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“She’s a fraud”: Knives out in MAGA world for Marjorie Taylor Greene over her “betrayal”

Far-right conspiracy theorist Alex Jones and his online “Infowars” show have been highly supportive of Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene of Georgia, who has been a frequent guest on the program. But some “Infowars” viewers, Newsweek reports, are turning against Greene for supporting Rep. Kevin McCarthy during his protracted battle to become House speaker.

McCarthy finally won that battle on Friday night, January 6. In 14 roll-call votes, a group of MAGA lawmakers who were dubbed the “Never Kevin” Republicans repeatedly voted against making McCarthy House speaker. But with the 15th vote, McCarthy finally prevailed.

Greene was never part of the Never Kevin movement. She voted to make McCarthy House speaker 15 times in a row and urged other Republicans to do the same. And some “Infowars” viewers, according to Newsweek, see her alliance with McCarthy as a betrayal of the MAGA movement.

Newsweek’s Giulia Carbonaro reports that on Wednesday, January 9, an Infowars caller named Tom said of Greene, “She has a great voting record. But guess what, it doesn’t matter when she knows that the policies aren’t gonna get through. So, here’s the only vote that counts, and that is: she needs to change her vote today, or she’s a fraud. OK? And she doesn’t deserve to come on ‘Infowars’ if she doesn’t change her vote today cause she’s a fraud.”

“Infowars” host Owen Shroyer, however, defended Greene, saying, “I disagree with Tom…. I hope that she does come on to either explain why she supports McCarthy or just to give us a little idea of what’s going on today…. I’m not ready to throw Marjorie Taylor Greene under the bus at all. She has her reasons for supporting McCarthy.”

Another “Infowars” caller implied, without evidence, that Greene was being blackmailed by someone and told Shroyer, “Something happened with Marjorie Taylor Greene…. I don’t care about her personal life, but she’s got to own whatever it is so they can’t hold it over her head.”

Those calls, Carbonaro notes, reflect tensions between Greene and “other Republican hardliners” serving in the U.S. House of Representatives, including far-right Rep. Lauren Boebert of Colorado. Boebert and Rep. Matt Gaetz of Florida were outspoken participants in the Never Kevin movement.

On January 5, Greene told CNN, “We’re on multiple days now with multiple candidates from this group, so I’m not sure how Lauren Boebert, on one hand, can demand so much out of Kevin McCarthy, but then demand nothing out of someone else and then be willing to vote for them to be speaker. That’s not serious.”

In a different interview, Greene told a group of reporters, “If my friends in the Freedom Caucus, Matt Gaetz and others, will not take the win when they have it, they’re proving to the country that they don’t care about doing the right thing for America. They’re proving to the country that they’re just destructionists…. That’s why Republicans fail, and I’m really tired of it.”

“This is a worrisome case if you’re Donald Trump”: Ex-prosecutor warns of “damning” Georgia evidence

Georgia prosecutors have ended one phase of their investigation into Donald Trump, and it’s looking increasingly likely that he might face consequences for his attempt to overturn his election loss there.

A special grand jury convened in Fulton County has been investigating whether Trump and his allies broke the law in their efforts and issued a final report, which a judge will decide Jan. 24 whether to release to the public, and former federal prosecutor Andrew Weissmann told MSNBC’s “Morning Joe” the former president will have a hard time escaping legal consequences.

“This is a man who for decades has escaped all sort of civil and criminal liability and so, you know, I can understand everyone, including you, being skeptical of these sort of predictions,” Weissmann said. “But here, you know, you’ve played the tape, there’s other evidence. It’s very hard to see that the special grand jury that has been, you know, for eight months isn’t going to find probable cause that the former president committed a crime. Remember, the standard is just probable cause, and that, by the way, is the same standard that a normal grand jury would need to apply to find criminal charges.”

“So I think it’s just incredibly unlikely that the special grand jury report won’t say that the former president committed a crime, and that means that the [district attorney], as well, as I think, will be really hard-pressed to overrule that and say, ‘I’m not going to seek charges,'” he added. “So, I think, I don’t know if this is the end of the beginning or the beginning of the end, but I think we’re going to enter a new phase where we will see criminal charges out of Georgia with respect to the former president on this aspect of what he did to overthrow the will of the people in a national election.”

An indictment seems likely enough, Weissmann said, but the evidence to convict is also strong.

“Two reasons this is a worrisome case if you’re Donald Trump,” he said. “One, he is on tape, so this is, if you’re a prosecutor, you’re basically saying ‘please press play,’ and you let the jury hear the actual defendant, and then you have all of the other evidence to contextualize what he was doing. So he’s front and center, and he can’t say, ‘I didn’t know what was going on or it wasn’t me, the evidence was made up.’ You have his own voice, which as you alluded to and everyone has now heard, is really damning. The second point is it’s a state charge. State charges are not subject to a presidential pardon. For instance, President Trump at the end of his term issued all sorts of pardons to various criminals, including many of his own cronies, Roger Stone, Michael Flynn — they dismissed the charges and issued pardons. That is not possible with a state charge, so if Trump or an ally were to become president, it is irrelevant to these charges.”

“So these are ones that, if you are Donald Trump and his defense lawyers, you are keenly aware of just how much these could really stick if a strong case is presented to a Georgia state jury,” Weissman added.

Watch the segment below or at this link.

“I think it’s fantastic”: George Santos is very happy the GOP just voted to gut ethics office

The House of Representatives on Monday passed a new set of rules that weaken the ability of the Office of Congressional Ethics to investigate ethics-related complaints about members of Congress.

“I think it’s fantastic,” Rep. George Santos, R-N.Y., told Insider in an interview on Monday.

The New York Republican, who was recently sworn into Congress, faced scrutiny for fabricating his educational and professional background and pushing out falsehoods about having Jewish heritage. 

Santos now faces at least two Office of Congressional Ethics complaints related to his financial disclosures. 

Reps. Ritchie Torres and Daniel Goldman, both Democrats of New York, will request the House ethics panel investigate whether Santos broke the Ethics in Government Act by failing to file timely and accurate financial disclosure reports, according to The New York Times

“The House of Representatives has an obligation to police itself, and this is just the start of our mission to hold George Santos accountable to his constituents and the American people,” Goldman said in a statement.

Multiple Democrats called for Santos to resign over his résumé fictions. The Times also uncovered omissions in his financial disclosures, which raised questions about his campaign expenses. He also faces multiple complaints to the Federal Election Commission.

“George Santos, by his own admission, is an outright fraud,” Goldman said. “He has admitted that he didn’t graduate college, didn’t work on Wall Street or in private equity, doesn’t own property, and isn’t Jewish — all of which he asserted in order to dupe the voters in Queens and Nassau County.”

The Office of Congressional Ethics is an independent body, established in 2008, that investigates complaints about sitting members of Congress. It then determines whether certain allegations are worth investigating further and then refers them to the House Ethics Committee, which is divided evenly between Republicans and Democrats.

But the rules package put forward by House Speaker Kevin McCarthy, R-Calif., imposes term limits of eight years for the Office of Congressional Ethics’ board members. Any board members who have exceeded those term limits would be removed.

This would force out three of four Democratic-appointed members, and restrict the board’s ability to hire professional staff for the first 30 days of the new congressional session. This can undermine its investigative powers for at least the next two years, according to sources familiar with the matter, the Guardian reported


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The change came as four House Republicans, including McCarthy himself, were referred for a review by the Jan. 6 select committee for violating congressional ethics rules by defying subpoenas issued as part of the January 6 investigation, Politico reported last month.

“It’s telling that the very first action of the incoming MAGA Republican-led House was to kneecap a bipartisan office that oversees congressional ethics,” said Kyle Herrig, president of the watchdog group Accountable.US, in a statement to Common Dreams. “There’s no good reason to make it easier for members to get away with ethics violations, which only invites problematic behavior. It sends a clear message that the MAGA House is more interested in sweeping any corruption amongst their ranks under the rug and performing political stunts against the Biden administration than they are doing anything constructive.”

Sean Eldridge, the founder and president of Stand Up America, also criticized the House Republicans’ actions of gutting the Office of Congressional Ethics. 

“This kind of self-serving behavior is why many Americans have lost faith in politics,” Eldridge told Common Dreams. “McCarthy and his fellow MAGA Republicans have sent a clear message about their priorities and who is actually in charge in the new House: corrupt politicians.”

“People are mad at me”: MTG throws Trump under the bus after right-wing backlash over McCarthy

Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, R-Ga., complained on Monday that she is receiving hate from the MAGA movement because she supported Rep. Kevin McCarthy, R-Calif., for House Speaker.

During an interview with right-wing host Charlie Kirk on the MAGA-oriented Real America’s Voice network, Greene responded to an angry viewer who wanted to know why she had not opposed McCarthy like other staunch conservatives in the Freedom Caucus.

“I just also need to remind everyone, while people are mad at me, President Trump endorsed and supported Kevin McCarthy,” Greene said. “Jim Jordan endorsed, supported, voted for and nominated Kevin McCarthy.”

“So, people that are overly mad at me, I shouldn’t be your punching bag,” she added. “Be very clear-eyed about what this is and I’ll continue to prove exactly who I am through my actions and not my words and emails, social media posts and interviews on television.”

Watch the video below or at this link.

Does cinnamon belong in chili? The Midwest says yes (and so does Fran Lebowitz)

For $6.38, you can get a cup of chili, a medium Pepsi and a cinnamon roll from Runza, the Nebraska-based fast-food chain with 86 locations dotting its home state, Colorado, Iowa and Kansas. The brand’s signature menu item is its namesake sandwich, the “Runza” — a yeasted bun filled with ground beef, cabbage and onions — but it acknowledges that its “Chili & Cinnamon Roll Meal” is a slightly more controversial regional delight.

“If you tell someone who’s not from the Midwest that you like chili and cinnamon rolls together, they’ll look at you like you have three heads,” Runza’s website says. “But if you let them try Runza’s homemade chili with a sweet sugary cinnamon roll, they’ll still look at you like you have three heads but they’ll also be like, ‘Hey guy, you were right, this is fantastic.'”

Further east in Ohio, Cincinnati-style chili has many of the same ingredients as traditional red chili, such as cayenne, cumin and paprika. But it also skews sweeter with the addition of warm baking spices like allspice, nutmeg — and cinnamon.

Like bagels or pizza, chili is one of those foods that fosters rabid defenses of its regional variations. Should it have beans? Should the beef be ground or shredded? Should it be served with crackers, or in the case of Cincinnati again, spaghetti? Yet despite chili’s inherent versatility, every year once the weather snaps cold, there seems to be renewed disbelief at the fact that a sizable swath of the U.S. prefers theirs served with cinnamon in some capacity.

So what’s behind this Midwestern (and Mountain Western) pairing of sweetness and spice?

In the case of pairing cinnamon rolls with chili, it’s a regional tradition that developed out of either logging camps or school cafeterias. Either way, the purpose was simple: to create a calorie-dense meal for cheap. As Laura Kiniry wrote for The Smithsonian, the combination found in school settings may have been a response to the establishment of the USDA National School Lunch Program in 1946.

“If you tell someone who’s not from the Midwest that you like chili and cinnamon rolls together, they’ll look at you like you have three heads.”

“The United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) oversees the program nationally, though it’s always been up to state agencies to determine what foods they’ll be purchasing with the federal funds,” Kiniry wrote. “However, purchases must adhere to the USDA’s meal-pattern requirements, which includes a serving of milk, two servings of fruits and/or vegetables, a grain, and meat or a meat alternative per lunch for each student.”

In rural farming communities, costs were tight and cafeteria workers were charged with stretching inexpensive ingredients like beans. “How do you make them appealing?” Kiniry wrote. “Toss them in a tomato sauce and pair them with something sweet.”

By the 1960s, Kiniry reported, chili and cinnamon rolls were appearing on school cafeteria menus from Greeley, Colo., to Lake City, Iowa.


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The origin of Cincinnati-style chili, meanwhile, has ties to Mediterranean cuisine. Tom and John Kiradjieff — brothers who were born in the town of Hrupishta, then in the Ottoman Empire, to Bulgarian parents — started a restaurant in the 1920s called The Empress Chili, named after the burlesque theater that was situated next to a hot dog stand they had previously run.

According to “The Authentic History of Cincinnati Chili,” published in 2013 by Dann Woellert, the chili began as a “stew with traditional Mediterranean spices” that could be served on top of hot dogs. Tom Kiradjieff used the same sauce to modify a traditional dish — speculated to have been pastitsio, moussaka or saltsa kima — and “chili spaghetti” was born.

The success of Empress Chili led to other immigrants opening their own chili parlors, which served a variation of this spiced stew across the region, including enduring brands like Skyline Chili and Gold Star Chili.

“I think people recoil at the idea of cinnamon in a meat without realizing that it’s common in many cuisines and reflects the backgrounds of the Greek and Macedonian immigrants who popularized it,” Scott Hines, the author of the popular food newsletter The Action Cookbook Newsletter, told Salon Food. “It’s not that different than Detroit-style coney sauce or things you see in Western New York. I grew up eating pastitsio and only recently realized how similar it is to Cincinnati chili, spice-wise.”

This is one of the reasons that Cincinnati-style chili has found surprising success internationally — even if it hasn’t necessarily enjoyed widespread critical popularity across the U.S. (The New York Times has described it as “watery,” while Deadspin has called it “horrifying diarrhea sludge.”) In 1985, one of the founders of Gold Star Chili, Fahid Daoud, returned to his home country of Jordan, where he opened his own chili parlor called Chili House. Outside of Jordan, there are Chili House locations in Iran, Iraq, Libya, Qatar, Oman, Palestine and Turkey.

Closer to home, however, the dish evokes deep nostalgia.

“Closer to home . . . the dish evokes deep nostalgia.”

Lauren Mang is a University of Cincinnati alum who has lived in the city for nine years.

“Yes, cinnamon in chili sounds bizarre,” she acknowledged in an email. “But it’s such a nice departure from traditional in-your-face spicy chilis that everyone tends to make. It’s not overly sweet — just rich and fragrant and always makes me think of Cincinnati in the fall.”

And while the combination of spice and cinnamon may still seem counterintuitive, it’s even managed to convert some chili enthusiasts from further west, such as Tony Aldaz.

“As a New Mexico native, I fancy my chili to be spicy,” Aldaz told Salon Food via email. “My wife is from Cincinnati, and she introduced me to Cincinnati chili. The chili is sweet and spicy. The ingredients consist of cinnamon and chili powder. The chili is usually consumed on top of spaghetti with a chunk of cheese. It can also be used as a delicious dip. I make it at home in New Mexico at least once a week for my family, and we love it.”

Even famed author Fran Lebowitz, who is known for her sardonic wit that occasionally borders on good-natured kvetching, declared herself a fan of the regional delicacy in an interview with The Cincinnati Enquirer.

When the interviewer, David Lyman, confirmed that Lebowitz actually liked it, she simply responded: “Oh, yes. Why isn’t that catching on around the country?”

“What-aboutism defense”: Maddow mocks GOP’s “brief excitement” after Biden docs scandal fizzles

MSNBC host Rachel Maddow opened her Monday show by mocking the Republican excitement over what they were certain might be a scandal for President Joe Biden, only to be seemingly let down moments later.

Fox News spent the day hyping up a CBS News report that lawyers for the president were cleaning out a locked storage room at the Penn Biden Center when they found classified documents that should have gone to the National Archives.

“There was a brief flurry of excitement on the right this afternoon,” Maddow said.

As the CBS News report explained, the Penn Biden Center was the office of the former vice president after he left office in 2017, but he vacated it in 2020 when he announced he was running.

“On November 2nd, lawyers for President Biden, lawyers who work for him in his present capacity, were reportedly packing up the office space the vice president used at the Penn Biden Center,” CBS reported. “In so doing, they found classified documents there. Classified documents they say, were locked inside those offices, mixed in with some nonclassified documents. This is, of course, a weird set of circumstances, but that is what they say happened. The White House has since confirmed the basis of this account, as has news organizations after CBS News was first to break the story.”

Maddow explained that the reason it created a lot of excitement on the right “briefly tonight, is that it immediately created a perceived ‘what-aboutism’ defense for President Trump. President Trump is under federal investigation for apparently deliberately hoarding hundreds of classified documents at his home in Florida, including, refusing to hand them over after National Archives told them he had to come even after they subpoenaed him to get those documents. Brief excitement on the right tonight, that they thought they had a new defense.”

She cited Trump’s comments on his personal social media site asking when they would serve a search warrant at President Biden’s home the way they did for Donald Trump.

“As I said, tonight, a brief flurry of excitement on the right about this prospect when the news broke about the Penn Biden Center,” Maddow continued. “The reason it was only a brief flurry of excitement is because, in President Biden’s case, he and his lawyers appear to have actually done the right thing when it comes to these classified documents. Biden’s lawyers say they discovered these documents among his presidential papers on November 2nd. The White House counsel’s office notified the National Archives that same day about what had been found. The National Archives, apparently, did not even know these documents were missing and had not been seeking their return. The Archives took custody of that material the following morning. That appears to be it.”

Maddow explained that the “brief euphoria on the right” was that somehow it would exonerate Trump, but it was “already turning into a bit of a hangover because of the stark contrast of the actions of the current president and the former guy when it comes to classified material.”

Trump has spent the past six months making up excuses, alibies, and justifications for the thousands of documents he stole and refused to return. The assumption is that an investigation into Biden will make Trump look even worse because he refused to do what Biden did.

Watch the video below or at this link:

“Follow the money”: Special counsel subpoenas Rudy Giuliani over election-related “payments”

On Monday, CNN reported that special counsel Jack Smith, the investigator managing all the federal criminal probes involving former President Donald Trump, has subpoenaed Rudy Giuliani.

“The subpoena, which was sent more than a month ago and has not been previously reported, requests documents from Giuliani about payments he received around the 2020 election, when Giuliani filed numerous lawsuits on Trump’s behalf contesting the election results, the person said,” reported Katelyn Polantz and Sara Murray. “Prosecutors have also subpoenaed other witnesses who are close to Trump, asking specifically for documents related to disbursements from the Save America PAC, Trump’s primary fundraising operation set up shortly after the 2020 election, according to other sources with insight into the probe.”

The report noted that the subpoena seems to represent a “follow the money” strategy when it comes to investigating Trump’s efforts to illegally remain in power despite losing the 2020 election to President Joe Biden.

“Save America was part of broader fundraising efforts by Trump and the Republican Party that raised more than $250 million after the election. Since then, the political action committee has compensated several lawyers who now represent Trump and his allies in January 6-related investigations,” said the report. “The subpoenas to other witnesses in addition to Giuliani were sent in late December, according to the other sources.”

This comes as Giuliani, the former mayor of New York City and a longtime ally of the former president, faces a number of other legal problems.

Last month, an investigatory panel of the D.C. bar found Giuliani violated attorney ethics with his suit to try to throw out election results in Pennsylvania, which could lead to the suspension of his law license there — something that already happened in New York. He is also being sued for sexual harassment by Noelle Dunphy, a former business partner who claims they were romantically involved before he became too aggressive with her.

How cancer cells move and metastasize is influenced by the fluids surrounding them

Cell migration, or how cells move in the body, is essential to both normal body function and disease progression. Cell movement is what allows body parts to grow in the right place during early development, wounds to heal and tumors to become metastatic.

Over the last century, how researchers understood cell migration was limited to the effects of biochemical signals, or chemotaxis, that direct a cell to move from one place to another. For example, a type of immune cell called a neutrophil migrates toward areas in the body that have a higher concentration of a protein called IL-8, which increases during infection.

In the past two or three decades, however, scientists have started to recognize the importance of the mechanical, or physical, factors that play a role in cell migration. For example, human mammary epithelial cells – the cells lining the milk ducts in the breast – migrate toward areas of increasing stiffness when placed on a surface with a stiffness gradient.

And now, instead of focusing on just the effect of the “solid” environment of cells, researchers are turning toward their “fluid” environment. As a theoretician trained in applied mathematics, I use mathematical models to understand the physics behind cell biology. My colleagues Sean X. Sun and Konstantinos Konstantopoulos and I were among the pioneering scientists who discovered how water and hydraulic pressure influence cell migration through theoretical models and lab experiments. In our recently published research, we found that human breast cancer cell migration is enhanced by the flow and viscosity of the fluids surrounding them, clarifying one of the factors influencing how tumors metastasize.

Cells can move in different ways.

How fluids affect cell migration

Cells in the human body are constantly exposed to fluids of different physical properties. Water is one such fluid that can direct cell migration. For example, we found that how water flows across the membranes of breast cancer cells influences how they move and metastasize. This is because the amount of water traveling in and out of a cell causes it to shrink or swell, inducing movement by translocating different parts of the cell.

The viscosity, or thickness, of body fluids varies from organ to organ, and from health to disease, and this can also affect cell migration. For example, the fluid between cancer cells in tumors is more viscous than the fluid between normal cells in healthy tissues. When we compared how quickly breast cancer cells move in confined channels filled with fluid of normal viscosity versus fluid of high viscosity, we found that cells in high viscosity channels counterintuitively sped up by a significant 40%. This discovery was unexpected because the fundamental laws of physics tell us that inert particles should slow down in high viscosity fluids due to increased resistance.

Animation comparing two fluids with lower and higher viscosity.

The blue fluid on the left has a lower viscosity relative to the orange fluid on the right. Synapticrelay/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

We wanted to figure out the mechanism behind this surprising result. So we identified what molecules were involved in this process, discovering a cascade of events that allow high viscosity environments to enhance cell motility.

We found that high viscosity fluids first promote the growth of protein filaments called actin, which open channels in the cell’s membrane and increase water intake. The cell expands from the water, activating another channel that takes in calcium ions. These calcium ions activate another type of protein filament called myosin that induces the cell to move. This cascade of events induces cells to change their structure and generate more force to overcome the resistance imposed by high viscosity fluid, meaning the cells aren’t inert at all.

We also discovered that cells retained “memory” after exposure to a high viscosity medium. This meant that if we put cells in a high viscosity medium for several days and then returned them to a normal viscosity medium, they would still move at a faster speed. How cells retain this memory is still an open question.

We then wondered whether our findings on viscous memory would remain true in animals, not just in Petri dishes. So we exposed human breast cancer cells to a high viscosity medium for six days, then placed them in a normal viscosity medium. We then injected the cells into chicken embryos and mice.

Our results were consistent: Cells pre-exposed to a high viscosity medium had an increased ability to leak into surrounding tissues and metastasize compared to cells that were not pre-exposed. This result demonstrates that the viscosity of the fluids in a cell’s surrounding environment is a mechanobiological cue that promotes cancer cells to metastasize.

Understanding how cells move could help elucidate how tumors metastasize.

Implications for cancer treatment

Cancer patients usually don’t die from the original source of the tumor, but from its spread to other parts of the body.

When cancer cells travel through the body, they move into spaces that will have varying fluid viscosity. Understanding how fluid viscosity affects the movement of tumor cells could help researchers figure out ways to better treat and detect cancer before it metastasizes.

The next step is to build imaging and analysis techniques to precisely examine how cells from various types of lab animals respond to changes in fluid viscosity. Identifying the molecules that regulate how cells respond to changes in viscosity could help researchers identify potential drug targets to reduce the spread of cancer.


Yizeng Li, Assistant Professor of Biomedical Engineering, Binghamton University, State University of New York

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

During in-flight emergencies, sometimes airlines’ medical kits fall short

In March, a Frontier Airlines flight was headed from Phoenix to Las Vegas when a female passenger stopped breathing. The flight attendant yelled in the cabin for help.

A passenger who was trained as a wilderness first responder, Seth Coley, jumped into action and found the woman was unresponsive and had a weak pulse. Coley dug through the plane’s medical kit but couldn’t find an oropharyngeal airway, a tool that was supposed to be there and that he needed to help the woman breathe. Instead, he cleared the airway by manipulating her neck.

Afterward, Coley sent a message to Denver-based Frontier Airlines via an online customer service form: “I saved somebody’s life on one of your flights,” he wrote. “I would like to speak about the medical kit you guys have on your flights. You are missing some very valuable and simple things. She almost died.”

Americans are flying at levels reaching pre-pandemic numbers. While covid-19 ushered in new health and cleaning protocols designed to make airplane travel safer, incidents like Coley’s raise questions about airlines’ readiness for medical emergencies because of incomplete or insufficient medical kits and the training of flight crews, who often rely on other passengers in emergencies.

Frontier did not respond to KHN’s requests for comment about that incident or its emergency kits. But Coley’s experience illustrates the risks travelers take every time they board a flight. For every 20,000 passengers who take a flight on a U.S.-based airline, there is one medical event — defined as any health-related incident, not only emergencies — according to estimates from airplane medical services company MedAire.

The Federal Aviation Administration requires commercial aircraft to carry at least one sealed emergency medical kit containing a minimum of 25 specified instruments and medications, plus first-aid kits and automated external defibrillators. But the FAA does not track data on the use of those kits during in-flight medical emergencies. Instead, the agency leaves it to the airlines to inspect the kits and replace them if the seals are broken.

“Ensuring complete, sealed emergency medical kits are present is part of the cabin crew’s preflight inspection,” FAA spokesperson Ian Gregor said in a statement.

But, as Coley and other passengers who have responded to an in-flight emergency have found out, an item required in a medical kit can sometimes be missing. Some items the FAA doesn’t require, such as the overdose reversal drug naloxone, are carried voluntarily by some airlines. The agency has issued guidance recommending items to add to the kits, but they are not yet mandated.

Gregor said the FAA investigates all reports of issues with medical kits and ensures any concerns are addressed. He did not respond to a KHN request for details on the number of reports investigated, their outcomes, or whether the emergencies described in this article were among those investigated.

In June, Boston surgeon Dr. Andrea Merrill was aboard a Delta Air Lines flight when she assisted in a medical emergency and found the kit fell short of what she needed.

It needs “a glucometer, epi pen, and automatic blood pressure cuffs — it’s impossible to hear with a disposable stethoscope in the air,” Merrill tweeted to Delta after the incident. “Please improve this for passenger safety!”

After Merrill’s tweet went viral, Delta followed up with her, saying it would switch to automatic blood pressure cuffs and “real” stethoscopes, as well as consider glucometers at gates. Merrill declined an interview request.

KHN asked U.S. airlines to detail their medical emergency protocols and the contents of their medical kits. Seven responded with limited information: Alaska, Allegiant, Hawaiian, JetBlue, Southwest, Sun Country, and United. All said that their kits meet or exceed FAA requirements and that they train their staff to respond to medical emergencies. Many airlines also contract with a MedAire service called MedLink that connects flight crews with a medical professional on the ground in an in-flight emergency.

Allegiant officials said passengers with medical conditions should not assume their planes will have everything they need in an emergency. “Although our crews are trained to respond to a wide array of unplanned medical emergencies, we want to remind readers who have anticipated medical needs to bring their own medical supplies in carry-on luggage and not rely on aircraft emergency equipment,” Allegiant spokesperson Andrew Porrello said in a statement.

Delta, along with American, Frontier, and Spirit, did not respond to requests for comment. A 2019 article on the Delta website said its flight attendants are given training in first aid and CPR. Additionally, Delta wrote that its medical equipment exceeds FAA requirements. The airline mentioned it uses STAT-MD, a service that lets flight crews consult with trained personnel at the University of Pittsburgh Medical Center.

The FAA requires flight attendants to receive specific medical training, but medical professionals who have intervened as passengers during an in-flight emergency said the crew is not always quick to respond.

“Passengers believe that there are probably more safeguards in place than there actually are,” said Dr. Comilla Sasson, a Denver-area emergency physician and associate clinical professor at the University of Colorado.

Sasson was on a United Airlines flight in 2018 when a passenger passed out. When she volunteered to help, crew members asked for proof that she was a doctor as she mobilized to check the passenger’s vital signs. Sasson questioned the extent to which crew members are trained to help in medical emergencies, saying other health care providers have told her about their own experiences of aiding a passenger in need while the flight personnel stood aside.

“It’s interesting to me that the airlines really kind of depend on the kindness of strangers in a lot of ways, much more so than I would think,” Sasson said.

The goodwill of a fellow passenger is something Bay Area resident Meera Mani is thankful for after a 2011 experience. She was on a United flight from Toronto to San Francisco when her now-deceased father, then in his 80s, began showing concerning symptoms: The right side of his face and arm drooped. Worried her dad was having a stroke, Mani shouted for help but was frustrated by flight attendants’ slow response.

“And then finally, I said: ‘Is there a doctor on the flight?'” Mani recounted.

There was. The doctor used a defibrillator to stabilize her father.

“It was very clear to me that the [flight] staff were completely flummoxed,” Mani said. “They had the equipment, they took it out, they gave it to him, but the doctor took care of it.”

United helped organize an ambulance to meet Mani and her father on the ground at the San Francisco airport and later called to see if her dad was OK. He ended up being diagnosed with a condition that could lead to fainting.

MedAire, which runs the MedLink consulting service, said it covers around 70% of the U.S. market but declined to specify airlines. Dr. Paulo Alves, MedAire’s global medical director of aviation health, said 98% of medical events are managed on board and are non-life-threatening, while 2% are serious cases that might divert a flight.

Alves said his company also provides medical consultations before passengers board a flight.

“An airplane — although I love aviation — is never the best place for you to have a medical event,” Alves said. “The first line of prevention is actually preflight.”

Alves also defended the contents of airlines’ medical kits. The medically trained volunteers who step in to help fellow passengers in an emergency may expect resources available in a hospital, but “the airplane is not a hospital. You cannot carry everything,” he said.

Mani said she would like to see airlines disclose which medical emergencies they’re trained to address — potentially on flight safety cards. Sasson said it would be helpful if airlines clearly shared information about what medical supplies are available on board.

“I think the general public doesn’t realize how much of a crapshoot it is when they’re up in the air that somebody with some sort of medical training will know what to do, if something were to happen,” Sasson said.

KHN (Kaiser Health News) is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues. Together with Policy Analysis and Polling, KHN is one of the three major operating programs at KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). KFF is an endowed nonprofit organization providing information on health issues to the nation.


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KHN (Kaiser Health News) is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues. Together with Policy Analysis and Polling, KHN is one of the three major operating programs at KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). KFF is an endowed nonprofit organization providing information on health issues to the nation.

Subscribe to KHN’s free Morning Briefing.

America’s theater of the absurd: Our politics has become an endless carnival

Our political class does not govern. It entertains. It plays its assigned role in our fictitious democracy, howling with outrage to constituents and selling them out. The Squad and the Progressive Caucus have no more intention of fighting for universal health care, workers’ rights or defying the war machine than the Freedom Caucus fights for freedom. These political hacks are modern versions of Sinclair Lewis’s slick con artist Elmer Gantry, cynically betraying a gullible public to amass personal power and wealth. This moral vacuity provides the spectacle, as H.G. Wells wrote, of “a great material civilization, halted, paralyzed.” It happened in Ancient Rome. It happened in Weimar Germany. It is happening here.

Governance exists. But it is not seen. It is certainly not democratic. It is done by the armies of lobbyists and corporate executives, from the fossil fuel industry, the arms industry, the pharmaceutical industry and Wall Street. Governance happens in secret. Corporations have seized the levers of power, including the media. Growing obscenely rich, the ruling oligarchs have deformed national institutions, including state and federal legislatures and the courts, to serve their insatiable greed. They know what they are doing. They understand the depths of their own corruption. They know they are hated. They are prepared for that too. They have militarized police forces and have built a vast archipelago of prisons to keep the unemployed and underemployed in bondage. All the while, they pay little to no income tax and exploit sweatshop labor overseas. They lavishly bankroll the political clowns who speak in the vulgar and crude idiom of an enraged public or in the dulcet tones used to mollify the liberal class.

Donald Trump’s seminal contribution to the political landscape is the license to say in public what political decorum once prohibited. His legacy is the degradation of political discourse to the monosyllabic tirades of Shakespeare’s Caliban, which simultaneously scandalize and energize the kabuki theater that passes for government. This burlesque differs little from the German Reichstag, where the final cri de coeur by a mortally ill Clara Zetkin against fascism on Aug. 30, 1932, was met with a chorus of taunts, insults and jeers by Nazi deputies.

H.G. Wells called the old guard, the good liberals, the ones who speak in measured words and embrace reason, the “inexplicit men.” They say the right things and do nothing. They are as vital to the rise of tyranny as are the Christian fascists, a few of whom held the House hostage last week by blocking 14 rounds of voting to prevent Kevin McCarthy from becoming speaker. By the time McCarthy was elected on the 15th round, he had caved on nearly every demand made by the obstructionists, including permitting any one of the 435 members of the House to force a vote for his removal at any time, thus guaranteeing political paralysis.

The internecine warfare in the House is not between those who respect democratic institutions and those who do not. McCarthy, backed by Trump and far-right conspiracy theorist Marjorie Taylor Greene, is as morally bankrupt as those who tried to bring him down. This is a battle for control among con artists, charlatans, social media celebrities and mobsters. McCarthy joined the majority of House Republicans in support of a Texas lawsuit to void the 2020 presidential result by preventing four states — Pennsylvania, Michigan, Wisconsin and Georgia — from casting electoral votes for Biden. The Supreme Court refused to hear the lawsuit. There isn’t much in the Freedom Caucus extremist positions, which resemble those of Alternative fur Deutschland in Germany and Fidesz in Hungary, McCarthy doesn’t embrace. They advocate greater tax cuts for the wealthy, further deregulation of corporations, a war on migrants, more austerity programs, champion white supremacy and accuse liberals and conservatives who do not line up behind Trump of treason.

The internecine warfare in the House was not between those who respect democratic institutions and those who do not. McCarthy and Marjorie Taylor Greene are as morally bankrupt as those who tried to bring him down.

“I want you to watch Nancy Pelosi hand me that gavel. It will be hard not to hit her with it,” McCarthy said in audio posted to YouTube by a Main Street Nashville reporter in 2021. Pelosi, for her part, called McCarthy a “moron,” after he said that a possible renewed mask mandate was “a decision conjured up by liberal government officials who want to continue to live in a perpetual pandemic state.” This is what passes for political discourse. I yearn for the time when political rhetoric was geared to the educational level of a 10-year-old child or an adult with a sixth or seventh-grade education. Now we speak in imbecilic clichés.

This political vacuum has spawned anti-politics, or what the writer Benjamin DeMott called “junk politics,” which “personalizes and moralizes issues and interests instead of clarifying them.” Junk politics “maximizes threats from abroad while miniaturizing large, complex problems at home. It’s a politics that, guided by guesses about its own profits and losses, abruptly reverses public stances without explanation, often spectacularly bloating problems previously miniaturized (e.g.: [the war in] Iraq will be over in days or weeks; Iraq is a project for generations).”

“A major effect of junk politics — its ceaseless flood of patriotic, religious, macho and therapeutic fustian — is to pull position after position loose from reasoned foundations,” DeMott noted.


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The result of junk politics is that it infantilizes the public with “year-round upbeat Christmas tales” and perpetuates the status quo. The billionaire class, which has carried out a slow motion corporate coup d’état, continues to plunder; unchecked militarism continues to hollow out the country; and the public is kept in bondage by the courts and domestic security agencies. When the government watches you twenty-four hours a day, you cannot use the word “liberty.” That is the relationship between a master and a slave. The iron primacy of profit means that the most vulnerable are ruthlessly discarded. Supported by Republicans and Democrats, the Federal Reserve is raising interest rates to slow economic growth and increase unemployment to curb inflation, exacting a tremendous cost on the working poor and their families. No one is required to operate under what John Ruskin called “conditions of moral culture.” 

But the second result of junk politics is more insidious. It solidifies the cult of the self, the amoral belief that we have the right to do anything, to betray and destroy anyone, to get what we want. The cult of the self fosters a psychopathic cruelty, a culture built not on empathy, the common good and self-sacrifice but on unbridled narcissism and vengeance. It celebrates, as mass media does, superficial charm, grandiosity and self-importance; a need for constant stimulation; a penchant for lying, deception and manipulation; and an inability to feel guilt or remorse. This is the dark ethic of corporate culture, celebrated by the entertainment industry, academia and social media. 

The essayist Curtis White argues that “it is capitalism that now most defines our national character, not Christianity or the Enlightenment.” He assesses our culture as one in which  “death has taken refuge in a legality that is supported by both reasonable liberals and Christian conservatives.” This “legality” ratifies the systematic exploitation of workers. White excoriates our nationalist triumphalism and our unleashing of “the most fantastically destructive military power” the world has ever known with the alleged objective of “protecting and pursuing freedom.” 

The billionaire class, for the most part, prefers the mask of a Joe Biden, who broke the railroad unions. But it also knows that the goons and con artists on the far right will not interfere in its disemboweling of the nation.

“Justice, under capitalism, works not from a notion of obedience to moral law, or to conscience, or to compassion, but from the assumption of a duty to preserve a social order and the legal ‘rights’ that constitute that order, especially the right to property and the freedom to do with it what one wants,” he writes. “That’s the real and important ‘moral assessment’ sought by our courts. It comes to this: that decision will seem most just which preserves the system of justice even if the system is itself routinely unjust.”

The consequence is a society consumed by excessive materialism, pointless soul-destroying work, suffocating housing developments closer to “shared cemeteries” than real neighborhoods and a license to exploit that “condemns nature itself to annihilation even as we call it the freedom to pursue personal property.” 

The billionaire class, for the most part, prefers the mask of a Joe Biden, who deftly broke the freight railroad unions to prevent a strike and forced them to accept a contract a majority of union members had rejected. But the billionaire class also knows that the goons and con artists on the far right will not interfere in their disemboweling of the nation; indeed, they will be more robust in thwarting the attempts of workers to organize for decent wages and working conditions. I watched fringe politicians in Yugoslavia, Radovan Karadžić, Slobodan Milošević and Franjo Tudjman, dismissed by the political and educated elites as buffoons, ride an anti-liberal wave to power in the wake of widespread economic misery. Walmart, Amazon, Apple, Citibank, Raytheon, ExxonMobil, Alphabet and Goldman Sachs will easily adapt. Capitalism functions very efficiently without democracy.

The longer we remain in a state of political paralysis, the more these political deformities are empowered. As Robert O. Paxton writes in “The Anatomy of Fascism,” fascism is an amorphous and incoherent ideology. It wraps itself in the most cherished symbols of the nation, in our case, the American flag, white supremacy, the Pledge of Allegiance and the Christian cross. It celebrates hypermasculinity, misogyny, racism and violence. It allows disenfranchised people, especially disenfranchised white men, to regain a sense of power, however illusory, and sanctifies their hatred and rage. It embraces a utopian vision of moral renewal and vengeance to coalesce around an anointed political savior. It is militaristic, anti-intellectual and contemptuous of democracy, especially when the established ruling class mouths the language of liberal democracy but does nothing to defend it. It replaces culture with nationalist and patriotic kitsch. It sees those outside the closed circle of the nation-state or the ethnic or religious group as contaminants who must be physically purged, usually with violence, to restore the health of the nation. It perpetuates itself through constant instability, for its solutions to the ills besetting the nation are transitory, contradictory and unattainable. Most importantly, fascism always has a religious coloring, mobilizing believers around rites and rituals, using sacred words and phrases, and embracing an absolute truth that is heretical to question.

Trump may be finished politically, but the political and social decay that created Trump remains. This decay will give rise to new, perhaps more competent, demagogues. I fear the rise of Christian fascists endowed with the political skill, self-discipline, focus and intelligence that Trump lacks. The longer we remain politically paralyzed, the more certain Christian fascism becomes. The Jan. 6 mob assault on the Capital two years ago, the polarization of the electorate into antagonistic tribes, the economic misery afflicting the working class, the rhetoric of hate and violence, and the current dysfunction in the Congress is but a glimpse of the nightmare ahead.

Legal experts pour cold water on Trump’s victory lap after classified docs found at Biden’s office

Attorney General Merrick Garland assigned the Trump-appointed U.S. attorney in Chicago to review 10 documents marked classified that were found at the Penn Biden Center for Diplomacy and Engagement in Washington, according to CBS News, but legal experts say the matter is vastly different from the criminal probe into documents found at former President Donald Trump’s Mar-a-Lago residence.

Personal attorneys for Biden discovered about 10 documents from Biden’s vice-presidential office while “packing files housed in a locked closet to prepare to vacate office space at the Penn Biden Center in Washington, D.C.,” a think tank affiliated with the University of Pennsylvania, Biden’s special counsel Richard Sauber told CBS News.

The documents were in a box with unclassified papers, according to the report. The materials were discovered on November 2 and the White House counsel’s office immediately notified the National Archives, which took possession of them the next day, according to Sauber.

“The discovery of these documents was made by the President’s attorneys,” Sauber told CBS. “The documents were not the subject of any previous request or inquiry by the Archives. Since that discovery, the President’s personal attorneys have cooperated with the Archives and the Department of Justice in a process to ensure that any Obama-Biden Administration records are appropriately in the possession of the Archives.”

Biden learned of the documents after the discovery by his lawyers and is not familiar with the contents of the documents, according to the report.

The National Archives notified the Justice Department and Garland assigned John Lausch, the U.S. attorney for the Northern District of Illinois, to find out how the materials ended up at the Penn Biden Center. Lausch is one of two Trump-appointed U.S. attorneys still in office. The other, Delaware U.S. Attorney David Weiss, is investigating Biden’s son Hunter.

Lausch is expected to submit a report to Garland, who will determine with any additional action is necessary.

Trump and fellow Republicans seized on the news, questioning the difference between the documents discovered at the Penn Biden Center and the dozens of documents marked classified found by the FBI at Mar-a-Lago after Trump failed to turn them over in response to a grand jury subpoena and his lawyers affirmed that he had returned all of the documents.

“The amount was 54 Million Dollars that the Biden Think Tank received from China. That’s a lot of money. They saw the Classified Documents!” Trump wrote with no evidence on Truth Social, citing the total amount of Chinese gifts donated to the University of Pennsylvania, not the Biden Center itself.


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“Biden giving China Highly Classified Documents would be a bridge too far. I certainly wouldn’t do that. Not a good situation for our Country to be in!” Trump wrote in a subsequent post.

There is no evidence Biden gave China any government documents nor that he was aware of their existence.

Trump shared posts from allies like Reps. Marjorie Taylor Greene, R-Ga.; Rep. Andy Biggs, R-Ariz.; and Ronny Jackson, R-Texas, baselessly accusing Biden of improperly taking the documents and concealing them while his DOJ went after Trump.

“When is the FBI going to raid the many homes of Joe Biden, perhaps even the White House?” Trump questioned.

But legal experts say the matter bears little resemblance to Trump’s months-long refusal to turn over documents from his residence before the August FBI search.

“Biden’s team did exactly what you’re supposed to do. When you find improperly stored classified documents, you immediately notify the government — and you turn it over immediately,” national security attorney Bradley Moss told Insider. “The reason Donald Trump is in criminal jeopardy right now isn’t just because of the documents being improperly stored. It was the obstruction. That is why it has gotten to the point it has, where we’re looking at the real possibility of a criminal indictment,” he added.

Former U.S. Attorney Joyce Vance tweeted that Trump’s “cover-up proves malicious intent.”

“If it was a mistake, Trump would have returned it as soon as NARA asked. That’s why DOJ has a consistent record of requiring a plus factor like obstruction before indicting these cases. If Trump had done what Biden did, no investigation,” she wrote. “There’s a big difference,” she added, “between a mistake Biden wasn’t aware of & Trump repeatedly refusing to turn over items & letting his lawyers lie to DOJ.”

Conservative attorney George Conway noted that Trump’s decision to retain national security information and fail to deliver it to the government as required under the law also “expressly violates the Espionage Act.”

“Trump clearly did that; there’s no suggestion Biden did,” he tweeted.

“The situations couldn’t be more different,” wrote Harvard Law Professor Laurence Tribe. “But that won’t stop the False Equivalence Squad from drooling all over this. ‘But her emails’ will become ‘But his documents.’ Sick — but effective.”

More orthopedic physicians sell out to private equity firms, raising alarms about costs and quality

Dr. Paul Jeffords and his colleagues at Atlanta-based Resurgens Orthopaedics were worried about their ability to survive financially, even though their independent orthopedic practice was the largest in Georgia, with nearly 100 physicians.

They nervously watched other physician practices sell out entirely to large hospital systems and health insurers. They refused to consider doing that. “It was an arms race,” Jeffords said, “and we knew we had to do something different if we wanted to remain independent and strong and offer good quality of care.”

So, in December 2021, Resurgens sold a 60% share in United Musculoskeletal Partners, their own management company, to Welsh, Carson, Anderson & Stowe, a large New York-based private equity firm known as Welsh Carson. Although details of the sale were not disclosed, physician-shareholders in deals like this typically each receive a multimillion-dollar cash payout, plus the potential for subsequent big payouts each time the practice is sold to another investor in future years.

Orthopedic surgeons, long seen as fiercely independent, are rapidly catching up with other specialist physicians, such as dermatologists and ophthalmologists, in selling control of their practices to private equity investment firms. They hope to grab a bigger chunk of the surging market in outpatient surgery and maintain their position as one of the highest-paid specialties in medicine — $633,620 was the average compensation for orthopedists in 2021. For older doctors, the upfront cash payout and the potential second payout when the business is flipped offers the promise of a posh retirement.

Proponents say private equity investment has the potential to reduce total spending on musculoskeletal care and improve quality by helping physicians move more procedures to cheaper outpatient surgery centers, which have less overhead. It also could help the doctors shift to value-based payment models, in which they charge fixed amounts for whole episodes of care, such as total joint replacements and spine surgeries — receiving bonuses or penalties from insurers based on cost and quality performance.

But critics warn that profit-hungry private equity ownership alternatively could result in higher prices for patients and insurers, more unnecessary surgery, and less access to care for patients on Medicaid or those who are uninsured or underinsured. A recent study found that in the two years after a sale, PE-owned practices in three other medical specialties had average charges per claim that were 20% higher than at places not owned by private equity.

Critics also worry that PE investors will put pressure on doctors to see more patients and use more non-physician providers in ways that could lead to poorer care, as KHN has reported about gastroenterology and other specialties.

“Private equity has no interest in reducing the cost of medicine,” said Dr. Louis Levitt, chief medical officer of MedVanta, a Maryland orthopedic management company whose physician-owners have rejected partnering with private equity. “Their goal is to increase profitability in three to five years and sell to the next group that comes along. They can only do it by making the doctors work longer and reduce service delivery.”

There are now at least 15 PE-backed management companies — called platforms — that own orthopedic practices across the country, said Gary Herschman, a New York lawyer who advises physicians in these deals. The first orthopedic deals were done in 2017, and dozens of sales have occurred since then, with the pace expected to quicken. In 2022 alone, at least 15 orthopedic practices were sold to PE-owned management companies.

Dana Jacoby, CEO of the Vector Medical Group, a strategic consultancy for physician groups, said several orthopedic platforms built by private equity investors already are on the market for resale to other investors, though she wouldn’t say which ones. The government does not require public reporting of these deals unless they exceed $101 million, a threshold that is adjusted over time.

Private equity investors have rolled up orthopedic practices in at least 12 states, with concentrations in Georgia, Texas, Florida, and Colorado.

Besides United Musculoskeletal Partners, other sizable PE-owned orthopedic platforms include Phoenix-based HOPCo, backed by Audax Group, Linden Capital Partners, and Frazier Healthcare Partners, with 305 physicians in seven states; Alpharetta, Georgia-based U.S. Orthopaedic Partners, backed by FFL Partners and Thurston Group, with 110 physicians in two states; and Fort Lauderdale, Florida-based Orthopedic Care Partners, backed by Varsity Healthcare Partners, with 120 physicians in four states.

Private equity funds, with a reported $1.8 trillion to invest in health care, are attracted to the size of the orthopedic care market. Annual patient spending is nearly $50 billion alone for treating back pain. The soaring demand of aging Americans for joint replacements, the high rates insurers pay for musculoskeletal procedures — such as nearly $50,000 for a knee replacement — and the lucrative array of orthopedic service lines and ancillary businesses, including ambulatory surgery centers, physical therapy, diagnostic imaging, pain management, and sports medicine, make this a tantalizing line of business.

The standard playbook of private equity firms is to pull profits of 20% out of their physician groups each year, then reap up to a 350% return on their cash investment when they sell the platform, say experts involved in these deals.

Orthopedic surgeons “are very excited about getting a $5 million to $7 million check,” said Dr. Jack Bert, former chair of the practice management committee of the American Academy of Orthopedic Surgeons. “But some I’ve talked to say the suits come in and tell the doctors, ‘You’re not working hard enough, you’ve got to increase production by 20%.’ That can be a big problem.”

Through their sale to Welsh Carson, the Resurgens orthopedists in Atlanta got a capital partner and executive expertise to help them expand by acquiring other orthopedic practices in Georgia and other markets. Soon after the deal, United Musculoskeletal Partners acquired large orthopedic practices in Dallas and Denver, and brought in a second private equity firm as an additional investor. Several other acquisitions are imminent, said Sean Traynor, a general partner at Welsh Carson.

The investment capital and the company’s growing size in major markets will sharpen the doctors’ ability to negotiate richer contracts with insurers, get better deals on equipment and supplies, build more outpatient surgery centers, and improve quality of care for patients.

The physicians, Traynor said, retain full responsibility for clinical governance, and that is protected by a permanent contract provision binding on all future owners.

“Other physicians ask what’s changed [since the sale], and I say nothing, which is great,” said Dr. Irfan Ansari, one of the Resurgens orthopedists.

But some large employers, whose self-funded health plans pay for orthopedic care for their workers, view the trend toward private equity ownership warily. They fear the new owners will milk the current fee-for-service system, which financially rewards doctors for providing more — and more expensive — surgical procedures, rather than promoting less costly but effective services such as physical therapy for lower back pain.

“The worry we have is we’re not seeing private equity fulfilling the promise of value-based care,” said Alan Gilbert, vice president for policy at the Purchaser Business Group on Health, which represents nearly 40 large private and public employers. “We’re seeing the same short-term financial goals you see with other private equity investments, including pressure to perform non-indicated procedures.”

At least two PE-backed orthopedic groups, however, are working with insurers on cost-saving value-based care programs. U.S. Orthopaedic Partners and HOPCo tout their partnerships with insurers, boasting that they’ve built systems to deliver entire episodes of care at lower costs under fixed-payment models.

Jennifer Allen, chief financial officer at Blue Cross & Blue Shield of Mississippi, said her health plan has saved nearly 40% by collaborating with Mississippi Sports Medicine, now owned by U.S. Orthopaedic Partners, on bundled payments for hip, knee, and shoulder replacement procedures as well as several spine procedures. But Allen said the program was launched in 2016 before private equity investors bought that orthopedic group.

“We had established the protocols, the benefits, the bundle, and everything before that,” she said. “I didn’t see anything that the private equity platform brought to the table.”

Dr. David Jacofsky, HOPCo’s chairman, said private equity owners should be steering their orthopedic groups toward value-based care, but so far he’s not seeing that happening much. “Private equity has lofty goals of wanting to build these things, but the time frame it takes is much longer than private equity wants to stay in these deals,” he said. Instead, he added, most are trying to grow bigger and demand higher payments from insurers, and “that’s not good for anyone.”

Still, MedVanta’s Levitt isn’t optimistic about his orthopedic colleagues’ ability, or willingness, to resist private equity. “We’re on an island and pieces are being chipped away by piranhas in the water,” he said. “I’m not sure it’s possible to remain independent.”


KHN (Kaiser Health News) is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues. Together with Policy Analysis and Polling, KHN is one of the three major operating programs at KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). KFF is an endowed nonprofit organization providing information on health issues to the nation.

Subscribe to KHN’s free Morning Briefing.

In PA county jails, guards use pepper spray and stun guns to subdue people in mental crisis

When police arrived on the scene, they found Ishmail Thompson standing naked outside a hotel near Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. He had just punched a man. After his arrest, a mental health specialist at the county jail said Thompson should be sent to the hospital for psychiatric care.

However, after a few hours at the hospital, a doctor cleared Thompson to return to jail. With that decision, he went from being a mental health patient to a Dauphin County Prison inmate. At that point, he was expected to comply with orders — or be forced to.

Within hours of returning to jail from the hospital, Thompson was locked in a physical struggle with corrections officers. His story is one of more than 5,000 “use of force” incidents that were recorded in 2021 inside Pennsylvania county jails.

Thompson’s story is culled from an investigation, led by WITF, that reviewed 456 “use of force” incidents from 25 county jails in Pennsylvania, during the last quarter of 2021. Among the reviewed cases, nearly 1 in 3 involved a person who was having a mental health crisis or who had a known mental illness.

In many cases, guards used weapons like stun guns and pepper spray to control and subdue incarcerated people with severe psychiatric conditions that may have prevented them from following orders — or understanding what was going on.

Records show that when Thompson ran away from jail staff during an attempted strip search, an officer pepper-sprayed him in the face and then tried taking him to the ground.

According to the records, Thompson fought back, and additional officers flooded the area, handcuffing and shackling him. An officer covered Thompson’s head with a hood and put him in a restraint chair, strapping down his arms and legs, according to the records, and about 20 minutes later, an officer noticed something wrong with Thompson’s breathing. He was rushed to the hospital.

Days later, Thompson died. The district attorney declined to bring charges. The DA, warden, and county officials who help oversee the jail did not respond to requests for interviews about Thompson’s treatment, or declined to comment.

Most uses of force in jails don’t lead to death. In Thompson’s case, the immediate cause of death was “complications from cardiac dysrhythmia,” but the way that occurred was “undetermined,” according to the county coroner. In other words, he couldn’t determine whether Thompson’s death was due to being pepper-sprayed and restrained, but he also did not say Thompson died of natural causes.

Dauphin County spokesperson Brett Hambright also declined to comment on Thompson’s case but said nearly half of the people at the jail have a mental illness, “along with a significant number of incarcerated individuals with violent propensities.”

“There are always going to be use of force incidents at the prison,” Hambright said. “Some of them will involve mentally ill inmates due to volume.”

During the investigation, mental health and legal experts said that practices employed by corrections officers every day in county jails can put prisoners and staff at risk of injury and can harm vulnerable people who may be scheduled to return to society within months.

“Some mentally ill prisoners are so traumatized by the abuse that they never recover; some are driven to suicide, and others are deterred from bringing attention to their mental health problems because reporting these issues often results in harsher treatment,” said Craig Haney, a psychology professor at the University of California-Santa Cruz who specializes in conditions in correctional facilities.

Corrections experts said the use of physical force is an important option to prevent violence among those in jail, or violence against guards. However, records kept by correctional officers at the 25 Pennsylvania county jails show that just 10% of “use of force” incidents were in response to a prisoner assaulting someone else. Another 10% describe a prisoner threatening staff members.

WITF found that 1 in 5 uses of force — 88 incidents — involved a prisoner who was either attempting suicide, hurting themselves, or threatening self-harm. Common responses by jail staff included deploying the tools used on Thompson — a restraint chair and pepper spray. In some cases, officers used electroshock devices such as stun guns.

In addition, the investigation uncovered 42 incidents in which corrections staffers noted that an inmate appeared to have a mental health condition — and guards deployed force after the person failed to respond to commands.

Defenders of these techniques said they save lives by preventing violence or self-harm, but some jails in the U.S. have moved away from the practices, and administrators have said the techniques are inhumane and don’t work.

The human costs can extend far beyond the jail, reaching the families of incarcerated people who are killed or traumatized, as well as the corrections officers involved, said Liz Schultz, a civil rights and criminal defense attorney in the Philadelphia area.

“And even if the human costs aren’t persuasive, the taxpayers should care, since the resulting lawsuits can be staggering,” Schultz said. “It underscores that we must ensure safe conditions in jails and prisons, and that we should be a bit more judicious about who we are locking up and why.”

‘All I Needed Was One Person’

Adam Caprioli’s experience began when he called 911 during a panic attack.

Caprioli, 30, lives in Long Pond, Pennsylvania, and has been diagnosed with bipolar disorder and anxiety disorder. He also struggles with alcohol and drug addiction, he said.

When police responded to the 911 call in fall 2021, they took Caprioli to the Monroe County Correctional Facility.

Inside the jail, Caprioli’s anxiety and paranoia surged. He said the staff ignored his requests to make a phone call or speak to a mental health professional.

After several hours of extreme distress, Caprioli tied his shirt around his neck and choked himself until he passed out. After corrections staff saw Caprioli with his shirt around his neck, officers wearing body armor and helmets rushed into his cell. The four-man team brought the 150-pound Caprioli down to the floor. One of them had a compressed air gun that shoots projectiles containing chemical irritants.

“Inmate Caprioli was swinging his arms and kicking his legs,” a sergeant wrote in the incident report. “I pressed the Pepperball launcher against the small of Inmate Caprioli’s back and impacted him three (3) times.” Attorney Alan Mills said prison staffers often justify their use of physical force by saying they’re intervening to save the person’s life.

“The vast majority of people who are engaged in self-harm are not going to die,” said Mills, who has litigated use of force cases and who serves as executive director of Uptown People’s Law Center in Chicago. “Rather, they are acting out some form of serious mental illness. And, therefore, what they really need is intervention to de-escalate the situation, whereas use of force does exactly the opposite and escalates the situation.”

In Pennsylvania, Caprioli said when officers entered his cell he felt the pain of welts in his flesh and the sting of powdered chemicals in the air, and realized nobody would help him.

“That’s the sick part about it,” Caprioli said. “You can see I’m in distress. You can see I’m not going to try and hurt anyone. I have nothing I can hurt you with.”

Eventually, he was taken to the hospital — where Caprioli said hospital staffers assessed his physical injuries — but he didn’t get help from a mental health professional. Hours later, he was back in jail, where he stayed for five days. He eventually pleaded guilty to a charge of “public drunkenness and similar misconduct” and had to pay a fine.

Caprioli acknowledged that he makes his problems worse when he uses alcohol or drugs, but he said that doesn’t justify how he was treated in jail.

“That’s not something that should be going on at all. All I needed was one person to just be like, ‘Hey, how are you? What’s going on?’ And never got that, even to the last day,” he said.

Monroe County Warden Garry Haidle and Monroe County District Attorney E. David Christine Jr. did not respond to requests for comment.

Some Jails Are Trying New Strategies

Jail is not an appropriate setting for treating serious mental illness, said Dr. Pamela Rollings-Mazza. She works with PrimeCare Medical, which provides medical and behavioral services at about 35 county jails in Pennsylvania.

The problem, Rollings-Mazza said, is that people with serious psychiatric issues don’t get the help they need before they are in crisis. At that point, police can be involved, and people who started off needing mental health care end up in jail.

“So the patients that we’re seeing, you know, a lot of times are very, very, very sick,” Rollings-Mazza said. “So we have adapted our staff to try to address that need.”

PrimeCare psychologists rate prisoners’ mental health on an A-through-D scale. Those with a D rating are the most seriously ill.

Rollings-Mazza said they make up between 10% and 15% of the overall population of jails served by PrimeCare. An additional 40% of people have a C rating, also a sign of significant illness.

She said that rating system helps determine the care psychologists provide, but it has little effect on jail policies.

“There are some jails where they don’t have that understanding or want to necessarily support us,” she said. “Some security officers are not educated about mental health at the level that they should be.”

Rollings-Mazza said her team frequently sees people come to jail who are “not reality-based” due to psychiatric illness and can’t understand or comply with basic orders. They are often kept away from other people behind bars for their own safety and may spend up to 23 hours a day alone.

That isolation virtually guarantees that vulnerable people will spiral into a crisis, said Dr. Mariposa McCall, a California-based psychiatrist who recently published a paper looking at the effects of solitary confinement.

Her work is part of a large body of research showing that keeping a person alone in a small cell all day can cause lasting psychological damage.

McCall worked for several years at state prisons in California and said it’s important to understand that the culture among corrections officers prioritizes security and compliance above all. As a result, staff members may believe that people who are hurting themselves are actually trying to manipulate them.

Many guards also view prisoners with mental health conditions as potentially dangerous.

“And so it creates a certain level of disconnect from people’s suffering or humanity in some ways, because it feeds on that distrust,” McCall said. In that environment, officers feel justified using force whether or not they think the incarcerated person understands them.

To really understand the issue, it helps to examine the decisions made in the hours and days leading up to a use of force incident, said Jamelia Morgan, a professor at Northwestern University Pritzker School of Law.

Morgan researches a growing number of lawsuits centered on use of force incidents that involve people in jail with mental health problems. Lawyers have successfully argued that demanding that a person with mental illness comply with orders they may not understand is a violation of their civil rights. Those suits suggest that jails should instead provide “reasonable accommodations.”

“In some cases, it’s as simple as having medical staff respond, as opposed to security staff,” Morgan said.

Individual cases can be difficult to litigate due to a complex grievance process that those locked up must follow before filing suit, Morgan said. Morgan said to solve the overall problem, wardens will need to redefine what it means to be in jail.

This investigation included right-to-know requests filed with 61 counties across Pennsylvania and the investigative team followed up with wardens in some of the counties that released use of force reports. None agreed to talk about how their officers are trained or whether they could change how they respond to people in crisis.

Some jails are trying new strategies. In Chicago, the Cook County corrections department doesn’t have a warden. Rather, it has an “executive director” who is also a trained psychologist.

That change was one part of a total reimagining of jail operations after a 2008 Department of Justice report found widespread violations of prisoners’ civil rights.

In recent years, Cook County’s jail system has gotten rid of solitary confinement, opting instead to put problematic prisoners in common areas, but with additional security measures whenever possible, Cook County Sheriff Tom Dart said.

The jail includes a mental health transition center that offers alternative housing — a “college setting of Quonset huts and gardens,” as Dart described it. There, prisoners have access to art, photography, and gardening classes. There’s also job training, and case managers work with local community agencies, planning for what will happen once someone leaves the jail.

Just as important, Dart said, jail leadership has worked to change the training and norms around when it’s appropriate to use tools such as pepper spray.

“Our role is to keep people safe, and if you have someone with a mental illness, I just don’t see how Tasers and [pepper] spray can do anything other than aggravate issues, and can only be used as the last conceivable option,” Dart said.

Cook County’s reforms show that change is possible, but there are thousands of local jails across the U.S., and they depend on the local and state governments that set correctional policies and that fund — or fail to fund — the mental health services that could keep vulnerable people out of jail in the first place.

In Pennsylvania’s Dauphin County, where Ishmail Thompson died, officials said that the problem — and solutions — extend beyond jail walls. County spokesperson Hambright said funding has remained stagnant amid an increase in people needing mental health services. That’s led to an over-reliance on jails, where the “lights are always on.”

“We would certainly like to see some of these individuals treated and housed in locations better equipped to treat the specificity of their conditions,” Hambright added. “But we must play the hands we are dealt by the existing system as best we can with the resources that we have.”


This story is part of a partnership that includes WITF, NPR, and KHN.

Brett Sholtis received a 2021-22 Rosalynn Carter Fellowship for Mental Health Journalism, and this investigation received additional support from The Benjamin von Sternenfels Rosenthal Grant for Mental Health Investigative Journalism, in partnership with the Carter Center and Reveal from the Center for Investigative Reporting.

To learn more about how WITF reported this article, check out this explainer.

KHN (Kaiser Health News) is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues. Together with Policy Analysis and Polling, KHN is one of the three major operating programs at KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). KFF is an endowed nonprofit organization providing information on health issues to the nation.

Marjorie Taylor Greene wants to be a mainstream Republican now. Sadly, the media will let it happen

The battle over the Speakership dreams of Rep. Kevin McCarthy, R-Calif., was a cataclysmic event, in terms of the media’s increasingly ineffective efforts to convey to news consumers what is actually going on. Most press coverage portrayed the struggle as one between a more moderate faction supporting McCarthy and a far-right splinter group who opposed him. In reality, however, the fight was merely showboating from a small group of trolls who wanted attention, with no real substance to any of the disagreements. Indeed, pro- and anti-McCarthy groups are in fierce agreement on nearly all major policy issues, including the question of whether democracy is a good thing worth protecting. (Both sides believe it is not!) 

For proof there’s no real daylight between the two factions, look no further than the fact that the biggest Republican troll in the House, Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene of Georgia, was on Kev’s side from the get-go. Greene has become one of the most famous — and powerful — Republicans in Capitol Hill by sheer dint of her gleefully unapologetic fascism. She’s one of the biggest apologists for Donald Trump’s Big Lie and the violent insurrectionists who attempted to overthrow democracy on January 6, 2021. She’s a grade-A conspiracy theorist who rode into Washington spouting QAnon nonsense. Once in office, she went straight for the third rail in American politics, showy antisemitism, downplaying the Holocaust and raving about how Jews were setting wildfires with space lasers. She hits all the major stations of the conspiracy theory cross, from dismissing mass shootings as “false flags” to vaccine denialism to, naturally, 9/11 trutherism. She, of course, has also gotten that sweet, sweet attention by calling for the execution of her political opponents


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But she’s all for McCarthy, because he is fine with all this, despite his media image of moderation. Greene, who is a much savvier operator than the liberals constantly dunking on her would like to admit, clearly realizes that being on the always-Kevin side of this fight opened up a golden opportunity: She can now rebrand herself as a mainstream Republican. With her shiny new committee assignments — complete with access to some of the most highly classified information in government — and her role as McCarthy’s golden girl, Greene is set to remake herself into a respected figure on Capitol Hill. She’ll be just as much a conspiracy theory kook as she ever was, but her new status as an elder statesman in the GOP will put an ennobling gloss on her lies, helping push them through the ever-credulous Beltway press.  

That Greene is consciously rebranding herself became undeniable on Sunday, when she distanced herself from QAnon during a Fox News interview. 

“Well, like a lot of people today, I had easily gotten sucked into some things I’d seen on the internet,” she said when host Howard Kurtz asked her about QAnon. “But that was dealt with quickly early on. I never campaigned on those things. That was not something I believed in.”

In one sense, these are easily debunked lies. Her involvement with the QAnon cult was not cursory, as she implies. She literally released a video prior to her election in which she argued “now there’s a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to take this global cabal of Satan-worshipping pedophiles out, and I think we have the president to do it.” Her social media endorsements of political violence were often rooted in the false accusations that Democrats are pedophiles who drink children’s blood. 

But it’s also true that, like many far-right conspiracy theorists, Greene doesn’t actually believe the vile things she says. Truth has no value to her. She just says whatever she thinks will benefit her politically. In the past, that was endorsing every cockamamie conspiracy theory she could, since doing so got attention and helped her fundraise, both of which helped make her very powerful within the GOP. Now that she’s made a name for herself, she’s shedding the QAnon association so she can access the next level of power, which is being treated like a respectable politician. 


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Sadly, there’s every reason to think this will work in a media environment where mainstream journalists are always eager to minimize the radicalism of Republicans and present them as “normal” politicians to the public. We saw this process happen with the Tea Party movement. In 2010, a bevy of Republican politicians got elected during this racist right wing tantrum wave against President Barack Obama. At first, they got the “look at these weirdos” coverage that Greene enjoys now. But it didn’t take long for most of the Tea Partiers to reform their media images into middle-of-the-road politicians. 

Former Vice President Mike Pence. Former White House chief of staff Mark Meadows. Former Secretary of State Mike Pompeo. Rep. Steve Scalise of Louisiana. Former White House acting chief of staff Mick Mulvaney. Sen. Ted Cruz of Texas. Sen. Tim Scott of South Carolina. These are just a sampling of politicians who rose to prominence aligned with the Tea Party movement, only to be converted in the media imagination to ordinary politicians — all without having to sacrifice their extremist views. In some cases, they obtained an unearned reputation as “reasonable” or “moderate” simply by flinching at how gross Donald Trump is, pretending they represented some check on his excesses or by criticizing him publicly. 

McCarthy himself is a classic example of how much the mainstream press will conveniently forget when trying to dignify a Republican who initially broke into politics as a fire-breathing right wing extremist. McCarthy obtained his high status in the GOP by playing footsie with the Tea Partiers who took out one of his predecessors, John Boehner. He managed to win the Speakership through his slavish loyalty to Trump, including a willingness to vote to overturn the 2020 election. There is nothing moderate or normal about McCarthy. Still, due to a few opportunistic trolls on the Hill willing to paint him as a RINO, he gets to be treated not as the radical he is, but as a normal politician who is simply beset by fanatics. 

Greene no doubt has seen this process of normalization and believes, correctly, that she can get in on it. She probably doesn’t even have to give up some of her other bizarre “beliefs” regarding mass shootings or COVID-19. The press is so desperate for normal conservatives to cover that even the slightest nod towards rationality is read as permission to round up a Republican to the class of “responsible” politicians. Greene has hit the limit of what she can do while being known as the kookiest member of Congress. She’s ready to graduate to a real power player who gets flattering press coverage. If past is predictor, she can expect to do so with a big assist from the mainstream media. 

Put the popcorn away, folks: Kevin McCarthy is speaker of the House, and that’s no joke

Today’s Republican Party and “conservative” movement are agents of corrupt power and enemies of democracy. Their evident goal is to take away the civil and human rights of Black and brown people as well as women, LGBTQ people, people with disabilities, poor people, Muslims, nonwhite immigrants and perceived political enemies. At the same time, of course, they are eager to gut what remains of the social safety net and give corporations and the ultra-rich unrestrained power and control over American society.

Their idealized dystopian America will be a “democracy” in name only. In reality, it will be an apartheid pseudo-Christian plutocracy somewhat modeled on Putin’s Russia or Viktor Orbán’s Hungary, in which political dissent is not allowed and the rules of political combat will be rigged such that Republicans and their allies can remain in power indefinitely.

As we have seen in many other countries, democracies often rot from within as authoritarian forces infiltrate the system and its institutions with the ultimate goal of tearing them down. Healthy democracies can only be maintained through agreement on what constitutes truth and reality and a shared respect for legitimate political norms and institutions.

For the forces of political corruption, these elements are not understood as restraints on their behavior but as opportunities to be exploited and boundaries to be smashed. In a series of recent press releases, the Lincoln Project summarizes this peril:

The MAGA movement is the American version of the Taliban. Like the Taliban, MAGA embraces violence and threats to attain power.

They aren’t interested in policy debates or real governance, only implementing their culture war to roll back individual rights, crush dissent, eliminate fair elections, and destroy our democratic institutions…..

The GOP is now controlled completely by MAGA. It is the party of chaos, destruction and is unconcerned with improving the lives of its constituents. The anarchy will only come to an end when Trump and MAGA are completely defeated.

As journalist Mark Jacob recently observed on Twitter, “There’s no ideological clash in the GOP. It’s just a disagreement over strategy. Some are what I call ‘process fascists seizing power gradually through gerrymandering, stealing Supreme Court seats, etc. Others are ‘express-lane fascists’ who prefer chaos and violence (Jan. 6).”

The new Republican majority plans to attack the very idea of government legitimacy, undermine Medicare and Social Security, end support for Ukraine and investigate the FBI, Nancy Pelosi and Dr. Anthony Fauci.

The new Republican majority in the House of Representatives plans to attack the very idea of government legitimacy and oversight itself by engaging in conspiracy-theory “investigations” and de facto show trials of Hunter Biden (as well as his father), Nancy Pelosi, Dr. Anthony Fauci, Hillary Clinton and other designated villains. They are also likely to target the FBI, the Department of Justice and anyone else seeking to investigate Donald Trump and his co-conspirators for their attempted coup against democracy.

Republicans also intend to undermine, defund or outright eliminate Medicare and Social Security, leaving tens of millions of Americans in poverty with no reliable access to health care. They may force a government shutdown and default on federal debts, creating economic chaos and damaging the international power, prestige, and credibility of the United States. They will seek to end military and other assistance to Ukraine as it fights to resist the Russian invasion.

In total, the Republican fascists and their allies will use their legislative authority to advance a sweeping agenda aimed at ending America’s multiracial democracy. Kevin McCarthy, who was finally elected as speaker of the House after 15 ballots, may seem like a hapless clown but has wholeheartedly embraced this anti-democratic agenda.

Kevin McCarthy is now the Speaker of the House and is tasked with advancing this neofascist anti-democracy agenda. Here’s how Christina Cauterucci of Slate, described the spectacle of McCarthy’s ascent to power, and the endless range of concessions he was forced to offer to hard-line far-right Republicans, which she classifies as “some interesting aberrations from the norm, and also plenty of nonsense.”

Before the votes even began on Tuesday, which was supposed to be the first day of Congress, McCarthy had already agreed to a package of rules changes that addressed some pet concerns of the ultraconservative bloc, including a provision that would let any group of five members force a vote on ousting the speaker at any time.

By the end of the ordeal, he had caved much further: In a late-Wednesday meeting that ran into Thursday morning, McCarthy agreed to give the Freedom Caucus multiple seats on the powerful Rules Committee (which influences how legislation makes it to the floor), hold a vote on term limits for members, and allow any single member to trigger a vote to overthrow the speaker. Also, a McCarthy-aligned super PAC agreed to, essentially, a non-compete with the more hardline super PAC Club for Growth when it comes to spending in safe Republican districts for future elections. That earned McCarthy the Club’s endorsement for speaker. Even after all of that, the rebel group refused to budge.

There was an ominous resonance at work here: McCarthy was finally elected speaker of the House on the two-year anniversary of Jan. 6, 2021 (more precisely the early morning hours of Saturday after voting began that Friday). That was of course the day when Republicans in Congress took on the task of delaying certification of the Electoral College vote long enough for Trump and his agents to find some way to nullify Joe Biden’s victory. One hundred and forty-seven Republicans voted to reject legitimate electoral votes, only hours after Trump’s followers had overrun the Capitol and ransacked it.

Indeed, many Republican members of Congress supported if not outright helped to plan and execute the coup attempt. None have been arrested, indicted or prosecuted by the Department of Justice or any other law enforcement agencies for their role in the insurrection. In an act of cowardice likely driven by the fear of retaliation, neither the House Jan. 6 committee nor the previous Democratic leadership in Congress have sought to hold Republican members accountable.

As Dahlia Lithwick writes, two years on from Jan. 6 “it’s easy to fall prey to the idea that it was all a historical event, blessedly behind us”:

It’s even tempting to celebrate the dozens of ways in which the “system held.” We can laud the heroics of the Capitol Police, the courage and steadiness of Nancy Pelosi, the actions of judges and state election officials who insured that specious claims of election fraud and “Stop the Steal” never garnered sufficient traction to become a legal movement with enough legitimacy to move anything more than a mob of violent racists and wackos and conspiracy theorists (and Ginni Thomas) to action….

Except, of course, the events of Jan. 6, 2021 and Jan. 3–? of 2023 are not at all unrelated. Nor are they sequential points along a continuum that is leading us to a better place. Instead, they represent the locomotive and the caboose of the same train: Each is a point along a terrifying line of governmental failure; each is a subversion of the principles of lawful transition of power. But certainly they are moving in the same direction, and there should be no joy found in watching the present and past pancaking back on itself. In many ways, the events of this week should be as frightening to us as the events of two years past, if not more so. This, too, is an insurrection. That it’s coming — quite literally — from inside the House in 2023 should no more be grounds for popcorn and selfies from Democrats than the Capitol insurrection was in 2021. This is a profoundly serious systems failure, Trumpism without the relative coherence of Trump, and a triumph of nihilist anti-government fan fiction. And this go-round, those forces have a vote that is big enough to gum up the entire operation.

In an essay for Salon, Lucian K. Truscott IV offers related observations:

There is a famous quote by Grover Norquist, who has run the right-wing but innocuously named Americans for Tax Reform for decades: “My goal is to cut government in half in twenty-five years, to get it down to the size where we can drown it in the bathtub.” What we have learned over the last few days is that right-wing Republican plan has outlived its usefulness, which was mostly as rhetoric anyway. This crowd wants to take the government apart, piece by piece, and kill it. They’ve been using and abusing the Constitution to do it. This time, they didn’t even have to employ a mob to shut themselves down, and they’re winning.

Contrary to the wish-casting of the American political class and news media, Trump and his movement have not been vanquished. In fact, Trump’s enduring power was vividly illustrated in McCarthy’s assent to power and the concessions he had to offer to fellow Republicans who seek to out-Trump Trump himself.

Kelly Rissman of Vanity Fair notes that after McCarthy’s final victory he “gave new life” to Trump, although the ex-president’s support did not actually bring him any more votes. “I do want to especially thank President Trump,” McCarthy said. “I don’t think anybody should doubt his influence. He was with me from the beginning… and he was all in. He would call me, and he would call others. And he really was — I was just talking to him tonight — helping get those final votes.”


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As I have argued repeatedly, it is no laughing matter that one of the country’s two institutional political parties is under the control of neofascists who do not believe in democracy and are working to destroy it from within. The Republicans now appear to reject the traditional and fundamental idea of public service, according to which there should be some basic competence, seriousness and accountability in government and leadership. Such apparently obvious principles have become anathema to today’s “conservative” movement.

It was “entertaining” to watch McCarthy being “ritually humiliated” by members of his own party. But it also served to normalize fascism by making the Freedom Caucus look like “outliers” or extremists.

For the most part, the mainstream media adopted two overlapping approaches to the Kevin McCarthy saga, continuing to demonstrate that even after seven years of Trump, it has willfully failed to adapt to the crisis of American democracy. One frame focuses almost entirely on political personalities, horse-race coverage, gossip and on the admittedly intriguing political drama embodied by the seemingly endless rounds of voting in which Kevin McCarthy fell short. The spectacle was deemed “historic” and “unprecedented,” and delivered as a highly addictive drug into the Beltway bloodstream. 

The other frame should be familiar by now: Humor, mockery, schadenfreude and popcorn emojis. It was “entertaining” to watch McCarthy being “ritually humiliated” by members of his own party. “Republicans are in disarray… and what fun!” was the general note struck over and over last week. In this default to the dangerous and obsolete habits of “normal politics,” “fairness” and “balance,” the mainstream news media continued to normalize Trump-era Republican by presenting the Freedom Caucus and its allies as “outliers” or “extremists” as compared to more “traditional” Republicans.

In the end, the laughter has ended, the popcorn emojis have been retired and Kevin McCarthy is speaker of the House. It all felt good for a while, presumably, but that will rapidly turn bitter as the Republican fascists return to their central task: amplifying the pain and trauma they continue to visit upon the American people and American democracy.

90% of humans will suffer extreme heat, drought due to climate change: report

If you are reading this article, there is a 9 out of 10 chance that you live somewhere that will experience future extreme heat weather events due to climate change.

As man-made climate change continues to cook the planet, experts are predicting that catastrophic weather events will become normal. Scientists anticipate widespread droughts, increasingly frequent wildfires and soaring fatalities as heat waves become commonplace. Even if the world’s nations come together to meaningfully limit carbon emissions, it is unlikely that all of the impending crises can be averted.

Now, a new study by University of Oxford’s School of Geography underscores the need to try to limit the damage to the greatest extent possible. Specifically, the study found that 90% of the humans alive in the near future will experience these problems. That remarkably high percentage reveals the ubiquity of the reach of climate change.

More than 9 out of 10 people on the planet inhabit areas that will be hit hard by “compound drought-heat waves.”

In an analysis published for the scientific journal Nature Sustainability, Oxford’s Professor Louise Slater and Wuhan University’s Dr. Jiabo Yin explain that as the planet’s temperature continues to rise, there will be “compounding hazards” — one heat-related environmental problem after another after another. This is because of a specific climate phenomenon known as a compound drought–heatwave, one in which the lack of water feeds into rising temperatures and vice versa. The authors of the study that much of the human community will be impacted by this problem; more than 9 out of 10 people on the planet inhabit areas that will be hit hard by compound drought–heatwaves — “with more severe impacts in poorer and more rural areas.”


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In a public statement, Slater explained how much the scientists emphasize that “understanding compounding hazards in a warming Earth is essential for the implementation of the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), in particular SDG13 that aims to combat climate change and its impacts.”

In related news, a United Nations-backed panel of scientists announced on Monday that they believed at least one important piece of the puzzle of fighting climate change is now in place. In a collaborative effort including contributions from NASA and the European Union, the UN-backed report revealed that emissions of an ozone-destroying chemical known as CFC-11 had significantly declined in 2022 compared to its 2018 levels. China has been the primary culprit of CFC-11 emissions, particularly factories in its northeastern provinces. The CFC-11 emissions, like other chlorofluorocarbon emissions, would break apart ozone molecules in the stratosphere resulting in an increasingly thin ozone layer. Meg Seki, the executive secretary of the United Nations Environment Programme’s Ozone Secretaria, attributed the new success to the Montreal Protocol, an international treaty signed in 1987 to phase out the use of ozone-destroying chemicals.

As the planet’s temperature continues to rise, there will be “compounding hazards” — one heat-related environmental problem after another after another.

While these updates are welcome in terms of slowing existing trends regarding carbon emissions, it does not mean that all of the consequences of climate change can be averted. As the authors of the study note, their conclusions account for a wide spectrum of potential scenarios — worst-case (humanity does nothing to curb emissions) to best-case (the negative impact of the damage done so far is limited). The most dire possible outcome for humanity would be if heavily populated areas experience a so-called “wet bulb temperature” of higher than 95 °F (35 °C) or higher, which kills healthy human beings within a few hours. This is significant because wet bulb temperature is determined by measuring the temperature of a wet thermometer in the shade while water evaporates off of it. A wet bulb temperature of 95 °F (35 °C) is not like a regular temperature of 95 °F (35 °C), where a human being can under certain circumstances survive it. Once the wet bulb temperature in any area reaches 95 °F (35 °C) or higher, the combined increases in both temperature and moisture will be so great that all human bodies in those areas will not be able to remove heat fast enough. Within hours, they will die.

It remains unclear if/when things will get that bad. As the new Nature Sustainability makes clear, however, heat waves do not have to reach extinction-level proportions to inflict considerable pain on humanity.

“Over 90% of the world population and GDP is projected to be exposed to increasing compounding risks in the future climate, even under the lowest emission scenario,” explain the study’s authors.

What just happened in Brazil? Five key questions about South America’s Jan. 6 moment

Thousands of far-right supporters of former Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro stormed the country’s Congress, Supreme Court and presidential palace on Jan. 8, 2023.

In images similar to those from the Jan. 6, 2021, assault on the U.S. Capitol, demonstrators were seen overwhelming and beating police while breaching the security perimeter of the buildings.

It comes weeks after Bolsonaro was ousted in an election that saw the return of leftist former President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. The Conversation asked Rafael Ioris, an expert on Brazilian politics at the University of Denver, to explain the significance of the attack and what could happen next.

Who was behind the storming of the Brazilian Congress?

What we saw was thousands of hardcore supporters of Bolsonaro – those who share his extreme right-wing agenda – attempting to take matters into their own hands after the recent election.

Scores of protestors in yellow and green stand on a structure with a white dome in the background.

Supporters of former President Jair Bolsonaro invade the National Congress in Brasília on Jan. 8.
(Sergio Lima/AFP via Getty Images)

Even though Bolsonaro wasn’t there in the capital while the attack took place — he was in Florida — I believe he is ultimately responsible for what occurred. While he was in power he encouraged distrust in political institutions, advocating the closure of Congress and attacking the Supreme Court, two of the institutions targeted by demonstrators.

Others were also behind what happened. Protests have been taking place for weeks, and there are big funders of the demonstrations, such as large landowners and business groups who helped pay for the busing in of thousands of Bolsonaro supporters to the capital, Brasília.

And then there is the role of the military. Leading military figures have been supportive of Bolsonaro’s extreme right agenda for a long time and even recently have displayed outright support for several pro-coup demonstrations unfolding in different parts of the country in the lead-up to the attack.

The lack of security preventing the storming of key institutions in the capital also leads me to ask: Were they negligent, or were they complicit?

Can you expand on the role of the military?

Street security is not a responsibility of the armed forces, but the military’s continued support for Bolsanaro’s agenda has helped provide legitimacy for the holding of such views among members of the state-run military police. And it was the military police who were tasked with keeping the demonstrations in check in Brasília.

The pro-Bolsonaro demonstrators are demanding a military intervention to overturn what they claim, with no evidence, to be a fraudulent election that saw Lula come to power.


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Their hope is that senior members of the military — many of whom have expressed support for Bolsonaro and sympathy for the protest camps that have been set up near army bases — would support the push to oust Lula.

Brazil has a long history of the armed forces not accepting civilian rule. The last military coup was in 1964. Of course, circumstances are different now from then, when in the heat of the Cold War the coup was supported by outside governments, including the U.S.

Brazil has been at a crossroads. The Bolsonaro presidency saw the country backslide on democracy, as trust in institutions eroded under attack. And close to half the country still voted for him.

Bolsonaro cultivated close ties to the Brazilian military by moving key military people into positions in government. Right-wing generals friendly with Bolsonaro became ministers of defense, chief of state and even the minister of health at the height of the COVID-19 crisis. Moreover, it is estimated about 6,000 active military personnel were given jobs in nonmilitary positions in government in the last eight years.

Some generals in both the Navy and the Air Force especially have been supporting the protests. Since the election, you have had generals proclaim that demonstrations demanding military intervention were legitimate.

I think it is fair to say that segments of Brazil’s military were encouraging what happened.

But when it came down to it, the armed forces were quiet. The military may have nurtured the protest, but when it came to the idea of a traditional coup — tanks on the streets stuff — that just didn’t happen.

So would you characterize this as an attempted coup?

That is a central question. As events unfurled on Jan. 8, it looked more like a protest that got violent and out of hand — the level of destruction inside some of the buildings attests to that.

But it was weeks in the making and well financed, in that hundreds of buses were paid for to get Bolsonaro supporters to the capital. And the expressed aim of many protesters was military intervention. So in that sense, I would say it more akin to an attempted coup.

What does the attack tell us about democracy in Brazil?

Brazil has been at a crossroads. The Bolsonaro presidency saw the country backslide on democracy, as trust in institutions eroded under attack from the president himself and through corruptions scandals. And close to half the country voted for him despite his record of undermining democracy. But the election of Lula seems to indicate that even more want to rebuild democratic institutions in the country after four years of attack from Bolsonaro.

A protestor in a yellow top is surrounded by a cloud of smoke.
(Joedson Alves/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images)

So this could be a turning point. The media in Brazil has come out strongly in denouncing the actions of demonstrators. In the coming days and weeks, there will be investigations into what happened, and hopefully some degree of accountability. What will be key is Lula’s ability to address the anti-democratic elements of the military.

Are comparisons to the Jan. 6 attack on the U.S. Capitol valid?

Trumpism and Bolsonarismo share a narrative of stolen elections, with supporters drawn from the right who support issues such as gun rights and traditional family structures.

An important difference is the role of the military. Although former military personnel were at the Jan. 6 attack in D.C., top U.S. military figures condemned it. Nor was the aim in the U.S. to see military intervention, unlike the Jan. 8, 2023, attack in Brasília.

But there are clear parallels — in both we saw extreme right-wing, powerful groups and individuals refusing to accept the direction of a country and trying to storm institutions of power.

Now I’m wondering if there will also be parallels in what happens after the attack.

In the U.S., authorities have done a good job punishing a lot of people involved. I’m not sure we will see the same in Brazil, as they might need to confront powerful groups within the military and police forces around the country. So democratic actors within and outside of the county will be essential in supporting the task of defending democracy in Brazil.The Conversation

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Dozens of new state bills show “startling evolution” of anti-trans legislation

Just one week into 2023, state legislatures across the United States are already planning to consider more than two dozen bills aiming to cut off transgender people’s access to healthcare, with adults as well as minors targeted.

The legislation that was introduced or pre-filed in the first week of the year includes Senate Bill 129 in Oklahoma, which is set to be formally introduced in the state Senate in early February. The pre-filed legislation would ban all gender-affirming surgery for people under the age of 26, indicating, according to researcher Erin Reed, that the previously “hypothetical escalation” of transition bans for adults is now in motion.

“This is the worst anti-trans bill I have ever seen filed in any state,” Reed told the Associated Press on Saturday.

Vivian Topping, director of advocacy and civic engagement at the Equality Federation, said the proposal signifies the “startling new evolution of what these bills can be.”

“This is the worst anti-trans bill I have ever seen filed in any state.”

“We haven’t seen these types of bills in previous years,” Topping told The 19th.

Lawmakers in Kansas, Kentucky, Missouri, Montana, New Hampshire, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, and Virginia will also consider restrictions on healthcare for transgender people.

Republicans in South Carolina have proposed banning gender-affirming care for people who are 21 or younger.

In preparation for the new session, lawmakers in Texas pre-filed 10 anti-transgender bills in the last two months on 2022, including a proposal to make gender-affirming care for minors a second-degree felony for physicians and categorizing the prescription of hormonal therapy for minors with gender dysphoria as child abuse.

Both Oklahoma and Arizona lawmakers will consider legislation requiring school staff to refer to children by the name and sex found on their birth certificate unless parents provide written consent for the child to be addressed otherwise—effectively demanding that adults “misgender trans and nonbinary students by default until informed otherwise by a parent,” The 19th reported.

Topping noted that dozens of anti-trans bills have failed to pass in state legislatures across the country as advocates have ramped up pressure on lawmakers to protect LGBTQ rights.

“Who knows what happens with these bills as we move forward,” Topping told The 19th. “The one thing that we do know is that when we have shown up in the past, when we have shown up in state capitols, which trans people and those who love us always do, we have been able to beat these bills.”

Expert: Israel’s changing demographics show far-right rule is here to stay

Israel’s new goverment is the most right-wing and religious leadership the country has had in the 75 years of its existence, as many observers have pointed out. And this style of leadership may last because it represents the next generation of Israelis.

You don’t have to look far to see that the religiously observant Orthodox and ultra-Orthodox sectors of Israel’s population are growing quickly. The new minister of Jerusalem affairs has 12 children. The minister of national missions — one of the few women in the cabinet — has 11, the housing minister 10, the interior minister nine, the finance minister and the minister of immigration have seven each and the minister of heritage has six.

The rapid growth of Israel’s ultra-Orthodox population has profound consequences for the rest of society, especially Israel’s delicate status quo between religion and secularism. Moreover, ultra-Orthodox voters and politicians are increasingly allied with parties from another religious demographic whose influence is growing: Orthodox nationalists.

As a professor of Israel Studies, I would argue that Israel’s future may look less like the cosmopolitan, secular Tel Aviv than the nearby ultra-Orthodox city of Bnei Brak or one of the satellite towns outside Jerusalem that are centers of Orthodox nationalism.

Four tribes

In 2015, then-President Reuven Rivlin gave a famous speech in which he called Israel a society of “four tribes.”

There are secular or moderately religious Jews, who constituted the vast majority of the country’s founders and until today make up most of its political, economic and cultural elite. Though estimates vary, around half of Israel’s Jewish population consider themselves secular, and 19% are marginally observant.

Then there is the group usually called National Religious, or Religious Zionist. These Israelis combine Orthodox Judaism with commitment to political Zionism, and now constitute the core of the settler movement in the West Bank. They constitute around 20% of Israel’s Jewish population, or about 15% of its total population.

A third group is called Haredim, or ultra-Orthodox in English. Unlike other Orthodox Jews, who are integrated into mainstream neighborhoods and workplaces, many Haredi groups try to separate themselves to an extent from secular society. Originally, they did not support the creation of the State of Israel, which they believed should come about only through the Messiah. Today, however, Haredi communities are politically associated with right-wing parties.

The fourth group Rivlin mentioned are Israeli Arabs, or as they increasingly call themselves, Palestinian citizens of Israel.

These four groups rarely interact in everyday life. Each has its own school system, and they marry and socialize within each other — which Rivlin warned could weaken the country.

Haredim today

Over time, there has been a population shift between the four sectors. When Rivlin delivered his speech in 2015, he reported that for the first time, most of Israel’s first graders were not admitted to secular Jewish schools, but to one of the three other systems.

The ultra-Orthodox population is growing quickly. Haredi families have an average of about seven children, compared with just three in the general population and two among secular Jews. According to a recent study of the Israel Democracy Institute, the ultra-Orthodox sector constitutes 13.5% of Israel’s population today and will rise to 16% by the end of the decade, with further increases expected. They already constitute about a quarter of all Jewish pupils in Israel’s schools today.

These demographic changes pose challenges for Israel’s society and economy. For example, the poverty rate among the ultra-Orthodox is twice as high as among other Israelis due to a culture that emphasizes intensive religious study over paid employment, and schools that prize religious learning over secular subjects. The unemployment rate among Haredi men is almost 47%, compared to less than 5% in the total population.

Unlike most other Jewish Israelis, most Haredi youth do not serve in the army, which is based on exemptions the secular founder of the state, David Ben-Gurion, made 75 years ago. At the time, the ultra-Orthodox were a marginal group, and Ben-Gurion was convinced they would remain so.

Young Arab men and women are not required to serve in the army, either. Added to the number of Haredi youth, this means that almost half of Israel’s eligible population are not drafted today.

National Religious

The second-fastest growing “tribe” in Israel, based on birth rate — with families of four children, on average — are the Orthodox National Religious, whose current political leaders represent the settlers of the West Bank.

Religious voters who support these groups often prioritize Israel’s character as a Jewish state over its character as a liberal democracy. For example, 65% of Jewish Israelis who identify as “religious” and 89% of ultra-Orthodox say that Jewish law should take precedence over democratic principles in the case of a contradiction, according to a Pew survey.

National Religious parties, which have proved popular with young voters, were the real surprise winner of the November 2022 election – particularly their more radicalized leadership. Whereas former Prime Minister Naftali Bennett, for example, was ready to enter a coalition with left-wing and Arab partners, new leaders Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben-Gvir reject any cooperation with parties left of center and would not be welcome by those parties, anyway.

Political consequences

What both religious sectors have in common is a growing outspokenness about making Israeli society more in line with Orthodox principles. For example, Israel is the most LGBTQ-friendly state in the Middle East, yet many government ministers and their spiritual leaders have used derogatory language toward the LGBTQ community. There have been calls to permit separate seating for men and women at public events and to allow doctors to refuse patients whom they do not want to treat on religious grounds.

These shifts have the potential to alienate American Jews who are, apart from Israelis, the largest Jewish community in the world but mainly identify with the more liberal Reform or Conservative movements.

The different types of Orthodox Jews have come a long way from rejecting political Zionism or from keeping religion out of politics. Smotrich, the National Zionist new minister of transportation, has openly stated that his ideal is a Torah state, meaning a Jewish state founded on Jewish religious laws.

His supporters are still far from fulfilling that dream, but well aware that the country’s demographic changes may be on their side – a challenge to Israel’s delicate status quo. Overcoming the gaps in Israel’s increasingly segmented society will require serious bridge-building efforts on both sides – even more than at the time of Rivlin’s warning.The Conversation

Michael Brenner, Professor of Jewish History and Culture at Ludwig Maximilian University and Abensohn Chair in Israel Studies, American University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Texas GOP bills would restrict lessons about sexual orientation and gender identity in public school

Two bills that would ban classroom instruction about sexual orientation and gender identity in Texas public schools before certain grade levels are poised to receive top Republican backing in this year’s legislative session. But critics warn that the legislation could further marginalize LGBTQ students and families while exposing teachers to potential legal threats.

The two bills — authored by Reps. Steve Toth, R-The Woodlands, and Jared Patterson, R-Frisco — closely resemble legislation out of Florida that critics dubbed the “Don’t Say Gay” law. House Bill 631 and House Bill 1155 are among a flurry of anti-LGBTQ legislation awaiting lawmakers when they return to the Capitol on Tuesday.

Florida’s law prohibits schools from teaching about sexual orientation or gender identity from kindergarten through third grade. Both Texas bills mirror such a ban. Toth’s HB 631 would expand the restriction until fifth grade. Patterson’s HB 1155 would extend it to eighth grade.

Their proposals would also prohibit lessons on sexuality and gender identity at any grade level if they are “not age appropriate or developmentally appropriate.” Patterson’s bill doesn’t define what is appropriate for various age groups. Toth’s bill requires the lessons to align with state standards but doesn’t specify which standards.

Like Florida’s law, the two Texas bills don’t explicitly ban the use of the word “gay” in schools. The bills’ authors also maintain that the legislation would protect “parental rights” by allowing parents to more directly control what their children learn in school, including the existence of different sexual orientations and gender identities.

“Parental rights are paramount to the safety and well-being of a child,” Patterson said in a Jan. 3 tweet introducing his bill. “Therefore, I filed HB 1155 to ensure no school teaches radical gender ideology to any child from K-8th grade, and where parents must review and sign off on any health-related services.”

Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick has signaled that he would support passing a Texas version of the Florida law — even before these bills were filed.

“I will make this law a top priority in the next session,” he said in a campaign email last April.

Critics of the legislation argue that the bills’ vague nature would suppress discussion related to LGBTQ issues and representation.

“The reality is that everybody has a gender identity and sexual orientation; avoiding those conversations is incredibly difficult,” Adri Pérez, an organizing director with Texas Freedom Network, told The Texas Tribune. “What it becomes is a tool to be leveraged specifically against LGBTQIA+ people, because what stands out is not the people who fit in but the people who are being specifically targeted and attacked as being different.”

The bills come amid a political environment in which LGBTQ people are seeing increased hostility. Texas Republican lawmakers this session are backing legislation targeting gender-affirming care for trans youth and drag shows. The state GOP’s official party platform explicitly opposes “efforts to validate transgender identity.” It also labels homosexuality as “an abnormal lifestyle choice,” even though most people have “little or no sense of choice about their sexual orientation,” according to the American Psychological Association.

Toth’s office told the Tribune that he was not able to respond to questions for this story. Patterson did not respond to requests for comment.

Ricardo Martinez, CEO of Equality Texas, an LGBTQ organization, worries that one aspect of the bills could result in some students being prematurely outed, or forced to reveal their sexual orientation or gender identity to their parents before they’re ready to share that personal information.

Both bills would require school districts to notify parents if there are changes to how campus officials provide services to or monitor a “student’s mental, emotional, or physical health or well-being.”

“This divisive and dehumanizing roster of bills has the government interfering into our most personal decisions and seeks to ban any honest conversations about race, gender identity and sexual orientation,” Martinez said.

Both bills also propose that the Texas Education Agency “review and revise” various frameworks for school counseling and educator practices before the new school year in 2024.

Patrick’s and House Speaker Dade Phelan‘s offices did not respond to the Tribune’s requests for comment.

Since last year, Texas educators have pointed out that elementary schools in the state already have little formal instruction on gender identity or sexuality.

Patty Quinzi, the director of public affairs and legislative counsel for the Texas American Federation of Teachers, said the content of sex education in public schools is determined by local school boards. These governing bodies typically appoint parents and administrators to school health advisory councils that help ensure the community’s values are included in health education.

Quinzi said no one has brought forward substantive examples of schools teaching elementary or middle school students about sexual orientation and gender identity.

“This is like a bad solution in search of a problem because I haven’t heard this as being a problem at all,” she said.

The only substantive issue parents have raised is the presence of books with LGBTQ characters in school libraries, which has led to demands to remove certain books from school shelves. A September report from PEN America, a nonprofit organization advocating for free speech, found that Texas had banned more books centering around race and LGBTQ issues than any other state in the country.

“We wonder how this is gonna affect LGBTQIA teachers, and does this mean that someone can’t put up a picture of their family?” Quinzi said. “What kind of fear is this going to instill in teachers and being allowed to be themselves?”

Quinzi worried about the consequences of stifling teachers’ identities on LGBTQ students who may not have a safe home environment where they can be themselves.

“It’s so important for children to see themselves in their teachers,” she said.

These proposed bans on classroom instruction of sexual orientation and gender identity could limit or ban discussion of many issues, ranging from marriage equality to adoption to the AIDS epidemic. They could also cover smaller topics such as gendered dress codes and questionnaires that ask students whether they are a boy or girl, Pérez said.

And as is the case in Florida, there is fear that these Texas bills could restrict freedom of speech.

“It creates a scary environment wherein a teacher could be criminalized or attacked or removed from their job that they love,” Pérez said.

For teachers, the legal gray area of avoiding these topics — if either bill becomes law — could be messy.

Chloe Kempf and Brian Klosterboer, attorneys with the American Civil Liberties Union of Texas, said the bills could pose explicit risks to teachers and school districts in the form of lawsuits from parents who believe they’re not following the law.

Toth’s bill outlines a mechanism for parents to sue school districts for violating his proposals, which includes the parental notification portion of that bill. Experts say that part of these bills could require teachers to potentially out their students, and parents could sue districts if teachers don’t comply. School districts would be saddled with the cost of those lawsuits, experts say.

More broadly, Kempf said, the bills would pose risks to schools and educators in the form of potential ultra vires claims, which enable citizens to sue public officials who violate state laws. Although it’s not clear if these types of lawsuits would be successful, Klosterboer said, the larger impact is more confusion and headaches for schools.

“When a law is vague, it allows for discriminatory and targeted enforcement. And it also creates a very hostile and chilling atmosphere where people … go out of their way to self-censor,” Kempf said.

The bills’ vague language could also present challenges for schools trying to protect teachers from potential lawsuits.

“[Schools] might not even know what to tell teachers and staff how to actually protect themselves and protect the school district,” Klosterboer said.

Klosterboer added that it seems “very likely” that if Gov. Greg Abbott signs one of the bills into law, it would invite legal challenges.

Last month, a coalition of 18 Democratic attorneys general from across the country submitted an amicus brief in support of a lawsuit filed by Florida families and LGBTQ advocacy groups against the state’s law. The lawsuit, filed shortly after Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis signed the bill, argues the law violates freedom of speech as well as rights to due process and equal protection.

On the other hand, Florida has received support from 14 Republican-led states. “The law does not violate anyone’s right to expression or receive information, does not discriminate, and is not unconstitutionally vague,” read the amicus brief filed Dec. 7 by Attorney General Ken Paxton on behalf of Texas and 13 other states.

Even before these bills, trans people in Texas have already faced a significant amount of negative attention from top Republicans.

Following a nonbinding legal opinion from Paxton last February, Abbott directed the Department of Family and Protective Services to investigate parents who facilitated gender-affirming care for their kids for child abuse. In the weeks after his directive, hospitals and health care providers across Texas restricted critical treatment, fearing legal consequences if they provided gender-affirming treatment endorsed by all major medical associations. But Abbott’s decision has also faced significant legal challenges.

The Washington Post also reported last month that Paxton requested data on trans Texans from the Texas Department of Public Safety. Officials would not say why the information was requested.

Ultimately, LGBTQ advocates argue that these legislative actions are just another attack on an already marginalized population. As of last week, Texas Republican lawmakers have already filed 35 anti-LGBTQ bills for the 2023 session, far outnumbering the number of such bills that were filed ahead of the 2021 session, according to Martinez.

“The legislation is meant to stigmatize LGBTQ people, isolate LGBTQ kids, and make teachers fearful of providing safe and inclusive classrooms,” he said.

Disclosure: ACLU of Texas, Equality Texas, Texas AFT and Texas Freedom Network have been financial supporters of The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan news organization that is funded in part by donations from members, foundations and corporate sponsors. Financial supporters play no role in the Tribune’s journalism. Find a complete list of them here.

This article originally appeared in The Texas Tribune at https://www.texastribune.org/2023/01/09/texas-bills-sexual-orientation-gender-identity-florida-law/.

The Texas Tribune is a member-supported, nonpartisan newsroom informing and engaging Texans on state politics and policy. Learn more at texastribune.org.

“Saint Omer” examines the darkest maternity taboos and the “language of the accused”

Director/cowriter Alice Diop‘s riveting drama, “Saint Omer” unfolds mostly in a French courtroom where Laurence Coly (Guslagie Malanda), a Senegalese woman, is on trial for murdering her 15-month-old daughter. (Saint Omer is the region where the trial is held.) Attending the proceedings is Rama (Kayije Kagame), a professor and novelist who is writing about the case, which is based on the real-life trial of Fabienne Kabou.

Diop’s film investigates what made Laurence kill her child; the film uses the trial to address immigrant lives, as well as issues of power, race and gender. It also emphasizes how the educated Laurence ended up in her situation. She attributes her actions to sorcery, which is debated about in the courtroom. Rama silently observes the trial, but it has impact on her; her own life is not unlike Laurence’s; Rama also has a complicated relationship with her mother. 

Diop chatted with Salon with the assistance of French/English interpreter Nicholas Elliott, about her new film, which is France’s entry for the Best International Film Oscar and is on the shortlist in this category.

I understand you developed this film from reading about the 2016 case of Fabienne Kabou and attending her trial yourself. Can you discuss the appeal of this and working from the trial notes/transcript? 

It’s true that for this story, the documentary format — which was my usual format — was not possible. I needed to attend the trial to understand my own need to do this film. The documentary format would have restricted me to a quite literal approach to this particular crime. I think fiction allowed me to go much further and be more specific in revealing the issues that are at stake here, notably, very deep questions about maternity

I took a lot of notes at the trial, and as I took increasingly more precise notes, I realized that the raw materials for this film was going to be the language of the accused. In this language, there is an intensity of significance that is colossal. Initially, I worked from my notes and the transcript. Then, I felt the need to bring in the novelist Marie Ndiaye, who won the Prix Goncourt for “Three Strong Women.” We worked on creating a dialogue between the fictional line of the character Rama and what the accused actually said and used that to say what we wanted.

Rama says in a class she is teaching that the power of narrative is to sublimate reality. Did you have this idea in mind as you told the parallel stories of Laurence and Rama? How did you employ it?

Of course. Starting the film with that text is telling us what kind of novelist Rama is. It is the only time we expose her position as an intellectual, a novelist and a professor. But, also by opening the film with those images of shaved women and from [the film] “Hiroshima, Mon Amour,” it positions Rama as a kind of extension of what interested Marguerite Duras. It’s not a director’s statement of intent, but the echoes of Duras’ interests will continue throughout the entire film.

Kayije Kagame in “Saint Omer” (Neon)Can you talk about how you filmed the courtroom scenes? There are moments where you take a beat and focus on Laurence, or the judge (Valérie Dréville), or Luc Dumontet (Xavier Maly), Laurence’s boyfriend, after his testimony, that allow viewers to absorb reactions to what is being said. These scenes are talky, but gripping. 

I often say what interested me with the mise-en-scene was to allow the viewer to live the experience. The character of Rama was written specifically with that in mind. She is situated, but also very open. Rama is a character that allows the viewer to watch the film in her place and next to her and experience a range of contradictory emotions in relation to Laurence, but also in an intimate way for the viewer themselves.

Rama is writing “a Madea project” about Laurence’s case and there is talk about maternal instincts, but both women have uneasy thoughts about motherhood. What can you say about this issue of women’s conflicted ideas about motherhood?

I wouldn’t have any moral judgment or value judgment that would make me say one is a good mother or one is a bad mother. What fascinated all the women who knew about this trial and see the film, is that Laurance is expressing the darkest side of maternity, the most comfortable side of maternity and the most taboo. There are few taboos greater than infanticide. This allows us to face the dark side of maternity. It allows us, as viewers, to look at the most taboo, or the darkest side of ourselves. There is a mirror effect with Laurence and Rama, which I wouldn’t describe as good vs. bad. It is more that Laurence is a mythological — though that might not be the best word — mother, the most obscure abstract side of maternity that allows us to go deep inside ourselves into the most uncomfortable places and ask ourselves about this complex relationship we have with our own mothers and children. 

“Saint Omer” is very much about Laurence’s experience as an immigrant in France, and how her ambition was cut short. When she is praised for being educated and polite, I found that insulting — as if because she is a Senegalese in France, she would not be either of those things. What can you say about the film’s depiction of this kind of racism?  

The reason I wanted to make a film from Fabienne Kabou’s experience is because this is a very complex woman. This is a Black woman whose psyche is incredibly deep and dense, and she carries a private, social, political story that is extreme complexity. Yes, there is her experience as a migrant woman, but there is the solitude of a Black woman in a primarily white society. There is this Black woman who goes against every stereotype. She is highly intelligent and educated and she is going to take an interest in Wittgenstein, rather than a 20th century African philosopher which her professor criticizes her for. The reason I took such great care in writing and shooting this film is because the character of Laurence fills a lack of narrative that we have for these kinds of stories. There was a political necessity on my part to renew our imagination of Black women as they are shown on film. 

I can add a very personal anecdote that sheds light on why this film was made. In general, the French press in their reaction to this film was extremely positive. But the negative reviews of the film were directed not to the film itself, but to me, personally, as a Black woman quoting Marguerite Duras. They take issues that I quote Duras and Pasolini. There is a false accusation of pretention. In quite a crazy way, I’m now facing these stereotypes, projections, and unspoken racist fantasies that were projected on Laurence. Which is evidence that I was at the right place and explains why I felt the need to write this film and deal with this issue.

Likewise, there are discussions of understanding the cultural and ethological aspects of Laurence’s life, such as her belief in sorcery. I felt these were judgments and excuses made to justify her behavior and actions. Can you talk about the legitimacy of this kind of thinking?

It’s a rejection of cultural hybridity that has been produced by migrant experiences. Both Laurence and myself are the products of hybrid, many-faceted experiences which range from Edouard Gilssant and Aimé Césaire to Pasolini and Marguerite Duras. To lock Laurence into this thing of sorcery is to simplify her, and refuse to take into account her complexity, or to look at the multicultural aspects in us. 

The fact that people explain what Laurence did through sorcery is a way of preventing us from understanding that her act is a universal act. All people, Black and white, faced with this act lose their certainties. To say that it was sorcery is to say it was not us. What she did doesn’t concern me because I can explain it by this. But, when unexplainable, that’s when we really have to question ourselves; that’s when you really have to go in and ask questions.

How do you want viewer to judge Laurence’s case? You deliberately resist showing the verdict, but it is pretty clear what the outcome of the case will be.

The main thing I want, because I’m not a Kim Jong-il of cinema, and I don’t want to force viewers to think like me, the desire is for the viewer to have an experience. He or she sees this woman, accused of killing her child, and at the end, has her lawyer give her plea. I’d like something to change for the viewer by reliving the whole experience and change his/her opinion or gaze upon this woman. I would like to disrupt this binary, unique moral view of this woman and for the viewer to interrogate him or herself and go into very personal issues and, as I did, and “liberate” questions about maternity. I can’t predict or prejudge what viewers will experience, my only ambition is for them to shift or change.

This is France’s Oscar entry. What is the importance of this for you?

It’s an honor. I take great pride and honor having been chosen by my peers to represent them. The fact that I’ve been chosen with a film that questions the universality of the Black body and has that question at the heart of its reflection is a great pleasure for me, because this has been at the heart of my filmmaking from the beginning. That this film has been chosen for this honor is extremely important. I’m prepared to do everything I can to go all the way. For me, the greatest victory would be to be one of the five shortlisted titles, I would feel I have fulfilled my mission to my country. And, I am also aware that I would be the first Black woman to be nominated in the Foreign Film category, so I am entirely conscious of what this means politically, to have this opportunity to be in the race.

“Saint Omer” is in theaters Friday, Jan. 13.

Costco is selling Alfredo sauce made by an Ina Garten-approved brand

If whipping up a homemade pasta sauce from scratch isn’t your idea of an easy weeknight meal, you’re not alone. Even Food Network star Ina Garten has a go-to jarred marinara.

While it’s well known that Garten’s fabric of choice is denim, it may be less obvious that her jarred sauce of record is Rao’s. Fun fact: The Barefoot Contessa first endorsed Rao’s in a 2019 interview with Today.

“Of course, it’s always good to make it yourself,” Garten said of marinara sauce. “But I find Rao’s is fantastic, so store-bought’s good, too.”

Selling everything from pastas and sauces to soups and so much more, Rao’s is an iconic brand in the world of Italian cuisine — and the New York City food scene at large. Its original location, which dates all the way back to 1896, has been dubbed by Bon Appétit as the concrete jungle’s “most exclusive Italian restaurant.”

According to Rao’s website, “from the moment the Rao family began creating authentic Italian pasta sauces served in Rao’s legendary New York restaurant, and later at Rao’s Las Vegas and Rao’s Los Angeles, creating a delicious sauce made from only the finest ingredients has been an obsession.” Its “premium pasta sauce brand” would eventually land on supermarket shelves complete with “no tomato blends, no paste, no water, no starch, no fillers, no colors and no added sugar.”


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Rao’s describes its Alfredo sauce as “a rich, velvety blend of cheese, cream and butter.” Even better? It’s now available at Costco stores. (It’s worth noting that Rao’s also sells a roasted garlic Alfredo variety, an ingredient that amps up the flavor.)

Instagram user @CostcoDeals recently spotted two packs of the original Alfredo sauce on sale for $11.79 at their local warehouse. As always, you can call your neighborhood location to see if it’s in stock before you leave the house. (And before you do, don’t forget to check out our handy list of the best budget buys at Costco.)

https://www.instagram.com/p/CnAbLAAKHry/?hl=en

Not a big fettuccine Alfredo fan? Rao’s also makes several other jarred sauces, including arrabbiata, bolognesefour cheese and vodka. The list goes on, and if you don’t live next to the best Costco store in the country or carry a membership card, you can always check out the Rao’s Homemade Store on Amazon.

Snagging a seat in Rao’s New York dining room is a bit more complicated than landing your own jar of its famous pasta sauce. (FYI: We also have this helpful list of 10 easy-to-make pasta dishes for satisfying weeknight dinners at home.) If you’re local, however, you have the option to place orders via Caviar or DoorDash.

So, why not hunker down with the jarred stuff tonight and savor an enormous bowl of pasta in your favorite denim ensemble? If it’s good enough for the Barefoot Contessa, it’s good enough for us.

Salon Food writes about stuff we think you’ll like. While our editorial team independently selected these products, Salon has affiliate partnerships, so making a purchase through our links may earn us a commission.

Drugs, silence and Camilla “the villain”: Revelations from Prince Harry’s “60 Minutes” interview

Prince Harry gave his first television interview to promote his memoir “Spare” on Sunday to Anderson Cooper of “60 Minutes.” Cooper called the upcoming book, which became a bestseller as soon as it was announced, “a stunning break with royal protocol,” detailing the ways Harry processes his grief about his late mother, Princess Diana, in the book, which Cooper said also provides “a revealing look at his fractured relationships with his father, King Charles, his stepmother, the Queen Consort Camilla, and his brother, Prince William, the heir to his spare.” 

Harry and his wife Meghan, the duchess of Sussex, have already opened up about their lives in candid detail via the documentary series “Harry & Meghan,” a recent hit for Netflix. Salon’s Melanie McFarland described how the series demonstrated the couple’s, who stepped down from the royal family in 2020, “savvy in the ways of image creation and perception, and how to control a narrative.” But in the interview with Cooper, Harry revealed yet still more than the voiceovers, formal seated interviews and home movies of the series. The “60 Minutes” episode comes on the heels of a new bombshell from the book, published in The Guardian, that “Spare” recounts a physical attack of Harry by his older brother William.

Salon breaks down the “60 Minutes” interview with Harry, including revelations about drug use, his current relationship with his brother and father, and how he didn’t want his father, King Charles III, to marry Queen Consort Camilla. 

01

Harry turned to psychedelic drugs to deal with trauma

Prince Harry, Duke of SussexPrince Harry, Duke of Sussex (Victoria Jones – WPA Pool/Getty Images)

Harry sought out multiple ways to handle his trauma and grief after the untimely death of his mother, Princess Diana. In 1997, when Harry was just 12 years old, his mother was killed due to injuries sustained in a high-speed car crash with pursuing paparazzi. Harry told Cooper he went to therapy. Harry also tried the psychedelics Ayahuasca and psilocybin, also known as magic mushrooms. Harry said he did not condone “people to do this recreationally. But doing it with the right people, if you are suffering from a huge amount of loss, grief or trauma, then these things have a way of working as a medicine.” Harry also admitted to earlier marijuana use and trying cocaine, saying in his 20s he felt “lost.”

02

He felt guilty after Princess Diana’s death

Princess Diana, Princess of WalesPrincess Diana, Princess of Wales (Tim Graham Photo Library via Getty Images)

Harry described the videos of himself and his brother William greeting mourners outside of Kensington Palace a few days before his mother’s funeral as “bizarre.” He recalled “the guilt that I felt” that the crowds were showing deep emotion while he, as a prince performing royal duties, was not allowed to. He shook hands wet from crying and said, “one of the strangest parts to it was taking flowers from people and then placing those flowers with the rest of them. As if I was some sort of middle person for their grief. And that really stood out for me.”

03

He never got to say goodbye to his grandmother, Queen Elizabeth II, due to being excluded

Queen Elizabeth IIQueen Elizabeth II (Tim Graham Photo Library via Getty Images)

When Queen Elizabeth II’s health worsened and it was announced that the monarch was under medical supervision in Balmoral Castle in Scotland, multiple members of the royal family were flown in together. Harry was not invited on that plane, which included his brother William and William’s wife, Princess Kate. By the time Harry made it on his own to Scotland, his grandmother had already passed away. He was able to see her privately after death for a few moments, and said he managed to summon happiness for her “because she’d finished life. She’d completed life, and her husband was — was waiting for her. And the two of them are buried together.”

04

Harry and William asked their father not to marry Camilla 

King Charles IIIKing Charles III (Yui Mok – WPA Pool/Getty Images)

Harry described Camilla as “the villain.” While his parents Charles and Diana were still married, “She was the third person in their marriage. She needed to rehabilitate her image.” Neither Harry nor William wanted or thought their father should remarry after his divorce. The brothers directly asked Charles not to marry Camilla. “We didn’t think it was necessary,” Harry said. “We thought that it was gonna cause more harm than good and that if he was now with his person, that — surely that’s enough. Why go that far when you don’t necessarily need to?” 

 

Harry also spoke to Camilla’s dangerousness “because of the connections that she was forging within the British press. And there was open willingness on both sides to trade of information. And with a family built on hierarchy, and with her, on the way to being queen consort, there was gonna be people or bodies left in the street because of that.” Harry described himself as one of those bodies. 

 

In his book, according to “60 Minutes,” Harry writes, Camilla “sacrificed me on her personal P.R. altar.”

05

Harry is not currently speaking to his brother or father

Prince William, The Duke of CambridgePrince William, The Duke of Cambridge (Jane Barlow – WPA Pool/Getty Images)

The revelation from “Spare,” leaked earlier by The Guardian, that William had allegedly physically assaulted Harry, is one more example of the fractured relationship between the two brothers. Earlier, while the two were in school together, William allegedly told Harry he was going to ignore the younger boy, saying, “When we’re at school we don’t know each other.” William also expressed coldness to Meghan, Harry’s wife, calling her “the American actress.” Harry admitted to Cooper that he has not spoken to his brother or his father for some time. Described in his book as a “full-scale rupture” between himself and the royal family, Harry told Cooper he didn’t see himself ever returning to royal duties. But he did express hope that his relationship with his brother could be healed, telling Cooper, “I look forward to us being able to find peace.”


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07

Harry did not intend for his book to hurt his family

Princess Diana, Princess of Wales with her sons Prince William and Prince HarryPrincess Diana, Princess of Wales with her sons Prince William and Prince Harry attend the Heads of State VE Remembrance Service in Hyde Park on May 7, 1995 in London, England. (Anwar Hussein/Getty Images)

From the quotes and stories that have already been leaked, Harry’s book “Spare” is candid and revealing. But he never meant to harm anyone by telling his truth, especially not his family. He told Cooper, “None of anything I’ve written, anything that I’ve included is ever intended to hurt my family. But it does give a full picture of the situation as we were growing up, and also squashes this idea that somehow my wife was the one that destroyed the relationship between these two brothers.”

 

 

Noma, the best restaurant in the world, is set to close its doors in 2024

Noma, the Copenhagen “gastronomic mecca” widely considered to be the best restaurant in the world, is closing its doors for regular service in winter 2024.

“To continue being noma, we must change. Therefore, dear guests and friends, we have some exciting news to share,” the restaurant announced in an Instagram post on Monday. “Winter 2024 will be the last season of noma as we know it. We are beginning a new chapter; noma 3.0.”

https://www.instagram.com/p/CnMNfeeueHs/

In a statement posted on the restaurant’s website, chef-owner René Redzepi said Noma “is transforming into a giant lab,” which is basically “a pioneering test kitchen dedicated to the work of food innovation and the development of new flavors.”

“In this next phase, we will continue to travel and search for new ways to share our work. Is there somewhere we must go in the world to learn?” Redzepi continued. “Then we will do a noma pop-up. And when we’ve gathered enough new ideas and flavors, we will do a season in Copenhagen. Serving guests will still be a part of who we are, but being a restaurant will no longer define us.”

Noma’s recent announcement follows rumors alleging that the restaurant was slated to close soon. In 2021 — amid the pandemic — the restaurant reported a net loss of 1.69 million Danish kroner ($240,000), per a company filing with the Danish Business Authority. On December 9, 2020, Noma was forced to close due to COVID restrictions in Denmark, according to the AFP. The restaurant previously recorded a loss in 2017 — according to Bloomberg — causing Redzepi to close for that entire year.

In a Monday interview with The New York Times, Redzepi spoke more about the financial hardships of fine-dining institutions, saying, “It’s unsustainable. Financially and emotionally, as an employer and as a human being, it just doesn’t work.”


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Noma first opened in 2003 and quickly rose to acclaim after it secured the No. 1 spot on the World’s 50 Best Restaurants in 2010 list, published by The Guardian. The restaurant is currently offering “a seasonal tasting menu including sika deer, game birds and reindeer with forest-scavenged mushrooms and berries for 3,500 Danish kroner ($500), with a 1,800-kroner wine pairing,” per Bloomberg

In addition to Noma, Redzepi will run the pop-up Noma Kyoto at the Ace Hotel Kyoto. He also operates POPL Burger, an elevated burger joint that is located in the Copenhagen neighborhood of Christianshavn.