that he did not know who Fuentes was. Trump did not criticize Fuentes’ ideology, a CNN fact-check noted, and in fact pushed back on advisers’ pleas for him to do so, according to The Guardian.

Trump repeatedly rejected advice to criticize Fuentes “over fears that he might alienate a section of his base,” sources told the outlet.

TrumpWorld has gone into damage control mode since the dinner, imposing new protocols to vet and approve visitors before they meet with the former president, according to the Associated Press. Under the new rules, a senior campaign official will be present by his side at all times, according to the report.

A number of Republicans have blamed Trump’s staff for allowing the meeting to happen and called for those responsible to be fired. The New York Times’ Maggie Haberman, who has covered Trump for years, pushed back on Republicans casting blame on Trump’s aides.

“The person who let [Fuentes] in was the former president,” Haberman tweeted. “This is always the theme, from executive orders in 2017 to Jan. 6: that staff is somehow failing Trump or to blame. Some staff tried stopping him from meeting with West. He wanted to do it.”

COVID-19, RSV and the flu are straining health care systems — especially in regards to children

Every fall and winter, viral respiratory illnesses like the common cold and seasonal flu keep kids out of school and social activities. But this year, more children than usual are ending up at emergency departments and hospitals.

In California, the Orange County health department declared a state of emergency in early November 2022 due to record numbers of pediatric hospitalizations for respiratory infections. In Maryland, emergency rooms have run out of beds because of the unusually high number of severe respiratory syncytial virus, or RSV, infections. So emergency departments there are having to refer patients across state lines for care.

In the U.S., the winter respiratory virus season started earlier than usual this year. Since peak infections usually occur in late December or January, this uncharacteristic early wave suggests that the situation could get much worse for people of all ages, particularly children.

We are epidemiologists with expertise in epidemic analysis for emerging disease threats, including respiratory infections. We watch patterns in these infections closely, and we pay particular attention when the patterns are unusual. We’ve grown increasingly concerned about the amount of pediatric hospitalizations over the last few months and the pattern that is emerging.

The ‘triple threat’

In early November, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention issued a health advisory about increased activity in respiratory infections — especially among children. The CDC and other health experts are warning of the so-called “triple threat” of respiratory illness from RSV, influenza — or the seasonal flu — and COVID-19.

The underlying reasons for the convergence of these viruses and the increase in infections so early in the season are not yet clear. But health experts have some clues about contributing factors and what it could mean for the coming months.

As of mid-November 2022, a children’s hospital in Buffalo, N.Y., had already admitted more than double the number of respiratory syncytial virus patients than in the entire 2019-2020 respiratory season.

When it comes to COVID-19, 2022 is expected to usher in another winter wave of infections, similar to patterns seen in 2020 and 2021. Previous winter surges stemmed from a combination of factors, including the emergence and spread of new viral variants, more people gathering indoors rather than distanced outside, and people coming together for the holidays.

But unlike previous pandemic winters, most COVID-19 precautions — such as using masks in public areas or avoiding group activities — are more relaxed than ever. Together with the looming threat of new variants, it is difficult to predict how big the next COVID-19 wave could be.

And while the seasonal flu has proved somewhat unpredictable during the COVID-19 pandemic, it nearly always hits during late October. Flu season also arrived about a month early and in greater numbers than in recent history. By our read of the data, pediatric flu hospitalizations are nearing 10 times what has been seen for this time of year for more than a decade.

RSV infections tend to follow a similar seasonal pattern as the flu, peaking in winter months. But this year, there was an unexpected summer wave, well before the start of the typical fall respiratory virus season.

In typical years, RSV garners little media attention. It’s incredibly common and usually causes only mild illness. In fact, most children encounter the virus before age 2.

But RSV can be a formidable respiratory infection with serious consequences for children under 5, especially infants. It is the most common cause of lower respiratory infections in young children, and more severe illnesses can lead to pneumonia and other complications, often requiring hospitalization.

Why children are particularly at risk

Children, especially young children, tend to get sicker from flu and RSV than other age groups. But infants younger than 6 months old stand to suffer the most, with nearly double the risk of RSV-related death compared to other children younger than 5. COVID-19 hospitalization rates are also four to five times higher for infants than older children.

One reason the youngest children are at greater risk is that their immune systems are not yet fully developed and don’t produce the robust immune response seen in most adults. What’s more, infants younger than 6 months — who are most at risk of severe disease — are still too young to be vaccinated against influenza or COVID-19.

These viruses present challenges on their own, but their co-circulation and coinciding surges in infections create a perfect storm for multiple viruses to infect the same person at once. Viruses might even act together to evade immunity and cause damage to the respiratory tract.

Such co-infections are typically uncommon. However, the likelihood of co-infection is substantially higher for children than adults. Co-infections can be difficult to diagnose and treat, and can ultimately lead to greater disease severity, complications, hospitalization and death.

Factors behind the triple threat

There are a few reasons why the U.S. may be seeing a surge in pediatric respiratory infections. First, COVID-19 protection strategies actually help prevent the transmission of other respiratory pathogens. School and daycare closures likely also minimized exposures children normally have to various respiratory viruses.

These and other efforts to prevent the spread of COVID-19 seem to have suppressed the broad circulation of other viruses, including influenza and RSV. As a result, the U.S. saw an overall drop in non-COVID respiratory infections — and an almost nonexistent flu season in the winter of 2020.

The decreased viral activity means that children missed out on some exposures to viruses and other pathogens that typically help build immunity, particularly during the first few years of life. The resulting so-called “immunity debt” may contribute to an excess of pediatric respiratory infections as we continue into this season.

To further complicate the picture, the changing nature of viruses, including the emergence of new COVID-19 variants and the natural evolution of seasonal influenza viruses, means that we could be seeing a unique combination of particularly transmissible strains or strains that cause more severe illness.

Proactive steps people can take

The early surge in respiratory infections with high rates of hospitalization highlights the importance of prevention. The best tool we have for prevention is vaccination. Vaccines that protect against COVID-19 and influenza are available and recommended for everyone over 6 months of age. They have been shown to be safe and effective, and they can and do save lives.

In particular, most recent data on the newly updated bivalent COVID-19 booster vaccine suggests that it produces a more rigorous antibody response against the current circulating omicron variants than the original COVID-19 vaccines.

The best way to protect infants younger than 6 months old against flu and COVID-19 is by vaccination during pregnancy. When a pregnant mother is vaccinated, maternal antibodies cross the placenta to the baby, reducing the risk of COVID-19 hospitalization in young infants by 61%. Vaccination of other caregivers, family and friends can also help protect infants.

Other preventive measures, like hand-washing, covering sneezes and coughs, staying at home and isolating when sick, can help to protect the community from these viruses and others. Paying attention to local public health advisers can also help people to have the most up-to-date information and make informed decisions to keep themselves and others — of all ages — safe.


Rebecca S.B. Fischer, Assistant Professor of Epidemiology, Texas A&M University and Annette Regan, Assistant Professor of Epidemiology, University of San Francisco

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Vitamin B12 deficiency can have serious consequences – but doctors often overlook it

For several months during the summer of 2022, my dog Scout vomited at 3 a.m. nearly every day. If you have a dog, you know the sound. And each time, she gobbled up her mess before I could get to it, making diagnosis of the cause difficult.

The vet and I eventually settled on my hydrangeas as the source of the problem — but keeping Scout away from them didn’t work. She started to seem tired all the time — highly concerning in a typically hyper yellow Lab puppy.

Then one day Scout vomited up a hairball — but not just any hairball. In dogs, hair normally passes easily through the digestive system, but this hairball was wrapped around a brillo pad that was too big to move through. Once this foreign object was removed, the overnight vomiting ended. Scout still needed treatment, though, for a different and surprising reason: The object had inhibited a step in her body’s absorption of vitamin B12. B12 is an essential nutrient involved in proper functioning of blood cells, nerves and many other critical processes in the body.

I’m a registered dietitian, and I teach nutrition and food science to college students, but still I missed the B12 deficiency that was causing my puppy’s fatigue. Doctors can just as easily be blind to it in people — even though B12 deficiency is a common health problem that affects an estimated 6% to 20% of the U.S. population.

B12 is scarce in the diet, and it is found only in foods from animal sources. Fortunately, humans need only 2.4 micrograms of B12 daily, which is equivalent to one ten-millionth of an ounce — a very, very small amount. Without adequate B12 in the body, overall health and quality of life are negatively affected.

Signs and symptoms

One primary symptom of B12 deficiency is fatigue — a level of tiredness or exhaustion so deep that it affects daily life activities.

Other symptoms are neurological and may include tingling in the extremities, confusion, memory loss, depression and difficulty maintaining balance. Some of these can be permanent if the vitamin deficiency is not addressed.

However, since there can be so many causes for these symptoms, health care providers may overlook the possibility of a B12 deficiency and fail to screen for it. Further, having a healthy diet may seem to rule out any vitamin deficiency. Case in point: Because I knew Scout’s diet was sound, I didn’t consider a B12 deficiency as the source of her problems.

How B12 is absorbed

Research is clear that people who consume plant-based diets must take B12 supplements in amounts typically provided by standard multivitamins. However, hundreds of millions of Americans who do consume B12 may also be at risk because of conditions that could be hampering their body’s absorption of B12.

B12 absorption is a complex multistep process that begins in the mouth and ends at the far end of the small intestine. When we chew, our food gets mixed with saliva. When the food is swallowed, a substance in saliva called R-protein — a protein that protects B12 from being destroyed by stomach acid — travels to the stomach along with the food.

Specific cells in the stomach lining, called parietal cells, secrete two substances that are important to B12 absorption. One is stomach acid — it splits food and B12 apart, allowing the vitamin to bind to the saliva’s R-protein. The other substance, called intrinsic factor, mixes with the stomach’s contents and travels with them into the first part of the small intestine — the duodenum. Once in the duodenum, pancreatic juices release B12 from R-protein and hand it to intrinsic factor. This pairing allows B12 to be absorbed into cells, where it can then help maintain nerve cells and form healthy red blood cells.

A B12 deficiency typically involves a breakdown at one or more of these points on the way to absorption.

Dr. Darien Sutton explains symptoms of B12 deficiency in this December 2021 segment of the ABC TV show ‘Good Morning America.’

Risk factors for B12 deficiency

Without saliva, B12 will not bind to the saliva’s R-protein, and the body’s ability to absorb it is inhibited. And there are hundreds of different drugs that can cause dry mouth, resulting in too little saliva production. They include opioids, inhalers, decongestants, antidepressants, blood pressure drugs and benzodiazepines, like Xanax, used to treat anxiety.

The last three categories alone account for easily 100 million prescriptions in the U.S. each year.

Another potential contributor to B12 deficiency is low levels of stomach acid. Hundreds of millions of Americans take anti-ulcer medications that reduce ulcer-causing stomach acids. Researchers have firmly linked the use of these drugs to B12 deficiency — although that possibility may not outweigh the need for the medication.

Production of stomach acid can also decrease with aging. More than 60 million people in the U.S. are over age 60, and some 54 million are over the age of 65. This population faces a higher risk of B12 deficiency — which may be further increased by use of acid-reducing medications.

Production of gastric acid and intrinsic factor by the specialized parietal cells in the stomach is critical for B12 absorption to occur. But damage to the stomach lining can prevent production of both.

In humans, impaired stomach lining stems from gastric surgery, chronic inflammation or pernicious anemia — a medical condition characterized by fatigue and a long list of other symptoms.

Another common culprit of B12 deficiency is inadequate pancreas function. About one-third of patients with poor pancreas function develop a B12 deficiency.

And lastly, Metformin, a drug used by around 92 million Americans to treat Type 2 diabetes, has been associated with B12 deficiency for decades.

Treatment for B12 deficiency

While some health care providers routinely measure B12 and other vitamin levels, a typical well-check exam includes only a complete blood count and a metabolic panel, neither of which measures B12 status. If you experience potential symptoms of a B12 deficiency and also have one of the risk factors above, you should see a doctor to be tested. A proper lab workup and discussion with a physician are necessary to discover or rule out whether inadequate B12 levels could be at play.

In the case of my dog Scout, her symptoms led the vet to run two blood tests: a complete blood count and a B12 test. These are also good starting points for humans. Scout’s symptoms went away after a few months of taking oral B12 supplements that also contained an active form of the B vitamin folate.

In humans, the type of treatment and length of recovery depend on the cause and severity of the B12 deficiency. Full recovery can take up to a year but is very possible with appropriate treatment.

Treatment for B12 deficiency can be oral, applied under the tongue or administered through the nose, or it may require various types of injections. A B12 supplement or balanced multivitamin may be enough to correct the deficiency, as it was for Scout, but it’s best to work with a health care provider to ensure proper diagnosis and treatment.


Diane Cress, Associate Professor of Nutrition and Food Science, Wayne State University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Indigenous languages make inroads into public schools

Whenever November would roll around, James Gensaw, a Yurok language high school teacher in far northern California, would get a request from a school administrator. They would always ask him to bring students from the Native American Club, which he advises, to demonstrate Yurok dancing on the high school quad at lunch time.

“On the one hand, it was nice that the school wanted to have us share our culture,” Gensaw told me during an interview. “On the other, it wasn’t always respectful. Some kids would make fun of the Native American dancers, mimicking war cries and calling out ‘chief.'”

“The media would be invited to come cover the dancing as part of their Thanksgiving coverage, and it felt like we were a spectacle,” he continued. “Other cultural groups and issues would sometimes be presented in school assemblies, in the gym, where teachers monitored student behavior. I thought, why didn’t we get to have that? We needed more respect for sharing our culture.” James Gensaw’s work in California’s public high schools as a Yurok language teacher and mentor to Native American students is part of a reckoning with equity and justice in schools.

Yurok language in schools

Tribal officials say Gensaw is one of 16 advanced-level Yurok language-keepers alive today. An enrolled Yurok tribal member, Gensaw is also part of the tribe’s Yurok Language Program, which is at the forefront of efforts to keep the Yurok language alive.

Today, the Yurok language is offered as an elective at four high schools in far northern California. The classes meet language instruction requirements for admission to University of California and California State University systems.

Yurok language classes are also offered in local Head Start preschool programs as well as in some K-8 schools when there is teacher availability, and at the College of the Redwoods, the regional community college. To date, eight high school seniors have been awarded California’s State Seal of Biliteracy in Yurok, a prestigious accomplishment that signifies commitment to and competency in the language.

When I started researching the effects of Yurok language access on young people in 2016, there were approximately 12 advanced-level speakers, according to the Yurok Language Program. The 16 advanced-level speakers in 2022 represent a growing speaker base and they are something to celebrate. Despite colonization and attempts to eradicate the Yurok language by interrupting the transfer of language from parents to their children, Yurok speakers are still here.

Throughout the 19th and 20th centuries, boarding schools in the United States operated as spaces for what I refer to as “culturecide” — the killing of culture — in my latest book, “Indigenous Language Politics in the Schoolroom: Cultural Survival in Mexico and the United States.” Students in both the United States and Mexico were often made to attend schools where they were beaten for speaking Indigenous languages. Now, new generations are being encouraged to sign up to study the same language many of their grandparents and great-grandparents were forced to forget.

Language as resistance

The Yurok Tribe made the decision years ago to prioritize growing the number of Yurok speakers and as part of that, to teach Yurok to anyone who wanted to learn. They have many online resources that are open for all. Victoria Carlson is the Yurok Language Program Manager and a language-keeper herself. She is teaching Yurok to her children as a first language, and she drives long distances to teach the language at schools throughout Humboldt and Del Norte counties.

“When we speak Yurok, we are saying that we are still here,” Carson said in an interview with me, echoing a sentiment that many Yurok students relayed to me as well. “Speaking our language is a form of resisting all things that have been done to our people.”

The students in Mr. Gensaw’s classes are majority, but not exclusively, Native American. Through my research I learned that there are white students who sign up out of interest or because nothing else fit in their schedule. There are Asian American students who wish that Hmong or Mandarin was a language option, but they take Yurok since it is the most unique language choice available. And there are Latinx students who already are bilingual in English and Spanish and who want to challenge themselves linguistically.

In my book and related publications, I document how access to Indigenous languages in school benefits different groups of students in a range of ways. Heritage-speakers — those who have family members who speak the language — get to shine in the classroom as people with authority over the content, something that many Native American students struggle with in other classes. White students have their eyes opened to Native presence that is sorely missing when they study the Gold Rush, Spanish missionaries in California, or other standard topics of K-12 education that are taught from a colonizing perspective. And students from non-heritage minority backgrounds report an increased interest in their own identities. They often go to elders to learn some of their own family languages after being inspired that such knowledge is worth being proud of.

Bringing languages like Yurok into schools that are still, as historian Donald Yacovone points out, dominated by white supremacist content, does not in and of itself undo the effects of colonization. Getting rid of curricula that teach the Doctrine of Discovery — the notion that colonizers “discovered” the Americas and had a legal right to it — is a long-term process. But placing Native American languages into public schools both affirms the validity of Indigenous cultural knowledge and also asserts the contemporary existence of Native people at the same time. It is a place to start.

One step at a time

In my experience, as a researcher on education policy and democracy, I have found that putting more culturally diverse courses in school is something that better prepares young people to learn how to interact in healthy ways with people who are different from themselves.

Gensaw, the Yurok language teacher, is at the forefront of this. One year when he was again asked if he could bring the students to dance around Thanksgiving time, he said yes, but not on the quad. He requested a school assembly space where student behavior could be monitored. The school said yes, and the students danced without being demeaned by their peers. These steps are just the beginning of what it takes to undo the effects of colonization.


Mneesha Gellman, Associate Professor of Political Science, Emerson College

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Oath Keepers leader found guilty: Will DOJ see this as a roadmap for Trump’s trial?

On Tuesday afternoon, when word came down that the jury in the Oath Keepers trial in Washington, D.C., had already come to a decision, the speed suggested that the defendants were doomed. So far, this has been the most complicated of all the criminal proceedings stemming from the insurrection that Donald Trump incited on Jan. 6, 2021. Most people charged with crimes after storming the Capitol on that fateful day have faced simple charges, such as obstructing government proceedings and trespassing. But for this case, the Department of Justice was asking the jury to convict the defendants on a range of criminal charges, with the most serious being seditious conspiracy, which is notoriously difficult to prove.

Under the circumstances, legal reporters repeatedly warned audiences not to assume that the five insurrectionists on trial in a D.C. federal court would actually face punishment for their crimes. But despite all the moving parts and complicating factors, the jury spent only three days deliberating, a relatively brief period under these charged circumstances. That suggests the jurors were not distracted by political pressures or the various imaginative deflections offered by defense attorney. Sure enough, both Oath Keepers founder Stewart Rhodes and his right hand man, Kelly Meggs, were found guilty of seditious conspiracy, and all five defendants were convicted for obstructing an official proceeding and destroying evidence. Meggs and two other defendants, Jessica Watkins and Kenneth Harrelson, were also convicted on various conspiracy charges.


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Although three of the five defendants were acquitted of the sedition charge (and Rhodes was found not guilty on two conspiracy charges), this verdict should be understood overall as a resounding victory for the prosecutors. Perhaps most important, it shows that juries of ordinary citizens are fully capable of understanding the evidence that what happened on Jan. 6, 2021, was not a spontaneous riot but a preplanned insurrection. As former federal prosecutor Randall Eliason told the Washington Post, “The jury’s verdict on seditious conspiracy confirms that January 6, 2021, was not just ‘legitimate political discourse’ or a peaceful protest that got out of hand. This was a planned, organized, violent assault on the lawful authority of the U.S. government and the peaceful transfer of power.”

After this, the DOJ and Attorney General Merrick Garland should set aside any fears when it comes to indicting the head honcho of the insurrection, former President Donald Trump. In fact, that conclusion is only strengthened by the fact that the jury convicted the two leaders of the Oath Keepers on the most serious charges, while only finding their underlings guilty of lesser offenses. That reads as clear evidence that they wanted to establish accountability for those who instigated and led the insurrection, rather than watching Trump’s camp followers take the fall for doing his bidding. 

By the end of the 24-hour news cycle, it may start to feel like this verdict was inevitable. It wasn’t, and in the concluding states of this trial, many legal experts weren’t optimistic that the DOJ would win. As former prosecutors and law professors told the Associated Press in September, juries often struggle to understand what “seditious conspiracy” means, and may be reluctant to find that someone intended to overthrow the government when they didn’t actually succeed. In addition, as the Guardian reported in January, sedition charges “carry so much political weight” that it becomes conceivable for a lone juror who shares at least some of the defendants’ political views to block a guilty verdict and force a mistrial.

Even though the trial was held in the very blue District of Columbia, those concerns hung over this trial from the beginning. For nearly two years now, conservative media and Republican politicians have been trying to rewrite the public memory of Jan. 6, recasting it as “legitimate political discourse” and pretending that the violent attack on law enforcement and the U.S. Capitol was the work of a few bad apples. That political pressure campaign has been so successful that most Republican voters now consider the Jan. 6 insurrection a “legitimate protest,” even though most of them disapproved of it in the immediate aftermath. There were almost certainly Republican voters on the jury, and some observers feared they would retreat into partisan loyalty and ignore the facts. 


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There were other reasons for prosecutors to feel concerned about how this would go. For one thing, they had five separate defendants who had done all sorts of different things before and during the riot. Rhodes, who holds a degree from Yale Law School and was formerly an attorney, made sure to avoid entering the Capitol himself even while goading his minions into it, creating a semblance of plausible deniability that he didn’t know what was about to happen. Prosecutors presented a mountain of evidence for the jury to sift through, including hundreds of decrypted text messages, creating the risk that jurors would simply feel overwhelmed or seize upon irrelevant details to justify an acquittal. To make things even worse, the jurors were sent home for the Thanksgiving holiday, creating an obvious opportunity for those with Republican inclinations to be talked into not-guilty verdicts by friends and family. 

But the biggest threat of all was that jurors might be sucked in by the defendants’ claim that all their talk about “civil war” and overthrowing the government was nothing serious, just an elaborate form of cosplay. As I wrote during the trial, white people, especially white men, are especially likely to get away with the “just kidding” defense. Donald Trump, in particular, has repeatedly deflected criticism for outrageous things he says and does behaviors by claiming that it was all in fun — or, in the case of his bragging about sexual assault, “locker room talk.” As I write this, Trump’s defenders are excusing his dinner with white supremacist and Nazi sympathizer Nick Fuentes by portraying Trump as a daft know-nothing who is nice to anyone who flatters him. 

Furthermore, the Oath Keepers are without a doubt a bunch of clowns, which makes it easier for them to sell a narrative that the Jan. 6 insurrection was just a bit of fantasy role-play that got out of hand. The jury clearly didn’t buy that argument, an especially welcome data point which suggests that, in the right circumstances, facts can penetrate the reality-distortion field around Jan. 6 that has been created by right-wing propaganda. 

It’s noteworthy that Rhodes was held to account as the leader of this seditious conspiracy, since he was careful to absent himself physically from the Capitol at the height of the attack. At trial, he threw his fellow Oath Keepers under the bus, claiming he had played no part in pushing them to violence and calling his own followers “stupid” for breaching the building

If that sounds familiar, it should. Rhodes was acting exactly like Donald Trump: Using coded language to push his supporters into breaking the law, and then distancing himself afterward with the transparently false claim that his flunkies acted of their own accord. The jury saw right through this ruse, which should reassure federal prosecutors that the same logic could work in a prospective case against Donald J. Trump. As the Jan. 6 House committee hearings have shown, there’s overwhelming evidence that Trump deliberately incited the Capitol riot, with he explicit hope and intention of using mob violence to overturn the legitimate results of the 2020 election and install himself illegally as president. 

Obviously, any criminal trial with Trump as the defendant would have a different jury and higher stakes, meaning that we cannot forecast a verdict in advance with any certainty. But the Oath Keepers outcome shows that it’s still possible, even in our highly polarized and fact-resistant times, for a group of 12 Americans to assess evidence calmly and draw the correct and obvious conclusions. Even if some of them are Republicans! If this jury was willing to convict the leader of one faction of the Capitol insurrectionists on criminal charges that could send him to prison for the rest of his life, there’s reason to believe that another jury might be willing to convict the man who is finally, ultimately and by far most responsible for that national trauma.

Biden blasted for “siding with billionaires” over workers on rail strike

Advocacy groups joined rail workers and progressives in Congress on Tuesday in calling out President Joe Biden for encouraging legislative action that would avert a December strike and force through a contract with no paid sick leave.

Biden late Monday encouraged Congress to use its authority under the Railway Labor Act of 1926 to advance the White House-brokered deal that was rejected by more than half of the nation’s unionized rail workforce. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi signaled the chamber could act as early as Wednesday.

Revolving Door Project executive director Jeff Hauser warned Biden that such action could harm not only rail workers but also the Democratic Party — at a time when Republicans continue to align themselves with a twice-impeached ex-president who incited an insurrection.

“President Biden has strained to rekindle working people’s support for the Democratic Party. To his great credit, he has appointed genuine labor champions at the National Labor Relations Board and other independent labor agencies,” he noted. “However, by calling to override the will of organized railway workers, without granting any of their demands, Biden risks undermining that hard work’s legacy. Unless he reverses course, he threatens to reignite distrust of the Democratic Party among workers nationwide.”

“If Democrats turn on a unionized workforce which did everything right in a struggle for basic dignity, the entire labor movement will see and remember,” Hauser continued. “Rank-and-file union members have voted more and more for Republicans, sometimes including the most extreme MAGA Republicans, in recent years. This is due, in no small part, to too many broken promises and too little respect paid to labor by successive Democratic administrations.”

“If Democrats turn on a unionized workforce which did everything right in a struggle for basic dignity, the entire labor movement will see and remember.”

Highlighting that “Democrats defied the historical odds to duel Republicans to a draw in the midterms not even one month ago” and that “embracing economic populism and strong support for unions was a necessary component of their winning strategy,” he asked, “Do Democrats want voters to think that was all a lie?”

According to Hauser:

Being a pro-labor president does not just mean taking photographs with workers or recounting family anecdotes about manual labor in speeches. It means supporting workers’ ability to choose their own futures and to stand up to the bosses that oppress them. The absolute minimum which a pro-labor president should do is listen when rail workers say that the contract his administration negotiated did not deliver what they need.

The economic harms of a railway strike could indeed be grievous. This is precisely why Biden shouldn’t be urging Congress to punish the workers. If Congress must intercede, Biden should instead ask legislators to pass a better deal, including the necessary sick leave, as some members are calling for already. Moreover, Biden should publicly attack the railway owners’ rapacious greed. Corporate rail shareholders can live without a few extra millions in dividends, but rail workers should not be forced to live without sick leave.

Rather than pushing for the existing agreement, Hauser argued, “Biden should instead fight to give rail workers what they need, and aim the full force of the federal government where it should have been aimed all along: at the greed of the rail bosses.”

Morris Pearl, chair of the Patriotic Millionaires, agreed, accusing Biden of “siding with billionaires over rail workers” and “saying that these essential workers have to suffer to preserve the profits of the railroad industry and its billionaire owners.”


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“No one wants a rail strike to cripple our nation’s economy, but forcing workers to accept a deal they have voted against is not the only solution,” he noted. “If Biden were as pro-union as he claims to be, he could have called on Congress to improve the contract for workers and force railway management to accept it. He did not do that.”

Pearl warned that “if Congress votes to force rail workers to accept the current deal, they will be doing a massive disservice to workers who deserve fair compensation and adequate sick leave. By choosing to ram through this terrible deal, Joe Biden and Democratic leadership in Congress are betraying the rail unions and taking the side of billionaires like Warren Buffett, whose company Berkshire Hathaway owns BNSF, one of the largest railways in America.”

“Billionaire railway owners like Warren Buffett have held the American economy hostage by refusing to concede to rail worker demands, and now the federal government is going to give them exactly what they want,” Pearl continued. “Buffett is being rewarded for playing chicken with the American economy.”

“If Buffett and these multibillion-dollar rail companies were to meet unions where they are and include the bare minimum number of paid sick days, it would only cost them a small fraction of their massive profits,” he added. “If Congress is going to act to avert a strike, they need to protect workers, not rail company profits.”

Some members of Congress made clear Tuesday that they won’t support a resolution on the issue unless it includes paid sick leave.

Sen. Bernie Sanders, I-Vt., in September blocked a Republican-led attempt to force railroad workers to accept the contract recommended by a presidential board and has continued to support their fight for a better deal.

“At a time of record profits in the rail industry, it’s unacceptable that rail workers have ZERO guaranteed paid sick days,” Sanders tweeted Tuesday evening. “It’s my intention to block consideration of the rail legislation until a roll call vote occurs on guaranteeing seven paid sick days to rail workers in America.”

HuffPost’s Igor Bobic reported that when asked about Sanders’ demand, Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer said, “We’re going to work it out and get it done.”

According to Politico’s Nancy Vu, Sen. John Cornyn, R-Texas, told reporters that he believes there could be “substantial Republican support” for Sanders’ amendment.

L.A. Mayor Eric Garcetti, prominent Biden ally, implicated in harassment cover-up

Eric Garcetti, the outgoing mayor of Los Angeles, has been waiting almost 500 days for a Senate vote on his nomination as U.S. ambassador to India, and a narrative has taken hold in Washington that partisan politics are to blame for the extraordinary delay.

Garcetti, after all, is a high-profile political ally of President Biden’s, one of the earliest champions of his White House run in 2020, and a regular punching bag for Republicans who like to portray L.A. and other heavily Democratic large cities as cesspools of homelessness, crime and liberal values run amok.

The narrative, though, is wrong and needs to be corrected, especially since Democratic leaders may now be considering bringing Garcetti’s nomination to the Senate floor in the waning weeks before the turnover to a new Congress.

The fact is that Garcetti enjoyed strong support from both Republicans and Democrats for several months after he was nominated, sailing through his Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearing without a single dissenting vote on either side of the aisle. What changed was that my organization, Whistleblower Aid, came forward with compelling evidence that Mayor Garcetti had allowed sexual harassment and abuse to run rampant in his administration for years and then lied about it under oath in his Senate confirmation hearing.

After filing our initial complaint in February, we spoke to dozens of Senate offices, both Republican and Democrat, and many of them expressed concern about Garcetti’s fitness to serve based in part on the evidence we presented. Sen. Chuck Grassley, an Iowa Republican, commissioned a report of his own, produced by his investigative staff on the Senate Judiciary Committee after an in-depth investigation of documents and numerous victims, which confirmed and in some cases amplified our findings, concluding that Garcetti either knew about the abuse or should have known.

Senators placed at least two holds on the nomination, meaning that it could no longer go through with an up-and-down vote but required floor time for debate. Despite continuing pressure from the White House to push the nomination through regardless of mounting disturbing concerns, several Democrats — including Mark Kelly of Arizona, Mazie Hirono of Hawaii and Kirsten Gillibrand of New York — indicated publicly that they either needed to look into the matter further or were reluctant to support Garcetti. The cross-party consensus over the summer was that the nomination was “dangling by a thread.”

Garcetti has been unable to redeem himself since the summer — despite the efforts of expensive lobbyists hired by his parents. If anything, the case against him has become more compelling as new witnesses have come forward to corroborate allegations that Garcetti knew his longtime top aide, Rick Jacobs, routinely cowed City Hall staffers by kissing them on the mouth, massaging them, locking them in long and unwanted bear hugs, grabbing their buttocks, and using crude sexual and racist language in the office.


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Sworn testimony from a lawsuit filed against the city of Los Angeles, along with texts, emails and other documentary evidence, indicate that this abusive behavior was common knowledge in the Garcetti administration and that the mayor not only knew about it but often witnessed it himself and did nothing to stop it.

Despite heavy pressure from Garcetti’s senior staff to keep quiet about what they know, about a dozen people, most of them City Hall insiders with long track records in Democratic Party politics, have described their experiences of Jacobs’ behavior and of the mayor’s private acknowledgments that his most trusted confidant was a lawsuit waiting to happen.

During his Senate confirmation hearing, Garcetti insisted he never saw Jacobs behaving inappropriately and was never told about any problems with him. “I also want to assure you,” he went on, “that if it had been [brought to my attention], I would have immediately taken action to stop that.”

The evidentiary record, however, suggests otherwise. Garcetti, his wife, his chief of staff and Jacobs himself all acknowledged, when interviewed for a city-commissioned investigation, that Jacobs would often kiss people on the mouth at city-related social events. Garcetti’s former chief legal counsel testified in a lawsuit deposition that Jacobs once pushed himself against her in a Senate building elevator and was so insistent that the mayor had to tell him to “cut it out” — a story Garcetti has never denied.

Our client, former mayoral communications director Naomi Seligman, testified under oath that the mayor was present on multiple occasions when she saw Jacobs touching members of the mayor’s security detail. One of those security officers, Matt Garza, is the plaintiff in the lawsuit against the city and alleges that Mayor Garcetti would sometimes laugh when Jacobs made crude remarks about him.

Garcetti’s shameful record as an enabler of sexual abuse is not a partisan matter. Senators of both parties are rightly concerned that an ambassador in a politically vital country needs to be able to speak with a clear moral voice, particularly given India’s record of rampant sexual violence against women. Such a record does not just make Garcetti unfit to be confirmed. It should be disqualifying for anyone seeking any public office, anywhere. 

Legal expert: Trump’s handpicked special master “running out of patience” with his lawyers

Donald Trump and his legal team hand-picked the special master that they wanted to be appointed to review all of the documents taken from Mar-a-Lago as part of the former president’s stolen document scandal. In court documents released today, the judge made it seem as if he’s losing his patience, said one former prosecutor.

Bloomberg reporter Zoe Tillman posted the recent filing of Judge Raymond Dearie saying that he didn’t need to meet with Donald Trump’s legal team in person on Dec. 1, as previously scheduled. Instead, all Judge Dearie needed were some clarifications on categories.

Meanwhile, the Justice Department is trying to eliminate the special master entirely in a panel before the 11th Circuit Court of Appeals. In one line of questioning a judge on the panel asked if there was a point at which the case essentially became moot. Trump’s lawyer, Jim Trustey said that the upcoming hearing on Dec. 1 or the Dec. 16 deadline were all stopping points. Judge Dearie had previously said that the Dec. 1 conference would be an “opportunity for the parties to elaborate upon their respective positions” before the final report.

In a discussion about Tillman’s report, former federal prosecutors Shanlon Wu and Cynthia Alksne shared a laugh about their thoughts about the Dearie decision.

“Judge Dearie may be tired of the utter lack of specifics from the Trump legal team,” quipped Wu.

“Or maybe he thinks the 11th Circuit is going to shut the whole process down. Perhaps he listened to the audio of the latest argument?” wondered Alksne.

“Hah! Dearie is counting the days till that 11th Circuit opinion drops,” Wu chuckled.

Joking aside, Wu noted later that Dearie may have “canceled upcoming status hearing citing no need for it. He seems to be running out of patience with [the] Trump legal team’s failure to provide any specifics in their arguments about documents. Maybe the 11th Circuit will relieve him of this ridiculous assignment which amounts to Trump Judge Aileen Cannon appointing Special Master Dearie to interfere in the Department of Justice criminal investigation of [the] Mar-a-Lago matter.”

Amid right-to-work laws and anti-labor practices, a new union rises in the South

Naomi Harris, 21, and Brandon Beachum, 35, are founding members of the newly established Union of Southern Service Workers (USSW), who gathered in Columbia, South Carolina, on Nov. 17 for a three-day summit to launch their effort. They were joined by hundreds of service workers from throughout the South who work in home care, retail, restaurants, fast food and warehouses. They promised to use “any means necessary” to obtain fair pay, health and safety protections, equal treatment and fair and consistent work scheduling for the hundreds of thousands of workers in the Southern service industry.

Inspired by the Fight for $15 movement to raise minimum wage laws and improve working conditions, they will forgo using the cumbersome and deeply flawed National Labor Relations Board union election process to obtain their goals. Direct action and collective power are key to their approach.

Of the 10 states with the lowest union membership, seven are located in the South. In South Carolina where Harris lives, only 1.7% of wage and salary workers are members of unions. In Georgia where Beachum works, 4.8% of workers are in unions. It is not surprising that the South has the lowest minimum wages, $7.25 an hour, of any region in the country.

The USSW was founded as an intentionally multiracial movement, focused on breaking through the historical currents of white oligarchical business and political domination that stymied prior unionization efforts.

Harris spoke to Capital & Main from Columbia, South Carolina, and Brandon Beachum from Atlanta.

Note: These interviews have been edited for clarity and brevity.


Capital & Main: Tell me about your experiences at work and why you joined this effort to unionize. 

Brandon Beachum: I work at Panera, which is a chain restaurant, and the wages are just criminally low. I make $16 an hour, and I still live with my parents because I would barely be able to scrape by if I didn’t. Most of us have to have second jobs. There are people who have been working there for eight years who make less than I do, and they have kids and families. It seems like once a week one of my co-workers comes in limping because they’ve been on their feet 60 or 70 hours a week from the two jobs they have to work to make ends meet. I’ve asked for a raise but been shot down. Negotiating with a boss one-on-one has no impact. We have to bargain together as workers without bosses telling us what they think we need.

Naomi Harris: I haven’t started my new job yet at Quaker Steak and Lube, which is a car- themed restaurant. I will be making about $2.13 an hour because here in South Carolina they say service workers or tipped workers don’t need a high minimum wage because we are getting money from customers. But if you are working on Monday through Wednesday when people aren’t going out to dinner you don’t make much. But at the pizza restaurant where I worked before, I went on strike twice over health and safety issues and discrimination. And we won our demands. 

Like many of these chains, Panera is a corporation disguised as a mom-and-pop operation. What do you know about that chain of restaurants? 

Brandon Beachum: Panera is a $5.6 billion company, so it’s not a mom-and-pop operation. I’ve been told the owner of the store I work at is worth $600 million. They try to cultivate a homey vibe where you have to smile from ear to ear when a customer walks in the door. It’s grating on your psyche. 

You have just had a founding convention of the Union of Southern Service Workers (USSW) in Columbia, South Carolina. Tell me what it was like to join with workers from all over the South who are part of this new movement. 

Naomi Harris: Oh, my goodness, there was so much power in that building over the weekend. It was inspirational, and I learned so much from other workers. When I spoke from the stage, I told the audience that we will fight by any means necessary. We will not stop until the fight is done and we will fight as long as there is injustice in the workplace and in our communities. I felt like everyone in the room was part of the same family and we are going to look out for one another. 

Brandon Beachum: The South has been in the leadership position of social movements many times in our history. With service workers there has been a heightened level of exploitation going on, which is considerably worse in the South with right-to-work laws and other union busting tactics. I felt at the convention that we are not just starting a normal union. We have a community union model where we are fighting not just for ourselves but for families and young people and communities. 

It sounds like you are learning about American history and labor history as part of this movement. 

Brandon Beachum: Yes. To be blunt about it, we’re still overcoming the problems of slavery and Jim Crow, and how Reconstruction after the Civil War was basically destroyed. The New Deal created union protections but left out farmworkers, tipped workers, domestic workers. You have a lot of people without degrees, like myself, who are basically behind the rest of the country and have been for decades on this in the south. So, this is historically significant.

Naomi Harris: When I look back on the Civil Rights movement, they were sprayed with fire hoses, they were tear gassed, they were thrown in jail, but they never missed a beat — they just kept fighting. That’s what we are going to do. 

At your convention a number of speakers stated that the organizing efforts would be carried out “by any means necessary.” What are the tactics and strategies that you employ?

Naomi Harris: We are going to fight by marching up on the bosses with our petitions, striking at the right time, getting community support for rallies. We will organize walk outs, sit-ins and boycotts if we need to. We will take legal action against wage theft, because you’re not about to pay me less than I deserve and take money out of my tips at the same time. We’re going to fight and fight and fight until we get what we deserve. 

Employers have notoriously attempted to pit white workers and African American workers against each other to prevent them from joining together to unionize. Do you anticipate that happening and how are you guarding against that employer tactic?

Naomi Harris: One of the rules that we have for our union is that this is an anti-racism union. We will not allow any type of racism because we are a family, and we know that major corporations have used racism to keep our workers apart so that we can’t come together to build unions. We know we are all getting left out to dry by our bosses so we have to come together and realize that the fight is not between each other. We’re fighting the major corporations. I talk to everyone in my workplace regardless of color and so far no one has given me any problem because of my skin color. Most of them sign up for what we are doing. We have to talk to each other and support each other when the bosses try to keep us separated. 

Neither of you seems to have any fear as you move forward. Where does that courage come from?

Brandon Beachum: Basically, I have nothing to lose. If I quit Panera and go somewhere else, it’s going to be the same problems. It’s obvious to me that there is no social mobility here. There is nothing to be gained by being afraid because the bosses will take advantage of you every single time. I saw at our convention so many people showing up who are ready to fight. I know I’m not alone, and we outnumber the bosses. Union activity is more than we’ve seen in decades. So, all we have to do is right there for the taking. We just have to grab it. 

Naomi Harris: Life’s too short to be afraid. I don’t have time to be afraid. If you’re fearful you won’t get to where you need to go because you will always be scared to take that chance. I want to be in an America where everybody loves one another and where no one is discriminated against. Joining the union, I took a chance even knowing that some people would probably not want to hire me. And I’ve had nothing but blessings since I joined and I wouldn’t change it for the world.

Ro Khanna counters Joe Manchin’s pipeline bill by trying to force vote on $15 minimum wage

Rep. Ro Khanna, D-Calif., tells TYT he is pushing to attach a $15 federal minimum wage to the annual military spending bill Democrats are working to pass by the end of the year.

The move is a direct response to Sen. Joe Manchin, D-W.V., attempting the same tactic to pass his controversial legislation to fast-track permitting for energy projects.

Before the elections, Manchin failed to get support from either progressives or conservatives for his bill, which would make it easier for energy companies to steamroll community opposition. He is now facing an uphill battle, having said he’ll try to get it passed by attaching it to the annual National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA).

Khanna, a vocal opponent of Manchin’s bill, responded today, saying, “I am pushing for requiring a $15 wage as part of the NDAA.”

He said, “If the big oil industry wants to hold the NDAA hostage to weakening environmental protections, then progressives should demand a $15 wage as part of securing our votes. We can call the progressive deal the deal for the American people to finally get a raise.”

Manchin’s bill emerged from the side-deal he worked out over the summer with Sen. Maj. Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., in return for Manchin supporting the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA). Schumer attached it to a government funding bill, but Manchin ended up withdrawing his bill when the strength of the opposition became apparent.

And Khanna is not alone in renewing that opposition. As TYT reported last week, House Natural Resources Chair Rep. Raul Grijalva, D-Ariz., re-sent his September letter, co-signed by Khanna and 75 other Democratic Caucus members, to House leadership urging them “to exclude harmful permitting provisions from must-pass legislation this year.” The letter is part of a renewed push from lawmakers and environmental justice activists to block Manchin’s bill from being rushed through.

And Sen. Bernie Sanders, I-Vt., says he will work to defeat Manchin’s bill in his chamber, as well. Sanders told TYT earlier this month, “As you know, I am a very strong opponent of that piece of legislation. I think it’s an environmental disaster and I will do what I can to make sure it doesn’t become law.”

Manchin, who is up for re-election in 2024, would’ve needed Republican support to get his permitting bill passed in September along with the stop-gap measure to temporarily fund the government. However, Republicans balked after complaining that Manchin helped Schumer craft a deal to pass the IRA, and are now eyeing his seat as a potential Republican pick-up next term.

Manchin was promised fast-tracked permitting back in July in return for helping Schumer pass the IRA, a scaled-down version of Biden’s Build Back Better agenda. Opponents of the agreement – which did not include progressives – have referred to it as the “Dirty Deal.”

Manchin ultimately pulled his bill from the government funding legislation minutes before the Senate took a vote, amid GOP and progressive opposition, to avoid a government shutdown.

If Manchin’s permitting bill becomes law, it will require the president to keep a rolling list of at least 25 high-priority fossil-fuel and renewable-energy projects that would have their permitting processes fast-tracked. The bill would severely limit input from Black, Brown, Indigenous, and low-income communities, which have been historically and disproportionately impacted by harmful energy projects. It would also guarantee the completion of the Mountain Valley Pipeline, a pet project of Manchin that would carry natural gas more than 300 miles from West Virginia to Virginia.

While ranking members of the Senate and House Armed Services Committees reportedly have no interest in attaching Manchin’s bill to the NDAA, there’s a chance it could still happen. Or that elements of Manchin’s bill could appear in other legislation.

Sen. Shelly Moore Capito, R-W.V., who’s introduced her own Republican-backed permitting legislation, was quoted in The Hill saying, “It’s a heavy lift but we’re still exchanging ideas.”

Brown butter is culinary magic — here’s how to use it in everything from pasta to dessert

In culinary school, I learned that the French term for browned butter is “buerre noisette,” which translates to “butter hazelnut.” I think this encapsulates the flavor of the prized ingredient much better than the English terminology, which is strictly referring to its color and aesthetic, whereas the hazelnut references is instead commenting on the flavor itself. How a product that is strictly dairy-based somehow takes on nutty, warm, deep flavors just from a bit of heat being applied to it has always amazed me. 

At some point within the past decade or so, brown butter truly became a “thing,” gracing every possible food or food-adjacent publication or website with widespread appeal, sneaking into everything from burgers to brownies like a thief in the night. It’s by no means a “new” product or discovery, though; Julia Child wrote about it extensively and used it in many recipes in her iconic, cherished tome “Mastering the Art of French Cooking.” 

And if we’re being frank — it’s all the rage is for good reason. Brown butter’s aforementioned unique, rich flavor (of toasted hazelnuts by way of melted dairy) adds a dimension and complexity to a  cornucopia of foods, dishes and recipes. There’s a depth that comes through when brown butter is included in a dish, whether it’s added to a base, batter or dough, or if it’s merely drizzled on top. 

The combination of sage and brown butter — especially in conjunction with a filled pasta — is arguably its truest “essence,” but it’s just as welcome in a cake batter or custard base. I especially love it with breadcrumbs, roasted root vegetables, as a topper for soups or gussied up with fresh herbs, garlic and cream before being doused over a cheese-laden roasted chicken breast. It’s also become a requisite ingredient in all of my chocolate chip cookies. 

 


 

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What is brown butter?

As Leora Bloom notes in The Seattle Times, “Butter consists of water, butterfat and milk solids. When it’s heated, the water evaporates, the butterfat melts, and some of the milk solids float on the top while the rest sink to the bottom. As the temperature of the butterfat rises, the milk solids begin to brown and give a toasted flavor and nutty aroma to the butterfat.”

The other cool part about brown butter is that in most instances, you already have all you need on hand: butter, a stove and a pan. At the same time, though, making brown butter well can be tricky; the borderline between burnt butter and browned butter is just about a few seconds. 

I tried to get as precise as possible here so as to avoid any sort of variable or unforeseen issue which may otherwise affect your brown butter. It is so darn good and I want you to experience it to the fullest!

Note: Brown butter is not to be confused with clarified butter or ghee, which is a clarified butter devoid of all frothy milk solids, whereas brown butter incorporates these milk solids.

How to brown butter

1. Warm a large, heavy, wide skillet over medium-low heat.

2. Add a stick or two of high-quality, unsalted butter, cut up into 1-inch chunks, which will help the butter melt more evenly.

3. Warm through until butter melts. 

4. The butter may start to sputter, which results as the water cooks off and the butter pops — so take cover! Turn the heat down if it’s especially outrageous.

5. Soon, a foam of sorts will form, and this is when you should be stirring or swirling the pan, ideally with a whisk.

6. You will soon see slightly browned milk solids which might look like little flecks submerged in the melted butter. Shortly after, you’ll notice that smell: nutty, like browned, toasted hazelnuts, or even a bit of a caramel note. This is also the point in which the color should shift and become a toasty, light brown.

7. You can turn the heat off right away upon seeing the browned milk solids, or be a bit more experimental and let them darken even more.

8. As soon as you remove from the heat, pour into a bowl or food storage container to stop the cooking right away. The brown butter is now ready for use! 

Note: Some opt to strain out the milk solids, for a smoother or clearer brown butter final product, but I find that that kind of defeats the purpose and also reduces the overall flavor, so I wouldn’t recommend it. 

Best uses for brown butter:

…and so on and so forth! The options are truly endless. 

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“The Last Unicorn” at 40 is a poignant prophecy and reflection of today’s eco-grief

World leaders are wrapping up their discussions on the fate of the climate at the COP27 conference in Egypt. Outside the hall, protestors are rattling the doors, railing at resolutions too meager to keep warming temperatures under 1.5°C. Newspapers are reporting that wildlife populations have plummeted by 69% since 1970. And I am sitting in my pajamas, filled with impotent worry, watching an animated movie to soothe my anxieties about our fragile place in this world. 

Extinction haunts the film from its earliest moments.

This month marks the 40th anniversary of “The Last Unicorn,” which was released in 1982. As a kid, I nearly wore through my VHS copy of the animated feature. It had everything: mythical beasts, witches, wizards, talking cats, buxom trees, drunk skeletons – and all of it underscored by the dulcet harmonies of ’70s light rock darlings, America. 

It’s not strange to revisit the films you loved in your childhood. It’s not even that odd that I’ve seen the film close to a hundred times. Obsessive, maybe. What’s unusual about this movie is that, even though it’s 40 years old, it stares down the barrel of our immediate ecological concerns with more relevance than ever.

Directed and produced by animation duo Arthur Rankin Jr. and Jules Bass, the film is based on Peter S. Beagle’s 1968 unconventional fairy tale. While it was only a modest success at the box office, it has gained a dogged cult following in the decades since its release. In it, a unicorn discovers she is the last of her kind and seeks to discover the fate of her kin. She meets a ragtag group of compatriots who offer what aid they can as she navigates carnival prisons, fiery foes and the confusing fetters of the human form.

I’d be lying if I said I didn’t relish the rewatches of my childhood favorites; if pressed, I could probably recite the dialogue of “Labyrinth” in its owl-flanked entirety. But as much as it galls me to admit it, these gems don’t always hold up to adult scrutiny. David Bowie’s vacuum-sealed pants are one thing, but a 300-year-old Goblin King chasing a 14-year-old Jennifer Connelly who is tripping under the influence of a roofie-packing peach? Feels pretty unsettling a couple decades down the road. Not to mention the riding crop.

But “The Last Unicorn” is different. Watching it as we endure year after year of record-setting temperatures, rising sea levels, and a growing list of extinctions, it feels nearly prophetic.

Extinction haunts the film from its earliest moments. When the titular unicorn first appears on her spindle legs, she tosses her delicate head and blue-white mane in haughty confusion. “Why would I be the last?” Mia Farrow’s breathy voice demands from her fellow woodland creatures. 

The Last UnicornThe Last Unicorn (ITC) 

“I’d read ‘Silent Spring’ when it came out, and the degradation of the environment was something discussed around my family’s dinner table,” said Peter S. Beagle, who adapted his own story for the screenplay. “But I have to admit that I didn’t hear the word ‘ecology’ for the next 10 years, and even then I didn’t know what it meant. I was just concerned about the chances of animal species going extinct. Trees and flowers were eternal – no matter what human beings did to or around them – weren’t they?”

Long before the publication of “The Last Unicorn,” the world had already mourned countless species, from the Stellar’s sea cow to the fabled passenger pigeon. In 1982, when the film was released, the International Union for Conservation of Nature finally signed the death certificate for the thylacine, or Tasmanian tiger. A recorded sighting hadn’t taken place for nearly 50 years. 

“It’s an important question to ask: who are we in the story?”

Since then, however, the rate of extinction has increased at such a clip that a whole new vocabulary has evolved to accommodate the loss. In the parlance of 2022, Farrow’s unicorn is an “endling”: the last of her kind. The concept has seeped so deeply into the bedrock of contemporary culture that there’s even a popular Nintendo Switch game called “Endling: Extinction is Forever.” 

As significant to the film as the threat of extinction itself is the way in which the characters’ behaviors toward the unicorn mirror cultural responses to ecological crisis. One reaction is denial; most denizens of the unicorn’s world see only an ordinary white mare when they look at her. Those who recognize her for what she truly is yearn to help her – like Schmendrick (Alan Arkin), the amateur magician, and Molly Grue (Tammy Grimes), a maid several springs removed from her maidenhood – or seek to dominate and control her. 

The Last UnicornThe Last Unicorn (ITC)

“It’s an important question to ask: who are we in the story?” posits Dolly Jørgensen, an environmental humanities scholar and professor at the University of Stavanger in Norway. Her book “Recovering Lost Species in the Modern Age: Histories of Longing and Belonging” delves into the cultural histories of animal extinctions. She, too, is a dyed in the wool fan of “The Last Unicorn” and references it in her lectures. “And I hate to tell you, but we’re generally not going to be Molly or Schmendrick. We’re certainly not the unicorn.”

Most characters the unicorn encounters reflect a problematic impulse to acquire rare creatures rather than fight for their survival. Mommy Fortuna, a wizened witch voiced by the late Angela Lansbury, cages the creature in a sideshow attraction to make a buck and secure her legacy in the memory of the deathless creatures she imprisons.

And then there’s King Haggard, the miserable monarch in his crumbling seaside castle whose only bid at happiness is hoarding all unicorns for himself. He’s become a trophy hunter of the world’s last remaining magic. Not to put too fine a point on it, but Haggard would fit in seamlessly with the 21st century’s space-race billionaires. And what better embodies the rising temperatures and ocean levels of climate chaos than Haggard’s fiery red bull that drives the enchanted creatures into the sea?

“Part of the mentality of ‘the last’ has been that, because they’re doomed anyway, you should collect them. You see that really explicitly in the Great Auk, where the last ones died because of collectors selling them to scientists,” Jørgensen explains. In that sense, Haggard is not so foreign. We can’t assume, ‘Oh, we’re not like that. We don’t do that.’ Because, in fact, we do exactly that.”

The little girl in me who sat endlessly transfixed in front of a warped VHS recording is not pleased at this news. I don’t want to be a Haggard. The hits keep coming.

“In honesty, I don’t have a great deal of hope for this wondrous planet,” Beagle writes to me via email earlier this year. “Except on good days when I read a furious, demanding essay or article by some teenager somewhere. I feel more and more that the Earth knows exactly what’s wrong with it, and what needs to be done . . . and what could be done, if humans would just get out of the way.”

Let me tell you: nothing makes you need a stiff drink like the author of one of your formative childhood tales telling you he’s lost his faith in humanity.


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But Beagle himself penned a story over half a century ago in which a unicorn, nearly driven into the sea, must become briefly human to survive. This makes her unique among her kind: “Of all the unicorns,” Schmendrick explains, “she is the only one who knows what regret is – and love.” It’s this love that ultimately turns the tide of the story, giving the unicorn the strength to drive the bull into the ocean and free the rest of her species from the waves.

The Last UnicornThe Last Unicorn (ITC)

I wish I could say that the secret to solving the climate crisis could be found in a 1980s cartoon like a hidden Easter egg, but there are no easy answers here. And Jørgensen’s right: we’re not the unicorn. But by the end of the film, because of her brief transfiguration, we share something crucial with her. 

When I’m consumed with regret over the environmental degradation I’ve witnessed and anxiety about where we might be headed, “The Last Unicorn” reminds me that it’s all part and parcel of maintaining an abiding love for our ailing world. And that if we can manage a happy ending – or at least avoid a tragic one – to our collective ecological narrative, it will be because of our giant, stupid, stubborn human hearts.

“The Last Unicorn” was honored for its 40th anniversary at the Academy Museum, for a show at New York Fashion Week and will be featured at a group art exhibition at the Corey Helford Gallery in Los Angeles from Dec. 17-Jan. 21.

“He is so done”: Ann Coulter trashes Trump over election “losing streak”

For months, far-right author Ann Coulter has been saying that the Republican Party needs to abandon former President Donald Trump and look to Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis for the 2024 election. And with Trump having officially announced that he is seeking the 2024 Republican presidential nomination, Coulter is doubling down on her assertion that Trump has become a major liability for the GOP.

Coulter isn’t the only well-known Republican who is hoping that Trump won’t be the GOP’s next presidential nominee. Others include Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, former U.S. Attorney General Bill Barr, Sen. Mitt Romney of Utah and media mogul Rupert Murdoch.

During a late November discussion on SubStack, Coulter argued, “No, don’t tell me, ‘Oh, you’re voting for Mitch McConnell or Romney if you’re for DeSantis.’ No, DeSantis is the true right-winger. Trump is the j*****s RINO.”

Coulter, during the conversation, pushed back against the view that Trump maintains a firm grip on the Republican Party even after its many disappointments in the 2022 midterms — which found a long list of Trump-backed MAGA candidates losing to Democrats.

“He is so done,” Coulter remarked. “He is on his last legs…. There are so few Trump diehards…. Trump won’t be the nominee.”

One anti-Trump conservative who clearly doesn’t share that view is Lincoln Project co-founder and former GOP strategist Rick Wilson. The Never Trumper, during a late November interview with The Guardian, predicted that Trump will be the Republican Party’s 2024 nominee and crush DeSantis in the primary.

Wilson told The Guardian, “Has Ron DeSantis been to the rodeo? Has he been out there in the fight? Has he actually faced up against a full campaign of the brutality and the cruelty that Donald Trump will level against him? He has not. It’s like he’s walked onto the field onto third base and thought he hit a grand slam home run…. Even Trump in a weakened state still has an innate feral sense of cruelty and cunning that Ron DeSantis does not have.”

Wilson commented that whenever a pundit claims that the GOP is ready to move on from Trump, it doesn’t happen. “I’ve just been to this f*****g party too many times now,” Wilson told The Guardian.

Interviewed by Newsweek, Coulter compared Trump’s 2024 campaign to his activities in 2012.

Coulter told Newsweek, “They’ve been saying, ‘It’s 2016, again’ through three losing election cycles. No, it’s 2012, again. That’s when Trump tried to run for president by activating the crazies, crashed and burned. 2016 was the exception, when — instead of birtherism or a stolen election — he ran on my book, ‘Adios, America!’ Then, he blew off his promises on immigration, and went right back to his losing streak.”

Watch Coulter’s SubStack discussion below or at this link: