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The sweetest things to dip in chocolate fondue

Winter is the time when chocolate fondue shines, and we are here for it. New Year’s Eve and Valentine’s Day are the occasions when everyone says, “Oh yeah, I have a fondue pot! I should use it!” It’s romantic and celebratory, plus who wouldn’t want to dip anything and everything in a chocolate waterfall? It also elicits good conversation, like “You have chocolate in your teeth” and “Can you pass me another marshmallow?” Really moving stuff. Ahead, find out how to make our easy chocolate fondue recipe so you can go from thinking “A fondue pot? I will never use this” to breaking it out mid-workday for a sugary pick-me-up.

How to make chocolate fondue

Chocolate fondue can seem intimidating, messy, overly fancy, and not something for the average home cook. But that really couldn’t be further from the truth. For starters, our go-to chocolate fondue recipe calls for only two ingredients: chopped high-quality chocolate or chocolate chips and heavy cream (plus a little bit of salt). You can use dark, milk, or white chocolate, though ideally not all three together. Oh, and you don’t even need a fondue pot to make it! You absolutely can use one, especially because it lends itself to easy dipping, but a saucepan will work just as well.

To make chocolate fondue, place the chocolate in a serving vessel (whether a fondue pot, saucepan, or bowl). In a separate saucepan, heat the cream and salt over medium heat. Once it’s steaming and has tiny bubbles (this should take about 3 minutes), pour the hot cream over the chocolate. Let the mixture sit for about 30 seconds, then whisk until smooth. It’s not chocolate ganache, but it’s not not ganache. Keep the fondue warm while you serve with these skewered snacks for dipping:

What to dip in chocolate fondue

Pound Cake

Use store-bought pound cake for easy entertaining or make your own! Cut the cake into 2-inch cubes for dipping; no frosting or decorating needed! Spear the pieces onto fondue forks or skewers (it sounds more violent than it is), and let the fondue flow.

Fresh or Dried Fruit

Fruit is probably one of the most popular items to dip in chocolate fondue. For some reason, chocolate-dipped strawberries are always seen as the most romantic treat, but blackberries or raspberries also work great (I’d generally just avoid using teeny tiny blueberries). Or go for tropical fruits like pineapple, mango, and papaya, which are sweet and juicy; if you’re serving fondue in the middle of winter (which, let’s face it, you probably are), it’s a much-needed dose of warm-weather-inspired snacking.

Shortbread Cookies

Buttery shortbread cookies are easy enough to stock up on from the store or bake yourself for chocolate fondue. Half the time the store-bought versions already come dipped in semisweet chocolate, but it’s so much more fun to do it in a waterfall of chocolate.

Pretzels and Potato Chips

Contrast the velvety sweet flavor of melted chocolate with the crunchy texture of salty pretzels and potato chips. These are great fondue dippers because they’re sturdy enough to handle the pressure of chocolate fondue without breaking; go for pretzel rods and wavy chips, both of which are heavy-duty.

Marshmallows

Dunk jumbo marshmallows in chocolate fondue and eat it as is, or smoosh one between graham crackers for makeshift s’mores—no campfire needed.

Candied Bacon

If you don’t have much of a sweet tooth, or really just have a hankering for salty-meets-sweet flavors, it truly doesn’t get much better than candied bacon dipped in chocolate.

Graham Crackers

Honey, chocolate, or cinnamon graham crackers are an easy snack for dipping in chocolate fondue. Break them into smaller pieces for a bite-size treat.

Rice Krispies Treats

Make your own Rice Krispies Treats (a great project for the kiddos to help out with), then once they’re cool, slice them into dippable pieces for chocolate fondue.

Sliced Cheesecake

We saved possibly the best idea for last (even though they all are pretty great): dipping slices or cubes of cheesecake into chocolate fondue. This is one of the most delicate dippables here, so be sure that it doesn’t break as you’re swirling and twirling.

***

Recipe: Chocolate Fondue

Yields
2 servings
Prep Time
4 minutes
Cook Time
minutes

Ingredients

  • 4 ounces (1/2 cup) finely chopped high-quality chocolate (dark, milk, and/or white)
  • 6 ounces (3/4 cup) heavy cream
  • 1 pinch salt, plus more to taste

Directions

  1. Place the chocolate in a small fondue pot or saucepan. Heat the cream and salt in another small saucepan set over medium heat, until very steamy, with tiny bubbles forming around the perimeter, about 3 minutes. Pour the hot cream over the chocolate, let sit for 30 seconds, then whisk until smooth. Keep fondue warm, while you serve with skewered dippables.

Spice up winter lunches with this copycat Panera chicken tortilla soup

Some of the best dishes found at Panera, the North American chain of bakery-cafés, are the soups. Its creamy chicken and wild rice soup is surprisingly decadent, while its cozy broccoli-cheddar soup seems like it was conceived purely to exist in a crusty bread bowl (and it probably was). One of my favorites, though, is the restaurant’s chicken tortilla soup. 

While it doesn’t have that deep porky smokiness of a long-simmered pozole rojo, the Panera chicken tortilla soup hits all the right notes for a satisfying nod to Mexican-inspired flavors. It’s lightly spiced, thanks to the addition of chili powder and paprika, and packed with poblano peppers, corn and black beans. 

With much of the country staring down at least a few more months of chilly weather, it also seemed like the kind of dish that would be fun to replicate at home.

RELATED: This cheesy, no-tear French onion soup is ready in under 30 minutes

Let’s start by breaking down the ingredients listed on the company’s website. To Panera’s credit, the bulk of those written out were whole ingredients that could be bought at the grocery store: water, tomatoes, black beans, corn, chicken raised without antibiotics, onion, poblano pepper and seasonings (which included extractives of turmeric and paprika).

The trick then became nailing the appropriate texture — the addition of corn starch grabbed my attention as a potential soup thickener — and flavor combinations. This took a few iterations. My first batch veered a touch too smoky and spiced after I was a little heavy-handed with the addition of adobo sauce on top of chipotle chili powder; my second batch didn’t have enough of an acidic bite. Cumin wasn’t outright listed on the ingredients list, but it is mentioned in the description of the soup on the Panera website. Adding it to the pot really helped solidify the right flavor.

***

Recipe: Copycat Panera Chicken Tortilla Soup 

Yields
servings
Prep Time
15 minutes
Cook Time
30 minutes

Ingredients

  • 1 tablespoon of olive oil 
  • 1 clove garlic, minced
  • 1/2 white onion, finely chopped 
  • 1 poblano pepper, chopped 
  • 2 teaspoons chipotle chili powder
  • 2 teaspoons cumin 
  • 1 teaspoon turmeric
  • 1 teaspoon cayenne 
  • 1 teaspoon smoked paprika
  • 14.5 ounces diced canned tomatoes in their juice
  • 1/2 tablespoon cornstarch 
  • 4 cups chicken stock 
  • 2 cups diced rotisserie chicken 
  • 1 cup black beans, drained and rinsed 
  • 1 cup corn kernels 
  • 2 tablespoons lime juice 
  • Salt and pepper, to taste 
  • Tortilla strips for garnish 
  • Optional: Sour cream, shredded cheese and diced avocado for serving 

 

Directions

  1. Add 1 tablespoon of olive oil to a large pot or Dutch oven, followed by the minced garlic and chopped onion and poblano pepper. Sauté over medium-high heat until the vegetables begin to soften and the garlic becomes fragrant, about 4 minutes.
  2. Add the chipotle chili powder, cumin, paprika, turmeric and cayenne to the pot and stir gently for 2 minutes until the spices “bloom” and become fragrant. Add the tomatoes in their juice to the pot and reduce the temperature to medium-low.
  3. Meanwhile, grab a small bowl and whisk 1/2 tablespoon of cornstarch and 1/2 tablespoon of water until a thick “slurry” forms. Gradually add the slurry to the simmering tomato mixture until it is completely incorporated and the tomato juice begins to thicken.
  4. While continuing to stir, add the chicken stock and bring the mixture to a more aggressive simmer. Add the chicken, black beans and corn kernels and allow the soup to cook for at least 15 minutes so the flavors can meld.
  5. Right before you are ready to serve, remove the pot from the heat and finish with 2 tablespoons of lime juice and season with salt and pepper to taste. Divide among bowls and top with tortilla strips.

Cook’s Notes

While it’s not how it’s done at Panera, feel free to add extras like sour cream, shredded cheese and diced avocado for an even heartier bowl. 

More super simple weeknight meals: 

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The excellent “We Need to Talk About Cosby” skilfully opens a necessary, uncomfortable conversation

W. Kamau Bell opens “We Need to Talk About Cosby,” his tour de force documentary series by identifying with a predicament shared by millions. “I am a child of Bill Cosby,” he says.

Anyone born in the 1970s or ’80s knows exactly what he means since, in a very real way, Cosby raised several generations of Americans. Generation X and older Millennials absorbed “Picture Pages” and spent Saturday mornings with “Fat Albert and the Cosby Kids.” For our parents, “I Spy” may have been a must-watch when they were younger, and many of the same folks sat down with their children to enjoy “The Cosby Show.”

How many of us laughed along to his comedy albums? They were clean, funny and appropriate for all ages. “Dad is great! Give us the chocolate cake!” That’s one I remember.

Or maybe you’ve heard his Spanish Fly bit. It’s famous. That’s the one where he transfixes the audience with tales of dosing women’s drinks to make them more sexually pliant. Cosby had a long bit about Spanish Fly on his eighth comedy album “It’s True! It’s True!” He jokes about in his book “Childhood” and was still giggling about it years later on “Larry King Live.”

RELATED: Buckle up for Cosby’s redemption tour

Long after we’ve digested that and watched suggestive outtakes from “The Cosby Show” where his character Cliff Huxtable brags about how aroused people get by his special barbecue sauce, we hear from Dr. Barbara Ziv, a forensic psychiatrist who served as a blind expert for the district attorney prosecuting Cosby in 2018.

Ziv says that she too grew up knowing Cosby as America’s Dad. But the man she says she saw in that Pennsylvania courtroom wore the same smirk as other sexual predators she’s encountered throughout her career.

Cosby has been accused of sexual assault by 60 women, and was found guilty by a Pennsylvania jury of sexually assaulting and drugging one of them, Andrea Constand in that 2018 trial. A Pennsylvania Supreme Court overturned that conviction on a legal technicality in 2021, after Cosby served fewer than three years of his original three-to-10-year sentence.

But this is not the reason people find it so uncomfortable to discuss their feelings about the comedian. Nor is the difficulty solely due to Cosby’s historical contributions to Hollywood and African Americans, including breaking barriers for Black performers and advocating for improved educational opportunities for Black children.

Indeed, it is because Cosby did, and is, all these things – and that’s something too many of us can’t quite wrap their heads around.

Boomers, Generation X and Millennials connected with Cosby through his many TV shows and movies. But it has a special relevance to Black folks, the people he championed in his early career and betrayed later in his life, as captured in the famous “pound cake” diatribe he spewed at a 2004 event for the NAACP.

Cosby’s angry perpetuation of respectability politics validated stereotypes about the Black working class that conservatives are fond of using to create legislation that makes life harder for the poorest and most vulnerable in our nation. And yet – here’s that conflict again – he wasn’t saying anything lots of us hadn’t heard from our elders.


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“We Need to Talk About Cosby” is personal for Bell insofar as he is the one willing to put himself out there, along with a handful of fellow performers, academics and journalists, to pick apart the mess of emotions hardwired into our psyche regarding this man. In a number of interviews Bell has acknowledged how risky this is for him and his career. Cosby still has pull in some quarters, along with a substantial slice of the public who believes his claims of innocence.

Knowing this further substantiates the value of this documentary as a tool for people to have this conversation with clear eyes and cool heads, necessary conditions when it comes to reckoning with our discordant notions surrounding the man.

As I have previously written, Cosby is alleged to have sexually assaulted and raped women dating back to 1965, during the same time he was establishing himself as a top comedian claiming the moral authority to police the language of other comics, including Eddie Murphy.

Careful cultivation of his celebrity, his image and his power over more than half a century ensured that white America would see him as non-threatening and wholesome, and children would grow up to view him as friend and father figure. “We Need to Talk About Cosby” concisely links these sides in each episode, commencing with the start of Cosby’s career and taking us through to a frustrating present when his overturned conviction has left so many of us raw, incensed and disillusioned.

The miracle of the four-hour piece, however, is that it never feels heavy or depressing. Bell has a gift for finding a way to present the most unconscionable topics and subjects in a way that feels inviting, relating to the audience in a way that involves us in the conversation.

The director foregrounds the testimony of survivors, taking great care to give them the space and consideration to tell their stories in addition to soliciting their viewers on Cosby’s place in history. He’s also careful to build a story structure that operates partially as a history lesson and in part as a safe bubble for subjects to release their catharsis.

This is especially powerful in the case of those who have personal stories about Cosby whether related to his worst crimes or simply examples of power abuses, such as when he tried to get Temple University professor Marc Lamont Hill fired for daring to contradict him in a newspaper opinion piece.

As potent as it is to take in the subjects’ body language during these sequences, recording their reactions to questionable scenes in “The Cosby Show” or outtakes from his classic acts is even more effective owing to the varied reactions. One clip that elicits a comment from Ziv that implies Bell may be reaching makes a survivor start to nervously sweat at the sight of it.

Appropriately enough in 2014 another Black male comedian, Hannibal Burress, kicked loose the stone that burst open the dam keeping dozens of women quiet. But it is just as telling that neither Burress, nor Murphy or any other stratospherically famous Black comedy performer appears to lend their thoughts on the man. This isn’t to say “We Need To Talk About Cosby” is lacking for familiar names and faces; among the subjects who agreed to talk are former cast members from “The Cosby Show,” author and professor Tressie McMillan Cottom, sports journalist Jemele Hill and Kierna Mayo, who was the Ebony editor-in-chief responsible for its controversial shattered glass cover published in November 2015.

Filmmaker Nonie Robinson also explains how she chose to cut her interview footage of Cosby from her documentary on Black stuntmen “Breaking Bones, Breaking Barriers” even though Cosby was responsible for getting Hollywood’s first Black stuntman hired. All of them expressed individualized takes on what Cosby meant to them in addition to helping us grapple with his impact on society.

As for the absence of comedy superstars the upside of this is that the underappreciated comic Godfrey, who does an impeccable Cosby impression, gets ample screen time to share his thoughts, earning legitimate laughter at some turns in the process.  A viewer has to appreciate how challenging it is to walk that line in circumstances like this while still honoring the severity of wrongdoing committed against the survivors. That Bell strikes and maintains that balance proves the skill and care he’s taken with this tough topic.

Plainly one of the reasons he’s able to pull it off is his awareness that Cosby still means something – to him and to many other people who refuse to understand that an overturned conviction does not exonerate the man. Bell’s documentary reminds us that this challenge confronting who Cosby is to us, and the eternal challenge asking whether we can separate the art from the artist, is compounded by the fact that we’re also doing this in our homes, and in one-on-one conversations with people we love.

This is the reason that the series starts with a montage of folks offering a lot of audible, heaving, full body sighs, all in reaction to a simple question: Who is Bill Cosby . . . now?

This film offers many answers, each extraordinary in their means of meeting others to ease our way into a painful, thorny field we’d rather not cross, but that Bell makes us less fearful to travel.

“We Need to Talk About Cosby” premieres at 10 p.m. Sunday, Jan. 30 on Showtime. Watch a trailer for it below, via YouTube.

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Why renters are uniquely vulnerable to climate disasters

Climate change is on a collision course with the affordability crisis in U.S. housing — and renters are poised to fare the worst. That’s the conclusion of a new report from Harvard University’s Joint Center for Housing Studies, which found that renters face the greatest risk from climate-related disasters striking their homes. Renters are also largely left behind in efforts to upgrade and fortify U.S. housing stock. As rental demand reaches an all-time high (and prices skyrocket in tandem), the report calls for a “permanent, fully funded housing safety net” and firm measures to protect existing housing from the next major disasters.

Last year set records for climate-related disasters in the U.S. More than 40 percent of Americans lived in counties that experienced a federally-declared disaster, and the country faced 20 different climate catastrophes with billion-dollar price tags. The year also saw record increases in rents along with generalized inflation — and  the end of the federal government’s eviction ban, which lasted (in different forms) from the onset of the pandemic until the fall of 2021.  

In Houston, Texas, where 60 percent of housing units are rented — nearly double the statewide rate — rents jumped 10 percent last year, and thousands of tenants were evicted, according to Princeton University’s Eviction Lab. Meanwhile, wages in the Houston area increased by just 2 percent

Adding fuel to the fire is the fact that, of America’s largest cities, Houston faces some of the most acute threats from climate change. Tens of thousands of rental units in the city are at risk of being destroyed or severely damaged by climate disasters, according to the Harvard center’s analysis of the Federal Emergency Management Agency’s National Risk Index. Nationwide the figure stands at 18 million units, or 40 percent of the country’s rental stock. 

However, in predominantly renter-occupied cities like Houston, protections from these disasters are threadbare, and recovery funds tend to favor homeowners. In the face of emergency, renters are more than three times less likely to be able to afford to flee — and the ones who can are at greater risk of being kicked out of their homes if they become damaged, according to the report. Historically, landlords have been given free rein to evict tenantsunder the guise of remodeling and rebuilding battered homes and apartments following disasters. 

Not only are rental units (and renters) more threatened by climate change — they’re also less likely to see the improvements the housing sector needs to adapt to and slow global warming. Lacking ownership rights, tenants have little power to push for their homes to be retrofitted either for energy efficiency or disaster resilience. According to the report, landlord surveys over the last two years have suggested that some owners have deferred maintenance spending, including structural repairs, since the pandemic began. 

Also, although they consume less energy than owner-occupied homes, renter-occupied homes are less likely to have energy-efficient measures put in place to help lower residential fossil fuel emissions. As landlords and property ownership groups base decisions on profit margins, “property owners have little incentive to improve the efficiency of their units because they often do not pay for utilities” and “do not directly benefit from investing in efficiency retrofits,” the report states.

But the researchers behind the report argue that these problems can be tackled by targeted government spending priorities. “The pandemic has brought the long-simmering rental affordability crisis to the fore,” Harvard research associate Whitney Airgood-Obrycki wrote in a blog post about the report, but “the nation has the opportunity to pull millions of households out of poverty, address longstanding inequities in housing delivery, and ensure that every household has access to a decent and affordable home.”

The report argues that the federal government should enact “far-reaching” measures in both the short and long terms. It calls for more funding to be allocated for emergency assistance and eviction prevention programs, which saved millions of families from eviction in 2020, and the long-term need to build more affordable rental housing. The report also proposes more federal subsidies for low-income tenants’ home weatherization projects and rebates for energy retrofits — elements once expected to be included in the Build Back Better Act. 

By creating this “housing safety net,” the report argues, the country’s most vulnerable residents will remain sheltered in the face of potentially life-altering severe climate events.

Robots are coming for the elderly — and that’s a good thing

Every time someone mentions robots, I think of my grandmother.

At 93, she was almost completely blind, in a wheelchair, and living in a nursing home. She was wheeled each morning into a room where a volunteer read the local newspaper. On my rare visits (I lived several states away), it was not uncommon for me to enter that room and find all the residents sleeping. Slumped in their wheelchairs, most looked as if they were barely clinging to life. Others looked at me with dazed glances but said nothing.

I’d meet my grandmother’s blue eyes — now washed a peculiar white — and feel her stare right through me until I said, “Grandma?”

“Mitchy-motch,” she’d reply with a smile, awakened from the half-slumber of the forgotten.

“Let’s get you out of here,” I’d say. Wheeling her outside in a plant-filled courtyard, we talked about the books she’d been listening to, and I caught her up on my life.

At the end of my grandmother’s life five years ago, she was one of the 15% of older adults who lived in a long-term care facility for more than two years. She was overwhelmed by physical ailments that plagued her for more than 10 years. And yet, when I visited her, it was her extreme isolation that was most upsetting. Annual staff turnover in nursing home aides is 59%, and median survival of residents is about two years. My grandmother’s longevity turned out to be her curse: as a decade-long resident of a care facility, she outlived everyone she’d ever met there. Her loneliness was palpable.

RELATED: “Dementia brings up everything”: Two new books offer emotional (and practical) advice for caregivers

But my grandmother was not alone in this condition. Millions of people are lonely worldwide (e.g., one study reports prevalence rates of 22% in the US, 23% in the UK, and 9% in Japan), and loneliness has a profound, negative effect on mental and physical health. And the population with the greatest risk of loneliness? The elderly. During COVID, loneliness may have meant the difference between life and death for elderly patients. In one study of elderly patients admitted to the ICU, those who were most socially isolated had a 119% greater chance of death.

But one solution for my grandmother and millions of other lonely people may be counterintuitive on its face: robots and artificial intelligence. These technologies have certainly garnered a lot of scrutiny, and many are concerned that a robot workforce is bound to replace humans in many industries. But focusing on the potential downsides of these innovations makes us overlook the promise of robots as social beings, life facilitators, and trusted companions.

Though once clunky and awkward, AI technology has reached the point where robots (e.g., Moxie) and chatbots (e.g., Replika) are learning and mimicking humans, mirroring speech patterns and remembering likes and dislikes. More and more, they are being built to be socially responsive, rather than apathetic and “robotic” like the chatbot technology often encountered on customer service lines. Tech companies are also putting efforts into anthropomorphism — making robots look and move like humans — which, when combined with advanced AI, is making “robot friends” a real possibility.


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Although my recent research has shown that interactions with AI are not viewed as socially beneficial as those with humans (even when those human interactions are via text message), people emerge from them with positive emotions. Importantly, we humans also have fewer negative emotions and presentation concerns (e.g., fear of negative evaluation) when interacting with robots than when interacting with other humans. This gives hope. Combined efforts from tech companies, psychologists, and human-computer interaction specialists are creating the promise of companions for people who have none.

Will we see this in our lifetimes? I think so, and it’s coming sooner than you think.

Three years ago, I was lucky enough to meet the world’s first robot citizen — Hanson Robotics’ Sophia. She was charming and coy, with a rich knowledge base and refined manners. And she was stunning. Most importantly, when she looked at me, I believed there was a “she” looking at me. Although little more than a collection of complex algorithms, Sophia was an entity of her own.

The day I met her was an awakening for me. I’ve developed an entirely different view of both robots’ future and my own. If I make it to 79, the average life expectancy for a woman in the U.S., then I’m already past the halfway point of my life right now. I feel great, but every day my cells are dying, and regeneration is at a slower pace. Eventually, cells won’t be replaced at all. In the developmental psychology classes I teach, I talk about different theories of aging. Regardless of mechanism, they all conclude with the same ending: my body will deteriorate, and I will die.

When I met Sophia, I felt an incredible sense of hope. My grandma could have used a companion like her. Sophia could have told my grandma about current events beyond her small town. Though poor in physical health, my grandmother was rich in wisdom, retaining most of her cognitive faculties until the day she died. But for most of the end of her life, she was utterly and completely alone, her only source of pleasure and stimulation listening to the books on tape my aunt got her from the local library.

As I look to my own future, I expect that I, like my grandma, might need some help with the activities of daily living. Or maybe my needs will be more social. Someone to talk to. Someone who will like me and remember me. Someone who will support my mental and physical health. Someone who will wheel me around a courtyard and talk to me about the books I’m reading. And when that day comes, whether my companion is truly human or simply seems to be may not matter much at all.

Read more on aging:

12 of the flakiest phyllo dough recipes

Let’s get one thing straight: Phyllo dough is not the same thing as puff pastry. They are similar and similarly used, but not the same. Here, we’re showcasing a dozen recipes that make the most of phyllo dough — you’ll thank us later.

Yes, you can make homemade phyllo, but you definitely don’t need to. Store-bought phyllo dough, usually found in the freezer aisle, works just as well in these recipes. Layers of phyllo can be used as blankets for a feta cheese and spinach pie, a weighted blanket for vanilla pastry cream with macerated strawberries, and a cardigan for cream cheese with plums.

When working with phyllo, keep it mind that it dries out very easily. Keep sheets of phyllo hydrated by laying an ever-so-slightly-damp kitchen towel on top of the remaining phyllo. Oh, and it’s delicate. Very delicate. Like, it’s going to rip and tear for sure — and that’s OK! Patch it back together and no one will be the wiser. Give it a try and let us know how it goes.

Best phyllo dough recipes

1. Phyllo Napoleon with Strawberry and Rose

We are eternally grateful to Sohla El-Waylly for creating this sky-high napoleon, which gets a summery breeze from juicy strawberries macerated in rose water.

2. Spiced Butternut Squash Phylas

Sometimes we’ll remind you that yes, you can make homemade phyllo dough! This is not one of those times. Here, we’re reminding you that store-bought phyllo pastry is absolutely acceptable and delicious, especially as a way to get these squash and feta pinwheels on the table in under an hour.

3. Plum and Sweet Cream Hand Pies

These sweet hand pies filled with cream cheese and diced plum are kid-friendly and kid-approved. Just ask Food52’s Resident Samatha Seneviratne and her son, Artie.

4. Auntie Adele’s Phyllo with Sutlaj

Recipe developer Charles Dabah shared his take on his great-aunt’s recipes for these cigar-shaped pastries, which are a staple in Middle Eastern households.

5. Nelly’s “Greek Festival” Spanakopita

One of the most popular savory phyllo dough dishes is spanakopita, a Greek spinach and feta pie. Brushing each layer of store-bought dough with clarified butter ensures that they will become golden brown and super crispy.

6. Citrus and Cardamom Baklava with Pistachios and Walnuts

That syrupy, spiced, sticky-sweetness is what makes baklava a beloved dessert around the world. The zest and juice of oranges and lemons are added to the honey syrup and nutty filling for bonus brightness, and a trio of spices warms you from the inside out.

7. Samsa (Algerian Almond-Orange Triangle Cookies)

These (deep-fried!) cookies are crispy on the outside but stay soft on the inside, thanks to a luscious almond filling.

8. Phyllo Pie Crust

What makes a phyllo pie crust so special? For starters, it requires absolutely no par-baking, which means less room for error. Plus, it naturally lends itself to sooo many flaky layers that regular pie dough could only dream of.

9. Savory Pork and Fennel Baklava

Baklava doesn’t always need to be sweet. In fact, it is just as delicious when you swap the sweet honey syrup and nuts for a savory filling, like this one, which is made with cherry tomatoes, pork shoulder, tomato purée, and fennel seeds.

10. Alon Shaya’s Spanakopita with Collard Greens and Jalapeño

Instead of just spinach, this spanakopita features an assortment of hearty greens like collards and mustard greens, plus jalapeños. “Those little kicks of flavor work together with the creaminess of the feta, while the soft greens are accompanied by the crunch of the nuts and the crispy pastry,” says recipe developer Alon Shaya.

11. Ferrero Rocher–Style Pie

A phyllo dough crust is the perfect substitute for the crisp, thin wafer of this classic candy. “It’s filled with a milk-chocolate hazelnut gianduja and finished with a milk-chocolate glaze and toasted hazelnuts,” writes Food52’s Resident Baking BFF Erin Jeanne McDowell.

12. Bea’s Serbian Pita (Burek)

Store-bought phyllo dough is easy, it’s accessible (both in its ubiquity and price), and it tastes great. These are logical but important reminders of why you should cook with it more often. Try it in this take on the Eastern European “pita” filled with three kinds of meat and sour cream.

Trump says he may pardon Jan. 6 attackers if he’s elected again

As part of his speech Saturday night to Conroe, Texas, former President Donald Trump told his supporters that he might pardon them for Jan. 6 if he’s reelected.

Trump has held back on saying whether or not he’s running for election in 2024, claiming that he can’t because campaign finance laws prevent him from being able to raise money into his PAC.

Atlantic writer Tom Nichols tweeted that it was just a week ago that he predicted Trump would pardon everyone involved in Jan. 6 if he’s reelected.


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Thus far over 760 people have been arrested for their participation in the attack at the U.S. Capitol that day. The Justice Department recently named 11 members of the Proud Boys militia who are being charged with sedition.

 

 

The center cannot hold: Manchin and Sinema are wrecking America — here’s how to beat them

By opposing filibuster reform — thereby blocking voting rights protections — and Joe Biden’s Build Back Better package, Sens. Joe Manchin and Kyrsten Sinema have dramatically increased the odds that Republicans will take back both the House and Senate in 2022. More important still, Republicans may also entrench state-level autocratic power that could effectively subvert the 2024 presidential election. These two “centrists” haven’t just weakened the Democratic Party, they’ve severely threatened the future of American democracy.

Yes, there’s a dominant media narrative that  blames all the Democrats’ problems on progressives, but as Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez said recently on MSNBC’s “11th Hour,” it isn’t progressives who have controlled the agenda as Biden’s approval ratings have collapsed: 

Biden has governed pretty much exactly the way they have asked him to. But the problem is that the way they have asked him to govern has been to slow down, not do too much, and we are now seeing the political consequences of not directly improving people’s lives quickly.

Leaving aside Biden’s relative neglect of executive action, no one has done more to slow things down than Manchin and Sinema, neither of whom has been transparent or consistent about what they want. In the Guardian, Robert Reich accurately identifies out-of-control egotism as a large part of the problem:

Before February of last year, almost no one outside West Virginia had heard of Manchin and almost no one outside Arizona (and probably few within it) had ever heard of Sinema.

Now, they’re notorious. They’re Washington celebrities. Their photos grace every major news outlet in America.

This sort of attention is addictive…. Once addicted, the pathologically narcissistic politician can become petty in the extreme, taking every slight as a deep personal insult.

These aren’t just two willful individuals, as Reich makes clear: their narcissism is structurally fueled by how the Senate and the national media work. They illustrate America’s structural political constraints in combination with both individual and collective narcissism. 

RELATED: 2021’s most despicable villains: Joe Manchin and Kyrsten Sinema

America prides itself on being the world’s oldest democracy, but given our institutional rigidity and reluctance to learn from others, that actually means our system is archaic and outdated. Many states borrowed from Switzerland and added the initiative process over a century ago, for example. But we’ve never even considered a federal version. The record is even worse with proportional representation, which is standard in many other countries and barely even visible here. 

Far from being a beacon to the world of successful self-government, America offers a case study of failure. We’re the only country in the world where mass shootings happen so regularly that only the special ones make national news, for example. But it’s foolish to even dream of the Senate doing anything about it, even though universal background checks were supported by 84% to 89% in polls last year. We’re almost the only country in the world without paid family leave, which two polls last October found 70% and 73% support for, at around the same time Manchin publicly nixed it from Build Back Better. Allowing Medicare to negotiate drug prices had 83% support in a Kaiser Family Foundation poll in early October, about a month before Sinema torpedoed the Democrats’ efforts to include it in Build Back Better.  

It’s a systemic problem

This isn’t just about a few high-profile examples, deeply troubling as they should be. The problem is systemic. A 2014 study by Martin Gilens and Benjamin Page covered 1,779 instances between 1981 and 2002 where public opinion could be matched to a clear policy outcome, and they found that “economic elites and organized groups representing business interests have substantial independent impacts on U.S. government policy, while average citizens and mass-based interest groups have little or no independent influence.” Their study gave rise to a flurry of stories characterizing America as an oligarchy, echoing Occupy Wall Street’s critique of the 1%.  


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A more extensive follow-up study by Matt Grossmann, Zuhaib Mahmood and William Isaac painted a more nuanced picture, finding that “affluent influence does not arise through control of both political parties.” Specifically: 

The Republican Party and business interests are aligned across all issue areas and are more often aligned with the opinions of the richest Americans (especially on economic policy). Democrats more often represent middle class opinions and are uniformly aligned with advocacy groups.

So there’s hope. But “more often” isn’t good enough, as the current situation with Manchin and Sinema makes clear. And America remains far from being a truly healthy democracy.

“We have status-quo-biased institutions that limit (even popular) policymaking without bipartisan support and wide interest group support,” Grossmann told me via email. “People sometimes blame this on the Democratic leadership, but Democrats regularly back liberal policy changes supported by the middle class, even if they don’t pass.”

As David Dayen wrote in October, in an article aptly titled, “The Case for Deliverism“:  “You cannot talk about the same popular items, fail to deliver on them, and expect the voting public to keep listening to you.” For political scientists like Grossmann, there’s a significant difference between the picture Gilens and Page presented and the one he and his colleagues have found. But for the ordinary voter, that’s barely visible. 

Democrats are closer than ever to supporting institutional changes that would make the status quo more vulnerable,” Grossmann said, “but they would probably need a sustained large national majority (that isn’t forthcoming) to implement them because many of the pivotal elections are on conservative ground.”

That’s why Manchin and Sinema’s obstructionism is so crucial: They’re blocking even the possibility of building that Democratic majority. And their insistence on the need for bipartisanship as a transcendental virtue gives oligarchs a de facto veto. They talk in terms of building a broader consensus, but only within bounds set by the GOP and the forces of Big Capital, which is why popular policies like paid leave and negotiated drug prices get tossed overboard. This so-called consensus has been neglecting America’s true needs for decades, if not generations.

When “consensus” is destructive

For a critical perspective on that consensus I reached out to two long-term thinkers, historian Jack Goldstone, author of the 1991 book, “Revolution and Rebellion in the Early Modern World,” which fundamentally changed our understanding of revolutions and the sources of political instability, and Ian Hughes, author of “Disordered Minds: How Dangerous Personalities Are Destroying Democracy.” 

Goldstone’s book highlights the problem of “selfish elites” who “protect their private wealth, even at the expense of a deterioration of state finances, public services, and long-term international strength,” as a troubling parallel to the preconditions of the French Revolution, the English Civil War and similar examples of state breakdown. Hughes in turn sees that problem as a driving force in the neoliberal order that’s dominated our politics for almost 40 years.  

To understand why revolutions happen at some times, but not others, Goldstone developed a model that combines measures of demographically-driven social stress from the mass population, the elites and the state to produce a single number, the “political stress indicator.”  State breakdown — and subsequent revolution — only occurs when that rises to dramatically high levels, as it is doing in America today. 

Just weeks after Biden’s 2020 victory seemed to provide an opportunity to change that trajectory, I interviewed Goldstone, who held out the hope that Biden and Republicans might be able to work together:

If Mitch McConnell works with moderate Democrats to move away from the cliff, that will strengthen the moderate Democrats and reduce the power of the more radical or progressive wing, because the moderates will be getting more done.

RELATED: What lies ahead: After the damage of the Trump era, can America avoid disaster?

That’s clearly not how things have unfolded, so I reached out by email to see how his thinking had changed. “Things have deteriorated,” he told me, but said he didn’t find fault in the center. Democrats “should not have rushed a second impeachment [of Donald Trump] that was highly unlikely to yield a conviction,” and progressives sabotaged Biden “by holding up the infrastructure bill for months while waiting for an unattainable Senate majority for their Build Back Better wish list.” 

I disagreed, but after some back-and-forth we found points of consensus, It’s not centrism per se that’s the problem, I argued, but the relative question: “Centrism compared to what?” Republican radicalization has created special conditions, given the nature of the U.S. political system, where the logic of “strengthening the middle” simply doesn’t apply. Instead, a new middle has to be created.

In some cases, centrism can be harmful, Goldstone agreed:

I used to say this when Barack Obama was negotiating with the GOP. As the smartest guy in the room, he would identify the reasonable compromise position that a rational GOP would take with regard to the Democratic position and use that as his goal for negotiations. But that was unrealistic, because he was not dealing with a rational GOP, but an obstructionist GOP. When he tried to identify a reasonable middle ground, they saw that as a major concession and tried to jerk him further. It would have been better to start with his desired goal, hold out for as much as possible and concede as little as possible. Centrism just hurt his position.

I also agree that Sinema and Manchin may be motivated by outmoded ideas of centrism at best, and by selfish stubbornness based on ego at worst. But I don’t much care why they are blocking Biden’s program, I just want Biden to find some way to twist their arms to get an agreement. 

You are right that centrism is pernicious — on climate change, a “compromise” position that makes token efforts to reduce greenhouse gases is not “prudent”; it is more akin to suicide. …  My anxiety is that our whole political system is built on the need to find compromise and build broad coalitions among diverse views. It’s not a parliamentary system, where a prime minister can command his party and always has a majority (or loses office).

How narcissism makes this worse

The need to find compromise and build broad coalitions is profoundly complicated by bad actors like Manchin and Sinema, who seem to be nurtured by collective narcissism, the belief that one’s in-group is unique and exceptional. The Senate, which reflexively thinks of itself as “the world’s greatest deliberative body,” positively wallows in collective narcissism, so absorbed in preserving its supposed traditions its members seem incapable of seeing the broader destruction of democratic norms and practices sweeping the country outside their chamber. 

As he argued against filibuster reform, Manchin proudly stood beside a large poster proclaiming his central argument: “The United States Senate has NEVER been able to end debate with a SIMPLE MAJORITY,” which as Jon Skolnik noted here, is ridiculously false. Surely he must know this, as Skolnik pointed out:

The last three Supreme Court nominees — Justices Amy Coney Barrett, Brett Kavanaugh and Neil Gorsuch — were all confirmed with a simple majority … In fact, Manchin himself was the 51st senator to back Kavanaugh, single-handedly ending debate on the scandal-plagued judge’s confirmation.

RELATED: Joe Manchin’s revisionist history: Filibuster stands after Senate Democrat sides with Republicans

But many of Manchin’s fellow senators believe such nonsense. It’s part of their collective narcissistic delusion. In early January, Norman Ornstein wrote an op-ed demolishing “Five myths about the filibuster,” of which Manchin’s was No. 1. The others were:

  • The framers feared “the tyranny of the majority.”
  • The filibuster fosters moderation and cooperation.
  • Keeping the filibuster now will preserve it in the future.
  • A rule change would make the Senate just like the House.

Ornstein isn’t the first to refute these myths, but senators like Manchin simply ignore the refutations, because their narcissism and privileged position enable them to. The senate is an exalted body! Why should its members care what anyone else thinks?

Narcissists often fixate on ideas, presumed facts or proclaimed principles that no one else is allowed to criticize or challenge. They refuse to engage in a back-and-forth discussion, much less a good-faith debate. The reason is straightforward, therapist and author Elizabeth Mika (a contributor to “The Dangerous Case of Donald Trump“) explained. “A good-faith debate requires enough humility to acknowledge that we may not know everything and we could be wrong — a no-no for a narcissist who is convinced s/he is always right.

As Skolnik notes, Manchin himself previously blasted the filibuster, demolishing Ornstein’s third myth. “We have become paralyzed by the filibuster and an unwillingness to work together at all, just because it’s an election cycle,” Manchin told the Charleston Daily Mail, in an article still posted on his Senate website. He even voted in favor of enforcing the “talking filibuster,” even though it failed. If Manchin weren’t such a narcissist, his past positions might be useful to argue against his current one. But not if he’s convinced he’s always right.

Besides, there are all those other senators who agree with him! (Who are almost all Republicans.) “Our collective narcissism [as a country] enables that of our Senate,” Mika said. “It goes without saying that such an exceptional country will have an exceptional Senate and senators. Just spectacular and beyond reproach. Unlike anywhere else on Earth.”

She continued: “I think this is a common delusion of grandeur of most, if not all, folks in power, and not just in the U.S. The higher one gets in the hierarchy of power, the more narcissistic one becomes, and the less in touch with reality. So much so that this narcissism turns psychopathic as it erases our capacity for empathy.”

What is to be done?

With all that in mind, the question Goldstone focused on was simple: What can be done to get around Sinema and Manchin? He offered two ideas: 

  1. Statehood for the District of Columbia, which will elect two Democratic senators, making Manchin and Sinema’s votes no longer crucial.
  2. Offer a cabinet position to a Republican senator in a state with a Democratic governor. If they accept, the governor appoints a Democratic replacement.

That second proposition is wildly unlikely; in the current political climate, Republicans would never fall for it. But the first really shouldn’t be. A new law review article argues that D.C. statehood should be seen as constitutionally required. Citing the 14th Amendment’s Citizenship Clause, “as glossed by subsequent amendments,” it argues:All Americans living in the United States, including in D.C., are constitutionally entitled to claim state citizenship where they reside.” Goldstone fears time could be running out: 

There is a danger that, just as Arlington, Virginia, was once part of D.C. but returned to Virginia, that the GOP — if they take power — will change the “Capitol District” to just include the Mall/Capitol/White House federal lands, and seek to merge the rest of D.C. with Maryland, to end the D.C. statehood thing once and for all. I think it is imperative to try to bust the filibuster and get D.C. statehood now. But I don’t think it will happen. 

When Goldstone asked if I had any ideas, I mentioned Perry Bacon Jr.’s threefold strategy, starting with executive actions. Bacon called attention to the American Prospect’s Day One Agenda, which I wrote about in November 2020. “The Biden administration has taken at least some action on about one-third of the 77 policies we outlined,” the Prospect’s David Dayen wrote last October. “But he has shied away from some of the more impactful ideas,” such as canceling student debt for 42 million borrowers and giving millions more workers access to overtime pay

RELATED: Congress can wait: How Biden can reshape our future with executive action

Second, Bacon wrote, “Biden should use his informal power aggressively,” articulating “a compelling vision for 2022 America and push[ing] the country toward it.” He can “provide rhetorical support to the kinds of changes that he wants to see” and also “seek out righteous fights,” such as “hold[ing] events with election administrators and school board members who have been threatened by Trumpian crazies for just doing their jobs.”

Third, “Biden should leverage his popularity and influence in blue America,” focusing on “getting key planks of his agenda adopted at the city and state levels wherever they can,” such as robust paid leave, child care and pre-K programs. “If Biden wants to take on problems such as internet misinformation, gun violence and college affordability, he can have enormous influence just meeting with big-city mayors, university administrators and tech industry figures, almost all of whom likely support him.”

In short, as Obama did in his final two years, Biden needs to shift attention away from Republican senators and their two narcissistic sidekicks and focus on folks who will work with him: 

I want Biden to save his presidency for the good of the country, in particular for the people who voted for him. He should stand with them, defending their rights and doing whatever he can to improve their lives, instead of wasting more months courting Republicans, conservative Democrats … and voters who are never going to support him.

Imagining the long term

This is not an electoral solution, Bacon says. But at least it plants seeds for the long term, which is the timeframe Ian Hughes helps illuminate, including the question of how we got here in the first place. Returning to the problem of elites who “protect their private wealth, even at the expense of a deterioration of state finances, public services, and long-term international strength,” Hughes identified this as “part of the ‘evil genius’ of neoliberalism and the current social order”: 

[Margaret] Thatcher’s revolution in the U.K. of encouraging everyone to buy their own home — as a means of ensuring everyone became a “stakeholder in society” — has resulted in the fact that the majority of people are now part of the “selfish elites” who resist any changes that threaten their private wealth.What has happened is that the majority have become stakeholders in their own private wealth at the expense of their contributions and commitment to collective society and public goods — including public services. And of course, the wealthier you are, the less reliant (and invested) you are on public services for health, education, security and so on. So the problem of “selfish elites” is not a problem with a minority (although there is clearly a very big problem with a small percentage of the ultra-wealthy because of their inordinate power). It is a problem of a substantial majority.

Here in America, George W. Bush pushed his vision of an “ownership society” at the beginning of his second term, with an initial focus on trying to privative Social Security. At the time, L. Randall Wray wrote a brief critique for the Levy Institute: 

[T]he history of the Western world since the advent of liberalism has been marked by a gradual rise in the power of those who lack property. Some of the milestones in this progression include universal suffrage, regulation of business, and progressive taxation. Bush’s ownership society proposals … would result in a partial reversal of the progress of the last 250 years. The reason is that, while Bush’s plans would undoubtedly increase the choices and power of those who have property, they would fail to democratize ownership. Many gains to the wealthy would come at the expense of the poor, the sick, and the elderly. 

In short, the rhetoric of ownership, freedom and choice can distract attention from the fact that, in reality, most people’s everyday existence is becoming increasingly precarious. While this may remain more or less hidden for years, it becomes overwhelmingly obvious in times of crisis. The question of who is responsible all too easily becomes the subject of conspiracy theories, which narcissists and psychopaths excel at spinning out. 

Hughes then responded to Goldstone’s observation that “if the middle left and the middle right can work together, they keep the extremists marginalized,” first made in 2020. It’s only true “so long as the middle left and middle right are working together on policies and visions that can deliver for society,” Hughes said. “The problem now, as Yeats would say, is that the center cannot hold”:

This is true everywhere because of climate change and environmental destruction — our current carbon-based economic system is driving the planet to destruction. Our contemporary model of growth-driven unregulated exploitative capitalism has produced socially destabilizing levels of inequality and eroded democracy. And in the U.S. in particular, you need only to listen to cable news for 10 minutes to see how totally structurally dysfunctional the political system has become. To try to work from the center of that mess is to invest your efforts in a Herculean effort to stay on the road to destruction. 

The most dangerous extremists right now are those who want to destroy democracy. There are no “both sides” in that struggle. The GOP has become an extremist anti-democracy party tapping into and stoking a wider anti-democracy movement. Trump was a symptom of that. He strengthened the anti-democracy faction of the GOP and made it respectable to be a fascist in America, so the problem of anti-democracy extremism is not going away. The problem is, there is no pro-democracy response with anything like the rage and intensity needed. 

Finally, I asked Hughes to comment on the need to create a “new middle,” one that did not seek to bully people into agreement, but could draw them into necessary conversations aimed at solving long-neglected problems. He replied:

Amitav Ghosh has a wonderful image for what is happening globally right now. Under normal circumstances, Ghosh says, we are able to ignore large parts of reality — poverty far away or out of sight, the warming of the planet that hasn’t yet impacted us, the destruction of nature in far-away places, and so on. With these things safely hidden away, we can construct a narrative of our lives that is understandable, predictable, comfortable. 

But with climate change, the impacts of the vast inequalities we have created, the hollowing out of our democracies, all of these neglected issues are rushing in from the background and crashing in upon us, destroying our cozy narratives. In such circumstances we need new “extremists” — visionaries who can see the world as it could be, activists whose lives are devoted to common good and not private wealth, agitators who remind us that our current systems of economics, politics, gender, militarism are deeply broken. We need, first and foremost, to recognize that the systems that make up our current civilization are finished. Only then can we start to build back better.

It may help to reflect on Joe Manchin and Kyrsten Sinema one last time. Their contrast with Biden — himself a life-long embodiment of centrism — is instructive. Biden had to shift his thinking, more in some ways than in others, in order to become a viable presidential candidate in 2020. Along with many other establishment Democrats, he proved that such adaptation was possible, without repeating many of the mistakes of the Obama era. 

Blind spots remain, to be sure: There are failures of messaging, issue-framing and engagement with the progressive grassroots, which have left Biden and his party vulnerable not just to right-wing attacks but to anti-democratic “centrist” obstruction. But we can hope that the need to learn has been learned. Because Hughes is right: The center, as conventional politics understands it, cannot hold. A new center must be created. 

Echoes of that “Ted Lasso” Midwest niceness in “Somebody Somewhere”

People love where they’re from, even if that place seems terrible. Take it from me. When I was in high school, my Ohio town was voted by US News and World Report the worst place to raise children. In America. Would I move back to Ohio? In a heartbeat. I have once already.

Ted Lasso,” the Apple+ series that swept our hearts and swept award shows starting in 2020, built upon the charm of a Midwestern guy, Jason Sudeikis’ Coach Ted Lasso. He’s going through an emotional divorce, is separated from his kid, and dealing with all the issues that come with being hired to coach a sport you know nothing about in a new country you also know nothing about. 

But despite these times that would try anyone, Ted remains good-natured, loving and small town nice. So does the show, which proved by example: You can have humor without spite. You don’t need to be hurting someone or mocking them to tell great jokes. Comedy can be kind.

Somebody Somewhere,” the new show on HBO, seems like the next in line for nice comedy. It has fewer laughs but is heavy on the aching bittersweetness. It’s also set in the kind of Midwestern place that gave rise to Ted (and to Sudeikis, who is from Kansas City): Manhattan, Kansas. That’s where star Bridget Everett, who also serves as executive producer of the show, is from. 

“Somebody Somewhere” asks the question: Is it enough for comedy to be kind? Is hope enough to hang a show on? And is “the eighth largest town in Kansas” big enough to hold it?

Related: Meat Loaf taught me it’s OK to have big dreams

“Somebody Somewhere” follows Sam (Everett, incredible in everything she touches) who has moved back home to Manhattan, Kansas, to care for her sister. Her sister has since passed away, but Sam is still around, working at an educational testing center; dealing with her family, including her elderly parents and meddling other sister; and rekindling a friendship with a former high school classmate. Or maybe, establishing a friendship that didn’t have the chance to exist before. 

It’s hard to make friends as an adult, and “Somebody Somewhere” taps into the pandemic longing for companionship that Hulu’s “Only Murders in the Building” also hit as a raw nerve. Sam is lucky enough to find a friend in fellow alum and testing center co-worker Joel (Jeff Hiller). And she’s lucky that her hometown has a subculture of creative, loving and queer folk.

That kind of community isn’t allowed to survive in all small towns, though it did exist in mine, where I spent long nights in a community theatre that used to be a church. Under stained glass windows painted black, older gay men gave me the best advice of my life. Unfortunately, I didn’t follow most of it. 

Sam is at an age where some of that advice might feel too late. “I don’t know when you think that real life starts, but you’re well over 40. So, you’re past the point,” her sister (Mary Catherine Garrison) says. Sam is a talented performer for whom not a lot went right. What happens when a yearning Disney heroine grows up but never gets far — and was never a princess to begin with?

“Somebody Somewhere” has less of the feel-good shine of “Ted Lasso,” maybe because there’s no pot of gold at the end of this rainbow. Despite the show being set in Kansas, there might not be a rainbow at all (or, only in the wonderful supporting ensemble of queer characters). But without family support, without money, how can you realistically hope to make dreams come true?

Let’s be honest, everyone in “Ted Lasso” has a really good job. Half of the characters are footballers, after all. One of the subplots involves a player, Colin (Billy Harris), who can’t handle his Lamborghini. Roy (Brett Goldstein) makes a bet with his girlfriend (Juno Temple) and his niece (Elodie Blomfield) for a thousand pounds. Money isn’t the conflict here or an issue for anyone, including Ted, whose family back in the U.S. flies to the UK for a visit like it’s an ordinary weekend trip.

“Somebody Somewhere” is more gritty and real. There’s that testing center. Sam has older parents in poor health, struggling to do the work a rural home requires. In a world where “And Just Like That” is serving up concierge healthcare and million dollar gifts to ex-wives, we still don’t see working class characters often enough, at least not where the humor doesn’t come at their expense. The characters of “Somebody Somewhere,” meanwhile, are treading water in the lower middle class. And they’re not cool, like Roy. Joel looks ridiculous in his Zumba workout clothes. Ridiculous and adorably relatable. 

Sam still sleeps on the couch. She first meets her neighbor after she comes out onto the porch to yell at him for using power tools. Exhausted, she’s only wearing a baggy shirt and underwear. But the show doesn’t mock her for that. It’s good-natured, in part because Everett can laugh it off. One of the joys of the show is watching her in any situation: her reactions, how she calmly puts up with continual passive aggression. The viewer is drawn to Everett like a laser. But unlike Ted Lasso, Sam only puts up with others’ criticism of her for so long. 


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There’s a lot to write about in small towns, a lot of stories still untapped. Small towns hold on to their secrets, and their gifts. Yes, gift shop is spelled shoppe. Yes, there are strip malls, novelty flags and the town’s name written in the hillside. But Joel, who is openly gay, also introduces Sam to a friend, the wonderfully named Fred Rococo (the equally wonderful Murray Hill): soil scientist by day, MC by night, who is confident enough to tip extra well when a restaurant server expresses confusion about Fred’s gender identity. Can you be yourself in this town? It would seem so. 

Murray Hill and Jeff Hiller in “Somebody Somewhere” (HBO)

Joel has high hopes for his life, hopes that might seem small in comparison to big city dreams, but because he wants to stay in Kansas and accomplish them, they take on larger-than-life boldness: to get married, to have a family.

Despite the divorce, despite trauma from his past, despite starting over in a whole new sport, and despite ongoing mental health issues, Ted Lasso is a success. At the end of the day, his team wins. Quite a lot, actually. Or at least, enough. What if Sam doesn’t?

It doesn’t sound like she ever made it out of Kansas, at least not very far. Perhaps only to a larger, nearby city, as many of my friends from high school, those who got out, ended up in Columbus, which has a large population of Appalachians who came from smaller, rural towns to the south. I remember how people’s faces lit up when I told them I’d moved to New York City — not for the performing arts, as it turned out, but for marriage. And I remember how their faces fell when I told them I was back, after that marriage broke.

There’s shame in going home, and there shouldn’t be.

Can you have everything you want in your hometown? Like Joel, “Somebody Somewhere” seems to think so. Or, you can have what you need.

Maybe there’s no rainbow, but there is a velvet curtain lifted when Sam goes to the church, in the dying mall — which could be the mall in “Eight Legged Freaks” or the mall in my town or maybe your town too — where Joel is having “choir practice” (really an excuse for creative people, some of them queer, to hang out, talk and sing together).

It’s a scene that echoes Dorothy coming out of her black and white, ruined Kansas farmhouse into the colorful world of Oz. When everything started to change for her.

As Kansas City native Melissa Yeager wrote in an article where she interviews Kathy Sudeikis (Jason’s mom): “The uplifting part of ‘Ted Lasso’ is in the aftermath. It’s in the tenderness of how the characters, led by Lasso, treat those broken pieces with a sense of human dignity.” And those broken places too.

Like “Ted Lasso,” “Somebody Somewhere” may also end up being mostly, actually, about grief. How do we keep going after loss? What if there’s nowhere to go? What if there’s no place like home — not because it’s best, but because it’s simply everything?

“Somebody Somewhere” airs Sundays at 10:30 p.m. on HBO.

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Elon Musk doesn’t need to get inside your brain. Big Tech is already there

Is Elon Musk actually trying to hijack your mind?

It might sound weird, but it’s an understandable fear. This week, the billionaire entrepreneur and amateur sketch comedian made big news when his Neuralink Corporation posted a listing for a clinical trial director. Among the preferred qualifications for candidates for the high-level position? Experience with “Class III implantable neuromodulation devices.” And once a clinical trial director in place, it can be assumed that clinical trials will soon follow.

Neuralink launched in 2017 with the promise, as the Wall Street Journal reported then, “to connect brains with computers.” With Elon Musk as one of the company’s founders, the reporting was from the beginning buzzy — and the subtext not-so-vaguely ominous.

Musk, after all, has been public in his concerns about the “existential” threat of AI, and his fears that “If you assume any rate of advancement in [artificial intelligence], we will be left behind by a lot.” It would stand to reason, then, that the entrepreneur would be curious about outsmarting our own creations. “Elon Musk’s Neuralink wants to plug into your brain,” USA Today announced at the time. “Time to screen ‘The Matrix,’ people.”

Now, with Neuralink apparently ramping up its endeavors, the concerns and the hyperbole are back. “The dystopian television show Black Mirror’ has begun to feel less like fantasy as Elon Musk’s brain-implant startup, Neuralink, gears up for human trials,” wrote The Daily Beast this week. As a TechRadar headline put it: “Elon Musk’s Neuralink is one step closer to putting an implant in our brains,” implying that implants are all but inevitable for everyone. “In ten years’ time,” the author writes, “we could all be walking around with a computer in our heads.”

Far be for me to undersell the unpleasantness of Elon Musk, or the appropriate unease that any Musk-related news might inspire. Some context here, however, is helpful. When TechRadar asks, “Do you want to let Elon Musk put an implant in your brain?” it creates a mental picture of the Tesla titan himself physically opening up all of our skulls, one by one, as we move through the factory conveyer belt on the way to be turned into Soylent Green. I just don’t think Musk has that kind of time.

Even more significantly, we need to understand that the potential of brain-computer interfaces (or brain machine interfaces) is still mostly just potential. Writing for MIT’s Technology Review in 2020, Antonio Regalado called Neuralink “neuroscience theater,” saying that while the company touts the dream of being able to “see radar with superhuman vision, discover the nature of consciousness…. None of these advances are close at hand, and some are unlikely to ever come about.”

While Musk can enthuse about creating a “Fitbit in your skull,” the immediate and practical applications of BCI are for conditions that inhibit movement and make communication difficult, like Parkinson’s and ALS. There already is exciting clinical work being done right now by scientists and medical researchers out of Massachusetts General Hospital, Stanford and other reputable institutions. Even Neuralink aims first “to help people with paralysis to regain independence through the control of computers and mobile devices,” so calm down.

That’s not to say that there’s no need to be concerned about where all of this is heading, and who’s interested in the technology. As Emily Willingham writes in her fantastic and timely “The Tailored Brain,” the US Department of Defense has been spearheading neurotechnology research for several years. The applications for improved physical movement and mental health are intriguing.

“Some of it is extremely useful and legitimate and necessary,” Willingham told Salon earlier this year. And some of it, because this is the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency we’re talking about, “starts to get into creepy territory.” If you’re worried about Grimes’ ex-boyfriend — whose corporate culture sounds a lot less shimmeringly brilliant than his hype may indicate — you’re really not going to love what Uncle Sam could do with this stuff.

The good news here is our brains are not the only game in town. We experience our memories and our consciousness throughout our bodies, and we are only beginning to scratch the surface of our understanding of the implications there. More than that, though, we are not simply computers, despite all the reductive Silicon Valley-speak in the world. “Our brain is not a slot machine,” says Emily Willingham. “You can’t pop a quarter in, pull a lever, and then just hope for the best. There are so many pathways in our brains that act together. If you affect one, you’re going to be influencing the other. There’s not some direct target where you just hit the bullseye and that’s it.” Our brains are not as easily hacked as scary headlines might initially imply, at least not yet.

But Willingham also observes in “The Tailored Brain” that we might want to consider how much of our movements and habits and desires already belong to the hive. We just happen to carry a big collection of our thoughts and ideas around on the outside. Our behavior is easy to track and our opinions are not at all difficult to tweak. Earlier this week, I found my way to a bar because the small device I held in my hand detected my location from outer space and told me, in the lilting Irish accent I had chosen for it, exactly how to get there and how long the journey would take. Then I came home and watched a video from a fashion designer on that same device, and now I can’t stop seeing ads for sweaters. Or Houlihan’s. That’s just a few moments of a very typical day for a whole lot of us. You don’t want your mind being manipulated? The horses left that barn a long time ago, when we traded our privacy for GPS and Google. The Elon Musks of the world don’t have to plant a chip in your head. They’re already in there.

Drug-resistant malaria is emerging in Africa. Is the world ready?

In June 2017, Betty Balikagala traveled to a hospital in Gulu District, in northern Uganda. It was the rainy season: a peak time for malaria transmission. Balikagala, a researcher at Juntendo University in Japan, was back in her home country to hunt for mutations in the parasite that causes the disease.

For about four weeks, Balikagala and her colleagues collected blood from infected patients as they were treated with a powerful cocktail of antimalarial drugs. After initial analysis, the team then shipped their samples — glass slides smeared with blood, and filter papers with blood spots — back to Japan.

In their lab at Juntendo University, they looked for traces of malaria in the blood slides, which they had prepared by drawing blood from patients every few hours. In previous years, Balikagala and her colleagues had observed the drugs efficiently clearing the infection. This time, though, the parasite lingered in some patients. “We were very surprised when we first did the parasite reading for 2017, and we noticed that there were some patients who had delayed clearance,” recalled Balikagala. “For me, it was a shock.”

Malaria kills more than half a million people per year, most of them small children. Still, between 2000 and 2020, according to the World Health Organization, interventions prevented around 10.6 million malaria deaths, mostly in Africa. Bed nets and insecticides were responsible for most of the progress. But a fairly large number of lives were also saved by a new kind of antimalarial treatment: artemisinin-based combination therapies, or ACTs, that replaced older drugs like chloroquine.

Used as a first-line treatment, ACTs have averted a significant number of malaria deaths since their introduction in the early 2000s. ACTs pair a derivative of the drug artemisinin with one of five partner drugs or drug combinations. Delivered together, the fast-acting artemisinin component wipes out most of the parasites within a few days, and the longer-acting partner drug clears out the stragglers.

ACTs quickly became a mainstay in malaria treatment. But in 2009, researchers observed signs of resistance to artemisinin along the Thailand-Cambodia border. The artemisinin component failed to clear the parasite quickly, which meant that the partner drug had to pick up that load, creating favorable conditions for partner drug resistance, too. The Greater Mekong Subregion now experiences high rates of multi-drug resistance. Scientists have feared that the spread of such resistance to Africa, which accounts for more than 90 percent of global malaria cases, would be disastrous.

Now, in a pair of reports published last year, scientists have confirmed the emergence of artemisinin resistance in Africa. One study, published in April, reported that ACTs had failed to work quickly for more than 10 percent of participants at two sites in Rwanda. The prevalence of artemisinin resistance mutations was also higher than detected in previous reports.

In September, Balikagala’s team published their report from Uganda, which also identified mutations associated with artemisinin resistance. Alarmingly, the resistant malaria parasites had risen from 3.9 percent of cases in 2015 to nearly 20 percent in 2019. Genetic analysis shows that the resistance mutations in Rwanda and Uganda have emerged independently.

The latest malaria report from the WHO, published in December, also noted worrying signs of artemisinin resistance in the Horn of Africa, on the eastern side of the continent. No peer-reviewed studies confirming such resistance have been published yet.

So far, the ACTs still work. But in an experimental setting, as drug resistance sets in, it can lengthen treatment by three or four days. That may not sound like much, said Timothy Wells, chief scientific officer of the nonprofit Medicines for Malaria Venture. But “the more days of therapy you need,” he said, “then the more there is the risk that people don’t finish their course of therapy.” Dropping a treatment course midway exposes the parasites to the drug, but doesn’t clear all of them, potentially leaving behind survivors with a higher chance of being drug resistant. “That’s really bad news, because then that sets up a perfect storm for creating more resistance,” said Wells.

The reports from Uganda and Rwanda have yielded a grim consensus: “We are going to see more and more of such independent emergence,” said Pascal Ringwald, coordinator at the director’s office for the WHO Global Malaria Program. “This is exactly what we saw in the Greater Mekong.” Luckily, Wells says, switching to other ACTs helped to combat resistance when it was detected there, avoiding the need for prolonged treatment.

A new malaria vaccine, which recently received the go-ahead from the WHO, may eventually help reduce the number of infections, but its rollout won’t have any significant impact on drug resistance. As for new drugs, even the most promising candidate in the pipeline would take at least four years to become widely available.

That leaves public health workers in Africa with only one solid option: track and surveil resistance to artemisinin and its partner drugs. Effective surveillance systems, experts say, need to ramp up quickly and widely across the continent.

But most experts say that surveillance on the continent is patchy. Indeed, there is considerable uncertainty about how widespread antimalarial resistance already is in sub-Saharan Africa — and disagreement over how to interpret initial reports of emerging partner drug resistance in some countries.

“Our current systems are not as good as they should be,” said Philip Rosenthal, a malaria researcher at the University of California, San Francisco. The new reports of artemisinin resistance, he added, “can be seen as a wake-up call to improve surveillance.”


Malaria drugs have failed before. In the early 20th century, chloroquine helped beat back the pathogen worldwide. Then, about a decade after World War II, resistance to chloroquine surfaced along the Thailand-Cambodia border.

By the 1970s, chloroquine-resistant malaria had spread across India and into Africa, where it killed millions, many of them children. “In retrospect, we know that chloroquine was used for many years after there was a huge resistance problem,” said Rosenthal. “This probably led to millions of excess deaths that could have been avoided if we were using other drugs.”

The scurry to find new drugs yielded artemisinin. Used by Chinese herbalists some 2,000 years ago to treat malaria-like symptoms, artemisinin was rediscovered in the 1970s by biomedical researchers in China, and its use became widespread in the 2000s.

Haunted by the failure of chloroquine, though, researchers have remained on the lookout for signs that the malaria parasite is evolving to resist artemisinin or its partner drugs. The gold-standard method is a therapeutic efficacy study, which involves closely monitoring infected patients as they are treated with antimalarial drugs, to see how well the drugs perform and if there are any signs of resistance.

The WHO recommends conducting these studies at several sites in a country every two years. But “each country interprets that with their capability,” said Philippe Guérin, director of the WorldWide Antimalarial Resistance Network at the University of Oxford. Efficacy studies are slow, costly, and labor intensive. Also, “you don’t get a very good geographical representation,” said Guérin, because you can do a new clinical trial in only so many places at a time.

To get around the problems associated with efficacy studies, researchers also turn to molecular surveillance. Researchers draw a few drops of blood from an infected individual onto a filter paper, then scan it in the laboratory for certain genetic mutations associated with resistance. The technique is relatively easy and cheap.

With these kinds of surveillance data, policymakers can choose which drugs to use in a particular region. Moreover, early detection of resistance can prompt health authorities to take actions to limit the spread of resistance, including more aggressive screening and treatment campaigns, and expanded efforts to control the mosquitos that spread malaria.

In practice, though, this warning system is frayed. “There is really no organized surveillance system for the continent,” said Rosenthal. “Surveillance is haphazard.”

In countries lacking a robust health care system or mired in political instability, experts say, resistance could be spreading undetected. For example, the border of South Sudan is just 60 miles from the site in northern Uganda where Balikagala and her colleagues confirmed resistance to artemisinin. “Because of the security issues and the refugee-weakened system, there is no surveillance that tells us what is happening in South Sudan,” said Guérin. The same applies in some parts of the nearby Democratic Republic of the Congo, he added.

In the past, regional antimalarial networks, like the now defunct East African Network for Monitoring of Antimalarial Treatment, have addressed some surveillance gaps. These networks can help standardize protocols and coordinate surveillance efforts. But such networks have suffered from recent lapses in donor funding. The East African network “will be awakened,” Balikagala predicted, as concerns about artemisinin-resistant malaria grow.

In southern Africa, eight countries have come together to form the Elimination Eight Initiative, a coalition to facilitate malaria elimination efforts across national borders, which may help jumpstart surveillance efforts there.

Ringwald said drug resistance is a priority for him and his WHO colleagues. At a malaria policy advisory committee meeting last fall, he said, the issue was “high on the agenda.” However, when pressed for answers on how the WHO plans to combat drug resistance in Africa, Ringwald emailed Undark an excerpt from the organization’s 2021 World Malaria Report. The report states that the WHO will “work with countries to develop a regional plan for a coordinated response,” but does not lay out any specifics on that response plan. The Africa Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, part of the African Union, did not respond to requests for comment on its plans to bolster surveillance.

“There is an ethical obligation to researchers, and to people responsible for surveillance, that if you pick up these problems, share them as quickly as possible, react to them as strongly as possible,” said Karen Barnes, a clinical pharmacologist at the University of Cape Town who also co-chairs the South African Malaria Elimination Committee. “And try very, very hard” to make sure “that it’s not going to be the same as when we had chloroquine resistance in Africa.”


In the absence of more robust surveillance, reports have also identified worrying — but, some scientists say, inconclusive — signs of partner drug resistance.

A series of four studies conducted between 2013 and 2019 at several sites in Angola found the efficacy of artemether-lumefantrine — the most widely used ACT in Africa — had dropped below 90 percent, the WHO threshold for acceptable malaria treatment. Peer-reviewed studies from Burkina Faso and the Democratic Republic of the Congo have reported similar results.

The studies have not found genes associated with artemisinin resistance, suggesting that the partner drug, lumefantrine, might be faltering. But several malaria researchers told Undark they were skeptical of the studies’ methods and viewed the results as preliminary. “I would have preferred that we look at data with a standardized protocol and exclude any confounding factors like poor microscopy or analytical method,” said Ringwald.

Mateusz Plucinski, an epidemiologist at the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s Malaria Branch who participated in the Angola research, defended the findings. “The persistence of artemether-lumefantrine efficacy near or under 90 percent in Angola likely suggests that there is likely a true signal of decreased susceptibility of parasites to this drug,” he wrote in an email to Undark. In response to the data, Angolan health officials have begun using a different ACT.

For now, it’s unclear how bad the situation is in Africa — or what the years ahead could bring. The research community and the authorities are “at the level of just watching and seeing what happens at this stage,” said Leann Tilley, a biochemist at the University of Melbourne who researches antimalarial resistance. But experts say that if artemisinin resistance does flare up and starts impinging on the partner drug, policymakers might need to consider changing to a different ACT, or even deploy triple ACTs, with two partner drugs.

Some experts are hopeful that artemisinin resistance will spread more slowly in Africa than it has in southeast Asia. But if high-grade resistance to artemisinin and partner drugs were to arise, it would put Africa in a bind. There are no immediate replacements for ACTs at the moment. The Medicines for Malaria Venture drug pipeline has about 30 molecules that show promise in preliminary testing, and about 15 molecules that are undergoing clinical trials for efficacy and safety, said Wells. But even the drugs that are at the end of the pipeline will take about five to six years from approval by regulatory authorities to be incorporated into WHO guidelines, he noted — if they make it through trials at all.

Wells cited one promising compound, from the drugmaker Novartis, that recently performed well in early clinical trials. Still, Wells said, the drug won’t be ready be deployed in Africa until around 2026.

Funds for malaria control and elimination programs remain limited, and scientists worry that, between Covid-19 and the malaria vaccine rollout, attention and resources for conducting surveillance and drug resistance work might dry up. “I really hope that those that do have resources available will understand that investing in Africa’s response to artemisinin resistance today, preferably yesterday, is probably one of the best places that they can put their money,” said Barnes.

The annals of malaria have shown time and again that once resistance emerges, it spreads widely and imperils progress against the deadly disease. For Africa, the writing is on the wall, said Barnes. The bigger question, she asked, is this: “Are we capable of learning from history?”


Pratik Pawar is an independent science journalist based in India. His work has been published in Science News, Discover, The Wire, and The Washington Post, among others.

This article was originally published on Undark. Read the original article.

The damning portrayals of Peloton on our TVs and what that says about us

And just like that, Peloton has been in the news again.

Yes, the infamous exercise bike made its second unfavorable cameo in another on-screen cardiovascular related fiasco. In the opening moments of last Sunday’s “Billions” season premiere, Axe Capital’s COO Mike “Wags” Wagner (David Costabile) suffers a heart attack while completing a Peloton workout. Fortunately, Wags survives and later declares, “I’m not going out like Mr. Big!”  

Of course, he’s referring to Big’s (Chris Noth) notorious coronary demise by Peloton in the December premiere of the “Sex and the City” sequel “And Just Like That.” 

Neither scene casts the stationary bicycle in the best light, running counter to its function to keep people healthy, which couldn’t have thrilled Peloton. In fact, the exercise equipment company was initially blindsided by “And Just LIke That” – approving the show’s use of its bike but blissfully unaware of its key role in myocardial misdeeds until the episode’s release. Peloton attempted to alleviate the negative depiction with a public statement and a now-deleted advertisement starring Noth.

RELATED: “Billions” is better than “Game of Thrones” at studying power, hate and corruption

And as for its use in “Billions,” Peloton issued a separate statement via Twitter, once again emphasizing the importance of maintaining cardiac health. The company also disclosed that it did not give the show permission to use its equipment even if the recent publicity got “people talking” about the brand.

It’s curious that such similar scenes occurred in such close succession on separate shows on two competing networks. Sure, the Peloton bike has achieved a certain level of popularity and somehow became a household name, standing out among the countless exercise equipment fads. But it’s not like the cameos and jokes about the Thighmaster or the Shake Weight – of which there are many – led to such focused or pivotal storylines causing life-or-death situations.

So why all the Peloton hate? 

Peloton’s wild ride and loss of momentum

The peloton of leading riders during the 106th Tour de France on July 15, 2019 in Albi, France (Chris Graythen/Getty Images)

Like the best cardio bike workouts, Peloton’s history has seen its ups and downs. Founded in 2012, the exericise equipment company adopted the word “peloton” from actual bike races, referring to the leading pack of riders who have a complex and symbiotic dynamic in which staying together reduces drag. That sense of cooperation and community informs Peloton’s internet-enhanced bikes – the first of which was released in 2014 – that allow its cyclists to participate in streaming classes from anywhere, with anyone else similarly equipped.

In November 2019, the company drew criticism for an ad in which a husband gifts his wife a Peloton, which some saw as the husband criticizing and trying to control her appearance. That wasn’t the best PR, but just a few months later, the very people who were offended by the commercial would come to want a Peloton of their own.

The onset of pandemic in early 2020 saw Peloton quickly amass a cult following by those who were now forced to create their own home gyms during lockdown. Long gone were the days of spin classes, like the once-popular SoulCycle or the bankrupt FlyWheel. It seemed that Peloton was the answer to the required isolation, offering the same sense of community and charismatic instructors as the in-person version but in a socially acceptable and safe way.

Is it any wonder Peloton became a favorite of suburban parents, entrepreneurs and Hollywood elite who were united by a shared desire for a healthy escape? It became a way of life, wholly embraced by Beyoncé, Shonda Rhimes, Hugh Jackman and Richard Branson, to name a few.

But now, almost two years later with the omicron variant (and its son!) still keeping folks at home, the company is experiencing a drop in demand and a financial downfall that continues to take hits week after week. And sure, after “And Just Like That” killed Big, Peloton’s stocks plummeted 12%, but that was only continuing a downward trend that started in November.

In fact, just before the Christmas season, people had begun selling their Peloton bikes for discounted prices on Facebook Marketplace, Craigslist and eBay. In one cheeky Instagram post, a seller bid adieu to his bike with the caption: “And Just Like That . . .”

Peloton: A bicycle built for few

Jen Van Santvoord rides her Peloton exercise bike at her home on April 7, 2020 in San Anselmo, California (Ezra Shaw/Getty Images)

While not responsible for tanking Peloton, these TV shows – which take many months even possibly a year to produce – already had the temperature of the workout room so to speak. While “And Just Like That” and “Billions” had the most damning portrayals of the bicycle, one other show also featured a far kinder, and yet still revealing, version of Peloton.

In the second season of Netflix’s “Emily in Paris,” the Savoir marketing team is pitched to create a campaign for the thinly veiled parody of the bike called Pelotech, which promises a “heart-pumping cardio experience that connects riders to a worldwide fitness community.” Emily Cooper’s (Lily Collins) boss Sylvie (Philippine Leroy-Beaulieu) expresses disgust towards the bike, which she says fails to capture the joie de vivre of France’s outdoors. Luc (Bruno Gouery) questions the practicality of the Pelotech: “Why would anyone want this when you can ride outside?”

By the end of the episode, Savoir has refused to take on the campaign and the sample bicycle even goes missing. Later, viewers discover that none other than Sylvie has swiped the Pelotech so she can experience the cardio experience in the privacy of her own home.


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What do all portrayals tell us about how the public sees the brand?

Big and Wags embracing Peloton demonstrates how the bicycle is perceived to be intended for the privileged, the rarefied elite who meet with rather ridiculous fates brought on by their pricey equipment. It is not Peloton per se that is at fault, rather who Peloton represents that is being skewered here. Harming them is a bit of Robin Hood justice, but all in fun!

These are affluent, middle-aged individuals who have ample amounts of space to accommodate the bike indoors. In an interview with CNBC, Peloton’s CEO John Foley described the brand’s target demographic as “people who have children, live in suburbs, have nice homes . . . have the money and space but don’t necessarily have time.” Nevertheless, these same parents must have the means to afford child care or find some other means of occupying their children’s time even if they’re home-schooling.

Emily in ParisPhilippine Leroy-Beaulieu as Sylvie Grateau, Lily Collins as Emily, Camille Razat as Camille in “Emily in Paris” (Carole Bethuel/Netflix)

Even the relatively positive portrayal of the Pelotech in “Emily in Paris” reflects a leery lack of respect for the bicycle. As with many new pieces of technology it is suspect, as we see in its reception by the Savoir team. And though Sylvie ultimately embraces the bicycle for her own use, it is done privately, even shamefully. She knows that image is everything – she’s in marketing! And the image of the Pelotech, even for a luxury brand company, is of an extravagance that isn’t desirable or necessary.

RELATED: “Emily in Paris” is aging well

Ultimately, what many people who jumped on for the Peloton ride found in the real world was what many others have learned during the pandemic: It’s challenging to exercise on one’s own. Other pieces of home gyms – ranging from resistance bands to power towers – are also being sold off, unused despite the best of intentions. The Peloton bike also isn’t the only smart tech stationary bike out there, but it’s one of the more expensive ones if you want the package add-ons. Having its expensive bulk in one’s home is a reminder of one’s folly and failures.

Similarly, the lure of virtual classes doesn’t live up to the hype. Besides screen fatigue, virtual interactions are limited and simply do not replace in-person ones. That Peloton instructor who married another instructor might be your favorite, but you cannot have real conversations with them. Ditto for your fellow riders.

This is not to say that the Peloton is not a good product. It’s an excellent piece of equipment, especially for those whose accessibility needs can’t be met by attending a public gym. It also probably works best for those who were already devotees of cycling or spin or exericising from home. But for those new to the cult of Peloton, we found it did not solve all of our problems; it is just a bike.

Peloton, which was once described as “the Netflix of wellness,” had invaded our homes and then our TVs. But it’s size, price tag and impracticality ultimately wheeled it out of our hearts.

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Yes, Putin’s a tyrant — that doesn’t mean his Ukraine demands are unreasonable

It is certainly true that, as American critics assert, Russian President Vladimir Putin’s attitude towards civil liberties and political opponents is exactly what you’d expect of a former KGB agent. Yet it is also true that his current demands are not unreasonable. In fact, much of what Putin wants, the United States originally promised and then went back on.

Putin’s central demand is that NATO remove troops from countries that joined the group of U.S.-allied nations after 1997. In 1990, under George H.W. Bush, Secretary of State James Baker repeatedly promised Soviet premier Mikhail Gorbachev and other Soviet leaders that if the USSR let the Warsaw Pact nations leave, NATO would not “move one inch eastward.” As is detailed in declassified U.S., Soviet, German, British and French documents released in 2017, Bush and the leaders of West Germany, the U.K. and France gave similar assurances.

When the German magazine Der Spiegel examined these documents and interviewed those involved, its reporters concluded that “there was no doubt that the West did everything it could to give the Soviets the impression that NATO membership was out of the question for countries like Poland, Hungary or Czechoslovakia.” 

RELATED: “No military solution” on Ukraine: Progressives in Congress demand diplomacy

Today, those three former Warsaw Pact countries and two others, in addition to the three former Baltic Soviet republics and several formerly neutral countries, are members of NATO.

Putin and other Russian leaders have complained bitterly about this Western duplicity, complaints echoed by Gorbachev. Numerous others have made similar criticisms, including former CIA Director Robert Gates, Cold War diplomat and historian George Kennan, and Jack Matlock, the last U.S. ambassador to the Soviet Union.

In 1995, 18 retired U.S. foreign service and State and Defense Department officers signed a letter denouncing these NATO recruitments, saying they would convince Russians that the U.S. was seeking to “isolate, encircle, and subordinate them.” It is this NATO penetration into Russia’s sphere that is the root cause of the current conflict.

Some justify NATO’s expansion by claiming Russia was a threat to its neighbors. Yet in the decade after the fall of the USSR, the Russian economy and military were in catastrophic condition. UN economists Vladimir Popov and Jomo Kwame Sundaram explain:

[I]n Russia, output fell by 45% during 1989-1998 … the huge collapse in output, living standards and life expectancy in the former Soviet Union during the 1990s without war, epidemic or natural disaster was unprecedented.

According to defense analyst Pavel Felgenhauer, in this era Russia had “a shambles of an army” which “astonished outside observers with its weakness, low morale, [and] poor discipline.” 


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The U.S. and NATO quickly took advantage — in 1992 military “contact teams” were sent to the Baltic nations, and the recruitment of Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovakia began.

Today’s advocates of a strong stand against Russia primarily cite Russia’s 2014 annexation of Crimea as justification. But this also is more complicated than it seems.

In 1954, Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev administratively transferred the Crimea to the Ukraine, an essentially meaningless move at the time, since no one anticipated the demise and breakup of the Soviet Union several decades later. When Ukraine declared independence in 1991, it took Crimea along, even though there are four times as many ethnic Russians as Ukrainians in Crimea, which had been part of Russia since its annexation under Catherine the Great in 1783. Not long after Ukrainian independence, a pro-Russian popular movement arose in Crimea, which was repressed by the Ukrainian government.

In 2014, the U.S.-backed Maidan revolution overthrew the pro-Russian Ukrainian government of President Viktor Yanukovych, replacing it with a strongly pro-Western government. Russia, which at the time was ringed with U.S. military bases in Afghanistan, some of the former Soviet Central Asian republics and the Middle East — as well as NATO bases stretching from the Black Sea to the Baltic republics — feared this might lead to a NATO naval base at Sevastopol on the Black Sea, previously a major Russian and Soviet naval and commercial port. Faced with what it perceived as a potential strategic disaster, Russia seized Crimea and reincorporated it into Russia.

Putin is an amoral opportunist, and he certainly did not send troops into Crimea out of concern for the Crimean people. But it’s nonetheless true that a majority of Crimeans supported a union with Russia, and voted accordingly in an election held over Crimea’s new status.

The current conflict in eastern Ukraine is broadly similar. After the Maidan revolution, the Ukrainian government repressed and sought to de-Russify populations in Donetsk and Luhansk, together known as the Donbas, a region that lies along Ukraine’s southeastern border with Russia. Russian is the main language of 75% of residents in Donetsk and nearly 70% in Luhansk. A Russian separatist movement has emerged in the region, clearly supported by Putin’s government.

Putin’s other demands include banning the deployment of intermediate-range missiles in Europe, a guarantee that Ukraine will not join NATO, a U.S.-Russian agreement that both nations will refrain from deploying troops in areas where they could be seen as a threat to the other’s security and a similar agreement not to send aircraft or warships into areas where they could strike each other’s territory. None of these are inherently unreasonable; certainly the U.S. would never tolerate Russian military activity as close to U.S. territory as U.S. military activity is to Russia right now.

It’s doubtful that Vladimir Putin wants war with the U.S., and unclear whether he is willing to risk a large-scale ground invasion of Ukraine. What he wants is for Russia’s grievances to be taken seriously. 

Read more on the Russia-Ukraine crisis:

Joe Manchin reaps thousands from GOP megadonor after backing off BBB deal

After he announced in December he would not be supporting President Joe Biden’s Build Back Better Act, Sen. Joe Manchin’s political action committee received the maximum allowable contribution from billionaire Republican donor Ken Langone.

The Hill reported late Friday that the wealthy investor, who supported former President Donald Trump’s 2016 campaign, gave $5,000 to Manchin’s Country Roads PAC less than two weeks after the right-wing Democratic senator from West Virginia said he would not join his party in supporting the president’s agenda.

Langone’s wife also contributed $5,000 to the PAC, while other political donations the megadonor made around the same time went to the Koch family-backed Americans for Prosperity Action and the Senate Leadership Fund, a GOP super PAC.

As Common Dreams reported in November, Langone praised Manchin’s “guts and courage” for standing in the way of the Build Back Better Act’s passage and promised to hold “one of the biggest fundraisers” he’s ever hosted to support the senator.


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Manchin in recent months demanded that the Democrats remove the Clean Electricity Performance Program from the Build Back Better Act, dashing plans to put the U.S. “electric sector on a path to zero emissions,” as one lawmaker said. He also refused to support paid family leave and an extension of the expanded Child Tax Credit, which has helped tens of millions of families afford rising grocery bills, child care, and other essentials, before ultimately stalling negotiations over the package in December.

“We deserve better than career politicians auctioning off the policies that affect our lives to the highest bidder,” tweeted New York congressional candidate Melanie D’Arrigo this week after CNBC first reported Langone’s donation to Manchin.

In a 2018 book titled I Love Capitalism, Langone wrote about his objection to popular policies pushed by progressive lawmakers including “free college tuition” and “single-payer healthcare.”

Donors like Langone, tweeted documentary filmmaker Alex Gibney, are “always there to reach across the aisle to make sure to support politicians who take from the poor and give to the rich.”

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Former Fox News anchor explains how network brainwashes viewers into believing conspiracy theories

Former Fox News anchor Gretchen Carlson offered a damning assessment of the network as she explained just how bad its spread of conspiracy theories and misinformation has become.

During an appearance on the CNN segment, “Democracy in Peril,” Carlson discussed many aspects of Fox News’ critical role in the spread of misinformation and falsehoods. Since former President Donald Trump took office, conspiracy theories have been on the rise and Fox News has become a driving force for it.

Conservative primetime news anchor Tucker Carlson has been at the center of misinformation and the power of his opinion has begun to influence Republican members of Congress.

“This is the result of fake news,” Carlson said. “You know, we’re seeing not only the fallout from fake news during the Trump era, but what happened with the insurrection on January 6th. Now it’s moving into other areas. Not just news, now it’s hitting science with vaccines, and now it’s into Cold War politics.”


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Carlson also touched on another significant topic as she shed light on the actions of her former Fox News colleagues, Sean Hannity and Laura Ingraham. While they reportedly sent pleas to the White House for the violence to stop on Jan. 6, they still put up a united front on-air and circulated a completely different narrative about the series of events that unfolded.

“I think the bigger story coming out of that is how disingenuous it was to be sending those texts of warning while then going on the air to the American people and doing a complete injustice and disservice by saying something completely opposite,” Carlson said, “and ginning up this whole reaction that it was just fine and patriotic for people to be there on January 6th.”

She went on to express concern about the journalistic state of her former network since the rise of Trump. Carlson also noted how conspiracy theories have become a fallacious replacement for opinion.

“Slowly but surely, this has morphed into eradicating any other point of view since the Trump era that is not just opinion,” Carlson said. “It’s gone from an opinion, which was fine, to completely devolving into non-fact-based conspiracy theories and outright dangerous rhetoric, in my mind, and I think it’s a complete disservice to our country.”

Noting the dangers of biased journalism, Carlson explained how dangerous it is to only get information from one news source. She also stressed how imperative it is for Republican leaders and lawmakers to use their platforms to offer clarity regarding some of the dangerous false narratives perpetuated by Fox News.

RELATED: Fox News: 25 years of making everyone’s lives progressively crappier

“For the safety of the Republican Party and for our democracy, I wish more would, because this is not going to end well, in my mind,” Carlson said. “It’s really hard to change people’s opinions because they’re only watching what they want to hear, you know? And that’s the other problem that we have in society with the media right now, is that we’re so siloed into only watching what we agree with. And so every day that thought process just gets reinforced time after time.”

Carlson also conceded that conservative media has changed considerably over the last five years as there is no longer a clear line between opinion and conspiracy theory. “Conservative television news is certainly not the conservative news that was out there even just five years ago,” Carlson said, later adding, “There’s a big difference between having a conservative opinion and having one that supports conspiracy theories.”

Your gas stove is warming the climate — even when it’s turned off

The evidence is growing: Your gas stove is a menace to the climate, and could very well be harming your health. 

A new peer-reviewed study published on Thursday by Stanford University researchers found that as much as 1.3% of the gas used in typical U.S. stoves could be leaking into the atmosphere unburned. While that might not sound like a lot, when multiplied across all the households that cook with natural gas in the United States, the researchers estimate that stoves may be contributing the same amount to climate change each year as half a million gasoline-powered cars. And they found that three-quarters of the emissions leak out when the stoves aren’t even turned on. 

The natural gas that people use for cooking is primarily composed of methane, a greenhouse gas. When methane is combusted in your oven or on the stovetop, carbon dioxide is released. But when methane leaks out without being burned, it has a much greater short-term warming effect than carbon dioxide. Over the first 20 years that it hangs in the atmosphere, methane is 86 times more powerful at heating up the planet than CO2.

The past decade has seen a growing body of research into the climate impacts of the natural gas industry, finding that methane is leaking out of wellheads, pipelines, and other infrastructure used to drill for natural gas and move it around the country. But there has been far less investigation into what happens once the gas reaches your home. 

“There are over 3 million miles of gas pipelines in the U.S., and when we are looking at a gas stove, we are basically looking at the end of a pipeline,” said Brady Seals, a manager in the Carbon-Free Buildings program at RMI, a clean energy advocacy group, who was not directly involved in the research. “We need a full climate and health accounting of these seemingly innocent gas stoves.”

Eric Lebel, the lead author of the study, told Grist that the team had previously investigated methane emissions from hot water heaters and was surprised to learn that the appliances leaked the most methane when they were shut off. So next Lebel wanted to see if the same held true for other household appliances.

The authors studied stoves in 53 homes in California that came from 18 different brands and ranged from 3 to 30 years old. They partitioned off each kitchen with plastic sheets and measured the amount of methane and nitrogen oxides that were emitted from the burners and oven when they were both in use and shut off.

All but four of the stoves leaked at least 10 milligrams of methane per hour when they were off, “suggesting that most stoves and associated nearby piping leak some methane continuously,” the authors wrote. The rate of methane emissions while using the burners was about 4.5 times higher than while the stoves were off. And simply turning a burner on and off released the same amount of methane as keeping the burner on for 10 minutes — however, stoves that used a pilot light leaked a lot more than those that had an electric ignition system.

The new study documented similar levels of methane leakage as a study published in 2019 using a different method, as well as a study published in 2018 by researchers from Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory. Zachary Merrin, a research engineer at the University of Illinois’ Indoor Climate Research and Training program who published the 2019 study, said in an email that the field is still in its infancy, and that there’s no agreed-upon method yet to quantify these residential methane emissions. But Merrin said he found it “reassuring” that all three studies arrived at similar conclusions. 

The new study also suggests that the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency is underestimating residential methane emissions. The amount of methane the researchers found leaking out of stoves alone was 15% higher than the agency’s estimate for all residential emissions in 2019. 

Lebel assured Grist that the amount of methane leaked by stoves does not pose an immediate safety hazard. Methane does, however, contribute to decreased air quality locally by increasing concentrations of tropospheric ozone, a component of smog. Smog can worsen the severity of respiratory illnesses such as bronchitis and emphysema and trigger asthma attacks, particularly in children, the elderly, and people with existing lung problems. And methane emissions contribute to the climate crisis and the health threats that come with it — illness driven by heat waves, disease tied to insect and bacteria outbreaks, premature death linked to extreme weather events, and more.  

The authors also measured nitrogen oxides, health-damaging air pollutants that were released when the stoves were turned on. They found that in a house with poor ventilation or where the range hood was not used while cooking, the indoor level of nitrogen dioxide could exceed the EPA’s outdoor standard within minutes. Nitrogen oxides have immediate consequences for human health. “It’s a respiratory irritant that’s been associated mainly with asthma and premature death,” Jonathan Buonocore, a research scientist at Harvard’s Center for Climate, Health, and the Global Environment who was not involved in the study, told Grist. 

The study’s health-related findings aren’t new; researchers have known for some time now that gas-burning stoves release pollutants that can impact human health. But Buonocore said that the study’s efforts to monitor and inventory the exact quantity of these gases and pollutants emitted by individual stoves could unlock a new line of health research. Buonocore said he hopes future studies will look at a larger sample size of stoves, not just in California but across the U.S., and take a deeper look at what happens to pollutants produced by these stoves when kitchens aren’t sealed off. “There’s definitely a hazard here that’s been underappreciated, and the next step would be to figure out what the exposures are under normal use,” he said. Lebel said future research also needs to look at whether the risks of stove emissions are amplified in low-income homes with smaller kitchens and poor ventilation.

The good news is there is an electric alternative to gas, and it’s not those loathsome electric coils that take forever to get hot. Induction cooktops are a newer technology that use an electromagnetic field to heat up pots and pans. Fans of induction cooking rave about their precision, how fast they can boil water, and how quickly they cool down after you shut them off.

If you want or need to keep using gas, make sure you turn on the range hood if it’s not automatic. If you don’t have one, or if it’s not vented to the outdoors, open a window to improve ventilation. Merrin also said to keep an eye on the flames: It’s a good sign if your burners show a steady blue flame, but orange flames are a sign of incomplete combustion and likely an increase in methane, nitrogen oxides, and carbon monoxide. “People can help their stove perform better by keeping the surface and the burners clean, making sure the burner caps are centered and well seated, and fixing any issues with the igniters if the stove is not lighting quickly or completely,” he said.

J.D. Vance rally booted from Ohio venue after MTG said she’d appear

According to a report from the Cincinnati Enquirer, a rally for Ohio GOP Senate hopeful J.D. Vance was asked by the management of the facility where it was slated to occur on Sunday to take it elsewhere after they became aware that Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-GA) would be making an appearance.

Vance, the “Hillbilly Elegy” author who jumped into the race — and has struggled to find traction — received the endorsement from the controversial Georgia Republican recently and the announcement that she would appear was expected to give his campaign a much-needed boost.

However, the management of the Landing Event Center in Loveland was unaware that she would be there until they were flooded with complaints.

The Enquirer reports, “The management at the Landing Event Center in Loveland didn’t know much about the event that was scheduled for Sunday, the general manager told The Enquirer. Just that a client asked to rent the space for an event that involved ‘Hillbilly Elegy’ author and Senate candidate J.D. Vance,” adding “Then on Thursday, General Manager Jodi Taylor logged on to her computer. A flood of messages on social media and emails greeted her from people angry about the event. And calls started coming in.”


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“After discussing it with the owners, the management felt they weren’t in a position to hold the event, Taylor said. She said they didn’t know it was open to the public and would have an unknown number of people, she said,” with Taylor explaining, “We just chose to respect it was a very emotional topic. People are passionate about what they believe. We were wrapping our heads around what was going on. We didn’t know there would be a guest.”

And with that, they asked Vance to move his event which will now be held at the Marriott Cincinnati Northeast in Mason.

According to an email from the Vance campaign, the move was necessitated because the crowd was expected to be larger than originally planned.

RELATED: Hillbilly sellout: The politics of J. D. Vance’s “Hillbilly Elegy” are already being used to gut the working poor

In a statement posted online the original facility explained, “Due to the tremendous interest in the JD Vance presentation that was scheduled to take place here this Sunday, it has been relocated to the Marriott NE located in Deerfield Twp. We appreciate everyone’s interest and concerns.”

The Enquirer reports, “The Landing Event Center didn’t want to jump into the politics, Taylor said” as she added, “It doesn’t matter what we do. We have both sides upset.”

You can read more here.

We moved to an off-the-grid paradise and ended up fighting a war to save the forest

We found out about the logging by accident. We’d gone to The Forest Service Ranger District in Waldport and were looking at a big map of our valley, Tenmile, which hung on the wall. 

“What are the little flags?” I asked one of the Forest Service staff. The map was covered with flags, like what you see in old war movies when armies are being tracked. Chuck says they weren’t flags, but stickers. He always wants me to get the facts exactly right, but I remember them as flags. The Forest Service worker that day said the flags, or stickers or whatever they were, indicated sale units. When I wasn’t sure what that meant, he added that they were “units in process of being negotiated as part of the Forest Service’s management process.” 

We looked more closely. Flags were everywhere: along the road lined with giant spruce, hemlock, cedar and Doug fir; above the sauna; above our houses; near the campground; near the beautiful Five Mile Meadow. 

“Forest management,” said the man.  

RELATED: How much forest did we lose in 2020? Like, a Netherlands’ worth

We’d only lived in Oregon for a few years and didn’t know about logging yet. Of course, it was happening all around us. Throughout the day, we’d hear the sound of chainsaws, the yarder whistle, and the crash of trees as they fell, and every day on Highway 101 or on the narrow, winding gravel road to our place, we passed trucks full of huge logs. We’d seen whole landscapes that had been clear cut and then sprayed with toxic chemicals. We saw areas that had once been pristine forest, now stripped of every living plant and animal, like a bomb had gone off, but we didn’t understand the forces at play. Later we’d see how Big Timber had worked its way into and corrupted Oregon’s legislature, its agencies, communities and schools, but back then, we were innocent. 

My midwife had told us about the Tenmile property: 25 acres for sale in a semi-intentional community located in Oregon’s Coast Range. The land is between two wilderness areas and surrounded by the Siuslaw National Forest. It’s off Highway 101 and up a narrow gravel county road that twists and climbs. The first few times you drive the road it’s harrowing, with blind curves and steep, deadly drops. Huge trees line the road: spruce with its thick, sharp needles; the graceful hemlock with its drooping branches; thick-barked Douglas Fir and my favorite — the most iconic, dramatic of them all — cedar.

Everything is layered and textured. The forest, first of all. The trees and their understory. Tall and short, thick and thin, sharp and soft. The colors are muted grays and browns and every shade of green. Most of it’s in shadow, but every now and then a shaft of light makes its way through the thick branches and illuminates some little section of forest. The landscape is layered with trees and bushes, ferns and flowers, and it’s layered with scent. The smell of the cedar and the other trees, too, and the damp, vegetative smell of growing things. To drive up Tenmile is to be enclosed in color, texture and scent. 

RELATED: Is it possible to live off-grid?

We quickly learned to differentiate sections of that road. The kids named one part Columbine Hill for the orange flowers that grow there every spring. In early summer, they made a game of counting the wild irises or trillium we passed on the way home or to town. 

When we moved there, the Tenmile community was nine years old and made up of six households: eleven adults and eight kids. They came from different backgrounds, from WASPs and Irish Catholics, from wealthy families and the working class. All of them were people who could do things. They built houses and put in driveways and fences. They roofed and sided and did masonry work. They ran water lines, repaired engines and built a hydro-system. They caught their own fish. They went clamming and crabbing. They were master gardeners. They canned, baked and pickled. They read Tarot cards and milled lumber. They wove, painted, played the mandolin and made pottery. 

What I liked best about my neighbors was their love for the place.  The way they stopped to listen when the first rains came. Their excitement at the sight of an otter in the creek, a lynx crossing the road, a marten in the woods or evidence of a bear. And I like that when the valley was eventually threatened by seemingly insurmountable forces, the neighbors turned into bad asses and fought like hell. 

Each of us had our own separate piece of land, but we shared a garden and an orchard. The orchard grew plums, pears and apples, all varieties. There was a weekly sauna and potluck. We helped build each other’s houses and take care of each other’s children. Kingfishers and swallows flew over us. The kids caught snakes in the grass, and the men caught salmon in the creek. In the morning, the meadow outside our window might be full of elk or deer. Black bear and cougar lived in the woods, and at night we could hear owls.

At the beginning, Chuck and I lived in a 12 x 24-foot cabin with our two kids. The first summer, we had no outhouse and dug holes in the ground instead, which is acceptable for only a short time, if you ask me. Then Chuck built an outhouse with a composting toilet, which just meant a large plastic barrel that, when full, would be capped and left to biodegrade. We heated our house with a woodstove. Hot water came from a tank which sat above the woodstove and was connected to it by a copper tube. At first, there was no phone service, although soon Pioneer Telephone, a co-op, put a line to the house.  Electric power only went up the valley for a mile and a half, so, everyone was off grid. Our refrigerators and stoves ran off propane. We used generators to run machinery and ran lines off our car batteries to watch movies. In the beginning, at night we read by kerosene lamps, but eventually Chuck and I were able to connect with our neighbor’s hydro system, and then, except in late summer when it got too dry, we had enough electricity for lights and the radio. Our drinking water came from a spring up the hill, and it was the sweetest water you ever tasted.  

RELATED: “Off the Grid”: The growing appeal of going off the grid

For the first two years, our house was too small for a bathtub, so the tub sat on the deck outside. I loved sitting in the hot bath beneath the stars, working in the garden surrounded by trees and mountains, lying in bed with the sound of the creek, waking in the morning to find a herd of elk in the meadow.   

We had thought by going to a remote, hidden place, we could drop out, be part of a community, make our own rules and live quiet lives with our kids, but everything changed that day in the ranger district, looking at the map. All the little flags, the timber sales, clear cuts. 

We soon realized that instead of paradise, we’d landed in the middle of the Northwest Timber wars. 

Before, when we got together, we had talked about the kids or the garden, an unusual animal someone had spotted, or building projects. We told funny stories. Now our conversations were about the forest and what we might do to protect it. They were all about strategy. The first thing we had to do was figure how the Forest Service worked. As a federal agency, it was full of rules and procedures for everything. We needed to know who was accountable and where to put pressure. 

We read books and talked to people. We learned from activists all over the country. Regional forest defenders came to Tenmile and we’d take them into the forest and to the sauna. We’d feed them salmon because this was back when you could still catch Coho in the creek, back before the salmon and trout numbers plummeted and even catch and release was outlawed. We’d give them pies made from berries we grew in the garden, salads and soups and fruit, whatever was in season. Brock Evans, president of the Endangered Species Coalition, visited from D.C. He encouraged us by saying that a small focused group is often more effective than a large unfocused one. And one night in the sauna, Brock told us what was necessary: endless pressure, he said, endlessly applied. This never stopped being true. 

Now driving home, I’d find Chuck’s truck parked along the road where he’d pulled over to go into the forest. I loved watching him in our meadow, bending over to look at a plant. We took walks in the woods and. he pointed out the canopy, the way the hemlock grows in the shade of the Doug fir, for instance, and the understory below. We noticed the shape of the oldest trees. Most of them have had their tops blown off in fierce winter storms, so they’re the same height as the trees around them, but their tops are flat. We learned about the birds that nested in those high, flat treetops. We learned the names of the plants, the elderberry, huckleberry, and sword fern, that grow on the forest floor. Fallen trees became nurse logs for hemlock or spruce seedlings, helping build the biomass that makes up that soft forest floor, growing in a row up its trunk. We learned about the insects that live in the downed logs. We shared information and we strategized.

RELATED: Ecological, but unaware: You care about the environment more than you think

Our little community was starting to have conflicts, but when it came to protecting the valley, we pulled together. We were a team. We went to public meetings, lectures, workshops and trainings. We learned everything we could. Eventually, we were the experts. One day I called one of our go-to environmental groups with a question and was given my own home phone number to call for an answer. 

Meanwhile, The Forest Service was surveying the trees along the road. Timber sale boundaries were being marked. The tall cedar that was my favorite tree in all the world. Yellow tape. They were getting ready. 

But then, the Northern Spotted Owl, one of those species that liked to nest in the high, flat tops of the tallest trees, was listed as threatened under the Endangered Species Act (ESA,) and, just like that, all bets were off. Under the ESA, a listing meant its recovery fell on federal land, so anywhere an owl was found, an area had to be set aside for protection. Pretty soon you’d see bumper stickers saying “I like my spotted owls fried,” (so witty) and in some places, owls were found shot and nailed to trees. When we found Spotted Owls at Tenmile, it seemed like our problem was solved. 

Although our little valley was the center of the universe to us, the political wheels of the timber wars turned regionally and nationally. The Sierra Club Legal Defense Fund, now called Earthjustice, led the legal battle over old growth habitat for the Spotted owl. An injunction was issued by a federal judge shutting down all timber sales in Northwest National Forests. Then in 1989, Congress passed a one-year rider setting aside the injunction.

The following year, Congress failed to pass another rider but gave the go-ahead for clearcutting on already sold timber sales, if they didn’t contain owl habitat forest structure. Each national forest was to have a Citizen Review Committee appointed to pass judgement on the size of each timber sale’s trees – were they large enough to be owl habitat or not?  

First, we were told by the Forest Service that our trees weren’t big enough to meet this criterion. We had a meeting then, and people came from town and from other nearby valleys, and we walked the drainages, measuring trees. DBH, diameter at breast height. We presented the data to the Forest Service, and they finally agreed to include the Tenmile sale units in the Citizen Review Committee process. 

I think most people, at least in the northwest, realize the issue with the owl wasn’t simply the survival of one species but that the owl is an indicator species, which means it’s a gauge for the health of an ecosystem. It means that if the owl can’t survive, a number of other plants and animals won’t be able to either. You should also know that loggers were already struggling. Almost all of the old growth on private lands was gone by now, and many of their jobs had been automated. Also, as Chuck once pointed out to an audience of angry loggers who’d come to disrupt a talk he was giving: we’re not your enemy. Your enemy is flying overhead at 35,000 ft in their corporate jets. It’s those folks who overcut the forests, destroyed your unions and are sending our logs to mills in Japan.  

RELATED: Reimagining humanity’s obligation to wild animals

The Citizens Advisory Boards were made up of local leaders, including a sprinkling of those sympathetic to environmentalists, but generally weighted towards the timber industry. Everyone quickly realized that, regardless of the law, regardless of extinction or anything else, getting the cut out was primary. That wasn’t going to change.

The meetings for our area were held at the headquarters of the Siuslaw National Forest in Corvallis.  We’d go every week and sit in the back of the room. We weren’t allowed to speak, but I still have the notes I took from those meetings. 

Kent wants the cut out by Sept 30th
Carl says there’s no long-term plan for the owl 
Gary says there is! 
Carl says that’s an opinion 
Gary says it’s an expert opinion

Liz wants a vote
Pat wants to talk
Don wants a different definition of Old Growth
Bruce says the process is proving itself. 
Pat says it’s a timber-driven process.
Liz says the volume is determining the process
Don wants better stand description
Liz has a problem with analysis and mapping
Bruce has problem with definition of emerging Old Growth

Sometimes, we’d bring our kids. None of us had time for this and nobody could afford it, but we went to every meeting and made sure our tree size data was in the hands of each Committee member. Back in the valley, a neighbor was dying and someone else was getting a divorce. There was a fight over property. We were struggling to maintain our little community. And we had jobs and the normal hardship of living in the woods. Our water lines were always breaking. Roofs leaked. Driveways got washed out. Trees fell across the road. Car and trucks rusted and broke. It seemed like Chuck and I got flat tires about once a week. And you couldn’t turn your back on the vegetation. It was always creeping over the driveway, over the paths, into the walls, over the gardens. You had to work hard just to keep from going backwards. It rained twenty-three days straight that December. 

Even so, week after we went. It mattered that we showed up. It made a difference that someone was watching. When information about a particularly important stand at Tenmile was suppressed, our neighbor Paul got an accurate map to a sympathetic board member, and she was able to block its sale. Don’t believe it when people say we have no power. In the end, nearly all the Tenmile sales were taken off the board, which was a great victory, although slightly hollow. Our valley was preserved, but the cut still went out. Away from Tenmile, sale after sale went through. Where were the people to speak up for those places? We sat in the meeting room, silent, as the names of sales were called out.

Blue Bird, Angel, Beaver Pond, Black Snow, Tidewater, Skywalker, Stillwell, Sugar Cube, Sugarloaf, Mariah Skyline, Gordy Bluff, Picnic, Signal Point, Wapiti, Rocky Cedar, Sweet Thin, Crazy 25, Little Green Horn, Green Apple, Grass Skirt, Raspberry, Hot Elma. A place someone named Lower Sweet. A place someone called Starlight. 

The following year, 1991, logging on the National Forest was shut down.

Oscar Wilde once said every story can be a happy one, depending on where you end it. This story didn’t end here but, still, at least in terms of our valley, the ending is a hopeful one. 

While it’s true that logging on national forest land was shut down, what really happened was complicated. The shutdown was in effect only until Congress or someone could work out the next deal. And nobody was talking about private property because private property was untouchable, even if most private forestlands were increasingly owned by big corporate timber firms who destroy the land, pay almost no taxes, take the profit and run. The public relations people want to convince us that those forest owners are all mom and pop, but it’s not true.

First, we were able to protect Tenmile because the Tenmile forest is Spotted Owl habitat, and when that wasn’t enough, Marbled Murrelets, another threatened species, were discovered there. Our efforts were further helped when a group called Conservation International identified the ecological importance of the Tenmile as part of one of the largest intact temperate rainforests left in the continental US. When a place we call The Five Mile Meadow, one of the most beautiful spots in the valley, was about to be bought by a timber company, Paul arranged for Audubon to buy it and create a sanctuary. He also facilitated the sale of another parcel to an Oregon State University conservation group known as The Spring Creek Project. Chuck and I, along with other landowners, put our trees in a conservation trust, to be protected. A few years ago, the philanthropic arm of Worthy Brewing from Bend, Oregon (their motto is earth first, beer second) bought 64 mostly logged-over acres and are planting trees in hopes of returning that property “to the natural world.” Their plans include a solar-powered nature retreat and working organic, regenerative farm. 

Years ago, I wrote an essay about our failed attempt at living on the land, which was published in The Sun magazine and reprinted in High Country News. The essay was titled “On Being Wrong” and was about my personal failures and about how little self-knowledge Chuck and I exhibited when we decided to live in the woods. We had worked for years, saving money to buy our land, but it turned out we weren’t equipped for that life. Unlike our neighbors, we (especially I) didn’t have the skills or wherewithal. And the community itself, despite its history and shared values, didn’t hold together. For a long time, it seemed to me that the whole endeavor had been a failure, but that’s not true. 

We were still living at Tenmile when my husband, frustrated by the destruction of forests outside our own valley, started a regional conservation group, The Coast Range Association, to advocate for the entire Coast Range Forest, from the Columbia River, in the north, to the Siskiyou region, in the south. The organization is now over 25 years old, and Chuck is slowly handing over its management to the next generation of forest activists. The group’s current focus is the climate crisis and the importance of leaving big trees in the ground for carbon, while creating good jobs. My husband’s 25-year long criticism of the role of Wall Street ownership of private forests is no longer considered radical. Recently, his analysis of forestland ownership by Real Estate Investment Trusts was taken up by ProPublica and published in a series of exposés.

Chuck isn’t the only Tenmile resident to dedicate himself to the environment. Nearly every household there has someone who ended up working in conservation. In addition to ensuring the preservation of Tenmile, Paul has worked in various capacities as a conservationist. Among other things, he’s participated in watershed councils and helped development and management of wetland conservancy and ocean reserves. Paul’s son earned a PhD with research focused on the cumulative effects of pesticide use in forest management in the Coast Range. His current job is addressing ocean acidification.. Two of our neighbors served on the board of Chuck’s organization. Both our son and one of the neighbor’s daughters worked on stream surveys, counting salmon, for Oregon’s Fish and Wildlife agency. Our daughter and her husband own 150 acres of land, much of it damaged by misuse, on which they’re practicing regenerative agriculture. Our son-in-law works in wetland restoration. 

When Chuck and I looked at the map of Tenmile on the wall of the ranger district in Waldport all those years ago, we were planning to make a trail through the woods to connect all our properties, so the kids could reach each other’s houses without walking on the road. We had no idea what those little markers foreshadowed, and how it would change everything. It wasn’t what we’d dreamed of. We didn’t plan it. We just wanted to have gardens and hang out in a beautiful place. We wanted dancing and storytelling, potlucks with pies and salmon, and on Sunday nights, sauna, and even though we ended up losing all that, what happened instead was beyond anything we could have ever imagined.

More stories about forest life: 

Kimchi jjigae is one of Beverly Kim’s all-time favorite soups: It “hits the core of your soul”

Chicago chef Beverly Kim can’t remember the first time she ate kimchi jjigae, the tangy, spicy and deeply savory Korean kimchi stew; in fact, she’s fairly sure it predated her conscious life, coursing through her bloodstream in utero. 

I, on the other hand, will never forget the first time I ate Kim’s kimchi jjigae, a few weeks into the first pandemic lockdown, in spring 2020. Kim’s two Chicago restaurants, Michelin-starred Parachute (closed till March for renovations) and seasonal tasting-menu spot Wherewithall, were quick to pivot to takeout, and comforting kimchi jjigae with rice, pickled vegetables and bing bread headlined one of the early fixed menus. The brick-red stew emanated the mellow tang of ripe, cooked kimchi; the lip-tingling fire of green chiles; and the dual umami bomb of anchovy stock and pork belly. I intermittently cooled my mouth on cloud-like cubes of tofu, and felt, for just a few minutes, like everything might be OK.

“Kimchi jjigae is one of my all-time favorite soups — and one of those things I’ve eaten my whole life,” Kim, who is Korean-American, said. “It’s kind of deep and soulful and just hits the core of your soul. Every person, whether rich or poor — it’s kind of classless — everybody loves kimchi jjigae.”

Jjigae means stew in Korean, denoting a thicker, saltier and more intense class of meat, seafood and vegetable soups that are often served with rice and always boiling hot. At its simplest, kimchi jjigae comprises ripe kimchi simmered in its own juices with onion till mellow and served with sliced pork, rice and often cubed tofu.

Depending on whose kitchen you’re in, it takes up countless variations. Some sauté the kimchi first in sesame oil; some add ginger, garlic and kimchi juice; some cook the soup in water, others in anchovy stock. Some use bacon, pork belly, shoulder, or like Kim’s brother-in-law, pork ribs. Some cook it in a ddukbaegi (glazed stone pot); others in soup pots, which makes for a thinner, guk- (meaning soup-) like consistency.

Kim learned to make kimchi jjigae mostly from her late, Korean-born grandmother, or Halmoni, but incorporates some techniques from her mom and those she’s honed for decades as a James Beard Award-winning chef. Halmoni’s kimchi jjigae was pretty traditional, always made in the same ddukbaegi for a thicker, more concentrated stew. Halmoni liked starting it by sweating ginger and garlic; as she got older, she started subbing in turkey bacon for the fatty pork belly. She also sweetened her jjigae to tame the sharpness — though not always with sugar, as Kim would learn.


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“She used to save packets of sugar from diners and coffee shops. I’d notice she took Equal, too, so she’d put a little aspartame in there,” Kim laughed. “When she died two years ago and I gave her memorial speech, I said, ‘She made the best kimchi jjigae, and her secret was aspartame!’ I don’t know any other Korean who’d do that.”

Kim’s mom made Halmoni’s kimchi jjigae her own by adding a dab of Doenjang (Korean bean paste) for balance and sneaking in a few spoonfuls of MSG-laced anchovy powder for depth. She made hers thinner, more guk-like, in a large soup pot.

The family’s kimchi jjigae has undoubtedly become cheffier under Kim’s watch. She doubles down on the umami by adding home-made anchovy stock and adds delicate garnishes like enoki mushrooms, crushed toasted sesame seeds and thinly sliced green chile to add interest to this “big pot of red.” 

https://www.instagram.com/p/CBlXGdRnWg9/

This intergenerational hot pot converges once more just before it’s ladled out with the familiar, mouthwatering “보글보글 (bogeul bogeul),” or “bubble bubble” sound, Kim said, when all the garnishes are added and the jjigae is brought to a brief, raucous boil to achieve its ideal volcanically hot temperature. 

“For non-Koreans, they’re like, ‘this is super hot,’ but that’s the way we eat it,” Kim said. “It’s almost sensorial for me. As you can see, most Korean soups don’t have tons of fat, so I think how it’s served in those clay pots and really bubbling with tons of steam helps carry flavor.”

It’s also the universal anticipation of that impatient first bite, knowing full well you’ll burn your mouth.

“Mom just said it’s making her mouth water,” Kim said.

***

Recipe: Halmoni’s Kimchi Jjigae
By Beverly Kim, chef/owner of Parachute and Wherewithall restaurants, Chicago

Yields
2 servings
Cook Time
20 minutes

Ingredients

  • 1 Tbsp sesame oil
  • 2 cloves minced garlic 
  • 1 teaspoon minced ginger
  • 5 oz. pork belly or bacon slices, cut into 1-inch by 1/2-inch batons
  • 1/2 onion, sliced thin 
  • 2 cups well-fermented kimchi, chopped
  • 1/4 tsp sugar 
  • 1/4 tsp minced salted shrimp (optional)
  • 1 Tbsp doenjang (Korean fermented soybean paste) 
  • 1 cup Anchovy Stock, plus more as needed 
  • 2-3 Tbsp kimchi juice
  • 1/2 pack medium-firm tofu cut into large cubes, for garnish
  • 3 scallions cut on a bias, for garnish
  • 1 green chili, thinly sliced for garnish 
  • 1 bunch enoki mushrooms (optional, for garnish) 
  • 1 tsp toasted sesame seeds, crushed in your fingers (optional, for garnish)
  • Freshly cooked white rice, for serving

Directions

  1. In a heavy-bottomed Dutch oven or soup pot over medium heat, add the sesame oil, garlic and ginger and sauté for 1 minute, stirring constantly. “You’re not caramelizing here, just sweating,” Kim says. Add the pork and sauté until lightly browned, about 3 minutes. Add the sliced onion, kimchi, sugar and salted shrimp, if using. Turn the heat up just a hair and stir-fry for 3 to 4 more minutes, stirring constantly, until the vegetables soften. Again, you’re not looking for caramelization. “It won’t taste right if you brown!” Kim warns.

  2. Add the doenjang and mix to combine it with the vegetables. Add 1 cup Anchovy Stock and 2 to 3 Tbsp kimchi juice, depending on your taste and how acidic the kimchi juice is (start with 2 and give it a taste). Cover and bring the pot to a boil, then reduce to a simmer and cook for 10 minutes, covered, stirring occasionally. Keep the anchovy stock handy to thin the jjigae if desired.

  3. When you’re ready to serve, add the tofu, green chilies, scallions and enoki mushrooms (if using). Bring the pot up to a boil, and let it bogeul bogeul for 30 seconds. Serve bubbling with rice.

     

 


Cook’s Notes

Use this anchovy stock to make James Beard Award-winning chef’s Beverly Kim’s kimchi jjigae.

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Use this anchovy stock to make James Beard Award-winning chef’s Beverly Kim’s kimchi jjigae

Chicago chef Beverly Kim’s kimchi jjigae calls for anchovy stock, the Korean counterpart to Japanese dashi, which lends depth and umami to the stew. For shortcut versions, you can buy packets of anchovy powder and add water, or use pre-made Korean dashi “tea” bags of dried kelp, anchovy and shrimp, such as these. Or you can make your own in about 30 minutes (plus soaking time) out of dried anchovies, kelp and a few aromatic veggies.

If you buy dasi, the largest dried anchovies, like these, you’ll need to remove the head and guts (which can impart bitter flavors) before you start the stock. Look instead for medium-size anchovies, such as these, which don’t require removing the guts.

Related: Kimchi jjigae is one of Beverly Kim’s all-time favorite soups: It “hits the core of your soul”

Kim suggests making a big batch of stock and freezing it for later uses like odeng guk (Korean fish cake soup), doenjang jjigae (fermented soybean paste soup) and kongnamul guk (soybean sprout soup). Or you can pan fry them with onions for a delicious snack or side dish like her mom does: Remove the guts from a handful of anchovies, then toast them in a pan with oil for a few minutes. Add a sliced onion and cook until the onions caramelize. Add a teaspoon or two each of minced garlic and ginger, a splash each of rice syrup and soy sauce, and cook down until the flavors marry. This sweet, salty banchan is delicious piled over rice for lunch.

***

Recipe: Anchovy Stock (for Halmoni’s Kimchi Jjigae)
By Beverly Kim, chef/owner of Parachute and Wherewithall restaurants, Chicago

Yields
1 quart
Cook Time
30 minutes

Ingredients

  • 1 4-inch piece dried kelp
  • 8-10 large dried anchovies (guts removed) or 1/3 cup medium-sized anchovies (no need to gut)
  • 1/4-1/2 mu, or Korean, radish, peeled and cut into chunks (substitute with any white radish)
  • 3 cloves garlic, whole 
  • 1 onion, peeled and quartered
  • 3 scallions (white part only)
  • 1-2 dried shiitake mushrooms (optional)

Directions

  1. Soak the kelp in 5 cups of water for 1 1/2 hours in a medium sauce pot. Meanwhile, toast the anchovies in a dry pan over low heat for a few minutes. Set aside. (Note: If you don’t want bits of anchovy floating in your stock, you can wrap the toasted anchovies in cheesecloth.)
  2. Bring the sauce pot to a boil, then remove the softened kelp (if you simmer it too long, it will become bitter). Add the toasted anchovies and remaining ingredients and simmer, with the lid on top but slightly open, for about 30 minutes, skimming the foam on top every once in a while. Taste it (heavenly, right?); you’re looking for a balanced flavor of sea, brightness from the radish and savoriness from the alliums.

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This naturally creamy soup is made without dairy or dairy alternatives

My love of fennel began late — really late — like in my 40’s late. As I watched a friend shake fennel seeds all over what turned out to be the best homemade pizza I’d ever tasted, it was love at first sight. 

From there, I sought out recipes featuring or including fresh fennel, and I fell in love with it, too. I began chopping it into salads or including in freshly pressed juices.

If you ask someone what fennel tastes like, usually the response you get is that it tastes like licorice. Well, I don’t like licorice, but I really like fennel, so go figure.

Related: The absolute best way to cook fennel (because this underappreciated veggie deserves a Renaissance)

To be clear and forthcoming, fennel, just like anise, has a licorice-like flavor. This flavor comes from the essential oil, anethole, which both have in their seeds, even though they’re totally unrelated. But enough about all of that, and back to this wonderful soup. You need to trust me — and just make it.

This is the most satisfying of soups. It’s naturally creamy, made without dairy, dairy alternatives or starch. It’s light and deliciously nutritious, overflowing with fresh fennel and leeks. It’s easy to prepare and just different enough to wow. I think it’s the perfect starter for a chilly January evening meal or equally perfect on its own as a light lunch or supper.


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Before delivering the recipe to you, I’d be remiss if I withheld my favorite shortcut when making this soup (as well as all of my favorite soups). If you already have a broth you love, feel free to disregard, but I absolutely love “Not Chik’n” and “Garden Veggie” bouillon cubes by Edward & Sons. You can get them on Amazon or at your local health food store. They have the best flavor, and you can use them to replace broth in any recipe. 

Well, what are you waiting for? Now that you know my soup secret, run to the store and get what you need to make this recipe.

***

Recipe: Fennel and Leek Soup

Yields
servings

Ingredients

  • 3 leeks
  • 1 fennel bulb, chopped (reserve some of the fronds for garnish)
  • 1 teaspoon thyme
  • 1 package of mushrooms (washed, dried and sliced)
  • 3-4 cups water or broth (adjust salt if using plain water), enough to almost cover chopped vegetables
  • Butter, coconut oil or olive oil for sautéing

Directions

  1. In a soup pot, combine the leeks, fennel, thyme and water or broth.
  2. Heat to a boil, then simmer until the vegetables are soft, about 25 minutes.

  3. While soup is simmering, sauté mushrooms in a little butter, coconut oil or olive oil until well done. Set aside to add to the soup at the end.

  4. Using an immersion blender, blend soup to desired degree of smoothness. Then add the sautéed mushrooms.

  5. Serve in individual bowls and garnish with fennel fronds.


Cook’s Notes

Before you cook the leeks, submerge them in water and manually shake them around/massage them to get all of the dirt and grit out. Take them out of water by hand (the dirt and grit sinks to the bottom) and re-rinse.

More from Bibi’s Southern kitchen: 

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The silkiest, creamiest, absolute best risotto recipes

Have you ever met someone who wasn’t absolutely head over heels for risotto? No? Same here. There’s something about this cheesy, creamy dish that will instantly transport your taste buds to a hole-in-the-wall trattoria in Milan, no matter where in the world you’re dining. Since most people can’t fly to Italy on a moment’s notice, we’re bringing a taste of Nonna’s cooking to your own kitchen with these 22 risotto recipes.

Here, you’ll find traditional methods for cooking risotto in a large skillet or saucier, as well as a modern-day technique, which calls for cooking risotto in an Instant Pot. Whether you’re looking for an excellent vegan version or want to cook an extra-special saffron-infused dish — for a crowd or just for one — our best risotto recipes will make you say, “That’s amore!”

Best risotto recipes

1. Basic Risotto

Is this the ultimate risotto recipe? We think so. There’s nothing overly fussy or unexpected here — just a classic combination of butter, shallots, garlic, white wine, lemon zest and juice, and grated Italian cheese.

2. Porcini Mushroom Risotto

Whether you want to impress dinner guests or are just looking for an elegant vegetarian meal that you can whip up any night of the week, this quick risotto recipe should do the trick. It calls for 7 ounces of fresh porcini mushrooms, but feel free to swap in any mushroom variety that you love.

3. Risotto alla Milanese (Saffron Risotto)

Go for gold with this Italian-inspired risotto recipe that gets its intense yellow hue from a pinch of dried saffron threads. Amp up the flavor even more with a couple tablespoons of bone marrow and butter for sautéing the onion and rice.

4. Farro Risotto

Instead of the usual Arborio rice, this quick and easy risotto recipe gets its nuttiness and color from farro. Cook the grains in advance, so that all you need to do is sauté them with butter, onion, white wine, and, of course, lots and lots of Parmesan cheese.

5. Risotto Alla Carbonara

Two timeless Italian recipes — risotto and spaghetti carbonara — are paired together for the dish of our dreams. Instead of toasting the rice in butter, sauté it in bacon fat (you can thank Eric Kim for that idea). At the end of the cooking process, fold in the carbonara essentials — egg yolks, heavy cream, black pepper, and Parm.

6. Pesto Risotto for One with Shrimp

Party of one? Instead of making a big batch of risotto, make this single-serve recipe that doesn’t skimp on flavor. The process for making this risotto recipe is straightforward, but the real magic happens at the end, when a few tablespoons of pesto and sour cream are stirred in.

7. Butternut Squash Risotto with Mushrooms

“When in doubt, serve rice,” says recipe developer Eric Kim. But this is no ordinary rice dish. He folds puréed butternut squash into cooked risotto, which gives it a vibrant orange hue and slightly sweet flavor that pairs perfectly with wild mushrooms.

8. Summer Corn Risotto in Sweet Corn Broth

When summer rolls around, we can’t wait to cook with fresh corn. This risotto recipe gets plenty of sweet corn flavor from both a homemade stock and kernels cut straight off the cob.

9. Leek Risotto

Hot take: Leeks are underutilized! We took matters into our own hands and developed a risotto recipe that gives this allium its well-deserved 45 minutes of fame, which is all the time it takes to cook.

10. Shrimp and Artichoke Risotto

If you’ve only ever enjoyed fresh artichokes stuffed with bread crumbs or dipped into a silky hollandaise sauce, meet your new favorite preparation.

11. Squid Ink Risotto (Risotto al Nero di Seppia)

Squid ink may sound mysterious and spooky, but we promise this umami-packed ingredient shouldn’t be reserved only for Halloween dinner. Paired with fresh squid and peeled tomatoes, it’s a decidedly Italian meal that’s super special.

12. Butternut Squash and Saffron Risotto

Together, saffron threads and cooked butternut squash bring a vivid hue and floral notes to this autumnal vegetarian risotto recipe.

13. Vegan Lemon Asparagus Risotto

There’s no butter (just olive oil!), and instead of Parmesan cheese, we swapped in nutritional yeast for a rice bowl that’s as rich as the original. Pro tip: Make this during spring when asparagus is at its peak.

14. Farro Risotto with Caramelized Apples and Fennel

Nutty farro is cooked in a combination of apple cider and chicken stock, then mixed with caramelized Honeycrisp apples and fresh fennel for the ultimate fall feast.

15. Shrimp and Grits Style Risotto

This genius fusion of two beloved comfort food recipes brings umami flavor from sliced mushrooms, a kick from hot sauce, and so much good fatty flavor from bacon.

16. Lemon and Saffron Risotto

Don’t underestimate the power of lemon and saffron. Though each flavor is simple enough on its own, when joined together, they make one spectacular vegetarian risotto.

17. Celery Risotto with Asian Pear and Shiso

It’s not easy being green, unless you’re this risotto recipe that gets its pastel color and bright, crisp flavor from pears, celery, and shiso leaf, an herb that’s part of the mint family. In addition to the usual Pecorino Romano, we also folded in a few tablespoons of ricotta.

18. Instant Pot Risotto Primavera

See how everyone’s favorite multi-cooker works its magic in this risotto recipe that features a trio of greens including peas, baby spinach, and asparagus.

19. Roasted Cauliflower Brown Rice Risotto with Lemon, Walnut, and Mascarpone

Both the florets and leaves of cauliflower are used in this low-carb risotto that’s perked up with aromatic Meyer lemon, mascarpone cheese, and roasted walnuts.

20. Farro Risotto with Sausage, Mushroom, Peas, and a Poached Egg

From now on, we’re always going to top a bowl of risotto with a poached egg. Once you try it, you too will realize that there’s simply no other way.

21. Seaweed Risotto with Clams and Peas

“Seaweed is a super versatile pantry staple and nutritional powerhouse that helps build layers of flavor with notes of earthy mushroom and briny sea. This risotto features a type of dried kelp referred to as wakame in Japanese and miyeok in Korean,” writes recipe developer Kay Chun. If you’re looking for a new recipe to add to your Christmas Eve feast, this is it.

22. Parsnip Risotto with Caraway-Paprika Oil and Orangey Walnuts

If I’m being honest, I struggle to figure out what to do with parsnips. I can roast or mash them, but that’s about where my creativity ends. This zesty risotto uses puréed parsnips for creaminess, which is brilliant. What will parsnips do next?

Boredom reigns at border as Texas Gov. Greg Abbott drags out National Guard deployment

According to a report from the Wall Street Journal, Texas Gov. Greg Abbott (R) is taking heat from Democrats and members of his own party after deploying National Guard members to the border with Mexico with no clear mission and little support while they sit there.

As WSJ’s Elizabeth Findell reports, some members of the Guard are sitting around doing nothing and not getting paid after being pulled off of their civilian jobs for “Operation Lonestar.”

As Retired Command Sgt. Maj. Jason Featherston, who served as senior adviser to the Texas Army National Guard put it, “I’ve never seen the magnitude of problems of Operation Lone Star.”

According to Findell, “Last spring, Mr. Abbott launched Operation Lone Star, which involves sending troops and state police to the border and arresting immigrants on state trespassing charges, saying he was looking for ways to take federal immigration enforcement into state hands. Now, complaints within the ranks and concerns about the troops’ treatment could cast a pall over an operation that has been central to Mr. Abbott’s public messaging. Republican pollsters and consultants said there is no issue of greater importance to the party’s voters in Texas than border security and immigration.”


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That has led to sniping from some of Abbott’s rivals for his job, with the Journal reporting, “Two Republican primary challengers of Mr. Abbott, Allen West, a retired U.S. Army lieutenant colonel, and former state Sen. Don Huffines, have called for more troops on the border. They say the mission to the border lacks focus and have said in speeches and interviews that Mr. Abbott is using the troops for political theater.”

Democrats have also piled on with the Journal reporting, “…on Wednesday, 50 Democrats in the Texas Legislature sent a letter to the Department of Justice and Department of Homeland Security, requesting an investigation into the operation. The letter cited concerns about treatment of Guardsmen, as well as treatment of immigrants, stress on local justice systems and the role of private militia groups in the operation.”

In a statement from Abbott’s office last week, the embattled governor claimed, “The mission for the National Guard and Texas DPS has been clear: deter and prevent immigrants from entering Texas illegally, including building barriers to achieve those goals, and to detain and arrest those who are violating Texas law,” however there has been pushback from the guardsmen.

RELATED: How extremist Christian theology is driving Texas’ right-wing assault on democracy

“A large part of the problem with the troops stems from boredom, say Texas National Guard members deployed at the border,” the report states. “Many members of the National Guard, who don’t have authority to enforce immigration laws, say they do very little during the day, and frustration has risen amid difficult living conditions, financial stress and months away from their families. Some have been on the mission longer than overseas deployments, without the same support resources, they said.”

According to one member of the National Guard who is a nurse, they’re needed back home to help deal with the Covid pandemic after being called to duty last summer.

He didn’t receive a paycheck for months and mortgage payments back home drained his savings account to the point that when he had a week off from the mission, he spent it working long hospital shifts trying to put some money in the bank,” the report states with the soldier adding, “Truthfully, I’m not doing anything here. We’re in the middle of a pandemic and we have a critical nursing shortage.”

The report continues, “Some members reported getting paid late or not at all for months, causing them to dip into savings and miss mortgage payments. The Texas Military Department said Tuesday that all soldiers had received at least one paycheck and some 80% of pay issues had been resolved,” before adding, “Between mid-October and mid-December, four Guardsmen killed themselves. Two of them were actively serving on a border deployment, the department confirmed. The other two had been ordered to deploy and sought exemptions, according to copies of their hardship requests.”

You can read more here — subscription required.

The tragedy of Steve on “And Just Like That” is that he’s a lot like the rest of us

There are times when a TV show, even one we don’t care much about, makes a person feel not so much seen as exposed. “And Just Like That…” pulls off that feat a few times this season in its glowy portrayal of womanhood in one’s 50s, as a viewer might predict.

But if you’re in a long-term relationship, as in one that’s survived the seven-year itch at least once, if not a few times over, the scenes featuring Miranda and Steve’s marriage may have set off alarm bells.

While he was alive, Big kept his romance with Carrie alive by bantering and dancing with her in their spacious kitchen. We see Charlotte and Harry lovingly tend to their two children and each other. Meanwhile, our first glimpse of Steve and Miranda together in this post-“Sex and the City” escapade shows them watching TV in a very sexless bed.

Steve requires hearing aids, rendering him immune to the sound of their teenage son Brady lustily rutting with his girlfriend in his bedroom, which shares a wall with his parents’. The two treat this like a minor nuisance, as if the situation has been going on for long enough to barely merit notice.

What they really aren’t paying attention to is each other.

RELATED: The homophobia of “And Just Like That”

The next time we see them together, they’re on the couch, bowls of ice cream in hand, selecting toppings from a neatly laid-out tray while watching TV. This reads as the kind of humble domestic custom that, like Steve, is easily taken for granted.

“You don’t think that I’m enough, and then I’m enough, and then I’m not enough again. And I’m always there, you know, hanging in there for us,” he says in the eighth episode, the one where Miranda finally asks him for a divorce.

He goes on to describe the last couple of years as a time of stability, and a relief from riding the ups and downs of her affection for him or lack of it. They go out into the world and do their own thing, he says, after which “we come back here, home. To each other. Share the couch. We talk about Brady. Eat ice cream. Watch some TV. That’s married life, Miranda. That’s life.”

That sounds lovely and cozy, and possibly painfully on the nose for couples who have been Netflix and chilling their way through this pandemic. Not that there’s anything wrong with that. Streaming TV is the undisputed savior of COVID lockdowns, and if you’ve been able share it every day with someone you love and still like, consider yourself lucky.

However, to anyone whose partnership dates to the first time HBO introduced us to Miranda Hobbes (Cynthia Nixon) and Steve Brady (David Eigenberg), it may sound like Steve is describing an existential rut, the latest in a relationship defined by concession. This is only natural since Steve is the man Miranda settled for.  

I’ve no doubt that this offends the Steve faithful, some of whom probably didn’t identify as such until they met the person for whom Miranda is willing to upend her marriage, Sara Ramirez’s Che Diaz. There are many reasons to hate on Che despite the earnest push by the writers to make them likeable and, in this situation, honorable.

Doing so out of loyalty to Steve isn’t entirely fair even if it is understandable. Che runs in a circle adjacent to Miranda’s while Steve has always known, without not entirely accepting, that Miranda was dating beneath her socioeconomic status in choosing him.

And Just Like That...David Eigenberg and Cynthia Nixon in “And Just Like That…” (Craig Blankenhorn / HBO Max)

But people love Steve because he has always been humble and committed to Miranda, even when you count the time he cheated on her in the “Sex and the City” movie. Their marriage survived that because they put in the work to recover from his misstep and create new romantic sparks.

And now? Given the times we’re in, when everyone is reassessing all the nooks and crannies of how they’re living and so-called “gray divorces” (the term for marital dissolutions for couples in 55 years and older) are surging, Steve’s portrait of marital stability sounds a lot like bliss for the average person while also looking like the definition of giving up. Every other man and woman in this show wears suits and designer dresses. You can’t blame Miranda for wanting to ditch her sweatpants and rejoin chic New York any more than you can penalize Steve for wanting to tighten the strings on his own.


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Letting things go isn’t always a sin. In fact, “And Just Like That . . .” improves in the second half of its season by loosening Carrie (Sarah Jessica Parker), Charlotte (Kristin Davis) and Miranda’s ties to their past lives so they can gracefully accept who they are in their 50s.

For Carrie, that has meant coming to terms with losing the two loves of her life: Big, who suddenly (and unnecessarily) dies of a heart attack, and Samantha, who dumped them all to start fresh in London. Charlotte’s marriage to Harry is flourishing, and that helps her navigate the uncharted waters of her child Rose coming out as gender fluid.

Steve and Miranda fulfill the role they always have, playing out a version of a marriage that more closely reflects those of the average American than Carrie’s and Charlotte’s. That may be why Steve is seen as one of the rare truly good ones in this story – a good, salt of the Earth guy who knows how to retrieve jewelry out of a P-trap. Harry Goldenblatt is a gem. He would also probably opt to call a workman instead of dirtying his mitts.

And like the rest of us commoners, Steve and Miranda can’t afford Harry and Charlotte’s luxury brand of marital discord. You cannot bear grudges over gaffes committed during a doubles game of tennis when you can’t afford a city club membership. Instead, they’re saddled with the most COVID-relevant storyline of all, the one-two punch of Miranda’s drinking problem and her midlife pivot, dumping Steve in the process.

The tragedy of it is that Steve is simply a decent guy who’s a few beats out of step with the rest of Carrie’s polished, wealthy crew, and who Miranda is obligated to bring along as the rest of them sail under their own power.

While this doesn’t make me Team Miranda in this situation – if anything, I’m less patient with the character’s flightiness now than I was when the season began – it does make a person realize that Steve was always going to be here at this point in their lives, when the couch represents the path of least resistance.  

Steve is like so many of us. Miranda is too, if we’re being honest. But he’s also simply being the guy he’s always been, that’s the real heartbreaker. We’ve watched this couple live their way to this point in bits and pieces over many years.

“We’ve been together for a long time,” he points out to Miranda in the last hurrah that fails to swerve her away from her choice. Later, after he’s rescued Big’s wedding ring out of a drain for Carrie – again, never count out a useful spouse! — he points at his own and insists he’s never taking it off. This may be a warning sign of impending stalker behavior or a vow to keep his devotion aflame. It could mean he’s willing to fight for his marriage, or that he’ll wait on that couch for Miranda’s Che fixation to burn itself out.

Those of us watching may mull the value of and trap inherent to getting used to so much sameness after a couple of years of life being up and down every day. Maybe ice cream on the couch with the one you love is a good enough life. If it isn’t, then beware the false comfort of settling.

The season finale of “And Just Like That…” debuts Thursday, Feb. 3 on HBO Max

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