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Trump drops an anti-Semitic trope in attempt to slam The Squad

During his tirades against House Democrats, former President Donald Trump has often attacked the four progressive congresswomen who comprise “The Squad.” And he did exactly that during a Monday appearance on Ari Hoffman’s radio show. Trump slammed The Squad as anti-Semitic and anti-Israel — even while using the antisemitic trope that Israel “controls Congress.”

The Squad consists of Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York City, Rep. Rashida Tlaib of Michigan, Rep. Ilhan Omar of Minnesota and Rep. Ayanna Pressley of Massachusetts. Trump, during the interview, accused them of hating Israel —seemingly oblivious to the antisemitic things he was saying.

“The biggest change I’ve seen in Congress is Israel literally owned Congress, you understand that — ten years ago, 15 years ago,” Trump told Hoffman. “And it was so powerful, so powerful. And today, it’s almost the opposite. You have, between AOC and Omar and these people that hate Israel — they hate it with a passion. They’re controlling Congress. And Israel is not a force in Congress anymore.”

Trump continued, “I mean, it’s just amazing. I’ve never seen such a change…. Israel had such power, and rightfully, over Congress. Now, it doesn’t. It’s incredible.”

Reporting on that interview in The Independent, journalist John Bowden noted that Trump’s “remarks were startling for a number of reasons — most obviously, they far exceeded the suggestion made by Ms. Omar in 2019 that the Israel lobby was involved in ‘political influence in this country that says it is OK to push for allegiance to a foreign country.'”

“In his remarks,” Bowden explained, “Mr. Trump flat-out suggested that Israel ‘owned’ and ‘controlled’ U.S. politicians. Such claims echo antisemitic conspiracy theories claiming that Jewish people have undue influence over global financial systems and politics. Beyond that, the claim that Israel has no sway in Congress clashes deeply with the recent fight in Congress over $1bn in additional funding for the country’s Iron Dome defense system — on top of the millions the U.S. has provided annually for the system.”

Writer Yair Rosenberg, the day of that interview, noted Trump’s bizarre contradictions and tweeted an article he wrote for the Washington Post in 2019:

Thumbs Up: Kyrsten Sinema’s hometown flips it, approves $15 minimum wage by nearly 2-to-1 margin

Just months after her now-infamous thumbs-down vote on a similar measure at the federal level, the people of U.S. Sen. Kyrsten Sinema’s hometown of Tucson, Arizona overwhelmingly approved a ballot initiative on Tuesday to increase the city’s minimum wage to $15 an hour.

According to unofficial results posted by the city, Proposition 206 passed with approximately 60% of the vote compared to roughly 32% who rejected it.

Passage means Tucson’s minimum wage will incrementally bump up from its current $12.15 to $15 by January 1, 2025. Tucson Fight for $15 led the campaign in support of it.

A right-wing Democrat who’s obstructed multiple progressive legislative priorities, Sinema (D-Ariz.) drew strong criticism in March when she voted, along with six other Democrats, against including a $15 federal minimum wage provision in the Senate’s Covid relief budget reconciliation package. Increasing the federal minimum wage to $15 is overwhelmingly supported by Democratic voters, according to recent polling by Data for Progress.

In a Monday op-ed encouraging voters to back Proposition 206, Arizona Republic columnist Elvia Díaz wrote that voting yes should be “a no-brainer” for Tucson voters. She argued that even “$15 per hour is hardly a living wage” and that critics’ arguments that the wage increase would unleash a “bureaucratic nightmare” were baseless.

“Those chamber-of-commerce types will always oppose paying workers more,” she wrote, “no matter what.”

GOP keeps the Big Lie alive in New Jersey: Republican candidate refuses to concede race for governor

Nearly one week after the New Jersey governor race was called for incumbent Gov. Phil Murphy, D-N.J., Republican candidate Jack Ciattarelli has yet to concede the election.

Murphy declared victory after the Associated Press called the election in his favor after a surprisingly close race. However, echoing former President Trump, Ciattarelli said last Thursday, “No one should be declaring victory or conceding the election until every legal vote is counted.” 

RELATED: Phil Murphy ekes out win in New Jersey gubernatorial race following surprise Republican challenge

Trump-fueled conspiracy theories soon started to spread among the right-wing on social media. One from James O’Keefe’s Project Veritas, claims a poll worker provided a ballot to a noncitizen. Donald Trump Jr. shared the video on Twitter, saying “Nothing to see here folks, just a blatant crime being committed!”

Ciattarelli has tried to distance himself from the wild conspiracy theories that are the new normal in the Trump-led GOP. “I don’t want people falling victim to wild conspiracy theories or online rumors,” said Ciattarelli in the same statement where he said all votes must be counted. “What’s most important is for everyone to be patient and let the process play out. Know this. My team is comprised of some of the best legal and political experts in the country,” continued Ciattarelli. “I promise you, whatever the outcome, the election result will be legal and fair.” 

But despite Ciattarelli’s assurances, his team still used Trump-like tactics.

Stami Williams, Communications Director for Ciattarelli, said it was “irresponsible” that the media would call the election for Murphy in noticeable similarity to when Rudy Giuliani said “Networks don’t get to decide elections” after the 2020 election was called for Joe Biden.

The New Jersey GOP also tweeted they have deployed 20 lawyers as a part of their “election integrity team” to New Jersey to ensure that Ciattarelli is elected governor.  

As of Monday, an estimated 98% of the votes have been counted and Murphy was ahead by more than 60,000 votes.

Murphy’s campaign manager Mollie Binotto called for Ciattarelli to concede the race, saying in a statement “The race is over. Assemblyman Ciattarelli is mathematically eliminated, and he must accept the results and concede the race. His continuing failure to do so is an assault on the integrity of our elections.” 

Marvel’s first deaf superhero shines, but “Eternals” has an accessibility problem

Chloé Zhao’s “Eternals” has made history in a number of exciting ways, from being the first MCU movie with a (PG-13) sex scene, to featuring the MCU’s first openly gay superhero and his family. In addition, the movie includes the first onscreen deaf superhero, Makkari, who’s played on-screen by deaf actress Lauren Ridloff to great fan and critical acclaim. 

“Eternals” follows 10 immortal beings with supernatural powers who’ve defended Earth from creatures known as Deviants for over 7,000 years. After centuries apart, the Eternals come together again to fight off a new threat that could spell the destruction of humanity.

Makkari is one of the Eternals who emerges as a witty, fiercely independent new hero with a mischievous spirit, and who has something of a budding romance going on with Barry Keoghan’s charming fellow Eternal, Druig (Barry Keoghan). Like Ridloff, Makkari also happens to be deaf – a characteristic that developed later in the comic books after Makkari also changed from male to female. Each Eternal has at least one special power, and Makkari wields the power of superspeed, which fortunately isn’t connected to her deafness, a common trope we sometimes see in TV and movies featuring characters with disabilities. 

Even in well-meaning portrayals, we’ve often seen characters with disabilities dehumanized by stories that transform their disability into a superpower of sorts, making them otherworldly beings when they’re just ordinary people. In “Eternals,” Makkari’s deafness is just one of her many pieces and qualities, which we can’t wait to see further developed in a possible sequel or future appearances in the MCU. 

RELATED: Making the “Only Murders in the Building” nearly silent episode

According to Comicbook.com, Zhao has also spoken up about what Ridloff taught her about deaf gain, or in Zhao’s words, “the idea [that] there’s something that she is capable of doing and experiencing with the world that I don’t have a chance to experience. And that’s something so beautiful.” Deaf people and deaf characters like Makkari aren’t tragic sob stories, and have different, sometimes more advantageous, experiences from hearing people.

From the romance between Makkari and Druig, to Ridloff’s off-screen advocacy for the deaf community, representation for deaf and hard-of-hearing folks in Marvel’s “Eternals” brings fans plenty to be excited about. But Marvel Studios’ rollout of “Eternals” has ultimately let down the very people who are the most impacted by Makkari and Ridloff’s inclusion, because they can’t watch the performance in a theater, the only place the film is currently being released.

Fans have had to resort to crowdfunding to raise money for open-captioned viewing options for “Eternals,” among other accessible options. We know Marvel has the funds to provide all this and more, and considering inclusivity has been one of Marvel’s main selling points for “Eternals,” it owes inclusive options to audiences.


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In the days leading up to the Nov. 5 premiere of “Eternals,” Gold House and CAPE’s One Open launched a GoFundMe page for private, open-captioned screenings of the movie as part of the groups’ community fund to support more and better representation of marginalized groups onscreen. The GoFundMe has raised thousands of dollars for deaf audiences and those with hearing struggles, but we should also be asking why the fundraiser was even needed. Marvel’s marketing for “Eternals” has focused so heavily on the movie’s first deaf MCU superhero — why isn’t Marvel doing everything it can to ensure any and all deaf audiences who want to see the movie can do so?

To be clear, Zhao and Ridloff have both emphatically spoken up and supported more accessible viewing options for “Eternals” like open captions, and criticized widespread accessibility issues for deaf communities when it comes to most movies and theaters. 

“It was very important for us to have closed captioning on the screen for the deaf community at our opening, and then also encouraging the theaters and making sure they do that as well,” Zhao told Comicbook.com.

Ridloff also spoke on her and other deaf movie-goers’ experiences trying to watch movies at theaters where they’re “an afterthought” to the New York Times:

“We’re an afterthought in movie theaters, and that needs to change. You have to use a special closed-captioning device to watch subtitling in a theater, and it’s a headache, because most of the time the devices don’t work. Then you have to go back to the front desk and find somebody to help, and by the time they figure it out that it’s not working — that it’s not going to be subtitled at all — the movie’s halfway done.”

Comicbook.com reports that AMC has “unveiled a plan to have a number of screenings with open captions for multiple films,” and AMC’s website reveals 35 states and Washington, DC offer open caption screenings at 240 different locations. But it seems worth pausing to reflect on why all screenings of “Eternals” can’t just include open captions, and not just subtitles for when characters speak in sign language to accommodate hearing audiences. 

As important a step forward as “Eternals” is for onscreen representation of deaf communities and people with disabilities, it’s also a reminder that how we approach representation onscreen is as important as how we approach it off-screen. Who is Ridloff’s brilliant performance of Makkari for, if not for deaf and hard of hearing audiences to be able to enjoy and see themselves as superheroes? 

For onscreen representation to amount to more than just progressive bragging rights for exorbitantly wealthy and powerful film studios to capitalize on, it should be fully accessible to the marginalized people being represented — and not just with the help of GoFundMe pages or select movie theaters in 35 states. There’s no reason for a movie with the first onscreen deaf superhero to not have the captioning needed to be accessible to audiences at all times, when the entire point of representation is to help underrepresented people feel represented.

Zhao has spoken openly about the many learning experiences that came with directing “Eternals,” and how much she grew from working with Ridloff to bring Makkari to life. And there’s clearly a lot for Marvel Studios to learn, when it comes to presenting stories with marginalized characters to the public in accessible ways in the future.

“Eternals” is now playing in theaters.

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The full moon seems to affect men more than women, and no one is sure why

Of all the patterns observed from the ghostly visage of Earth’s full moon, many cultures’ folklore identifies the shape of a so-called man in the moon.

Now, a new study suggests a connection between men and moons that goes beyond the so-called man within.

Researchers at Uppsala University in Sweden say that sleep issues in men may be correlated with the cycles of the moon. The peculiar study, published in the journal Science of the Total Environment, is especially curious for its observations of differences among genders: Women, by contrast, seemed to be largely unaffected by the lunar cycle. This is in stark contrast with folk lore: Women have often been associated with the moon, from the ancient Roman goddess Luna to the term “menstruation,” which erroneously links periods with lunar cycles.

As the scientists in Sweden learned by studying the sleep of 492 women and 360 men, men who tried to sleep when the moon is waxing (meaning in the phase where it is getting more full each night) tended to spend more time awake and have lower sleep efficiency. Because the same trend did not exist among women, it naturally raises questions about the exact nature of the moon’s role in promoting poorer sleep. 

Researchers speculate that the reasons may have to do with how humans evolved back when we were hunter-gatherers.

“Previous research has shown that men’s brains are more responsive to ambient light than women’s brains,” Christian Benedict, corresponding author on the study and scientist at Uppsala University’s Sleep Science Laboratory, told Salon by email. “As the waxing moon becomes bigger each night in the lunar cycle, it produces more and more light. Our hunter-gatherer ancestors could have adapted sensitivity to the waxing moon because its bright light gave them more opportunities to hunt. Or they may have been more vulnerable to predators under the brightening light of the waxing moon, so men who served as protectors may have evolved this wakefulness to help them defend their people.”


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Benedict also discussed how scientists conventionally understand the moon’s impact on human sleep.

“The thinking goes that the increasing brightness of the waxing moon – reaching an optical crescendo on the night of the full Moon – should affect human sleep detrimentally overall, given people generally tend to sleep better with more darkness,” Benedict explained. While there are many unanswered questions about the relationship between sleeping and the moon, Benedict observed that sleep depends on a number of factors, and his study demonstrates that “the moon appears to be one of them.”

But that thinking doesn’t fully explain the difference in the moon’s effect between men and women. 

“I think this is the first report of a sex difference in lunar cycling,” Helen Burgess, Ph.D., co-director of the Sleep and Circadian Research Laboratory at University of Michigan Health, told Salon. 

Burgess agreed with Benedict that current research suggests that the moon’s light and its gravitational effect on Earth is believed to cause changes in human health. 

Though unusual, the idea that the moon might have a dramatic effect on animal biology, including humans, is not far-fetched. A seabird known as Barau’s petrel synchronizes its breeding schedule so that it will arrive to mate on a full moon; dung beetles use the moon to make sure they move their meals in a straight line; Crustaceans known as sand hoppers have a moon compass in their antennae so they’ll know when to stay buried; and coral polyps in the Great Barrier Reef will begin their mass spawning according to moon cycles.

Burgess also cited a study published in the journal Science Advances earlier this year (about all people, not just men) as “the best study on this so far”; that study found that “the main effect appears to be that around the full moon we go to bed later.”

Burgess added that not everyone has sleep patterns which change based on the lunar cycle. Indeed, various studies have found that this affects less than half of people.  

Because so little is definitively understood about how the moon impacts the human body, even the most cutting-edge research on the subject must always come with caveats. Benedict himself admitted as much when speaking with Uppsala University’s press.

“Our study, of course, cannot disentangle whether the association of sleep with the lunar cycle was causal or just correlative,” Benedict explained.

4-to-1 vaccine split means COVID deaths are three times higher in Trump counties than Biden areas

This past month, the gap in COVID-19 death rates between counties that voted for Donald Trump and President Biden has been higher than ever recorded, according to a New York Times analysis, likely due to lingering Republican hesitancy over the safety of the vaccine.  

This month, about “25 out of every 100,000 residents of heavily Trump counties died from Covid, more than three times higher than the rate in heavily Biden counties,” the Times found. The analysis – which defines “Trump counties” as any that saw at least 60% of their electorate vote for Trump in the 2020 election – also observed that the gap appears to be climbing. 

According to the Times, the difference is most likely explained by the emergence of the COVID-19 vaccine, which has seen much higher rates of hesitancy amongst conservatives. In fact, prior to the vaccine, when the nation saw a marked partisan discrepancy in the use of public health measures, there was a marginal partisan difference in the death rates. 

RELATED: Fox News treats its viewers as fools with latest vaccine disinformation campaign

“The true explanation is straightforward,” explained the Times’ David Leonhardt. “The vaccines are remarkably effective at preventing severe Covid, and almost 40 percent of Republican adults remain unvaccinated, compared with about 10 percent of Democratic adults.”

Among those who refuse to get vaccinated, roughly half are “unlikely to change their minds,” according to NBC News. It remains unclear whether the gap will continue to widen given the country’s entrenched hesitancy around the safety and effectiveness of the vaccine – a sentiment that’s been largely fueled by right-wing news sources like Fox News. According to a Media Matters analysis from July, almost 60% of segments about the vaccine “included claims that undermined vaccination efforts.”


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Over the past several months, vaccine skeptics have increasingly taken to pseudoscience, erroneously touting anti-parasitics like hydroxychloroquine and ivermectin as miracle drugs – neither of which have been approved by the Centers for Disease Control or the FDA as valid forms of treatment. In some cases, families of COVID patients across the nation have sued hospitals that refuse to administer ivermectin to their loved ones.

RELATED: The conservative group using the courts to push ivermectin on COVID patients

Despite lingering fears around the vaccine, Leonhardt predicted that the partisan death gap will likely diminish due to elevated natural immunity within conservative areas as well as the entrance of antivirals in the drug market. 

Earlier this month, Pfizer claimed that its antiviral pill was “highly effective” in a recent clinical trial of particularly at-risk patients, according to the Times. Merck is developing a similar antiviral pill designed to make the virus more manageable. 

At present, 58% of America is fully vaccinated. Experts say that, as the vaccination rate increases and new treatments emerge, the coronavirus is likely to become endemic, meaning that it will have a constant but vastly reduced presence in the U.S. population, according to CNN

“What we hope to get it at is such a low level that even though it isn’t completely eliminated, it doesn’t have a major impact on public health or on the way we run our lives,” Dr. Anthony Fauci, director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, told the US Senate Committee on Health, Education Labor & Pensions on Thursday. “So, if we get more people vaccinated globally and more people vaccinated now, hopefully within a reasonable period of time we will get to that point where it might occasionally be up and down in the background but it won’t dominate us the way it’s doing right now.”

Shirley Manson on the album that expanded Garbage’s sound: “We got royally punished for it”

By the year 2001, Garbage was on a roll. The band was flying high on the heels of two hit albums, “Garbage” and “Version 2.0,” and they were poised to enjoy even greater levels of stardom and influence. They had released a spate of hit singles in the process — “Only Happy When It Rains” and “Stupid Girl,” to name a few. Heck, they had even landed the latest James Bond theme in “The World Is Not Enough.”

In August 2001, they were teasing the world with “Androgyny,” the lead single from their third album “beautifulgarbage.” With lyrics blurring the gender conventions of the day, “Androgyny” acted as a departure of sorts, with a musical palette that blended electronica with alt rock. The group’s front woman Shirley Manson described the song as a “third-sex manifesto,” a swipe at a world that, in her words, had become “so un-erotic, so un-mysterious, and so un-sexy.”

And then came 9/11. Poised on the precipice of a PR blitz, Garbage saw their album lost amidst the world’s understandable grief. Out of respect for the victims of an unimaginable tragedy, the band scaled back their efforts, and “beautifulgarbage” became an historical footnote on the group’s career. “It was an utter disaster,” Manson recently told me. “And so when the world turned on its axis, literally for us Westerners, the record basically died a brutal and very quick death.”

Which is why the 20th-anniversary re-release of “beautifulgarbage” has been such a welcome surprise for Garbage. “You know, it’s been remarkably surreal,” Manson told me. “I never in my wildest dreams imagined we’d get this opportunity. I have to confess I was really shocked and sort of caught off guard.” When she received her copy last week in Scotland, Manson couldn’t believe her eyes. “My first response was, I cannot believe that this even exists.” She could only look at it and “just marvel at how f**king crazy life can be.”

RELATED: “I’m a Scottish witch, I think”: Shirley Manson on the prescient lyrics in Garbage’s dark new album

For Garbage, revisiting the album has offered a fresh glimpse of where they were as musicians at the time. Following up on their first two albums, “beautifulgarbage” was “a really natural progression for us as artists,” says Manson, “and although we got royally punished for it, changing and expanding our sound on ‘beautifulgarbage’ has been really good in the long term.”

And now, “here we are, almost 30 years from the band’s inception and still making records, still being able to tour, still in the game. That’s kind of incredible for a rock band.”


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Manson takes particular pride in the album’s progressive sociocultural politics. To her mind, this was no accident, given the way songs like “Androgyny” prefigured thinking about gender more than 20 years later. “We definitely saw a foreshadowing of what was to come,” Manson observed. “As human beings, as people in the band, we were definitely trying very hard to exercise more sophisticated thought with regards to everything — not just pop.”

For Manson, the challenge exists in getting their audience to address their fears — whether they be of language, culture or change.

“Fear causes aggression,” Manson notes, “and the great thing about music is that it acts like a Trojan horse that gets people to think, to engage an idea without feeling immediately threatened. That’s the power and the glory of music, right?”

More Kenneth Womack on music: 

On “SNL,” Cecily Strong’s Goober the Clown nails the joy and comedy of abortion

Yes, you can joke about abortion, and Cecily Strong just showed us how.

The legendary “Saturday Night Live” comic shared her abortion story while in the guise of a a joyful clown on this week’s “Weekend Update” segment, proving that talking about abortion and our abortion experiences doesn’t have to be all doom and gloom, or shameful.

“It’s a rough subject,” her character, Goober the Clown, tells anchor Colin Jost, “so we’re gonna do fun clown stuff to make it more palatable. Who wants a balloon animal?”

Sporting a bright red nose and bright yellow and pink clown attire, Strong normalizes the everyday discussion of abortion while also emphasizing how ridiculous it is that it’s a topic of debate. Throughout the routine, she mixes in clowning, whether it’s making her bowtie spin, playing with prop bug-out glasses, or inhaling helium before speaking, all of which cause Jost to crack up.

Strong opens by lamenting, “People keep bringing [abortion] up, so I gotta talk about freakin’ abortion . . . And I wish I didn’t have to do this, because the abortion I had at 23 is my personal clown business. But that’s all some people in this country wanna discuss all the time, even though clown abortion was legalized in Clown v. Wade in 1973.” 

RELATED: Texas governor signs “heartbeat ban” that lets nearly anyone sue abortion providers and win $10,000

Strong also emphasizes that cultural attitudes that only accept some people’s particularly sympathetic reasons for having abortions implicitly or explicitly shame others’ reasons, and have consequently obscured how common abortion is.

“Did you know that 1 in 3 clowns will have an abortion in her lifetime?” she asks Jost. “You don’t, because they don’t tell you. They don’t even know how to talk to other clowns about it because when they do talk about it, if you were a clown who wasn’t the victim of something sad like clown-cest, they think your clown abortion wasn’t a ‘righteous clown abortion.’ I mean, what the d**k is that?!”

Strong also recalls how the doctor who performed her abortion had told her a joke — “The doctor asked if I got pregnant on my way over to the clinic because I wasn’t very far along” — injecting some joy and laughter into her experience. She recounts a dinner party of clowns she attended, where she learns “like eight other clowns at the table” had abortions, too. “And then everyone’s excited and relieved to be talking about it, and then it’s like, ‘Wow, we kept this secret for so long despite being so grateful it happened,’ honka honka honka,” Strong says.


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Strong’s “Goober the Clown” has been widely lauded by advocates not just for her signature sharp comedy, but also for sharing her personal abortion story, and highlighting how her abortion at 23 is what ultimately gave her the ability to become one of the most successful comedians of her generation. The short clip of Goober the Clown hit nearly every note advocates and politicians have been trying to stress for years — how no one should be required to have a “sob story” or traumatic experience with rape and incest to justify their abortion; the overwhelming commonness of abortion despite how stigmatized it is; and certainly, the ease with which we can talk about abortion in gender-neutral ways, as Strong refers to abortion patients as “clowns” rather than “women.”

For years, abortion stories have been shrouded in secrecy and shame, because of stigma perpetrated by both rabidly anti-abortion politicians, and liberal voices that perpetually frame abortion as a “difficult choice” for everyone, or a health service that should be “safe, legal and rare” — framing we don’t hear for any other health service. Instead, following a wave of years of organizing and storytelling from people who have had abortions, Strong turns the dark, traditional narrative about people who have abortions on its head.

But perhaps the ultimate takeaway from Strong’s brilliant three-minute stint as Goober is that abortion stories and experiences are all different. Abortion isn’t a “difficult” nor regrettable experience for everyone (95% of people who have had abortions don’t regret it), and while the health service is mired in barriers, restrictions, needless politicization, and constant vitriol and harassment, many people who have abortions are able to find joy, even laughter, in the experience. Because abortion, as Strong drives home, isn’t just about ending a pregnancy — it’s about building the life you want to live, and there’s nothing more joyful than that.

You can watch Strong’s full Goober the Clown performance below, via YouTube.

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Learning how to talk to your doctor is a skill that might just save your life

I don’t know anyone who has not had this experience: You have been sitting in a cold exam room when a person you barely know — and may not have been introduced to — rushes through a litany of incomprehensible information and then asks, “Any questions?” while already halfway out the door. And you sit there, too scared and overwhelmed to say anything other than, “No.”

I ask questions for a living, and I have found myself entirely stumped in more doctor offices than I care to admit. And I know my doctors and their administrators are often overwhelmed, harried and confused as well. Our healthcare system does not encourage productive, collaborative discussion.

Author Talya Miron-Shatz wants to help change that.  And what I appreciate most about her new book “Your Life Depends on It: What You Can Do to Make Better Choices about Your Health” is that it explores the problems in healthcare communication — and then offers helpful perspectives not just for patients, but for professionals and the larger systems we all have to work within. It’s a wise and practical approach to medical decision-making for everybody, regardless of which side of the stethoscope we’re on.

Salon spoke to Miron-Shatz, a senior fellow at the Center for Medicine in the Public Interest, about why nobody wants to read those consent forms, how real life isn’t like a medical drama and why we should talk about death on our birthdays. This conversation has been edited and condensed for clarity.

You’re talking in this book about how we improve communication on all sides. How do we empower patients? How do we empower providers so that we have a clearer sense of everybody being on the same page, making fewer mistakes, making everybody feel as good as possible about an often really frightening and stressful situation?

I’m really glad this is how you perceive this because it’s just hard. It’s not hard for everybody, but it’s hard for most of us most of the time. When I was writing, it was really important for me that it wouldn’t seem like, “Some people are just not smart enough, so they have a hard time speaking with their doctors.” This is really not the case. These are very dire circumstances, and it doesn’t matter how high and mighty you are, how intelligent and knowledgeable. You can just be very confused and scared and anxious, and you need information conveyed to you in a specific way. And sometimes you need someone else to take the helm of your decision-making.

I wrote an article for the Wall Street Journal that got massive exposure, and then massive backlash because some people who are very deep into patient empowerment were saying, “What do you mean, patients can’t understand?” I was saying, not everyone, but sometimes you can’t understand. That’s fine. We should allow for a whole range from, “I know everything and I’m going to decide this on my own,” to, “I have no clue and I need you doctor to decide for me.”


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That’s what this book is really about, acknowledging that and then saying, “How can the healthcare system meet you where you are?” So let’s start with informed consent. We are all handed things in the same way that’s like, “Apple is updating its terms of service, and I don’t really need to read this.”

And you won’t. Maybe one in a million will read this, and maybe one in 10 million will actually understand what they’re saying.

I took my daughter to the orthodontist two weeks ago, and they said to me, “We’re going to send some forms to your phone and you’re going to sign them while she’s in there.” I’m at the front desk, and it’s seven different forms, and there’s clearly no encouragement for me to read them. I felt like, “What am I supposed to do here?” So what am I supposed to do here?

First of all, you’re supposed to be happy that there are informed consent forms, and this is something we should take into account. This was not always the case. Informed consent was born out of atrocious circumstances where someone would say, “You look interesting. Let me just torture you a little bit and see what happens for my experimental purposes, and I really don’t care what you think.” Thankfully, that has changed and that’s a really good thing. That goes along with empowering patients and just respecting their rights.

That’s the good part. Now here comes the bad part. You ask, “What am I supposed to do?” What the clinic wants you to do is to sign the forms. That’s what you’re supposed to do, right? What you want to do for real, especially when it’s your daughter and you want to be a responsible parent, is to actually read what are they saying. What are they doing? Are there any risks involved that you’re unaware of? It is not good procedure.

It’s lip service. It’s like, “Well, you signed the forms?”

“Yeah, I did. I never had the time to read them.” This is also a very good example of where being an empowered patient is just not enough. People got angry with me because they thought I was belittling their abilities, and this really is not the case. It is a case of saying, you are going to be a patient within a system, and you need the system to work with you. You cannot do this on your own. That doesn’t mean you’re stupid, it doesn’t mean you’re weak, it doesn’t mean any of these things at all. It just means it is incredibly unfair to say, “Hey, Mary Elizabeth. You’re smart, you’re educated, you can figure this out.” It’s abandonment masquerading as empowerment.

Guess what? You’re not Wonder Woman and Superman combined, and you cannot read through seven forms on your phone within the span of 30 seconds. This is where we need healthcare systems to really do the work. When I say really, I mean not as a lip service.

RELATED: Doctors across the world are feeling depressed and traumatized. That’s bad news for patients

The phrase that you use is that your mind is “programmed to save effort.” We’ve all got a million other things to do. To spend a little time looking on WebMD or watching “Grey’s Anatomy” can make us feel like we understand the situation. Whereas the medical system is so rife with jargon, it’s so confusing, it’s so dense, that then it just feels really intimidating to us as patients. That’s a systemic problem.

I want to go back to “Grey’s Anatomy” for a minute, and I want to bracket that. “Grey’s Anatomy,” it’s very clear. You understand what’s happening. Televised medicine is different from real life. Things in real life don’t happen at the same pace. CPR in real life isn’t as successful as it is on TV.

Even though you’ve seen things on TV, you need to understand that this isn’t really the case. You have to parse the facts from the fiction, and likewise, when you are looking for materials online. You have got to figure out, who is saying this and why are they saying this? Are they credible? In this era of social media where everyone has so much to say, sometimes the louder they are the less credible they are.

We want to do good by our children, by our own health, by the people we care for, be they older or younger than us. We have got to make sure we look at validated information. Even then, and that’s a scary thought, doctors sometimes overprescribe treatments or medication for financial reasons. We don’t want it to be like that, but it is like that. We have to ask them, “What are the risks, what are the benefits, and what are the alternatives?

And saying, “If you can’t answer that question, then I’d like to talk to someone who can.” That is an extremely empowering thing to do. It’s hard, but is a simple thing to remember.

You make it very clear again and again in the book, when we’re talking about statistics, that doesn’t mean us as individuals. Just because the odds of something might look good, that doesn’t make it right for us personally.

There’s a term that COVID made very apparent for all of us even though we don’t usually just state it, and that’s “uncertainty.” Medicine involves a lot of uncertainty. You could be susceptible to something and then not catch it. You could catch COVID and then it will be mild or not mild. You could not be in a risk group and then catch COVID and it’s not mild. Or not be vaccinated and not get sick. That’s an uncertainty. It doesn’t mean that not getting vaccinated is a good idea. In many, many cases, it’s a game of numbers. You look at the probability of things happening.

I want to tell you a story that really shook me to the core. I was a PhD student and I was invited to teach genetic counseling students on the psychological aspects of medical decision making.

I sat in on a number of genetic counseling sessions. One of them was with an oncogenetic clinic. A woman came in with her husband. She said her mother had died of breast cancer and so did her aunt, and she had the BRCA gene. The genetic counselor said, “You never tested. You may not have the gene. It’s right across the hall. I can prescribe you the testing, and then you’ll know.” She said, “No, but I already know that I have it.”

She was hanging onto this knowledge that wasn’t really knowledge. It was very hard to see, because it is hard for us to live with uncertainty. We turn uncertainty into certainty in our minds, and sometimes that really works to our detriment. That woman who may or may not have had the BRCA gene, and even if you have it, it doesn’t mean that for sure you will develop breast cancer. We need to go in wanting answers, but also acknowledging that sometimes the answers are incomplete or uncertain.

That’s not because someone’s lying to us, withholding information, not wanting to tell us. It’s just the reality. When a professional or a self-appointed professional tells us that they guarantee A, B or C, that’s when I would get suspicious, because our bodies and medicine do involve uncertainty, and it’s incredibly hard for us to deal with. We want answers. Is this going to happen or isn’t it going to happen? It goes back to us thinking in very simple terms.

We are a very consumer-driven culture, and we are consumer-driven patients. The problem arises because we are so attached to the idea of finding a word for our condition, a name for for our symptoms, which could be a real moving target. How do we get to that place of just saying, “Wait a minute. I deserve to have a real conversation and a real dialogue, and have a real partnership in my healthcare that looks different from this passive relationship where I’m going to purchase answers from you.”

What do we seek in a medical professional? Sometimes what we seek is authority, because their being authoritative makes us feel like they do have all the answers. We need to be tolerant of the limbo of the fact that sometimes the doctor doesn’t know. That doesn’t mean they’re not making an effort, it just means they could wait and try and figure this out. That’s a place where us being consumers might get in the way of us being healthy. When doctors are asked about the reasons why they overprescribe, the first reason is sadly because it brings them money.

Then there’s also the issue of, the patient wanted it. It’s sometimes good that patients insist, and sometimes it’s not good. Do you really want to have that extra CT and all that radiation just because you think it’s a good idea but you don’t really know because you’re not a medical professional? I’m not saying that to belittle people’s knowledge. I’m saying that we need to be humble when we come at the medical world. We know our symptoms. We should be responsible people and take care of our health in multiple ways, and really listen to what the doctor’s saying. And ask good questions. But sometimes when we’re demanding, our demands will be answered, and that will not be the best thing for us.

There’s another word you mentioned, and that’s a relationship. We should be at least comfortable with the relationship we have with our physicians for two reasons. The first reason is that you’re a human being and you deserve to feel that way in every interaction you have. The second reason is that it’s important for your health. When you feel the doctor doesn’t care about you as a person, you’re less likely to adhere to whatever they’re prescribing.

I’ve seen it, and it was astonishing because it happens with HIV patients where their stakes are very, very high. It happens with diabetes patients also. We don’t think of diabetes as so dramatic, but you could lose your eyesight, you could get into very unpleasant places. If you don’t feel the doctor cares, you’re less likely to adhere. You’re less likely to take good care of yourself. Who exactly are you punishing? You’re only punishing yourself. So try, to the degree that you can, to be in a relationship, be it fleeting or not, with someone you feel you can trust.

With digital health, it’s fascinating because sometimes you’re not interacting with a person, you’re interacting with a machine. But in a way, the same principles apply. You also should feel that you trust the system, that you understand what is happening, and then phenomenal things can happen.

But without these components, it’s just not going to work. If you feel uncomfortable with your physician or untrusting, don’t chalk this down and say, “Well, it doesn’t matter,” because it does. It actually does matter a lot.

What can we do? It’s a very complex topic. Sometimes you can’t do much, and sometimes the health system needs to be the one allowing for some more time, even creating protocols for connecting with the patient.

Just that little bit of human interaction of introducing yourself, of humanizing yourself, makes all the difference. I had a clinician once refer to me as “the tumor.” Why do that, especially in the clinical trials space? Poor communication is how you wind up losing billions, because so many trials never come to fruition.

I love that you mentioned that. I love that you mentioned the money. I have tried to mention the financial bottom line across the book. Now, why would I do that? My PhD is in psychology. I’m not an economist. You have to understand where people are coming from. Healthcare executives, they don’t want you to be upset, but it doesn’t really mean much to them.

But if you’re upset and leave or leave a clinical trial, that means a lot to them. I try to attach the psychological aspects to financial aspects, and to say, you’re not just doing this to be nice. Treat people as humans. It doesn’t have to take a ton of money and a lot of resources if you can program things that will make you feel there’s a connection.

That’s how you get fewer malpractice lawsuits, that’s how you enroll more people in clinical trials. Being attentive and empathetic is good capitalism. The fact that the healthcare system so often neglects that is shocking to me, because you could have a win, win, win, win, win.

It’s good for people’s emotions, it’s good for people’s health, it’s good for doctors’ emotions. They did not go into medical school, one would hope, in order to talk to tumors. They went into medical school in order to help human beings. If we retrain them to do that, which doesn’t take a lot of time, they could actually benefit from this. They’re experiencing enormous burnout. Part of the burnout is that you’re the tumor, I’m the provider, and none of us actually has a name. We’re fungible, and that’s a terrible place to be.

If instead of being the tumor, you’re “Jessica” and I am “Dr. Levine,” then we’re talking. We’re people. We have connected, and I go home with a smile on my face, and maybe you do too, or maybe you’re less upset than you were before. Literally everyone wins.

This leads to the big conversation, the hardest one to have in healthcare, about death. It is astounding to me how inept we are on all sides about talking about death, about preparing for death, about preparing for something that will happen to literally everyone. You have people going into the end of life feeling like failures, and feeling demoralized and  marginalized. Let’s say I’m in good health right now. What’s something I can do right now to be thinking about these things and preparing? Because I am going to die.

I hope in many years in good health. But that is one of the certainties in life, for sure. I want to say something about the rhetoric of losing the battle to whatever. I know Americans don’t use the word hate. It’s a bad word. It’s a four letter word. I hate the rhetoric of losing the battle.

Me too.

I think it’s incredibly unfair. Everyone’s going to die. If you have a vicious cancer that takes your life, does it also mean you’re a loser? That is just an incredibly unfair way, in my mind, to frame death, and I wish people didn’t use that term. I understand why they use it. I understand their rhetoric of fighting and battling and I respect that, but I think really it could be hurtful.

It makes sense in a convoluted sort of way, because it creates the illusion that we are infallible. That if only we try hard enough, we’ll succeed. That’s really not the case. We can try hard, we can also decide we don’t want to try hard because it’s too difficult and we don’t believe there’s much chance of survival and we don’t believe the price is worth it. That’s another thing that is legitimate.

I want to say, and that’s parenthetical, my book is all about how to make decisions. It is never about what to decide. I don’t know what you should choose or your readers should choose. I don’t know them. I don’t know your preferences, I don’t know where you are in life. I do know you deserve to have a good decision making process.

We don’t like talking about death. We walk away from that. As a patient, even if you’re on your deathbed, you don’t want to upset your relatives. As a doctor, you feel you’re failing your patients or you can’t do anything for them, where in fact, what a lot of them want at these moments is just your honesty, your sympathy.

We’re all going to die, sadly. No matter how wonderful our doctors are, maybe they can’t save us. But they can be there with us, and that is enormous.

I propose to develop a new routine. I call it TAD, Talk About Death. I propose doing it on the day before milestone birthdays — 30s, 40s, 50s, et cetera. Why? Because works by myself and by people like Hal Hershfield at UCLA and with Adam Alter from NYU have shown that around these ages, something happens.

We’re in a more of a contemplative mode. We think of where have I gotten to in life? What have I accomplished? Where am I heading? What do I want? What are my hopes? What are my fears? Whereas when you’re turning 41, you might just go and grab a beer with your friends. It’s a different mindset. I thought, let’s use this contemplative mindset to talk about death. Let’s spend 30 minutes with our loved ones to talk about what I want to happen to me if I’m in a place where I’m close to death and maybe can’t convey my wishes. Do I want to be ventilated? Do I want to be intubated? Do I want to be kept alive? Or do I want my family to take care of palliative care for me and just let me go if that’s where I’m heading, because I don’t want to be connected to machines for the next 10 years?

That is my preference, and I want to make it known. If it’s a conversation that’s exceptionally hard for us to have, especially by someone’s death bed, let’s practice. It’s like running a marathon. You don’t just show up in Boston one morning and say, “Hey, I’m here for the marathon. I haven’t run since elementary school.” You have to practice. So let’s practice. And by saying that, you have shared them with your loved ones.

If you TAD, if you talk about death with your kids, and your spouse, and your friends, and your parents and everybody around a milestone birthday, then around once a year you will be having this conversation because someone’s milestone birthday is coming up, which becomes part of the jargon. And that is phenomenal. It takes the taboo out of it, because you can talk about that in the comfort of your living room the day before a big party. Not on someone’s hospital bed.


 

More healthcare news: 

Republican congressman tweets anime-themed video of him killing Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez

Rep. Paul Gosar, R-Ariz., the far-right dentist known for his ties to multiple white nationalist groups, on Sunday released a video of photoshopped clips of an anime show depicting him killing Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, D-N.Y. 

The tweeted video – which he captioned, “Any anime fans out there?” – opens with Gosar’s name under Japanese text that reads “attack of immigrants,” an apparent reference to the anime show “Attack on the Titan” from which the Republican pulled various clips.

The video then goes on to show footage of immigrants at the southern border, overlaying the footage with anime-style special effects and crosscutting with interstitials that read “drugs, crime, poverty, money, gangs, violence” and “trafficking.”   

About midway into the video, “Attack on the Titan main character Eren Yaeger is shown in a mashup of clips with Gosar’s face photoshopped onto the cartoon character. Swords in both hands, the fictionalized Gosar scales a European-esque urban landscape alongside cartoon versions of Reps. Marjorie Taylor Greene, R-Ga., and Lauren Bobert, R-Colo., until slaying what appears to be a titan with Ocasio-Cortez’s face photoshopped onto it. 

Toward the end, the cartoon Gosar is shown leaping into the air with his blades unsheathed moments before striking the photoshopped head of President Joe Biden. 


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“Attack on Titan,” a best-selling Japanese manga series created by Hajime Isayama, is set in a world in which humanity lives inside a city surrounded by walls guarding its populace from human-eating beasts called “titans”. Though the creator has strayed from addressing the politics of the show, it has been interpreted by white nationalists online to be an allegory for U.S., which they say teaches white people to hate themselves for the sins of their ancestors, according to The New Republic. Liberal commentators have meanwhile critiqued show for its possible allusions of anti-Semitic tropes.

The video, which has garnered roughly 1.5 million views since its release on Twitter, takes ostensibly a political attack ad on the Biden administration for its handling of the surge in immigrants at the southern border. 

All throughout his presidency, Biden has faced criticism from Republicans for adopting what they say is an overly permissive approach to immigration, allowing too many migrants to pass through the border.

Biden recently faced bipartisan scrutiny back in September, when it was reported that the U.S. had begun clearing out a squalid encampment of 12,000 Haitian migrants seeking asylum near the Rio Grande. 

That same month, photos surfaced of border agents on horseback aggressively corralling Haitian migrants between Del Rio, Texas, and Acuña, Mexico. The pictures drew a tidal wave of outrage from progressives and immigration advocates. Biden’s special envoy to Haiti shortly resigned after the scandal, citing the administration’s “deeply flawed” policies on Haitian immigration. 

RELATED: Special envoy to Haiti resigns in protest of Biden’s continuation of Trump immigration policy

Gosar, first elected to Congress in 2010, is arguably one of Donald Trump’s most loyal backers and is notorious for his off-color remarks and ties to white nationalist groups. 

Back in February, the Republican attended the America First Political Action Conference, a white nationalist conference, cozying up to far-right white nationalist Nick Fuentes, who is known anti-semitic rhetoric and Holocaust denial.

RELATED: GOP Rep. Paul Gosar called out by House colleague for white nationalist tweet

In a March interview with Salon’s Igor Derysh, all three of Gosar’s siblings expressed a firm belief that their brother is a white supremacist.

“He’s literally scared of his own shadow,” said Gosar’s brother, Tim. “That’s what kind of person we’re talking about here. Is he a white supremacist for political gain? Absolutely. Is he a white supremacist because he’s a ‘scared of his own shadow’ guy? Yeah, he is that too.”

RELATED: Rep. Paul Gosar’s siblings say he’s a white supremacist — but his GOP colleagues stay silent

Sorry, Josh Hawley, the left doesn’t hate masculinity — women just don’t want to make you a sandwich

Because right-wingers are nothing if not unoriginal, Josh Hawley, the Republican senator from Missouri, is centering his likely doomed 2024 presidential bid on the played “feminists are man-haters” schtick. It’s a bit that was long in the tooth even when Hawley, 41, was running off potential prom dates by sneering at their Lilith Fair tickets. In the era of #MeToo and the Texas abortion bounty hunter law, this “men are the real victims” nonsense is particularly laughable. Still, Hawley is digging in. And, to illustrate why he’s going to get trounced in the GOP primary by Donald Trump, he’s doing so by attacking two very popular American pastimes: porn and video games. 

On “Axios on HBO” Sunday night, Hawley defended a speech he made at a gathering of conservatives last week, in which he insisted that liberals are trying to create “a world beyond men” because liberals hate “traditional masculine virtues” like “courage and independence and assertiveness.” In response, the supposedly braver, more independent, and more assertive gender, according to Hawley, is “withdrawing into the enclave of idleness and pornography and video games.” True men of courage, it’s well-known, react to even the slightest criticism by pouting in their mancaves like toddlers throwing a tantrum. 

When pressed on this by Axios’ Mike Allen, Hawley doubled down, insisting that liberals are saying “your masculinity is inherently problematic.” But tellingly, he was extremely vague on examples of either liberals saying this or even what he means by “masculinity.” Instead, he just said, “A man is a father. A man is a husband. A man is someone who takes responsibility.”


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So the charge is what, that liberals are against men being fathers, husbands, and people who take responsibility? Note that it was just last month that it was liberals defending Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg after he took paternity leave to care for his two prematurely born newborn babies. It was conservatives like Tucker Carlson and supposed masculinity icons like Joe Rogan who were bashing Buttigieg for having the courage and independence of mind to shrug off their childish bullying to do what was right for his family. Indeed, looking at that whole incident, what is clear is that whatever conservatives are defending about masculinity is something, but it sure doesn’t have anything to do with taking responsibility or being devoted to family. 

RELATED: Tucker Carlson, Joe Rogan and the Proud Boys: How the fragility of the male ego fuels the far-right

As is usual with these reactionary defenses of “masculinity,” what Hawley is trying to say is left deliberately ambiguous. As Paul Waldman of the Washington Post recently pointed out, for instance, “assertiveness” can mean all sorts of things, as, “Harvey Weinstein was certainly an assertive man, but so is Sen. Bernie Sanders.”

It’s also worth noting that these “masculine” qualities are hardly exclusive to men. It’s doubtful that even Hawley is a troll enough to deny that women should also want to be courageous, independent, and assertive. Indeed, it’s hard to think up a supposedly “masculine” virtue that isn’t also a quality non-men aspire to have. Strong? Honorable? Competent? All also virtues in women and non-binary folks. 

No, Hawley is being vague because what is being defended here is not virtuous behavior at all, but sexism and male dominance. The left doesn’t have ire for men who exhibit good or pro-social behaviors. The behavior Hawley whines is called “toxic masculinity” is cis straight men who act entitled and abusive, in ways that range from being merely gross (like mansplaining) to being downright criminal (such as Donald Trump’s boast about how he “grabs ’em by the pussy.”) You’re not really seeing a lot of feminists bash, say, Barack Obama for being a good husband and father. You do, however, see a lot of criticism of, to pull a recent example, Dave Portnoy of Barstool Sports for allegations that, as one woman texted a friend, “I was being raped he video taped me and spit in my mouth and choked me so hard I couldn’t breathe.”  

Hawley’s little word games cover up for the truly gross behavior that he and his audience are feeling defensive about. Men who long for when it was easier to get away with sexual harassment and abuse can project that behavior into the term “assertive.” But if confronted on this, Hawley will just pretend he’s talking about men speaking up for good causes, which, again, no one objects to. “Independence” sounds great, until you realize that a lot of crappy men are hearing a defense of men like Aaron Rodgers and Joe Rogan, who think being “independent” means believing you know better than doctors how immunity works. And by “courage,” it’s hardly likely Hawley’s intended audience is imagining the true courage of a young drag queen performing for the first time or the men at NBC News who turned on Matt Lauer for his alleged sexual assaults. It’s men who want to believe they’re warrior princes of the highest order because they brave women’s eyerolls with their “take my wife, please” jokes.  

RELATED: Dave Chappelle and the warped self-victimhood of transphobes

That it’s sexism Hawley is defending is evident in this porn-and-video-games talk. That’s just a tired sexist trope, that men’s presence in women’s lives needs to be purchased with women’s submission, and if women demand equality, men will reject them entirely. This threat of male abandonment has been leveraged to keep women down for, well, ever. In recent decades, however, it’s lost some teeth. Women are no longer barred from having checking accounts and jobs, and so aren’t in danger of being destitute for the sin of being too uppity. The premise that a man’s value is so self-evident that a woman should subjugate herself to keep a man happy, which was treated as gospel in the 50s era America the right is so nostalgic for, has also lost a lot of its shine. Straight women are increasingly asking men to demonstrate real worth, by being a partner instead of entitled and domineering. Hawley is speaking to an audience terrified of having to actually step up and be something more than a paycheck with a pulse to women. 


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The grim truth is a lot of men — and unfortunately, their female enablers — believe female submission is men’s birthright and are quite angry about changing gender norms. It’s why Donald Trump didn’t lose any votes on the right for bragging about sexual assault. It’s why there’s so much whining about “cancel culture” from so many straight men who are criticized for acting like jerks or bigots. It’s why groups like the Proud Boys wallow in “tradwife” fantasies, wishing for the days when women didn’t have rights so had to put up their crap. 

The audience Hawley is trying to reach isn’t courageous or assertive or independent at all. They are whiny babies who are throwing a childish tantrum because women told them to make their own damn sandwiches. Those men are plentiful enough to be a voting bloc, as Trump has shown. Still, it’s doubtful Hawley will break through to them with his dismissal of porn and video games. The voters he’s seeking want more of that “grab ’em by the pussy” talk when imagining the rebirth of male dominance, not all this needlenecked whining about “responsibility.” 

“Most Wanted” Capitol rioter flees FBI — reportedly seeking asylum in Belarus

A California man charged with participating in the Jan. 6 Capitol riot is seeking asylum in Belarus, according to a state TV report from that autocratic former Soviet nation.

Evan Neumann was charged in March with six federal offenses, including assaulting law enforcement officials, engaging in physical violence in a restricted building or grounds, and violent entry and disorderly conduct on Capitol grounds. The FBI said in court documents filed in July that Neumann spent four hours at the riot, punched police officers and used a metal barricade as a “battering ram” against cops who were trying to hold off the mob.

An anonymous family friend identified Neumann to the FBI and agents questioned him at the San Francisco airport in February. Neumann, who owns a handbag business in Northern California, admitted that he flew to Washington, D.C., on Jan. 5 but declined to answer questions about the riot, according to the FBI. Prosecutors initially asked a judge to seal the case in March to avoid tipping off Neumann to their investigation, but in June prosecutors expressed concern that he was “actively attempting to evade arrest.”

Neumann, who was then added to the FBI’s Most Wanted list, sold his Bay Area home in April for $1.3 million and fled to Ukraine, KGO-TV reported in July. This week, he resurfaced in a report on Belarus state TV after apparently seeking asylum in that country, which is led by authoritarian President Alexander Lukashenko, who has been widely criticized for human rights abuses and is a close ally of Russian President Vladimir Putin. A TV presenter described Neumann as a business owner whose shops were burned by Black Lives Matter activists and “who sought justice, asked uncomfortable questions, but lost almost everything and is being persecuted by the U.S. government.” Neumann, the presenter said, “illegally crossed the Belarus border and is seeking protection.”

“A U.S. citizen is seeking asylum in Belarus. It sounds incredible but it is a fact,” the presenter said.

RELATED: Jan. 6 organizers say they held “dozens” of planning meetings with House Republicans: report

Neumann claimed in an interview with the outlet that he has many friends in the U.S. government who tipped him off after the FBI published his photo and asked the public to help identify him.

“I knew that they would immediately identify me and left first thing,” he said. “I started hiding, traveling across America from one point to another. I hired a lawyer. And the lawyer said that I could go to Europe on a business trip. … The lawyer said it was good because it would buy time. And then it will become clear what is happening with my affairs. After all, no court proceedings were carried out. So, in order to understand what was happening, I left.”

Neumann said he traveled through multiple countries in March before reaching Ukraine, where he rented an apartment. Neumann claimed that after four months there, he came under scrutiny by Ukrainian authorities. He said he hiked through the Ukrainian wilderness, encountering swamps, wild boars and aggressive snakes, to the Belarus border, where he was detained by authorities on Aug. 15.

Neumann is seeking protection from the Belarus government, according to the report. He said he was hurt by the allegation that he hit a police officer, claiming it was a baseless charge. In fact, he disputed that any of the Jan. 6 protesters were responsible for breaking into the Capitol, suggesting that it might have been a government setup.


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The state TV outlet claimed that at least three U.S. citizens have applied for asylum in Belarus this year. Lukashenko, who has been labeled “Europe’s last dictator,” was accused of stealing an election last year before staged a wide crackdown on opposition protests and journalists, even faking a terrorist threat to ground a Ryanair flight carrying a blogger who was then detained for “inciting unrest.”

Despite Neumann’s denial, the FBI said in court documents that police body-cam videos show Neumann at the Capitol riot, wearing a “Make America Great Again” hat and a gas mask as he confronted officers trying to block a mob of protesters with a metal barricade. He accused the officers of supporting “antifa” and warned that they would be “overrun” by the crowd.

“I’m willing to die, are you?” he told an officer, according to the court documents, before grabbing the metal barricade.

“As (the officer) attempts to pull the metal barricade out of Neumann’s hands,” the court filing said, “Neumann, now using the barricade as a battering ram, lifts the barricade off the ground and rushes toward (the officer) and the other officers, crossing into the now-broken police line and striking them with the barricade.”

More from Salon on the attempted prosecution of Jan. 6 insurrectionists:

Advocates challenge the CDC’s new effort to track HIV spread

In 2019, one of America’s top public health officials went on the road, promoting an ambitious plan to slash new HIV infections by 90 percent by 2030.

“We are now on the verge of bringing an end to the AIDS epidemic as we know it in the United States,” Robert Redfield, then-director of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, told a Texas audience that July.

Redfield also pushed the plan at the 2019 United States Conference on AIDS in Washington, D.C., an annual meeting that draws several thousand researchers, activists, and people living with HIV. (The conference has since been renamed the U.S. Conference on HIV/AIDS.)

“We need to be disruptively innovative,” Redfield said during the opening session, which was moderated by MSNBC host Joy Reid.

In fact, one particular technological innovation, a centerpiece of the federal plan, had already disrupted the HIV community — just not in the sense Redfield meant.

As his conversation with Reid ended, chanting broke out in the hotel ballroom. A crowd mounted the stage, yelling, “You can’t end this without us.” Protestors surrounded Redfield, and their leaders grabbed a microphone. The plan was flawed, according to the activists, because it relied on a new data collection and analysis program that put them in harm’s way — something they called “molecular HIV surveillance,” and that the CDC now prefers to term “molecular analysis.”

The tool is used to identify groups of people — called clusters in public health jargon — where HIV is spreading quickly. When someone tests positive for HIV, a doctor usually orders a partial sequence of the virus’s genome to check for signs of drug resistance, and the result gives them information on which medicines will work best. But in recent years, public health officials have been analyzing the virus’s sequence data to monitor how the pathogen spreads.

The technique exploits HIV’s swift evolution: As the virus makes copies of itself, it can mutate, producing genetically distinct strains. When two people share similar strains, it suggests they are linked, directly or indirectly, by recent transmission. When routine HIV testing turns up several such cases in a short period, officials know they may be dealing with an outbreak. Public health officials say the tool helps them direct testing, prevention, and treatment efforts to where they’re needed most.

But the program is controversial within the very communities that public health officials want to reach. Back on the D.C. conference stage, activist Naina Khanna, a leader of Positive Women’s Network – USA, explained: “People living with HIV did not know this was happening, and we have not consented. We did not consent to this.” (Khanna now serves as co-executive director alongside Venita Ray.) Another concern — one acknowledged by advocates and public health officials alike — is that law enforcement might access and misuse the data in states where exposing others to HIV can carry stiff criminal penalties.

In June, the U.S. People Living with HIV Caucus, a group of organizations and advocates, published an open letter calling the technology “a double-edged sword.” They demanded, among other things, that use of molecular surveillance stop until new protections for HIV-positive people are put in place, including assurances that data will be kept away from police and prosecutors.

The dispute stems from longstanding tensions over who gets to make decisions about the handling of HIV — public health officials or the communities that take the brunt of the virus. (The latter often overlap with already marginalized groups: Black and Latino gay and bisexual men, trans women, and people who inject drugs are particularly at-risk, and HIV hits harder in poor neighborhoods.) So far, there’s no sign of a resolution. The CDC is adamant that molecular analysis is crucial to stopping the spread of HIV, which infects more than 30,000 people in the U.S. each year. Nearly 300 clusters have been discovered with the tool since December 2015, most of which hadn’t been previously identified, according to Paul Fulton, a CDC spokesperson.

Alexa Oster, acting chief of the CDC’s HIV detection and response branch, said public health officials will work with communities to balance the risks. But public health surveillance has important benefits for local communities and the nation as a whole, she said: “Collecting that information outweighs the risk.”

U.S. public health officials track dozens of infectious diseases, tabulating cases of anthrax, rabies, and Covid-19. But surveillance of HIV has always been especially fraught. HIV often spreads through penetrative sex or needle-sharing, and many of the first publicly reported AIDS cases in the early 1980s appeared among gay men, Haitian immigrants, and people who used heroin. Stigma — fueled by homophobia and racism — was rampant.

It didn’t help that a fearful public knew very little about how the disease spread. In 1983, a New York City co-op tried to evict a doctor — one of the few who would see AIDS patients — simply because he treated people in its building. Adults with AIDS lost homes and jobs, while a 13-year-old with hemophilia, who contracted HIV through a blood transfusion, was blocked from attending school in Indiana.

The stigma complicated public health efforts. In the epidemic’s early years, activists objected to HIV surveillance programs that would store names in government databases, arguing that people’s privacy could be compromised. This claim was bolstered by horrifying stories: In 1996, for example, a Florida health department staffer was accused of taking a list of HIV-positive patients to a gay bar and screening potential sexual partners.

Despite this, health departments continued collecting names. “We live in a name-based world, in a name-based medical system,” said Eve Mokotoff, a public health expert in Michigan who started the state’s HIV surveillance system in 1986. “If you want to have an accurate count of cases and not duplicate them, you need people’s names.” Names also allowed public health officials to do contact tracing and offer services to HIV-positive people, including treatment when it became available.

Still, the traditional reporting of HIV cases has limits. People often don’t immediately know they’ve been infected. The median lag time between infection and diagnosis was about three years for people diagnosed in 2015, according to one CDC analysis. By the time public health workers realize that seemingly unrelated cases are actually linked, an outbreak may be well underway.

Molecular analysis offers a complement to traditional public health data, which “cannot always pinpoint the leading edge of HIV transmission in a timely way,” Fulton wrote in an email to Undark. It makes what was once unfeasible — detecting and stopping new HIV outbreaks as they happen — a real possibility.

In 2015, a major HIV outbreak in Scott County, Indiana helped demonstrate to the CDC that typical, non-molecular methods for monitoring HIV spread weren’t enough.

That February, state health officials announced a spike in HIV transmission in southeast Indiana. The number of cases linked to the outbreak, which centered on Austin — a city with a population of just over 4,000 — ultimately ballooned to more than 200. “The truth is, no one was prepared for this unprecedented health care disaster, which had left our rural community with one of the highest HIV rates in the world,” wrote William Cooke, the city’s only physician at the time, in a memoir published this year. “The CDC wasn’t. Scott County’s health department wasn’t. I wasn’t either.”

The region was experiencing widespread misuse of prescription painkillers. People crushed pills, dissolved them in water, and injected them. The re-use of needles allowed HIV to spread. “The term that will forever in my mind be associated with that outbreak — that I can never banish from my brain — is the term ‘intergenerational needle sharing,'” Mokotoff said. “Grandparents were shooting up with their grandchildren, if you can imagine such a thing.”

Public health officials and researchers credit the creation of a local syringe exchange as a primary reason that the outbreak was eventually halted, despite initial opposition from then-Gov. Mike Pence. But what if local health officials had recognized the outbreak and gotten state support sooner? A 2018 modeling study in The Lancet HIV journal suggested that, if so, “the outbreak might have been substantially blunted.” If interventions had begun as early as 2011, the researchers estimated, total cases could have been fewer than 10.

With the opioid epidemic raging across the U.S., molecular HIV surveillance promised to provide an early-warning system for other drug-fueled outbreaks. Scott County “was one of the triggers for us to begin exploring the use of molecular data to identify clusters,” Oster said. At the time, the CDC was already collecting molecular data from some parts of the country. But after Scott County, officials decided to scale it up.

In 2017, the CDC announced new funding for HIV prevention and surveillance efforts. The money began flowing in January 2018, and around that time, the agency described the initiative as “the cornerstone of national prevention efforts for the next five years.” To receive the funds, public health departments were required to search for and stop potential HIV outbreaks using multiple methods — including molecular surveillance.

It was in the summer of 2018, at a gathering in Indianapolis, when Andrew Spieldenner first heard the term “molecular HIV surveillance.” His reaction, he said, was something like: “What the hell?”

Spieldenner, who is vice-chair of the U.S. People Living with HIV Caucus, was attending that year’s HIV Is Not a Crime National Training Academy, a gathering of advocates opposed to HIV criminalization laws. He and other attendees organized an impromptu session to sort out whether they should be concerned. “We thought maybe five or six people would show up,” Spieldenner said. “The room was packed with like 40 people.”

Many advocates felt blindsided by the new program. “The reality is this stuff rolled out before anybody who wasn’t in the implementation process knew that it was rolling out,” said Ronda Goldfein, an attorney and executive director of the AIDS Law Project of Pennsylvania.

In the Indianapolis conference room, advocates quickly began to fear the system — intended to slow the spread of HIV — could be misused to help imprison people under HIV criminalization laws. These laws target people who don’t disclose their HIV status to sexual partners, and they sometimes penalize actions that don’t transmit the virus, like spitting. Sentences can be harsh — as many as 30 years in extreme cases.

Many were passed in the late 1980s and early 1990s, before the advent of effective antiretroviral therapy, which today helps people manage HIV and keeps them from transmitting it. More than 20 states still have HIV-specific statutes that “criminalize or control behaviors,” while about a dozen others can prosecute HIV cases under broader communicable disease laws, according to the CDC.

Advocates fear that prosecutors could access molecular data and use it as evidence that a defendant and victim share genetically similar strains of the virus. The data alone can’t prove the direction of HIV transmission from one person to another, but advocates say there’s no guarantee judges and juries will understand the science or interpret data correctly. “We’re not waiting for worst-case scenarios here,” said Alexander McClelland, a Canadian scholar and activist who lives with HIV.

McClelland pointed to an example in his own country where genetic sequencing was used as circumstantial evidence to convict a man of first-degree murder. Advocates also argue that the people most likely to be swept up in the surveillance system — including Black people, immigrants, sex workers, and people who use drugs — are also among those most heavily policed. “The fears of criminalization for people are really real,” McClelland said.

There are no universal protections to keep data away from law enforcement, said Breanna Diaz, policy director for Positive Women’s Network – USA, a nationwide membership organization of women with HIV that is fiscally sponsored by the progressive nonprofit Movement Strategy Center. The CDC itself maintains strict data protections, and the genetic sequence data it receives is anonymized. But data held by state and local health departments have names attached, and state privacy statutes vary widely.

Some laws and regulations governing the release of HIV data leave a lot of room for interpretation, especially when it comes to health departments handling requests from law enforcement, said Amy Killelea, former senior director of health systems and policy for the National Alliance of State and Territorial AIDS Directors. In 2018, prompted in part by the national rollout of molecular HIV surveillance, Killelea helped author a report on data privacy laws in the U.S.

Molecular data is complex, and Killelea is skeptical that the technology in its current form will be relevant to prosecutors. Still, she said, that doesn’t mean people’s fears aren’t real. “I actually would be in favor of laws on the books in every state that would say, ‘Public health data cannot be used for law enforcement, ever,'” Killelea said. The most important thing right now, she said, is to get HIV criminalization laws off the books.

Some states have. In July, Illinois became the second state in the nation to fully repeal its HIV criminalization statute. (The first was Texas, in 1994, though the Center for HIV Law & Policy notes that it didn’t stop people living with HIV from being prosecuted under other criminal laws.)

Michigan revised its laws in 2018 to protect people who are HIV-positive but use methods to reduce risk of transmission, such as antiretroviral therapy. The new laws, which were enacted the following year, are “not perfect, but they’re modernized,” said Jacob Watson, an HIV epidemiologist with the Michigan Department of Health and Human Services. “They account for modern science.” Watson works on Michigan’s version of molecular HIV surveillance, and he says the program has gotten community buy-in, in large part because it was rolled out while Michigan was working to update its criminalization laws.

While activists have been the most vocal objectors, they aren’t the only ones worried about molecular HIV surveillance. According to Stephen Molldrem, a researcher who studies the use of HIV data in public health, some health department staff thought the CDC rushed the national scale-up of the program. “Specifically, public health personnel have expressed to me that they did not have a chance to consult community-based stakeholders in their jurisdictions before the rollout,” he wrote in an email to Undark.

Fulton, the CDC spokesperson, said the agency began talking directly with HIV community members, organizations, and health departments about molecular data analysis as early as 2016.

A perceived lack of consultation and community buy-in, though, has haunted the program, and raised thornier issues about consent. “The bottom line is that this is our physical body, this is our data that is being used without our consent,” Spieldenner said. While he and other advocates insist that people living with HIV must give affirmative approval for their molecular data to be analyzed, public health officials don’t think this can be done without compromising the tool’s effectiveness.

“I completely agree with the community’s concern about this,” Mokotoff said. But, she said, “disease surveillance cannot be done successfully by a consent process. Because if you don’t have reports of everybody who’s diagnosed, you can’t do prevention, you can’t do the work that you need to do.” Still, she said, health care workers can help people understand what’s going on. “You can present this as a good thing,” Mokotoff said.

Despite the call for a moratorium, the CDC doesn’t seem likely to abandon molecular analysis as a tool. Goldfein, the Pennsylvania attorney, takes a pragmatic view. “This train has left the station,” she said. “I applaud all of the incredibly strong advocates who are like, ‘We’re gonna die on this hill, we’re not stopping, this has got to stop, we have to do something different.’ I just don’t see it happening.”

Diaz, of Positive Women’s Network – USA, said advocates want a temporary halt on the practice until community concerns are addressed and adequate protections for people living with HIV are in place, not the complete dismantling of molecular surveillance. “We’re not saying, ‘End it, forever,'”she said. “We understand that that is impossible.”

The recent open letter calls on the CDC and the National Institutes of Health Office of AIDS Research to work with advocates and people living with HIV to create guidelines around informed consent — as well as standards for how officials will consult with people living with HIV when crafting future data programs. The U.S. People Living with HIV Caucus is also asking the CDC to require, as a condition of funding, that health departments commit to end HIV criminalization laws. AIDS United, a nonprofit, has recommended the CDC require state and local health departments to certify that public health officials will only share data with law enforcement when a court orders them to, and will notify the person whose data is being sought. The nonprofit also wants officials to help educate judges, prosecutors, and others in the criminal legal system about the science of HIV transmission and “the scientific limitations of molecular surveillance.”

Now that President Biden is in office, Diaz said, federal officials are taking advocates more seriously. “I believe that we are in a great situation, that this administration is willing to hear those concerns,” she said. “But it’s not enough to hear. We want to see action.”


UPDATE: This story has been updated to make clear that advocates for people living with HIV want protections in place to prevent police and prosecutors from accessing molecular surveillance data.

Tynan Stewart is a freelance journalist based in Kansas City, Missouri. Follow his writing @tynanstewart.

Reporting for this story was supported by the Missouri School of Journalism’s O.O. McIntyre Fellowship.

This article was originally published on Undark. Read the original article.

I was one of the lawyers who helped win marriage equality. And yes, the GOP can take it away

In late 2016 I published an op-ed entitled “Trump and LGBTQ rights: Your worst nightmares unlikely to come true.” The premise of the piece was basically what you’d expect from the title. People were freaking out about Trump and his cronies reversing the progress made in the fight for LGBTQ+ rights, and I wanted to allay those fears. (That included making similar assurances to Amanda Marcotte here at Salon.) In particular, people were asking me (a lot) about whether Trump could “undo” the decision in Obergefell v. Hodges — the 2015 decision that recognized same-sex marriages in all 50 states.

“Hold on,” you say. “Why would anyone care what you think? Aren’t you just some middle-aged shitposter who tricked a law school into hiring you?” Yes, but I was also lead counsel for the Kentucky plaintiffs in Obergefell. Seriously! There’s a whole movie about it

After the win at SCOTUS, my partners and I litigated the infamous Kim Davis case (that’s the one where a county clerk in Kentucky stopped issuing marriage licenses after Obergefell), and won pretty much every step of the way. Those victories led people, including me, to assume I knew something about how the courts, government, civil rights and history work. So after the election, I published a piece to tell them that while everything wasn’t exactly going to be OK, we at least knew for sure that marriage equality is safe.

Well folks, I f**ked that one up. Sorry.

Let’s briefly denude ourselves and bathe together in my shame. Here’s what I wrote in 2016:

For a President Trump to undo the progress made by Obergefell and its predecessors, a number of improbable things would have to happen. First, Trump would have to appoint at least two Supreme Court justices to make any real difference. . . . Suppose, however, that one of the older pro-LGBTQ justices, such as Justice Anthony Kennedy or Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, were to die, or retire, during Trump’s tenure? Even then, another marriage case would have to make its way to the Court. With couples already getting married in all but a few counties in the country, this is practically impossible — there is no “case” to be made. Four justices would have to agree to take the case, even if it existed. And the Court would then have to reverse its own interpretation of the Constitution to undo a decision that is just over a year old. An opinion like that would threaten the legitimacy of the Court, something which troubles even the most conservative of jurists.

Five years later, this reads like satire. It’s as if someone hit a rip from the world’s biggest bong, peered into the future, and said “maaaan, let’s write this up like it could never happen, just to mess with people.” Of course Ginsburg did die, Kennedy did retire, Trump did appoint not two but three justices to the Supreme Court, and  —  the biggest miscalculation of all  —  ”the most conservative of jurists” are not “troubled” by threats to the legitimacy of the courts or any other institution. To the contrary, Trumpism has become terrifyingly proud of its capacity to mow down democratic norms and resculpt them into steaming piles of excrement.


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But even as I turn myself over to the Internet’s Department of Bad Takes and Inconsistencies, I feel compelled to speak in my own defense. First, I was just a lad of 39 when I wrote the above-referenced op-ed; practically a baby, a spring chicken, a tadpole with little nubs of cynical land legs just beginning to show.

Second, I was almost right. Later in the piece, I wrote:

More terrifying is the idea that a Trump-packed Supreme Court could increasingly allow government officials to opt out of things they find distasteful on religious grounds. Like, say, issuing marriage licenses. Rulings like that could culminate in bona fide disaster. Elections become religious litmus tests. Counties develop into fiefdoms, and run according to the whims of oligarchs and demagogues. But to achieve this, Trump would have to pack the Court with justices with extremely radical (read: insane) views of the Constitution. Not impossible, but not likely.

We civil rights lawyers had been sounding the alarm on just how bad the federal courts were for years before that, and I was fully aware that they were about to get even worse under Trump. But judges who issue comically bad rulings do, in fact, undermine the integrity of the justice system, and there’s only so much undermining our fragile system can take before it sinks into the earth and is paved over by burning buildings and dead bodies. I still do not believe this Supreme Court has the stones to issue an explosive opinion reversing Obergefell, or Brown v. Board of Education, or even Roe. It’s too politically risky, and the Court is a political animal.

RELATED: Justice Alito complains, but the evidence is clear: This Supreme Court was built by dark money

The fatal flaw in my reasoning five years ago was this: I didn’t take into account that the courts could simply do nothing in the face of rabid, uninhibited, GOP dumbf**kery. There’s little risked by doing nothing. Non-action doesn’t grab attention, doesn’t demand a response, doesn’t warrant a backlash. Nothing is powerful.

That’s what we’re seeing happen with Roe. Texas and other red states have trotted out the wackiest abortion bills you can think of every session for years now, but they haven’t been able to implement the worst of them because they’ve been stopped by the courts. With SB8, an utterly bonkers bill that allows private citizens to become abortion bounty hunters, Trump judges finally said, “eh, let’s just see what happens if we let this one go into effect.”

The courts, the media, and lawyers who defend the sacredness of Article III now have cover to say “well, this terrible law isn’t stopped yet, but don’t make a fuss, let’s wait for the process to play out!” Meanwhile, two things are happening: 1) individuals are suffering while we wait months, years, perhaps decades for the courts to get it right, and 2) collective apathy creeps in as we adjust to a new standard of how much everything sucks for those individuals in Texas.

By next session, versions of SB8 will become law in every state dominated by GOP legislatures, effectively repealing Roe not only in Texas, but in Missouri, Indiana, Kentucky, Oklahoma, etc. As those dominoes fall, people in each state will be in the streets for a few weeks (tops), and then things will go back to normal — whatever “normal” might look like by then. If in two or three years the Supreme Court says “actually Roe isn’t the law of the land anymore,” our reaction might well be, “yeah no kidding, it hasn’t been for years, big deal.” That’s the power of nothing.

Knowing that the courts will demur, could the GOP launch a similarly successful offensive on marriage equality? You bet. It’s already happening.

A couple of weeks ago, a letter from a Texas state representative calling on the Attorney General to declare that private citizens can ignore federal law was making the rounds on social media. 

The letter is nuts: Completely unhinged, sovereign-citizen-looney-bin nonsense. But that doesn’t mean its sentiment is out of the mainstream of American political thought. As the Texas letter points out, there are judges who agree with this twisted view of federalism — the same judges who can be counted on to do nothing when state officials target the LGBTQ+ community.

This rhetoric isn’t just happening on the fringes of red states; “jamming human rights where the sun don’t shine” is at the core of the conservative agenda. The Republican Party Platform, a 66-page conniption fit, mentions the word “marriage” 19 times and the phrase “one man and one woman” five times under three separate headings (“Religious Liberty,” “Marriage, Family, and Society,” and “Defending Marriage Against an Activist Judiciary”). If the GOP can get the gun to the head of marriage equality, you’d better believe they’ll squeeze the trigger. The question is: How will they go about it?

We know the answer already. In the Kim Davis case, our argument was essentially: “Look courts, you don’t want clerks deciding what the law is in their own counties, according to the dictates of their personal religious principles, leaving America a patchwork quilt of inconsistent, batshit-crazy rules, do you? Ha ha! That’d be silly!” And in 2015-16, even the Republican judges agreed with us. But things are different now.

What if the courts refuse to make a clerk’s office issue licenses? What if a mayor declares that all same-sex marriages in their city are null and void? What if a governor orders executive branch officials to destroy all formal recognitions of same-sex couples? If the federal courts elect to do nothing, Obergefell could be effectively overruled in a county, region or an entire state. The Supreme Court wouldn’t have to write a single word for that to happen.

There is a certain naïveté that comes with being a straight, white, male lawyer who has been entrenched in the system for so many years. Even as we stare down the worst that humanity has to offer on a daily basis, people of my age and pedigree tend to believe that the courts will still save us from the greatest injustices. We are obviously mistaken.

So this is my longform mea culpa for trying to soothe tensions when they didn’t need soothing. I was wrong. Your worst nightmares are likely to come true. The principal question we should ask as we live out those nightmares is one that won’t be answered by the courts: How do we wake up?

Read more of Salon’s coverage of conservatives and the courts:

 

Still hate Hillary? Get over it: She was right about Trump then — and she’s right now

If you still hate Hillary Clinton for some reason, time to get over it. She was right about Donald Trump and his movement in 2016, and she’s right now. 

During the presidential campaign five years ago, Clinton made the simple observation that a large percentage of Donald Trump’s followers could be considered a “basket of deplorables” because of their racism, white supremacy, nativism, misogyny, religious hatred and other retrograde antisocial values and beliefs.

As I wrote here several weeks ago, “In many ways, Clinton was too kind. If anything, she underestimated how many Americans were in fact committed and enthusiastic human deplorables“:

After that speech, Clinton was pilloried by the mainstream news media, some leading Democrats, and of course the Republican Party and right-wing propaganda hate machine. Clinton’s characterization of Trump’s “basket of deplorables” was described as insensitive and unfair to the “white working class” Americans that elites and out-of-touch Democrats had too often ignored.

That reaction to Clinton’s truth-telling helped to legitimate Trumpism and American neofascism (operating under the mask of “populism”) as something that was reasonable and understandable, rather than as a manifestation of racial resentment, a racist temper tantrum and a declaration of white supremacy. This reflected our society’s deep investment in a narrative of white racial innocence. In that logic, America is a great and exceptional country, and by implication, this is especially true of white people — especially those “real Americans” whose supposed patriotism and presumed Christian values render them a bit more American than anyone else.

In the weeks since then, evidence has only mounted on the seriousness of the Trump regime’s coup plot and how close the United States came to succumbing to a Republican fascist revolution. That coup attempt has not ended. Indeed, it is escalating, and America is fast approaching a point of no return.

RELATED: Hillary Clinton tried to warn us — and paid the price. Let’s at least call Republicans what they are

The response to my essay about Clinton’s warnings about Trump’s “deplorables” was an outpouring of rage from self-described progressives, leftists, liberals and others who claim to oppose Donald Trump. In essence, it was a lot of people who seemed to be psychologically decompensating or in the midst of an emotional breakdown. These reactions were rooted in unrestrained hatred toward Hillary Clinton — and, in this case, toward anyone who would dare to suggest she was ever correct about anything.

By this point, Clinton must be used to such reactions. To her credit — and unlike many other members of the American political elite — she is speaking out now even more boldly and clearly about the specific threat posed to American democracy and society by Donald Trump and the politically psychopathic Republican-fascist movement.

In a recent interview at the Atlantic Festival of Ideas, Clinton discussed the decades-long trajectory that brought America the disastrous events of Jan. 6:

… [U]nfortunately, I see a line from what I saw and tried to describe in the ’90s through the beginning of this century, the first 20 years of it, and the role that Donald Trump and his enablers and others played in creating this absolute cauldron of conspiracy and hatred and anger and looking for explanations and scapegoats. I sadly think that the seeds were planted long ago, but they have been watered vigorously in recent years.

She then focused on the years since her own presidential campaign, which have seen the Republican Party openly embrace a plan to nullify American democracy:

So the parallels between what happened in 2016 and 2020 are not often understood. And why that’s important is, the Republicans — and now we have to say the Republican Party, not just the Trumpers and all of those who are part of this effort to undermine our democracy, but the Republican Party — were shocked that they lost, because they never thought that they would lose by such narrow margins and, we know, accurately and legitimately in places like Georgia or Arizona. So what are they going to do now? Now they’re not only going to try to suppress votes on steroids; they’re going to try to change the way elections are determined. They’re going to try to give legislatures the power to basically throw out elections if they don’t go their way, because now they want to be able to win, even if they lose the popular vote and they legitimately lose the Electoral College.


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Clinton observed that she personally knew many of the leading Republicans “who are lining up and saluting Trumpism,” adding, “They’re giving up their values, their common sense. … It’s amazing.” She concluded:

We’re looking at a phenomenon that is fueled not just by political calculation, partisan advantage, personal survival as a politician. We’re looking at a cultural phenomenon even more than a political phenomenon. The audience for anger, for fear or hatred, is so large in America right now, and as I said earlier, sadly, much of the responsibility has to lie with the tech companies who have been the channels for creating that kind of information system that we are now living with.

Clinton is again showing herself to be an astute observer of America’s democracy crisis and the role of the Republican Party in a decade-long plan to undermine or overthrow the country’s multiracial democracy. And once again, too many people will, a priori, reject her insights because they remain afflicted with Hillary Derangement Syndrome.

But the important lesson here has little to do with Hillary Clinton in particular. Defeating the Republican-fascist movement will require political pragmatism, in the form of alliances between individuals and groups who in the near past have opposed one another — and who no doubt will again in the future — but are now united in defense of democracy, the Constitution and the rule of law.

America’s democracy crisis truly is an “all hands on deck” emergency. There is little room for ideologues except where all parties can work towards a shared goal of defeating the Republican fascists, along with their followers, allies and agents.

In an open letter first published at the New Republic and The Bulwark — co-authored by journalism professor Todd Gitlin, political scientist Jeffrey C. Isaac and conservative commentator William Kristol, and co-signed by dozens of prominent academics, journalists and activists — this argument for a common-front alliance was made explicit. It begins: 

We are writers, academics, and political activists who have long disagreed about many things.

Some of us are Democrats and others Republicans. Some identify with the left, some with the right, and some with neither. We have disagreed in the past, and we hope to be able to disagree, productively, for years to come. Because we believe in the pluralism that is at the heart of democracy.

But right now we agree on a fundamental point: We need to join together to defend liberal democracy.

Because liberal democracy itself is in serious danger. Liberal democracy depends on free and fair elections, respect for the rights of others, the rule of law, a commitment to truth and tolerance in our public discourse. All of these are now in serious danger.

The primary source of this danger is one of our two major national parties, the Republican Party, which remains under the sway of Donald Trump and Trumpist authoritarianism. Unimpeded by Trump’s defeat in 2020 and unfazed by the January 6 insurrection, Trump and his supporters actively work to exploit anxieties and prejudices, to promote reckless hostility to the truth and to Americans who disagree with them, and to discredit the very practice of free and fair elections in which winners and losers respect the peaceful transfer of power.

In an essay for Common Dreams, Isaac explains how this “friendly collaboration” between ideological foes came about:

Some of our signatories have long been aligned with the anti-war movement and with the Sanders wing of the Democratic party. Some have been aligned with the more centrist Obama-Clinton-Biden wing. Some were supporters of John McCain or Mitt Romney, and some — most notably Bill Kristol — were supporters of George W. Bush and of Ronald Reagan before him. …

We have not checked our differences at the door. And yet we have come together precisely because we regard these differences as important, and we believe that if the forces of Know Nothingism, racism, and reaction associated with Trumpism prevail, we will all suffer. Our political differences are real. And our joint commitment to democracy is grounded in those very differences.

Many who will read this will be angry about what some of our signatories have said or done in the past. This is understandable. … This does not require us to like all of those with whom we join—though we have made some real friendships through this collaboration—nor does it require us to forget about their pasts or our own pasts.

It simply requires us to acknowledge the ethical and political importance of coming together, across differences, to defend the things that we value in common.

Perhaps Benjamin Franklin said it best, at another moment when some very different people came together to oppose the tyranny of their time: “We must, indeed, all hang together or, most assuredly, we shall all hang separately.”

As the first drafts of history are being written about this dire historical period, one important theme will be about how many pro-democracy Americans worked together, often quietly or in secret, from the highest levels of government, including the military and the national security agencies, to the local and state levels and across civil society more broadly, in an effort to stop the Trump regime’s plot to nullify the 2020 presidential election. 

Those afflicted with Hillary Derangement Syndrome should feel free to bray at the moon, scream into the wind or do whatever else is necessary to get that energy out of their system. But this is a moment to join in alliance with others, across ordinary lines of politics and ideology, to stop the Republican-fascist movement. Sometimes the enemy of my enemy really is my friend.

More from Salon on the fissures within TrumpWorld — and its grave dangers:

My playwriting student wrote a scene — about his year in solitary confinement

Steph wrote a scene about being locked in Ad Seg — administrative segregation — in Trenton. He was sent to Ad Seg for 365 days in 2009 after being found in possession of a contraband cell phone he had bought from a guard for $200 while he was in Newark’s Northern State Prison. There are guards willing to sell prisoners contraband items from cell phones to drugs, including heroin.

Nearly every student in the class had spent some time in solitary confinement — what are known euphemistically as control units. Those accused of committing an infraction are first sent to “the hole,” a prehearing control unit, until they are found guilty or innocent, which is almost always determined by the statements submitted by the corrections officers. Prisoners in the hole are not permitted to have any personal property or phone privileges. They are held there for between five and thirty days before being returned to the general population, or, if found guilty, transferred to Ad Seg. Prisoners can remain there for many years.

The prolonged isolation is psychologically damaging, fostering aggressive and self-destructive behavior. Prisoners can receive up to ninety days in Ad Seg for even minor infractions. It is not uncommon to spend a year, sometimes longer, in Ad Seg, especially since a single infraction — say, a fight — can cause prisoners to be charged with numerous infractions such as an assault charge, a fighting charge, and a disruption of the institutional movement charge. Prisoners who engage in only one fight can violate in that one instance so many infractions that they spend as long as three to five years in Ad Seg. It was banned by a law on Isolated Confinement in New Jersey in August 2020, but it has been resurrected in the New Jersey prison system under a new name, Restorative Housing Unit.

RELATED: “Time” filmmaker on families affected by incarceration: “Being together is a type of resistance”

Ad Seg cells are six feet by eight feet. They include a bed, sink, and two small shelves. There are no windows. In the summer, it is so hot the metal walls sweat, and temperatures can rise to ninety-five degrees. Steph had a small fan in Ad Seg. He could purchase a small bag of ice for seventy-five cents. He would rub the ice on his face as it melted quickly. In the back wall was a depression that was three feet tall, two feet wide, and eighteen inches deep. That was his toilet. It did not flush. It was cleaned out every few days. The stench of feces and urine filled the tiny cell. He was locked in for twenty-three hours a day. The noise of the voices reverberating off the walls and down the corridors was deafening and constant. The cell was infested with mice. The meals were often rancid, and all portions were so small that he was constantly hungry. Another prisoner kept a mouse on a string as a pet, a detail that Steph wrote into the play. Steph was strip-searched every time he left the cell, forced not only to stand naked but also to open his mouth, run his fingers through his mouth, lift up his genitals, and bend over and cough. Guards, to belittle him, often forced him to repeat the process from the beginning so that he would be putting his fingers in his mouth after having handled his genitals.

“I saw inmates losing their grip on reality while in Ad Seg and how it damaged their mental health,” reflected Steph, who would go on to graduate summa cum laude from Rutgers University. “They would play with their own feces, and even tried to kill themselves. The psychiatrist would walk through a tier once a week, slow down without stopping by each cell, and ask through the bars: ‘Are you okay in there? Do you feel like harming yourself?’ Inmates would never answer affirmatively. This was because one’s neighbors could hear this inquiry, and not being able to deal with Ad Seg was a sign of weakness, which one should not display in prison.

“I became antisocial. I felt uncomfortable around people once I got out. I became more callous and had difficulty holding a conversation for some time. It made me angrier. I hated those in authority by the time I got out of solitary. To me, any person who could live with subjecting a human being to such dehumanizing conditions was evil. Ad Seg was the most savage moment of my life.”

It was eleven o’clock at night, and everyone was locked in their tiny cells in the Ad Seg in the scene Steph wrote. The prisoners were yelling up and down the hall for things they needed. Steph shouted out that he wanted a newspaper.


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Items were passed up and down the corridor by “fishing,” in which seven or eight narrow strips of cloth, ripped from a sheet down its length, were tied together in a line. A bar of soap was tied to the end of the line. The prisoner wrapped the end without the soap around his left hand and lay down on the floor facing the bars. Then he reached between the narrow opening in the bars and began tossing the long cloth line out of the cell. Once it was out, he grabbed the end with the soap. Lying on his stomach, with his right arm reaching out of his cell through the bars, he lifted his left arm in the air. He let the soap dangle on about ten inches of line. He twirled the line in a lasso motion, with the soap swinging in midair, and tossed it down the hall until the soap slid as far as the line allowed. Steph had attached a laundry bag to the end of the line. When the line was returned and the laundry bag came back, he took out the newspaper and read a story about an eighteen-year-old named Amir, the same age and name of his son, being shot dead in Newark. But even then, it did not fully register. “It’s a common name. It’s a common name,” he desperately repeated to himself. He called home the next morning.

“I was readin’ the paper …” he said to his daughter.

“Yeah, that was him,” she said.

“That must have been hard,” I said to Steph after he had read the scene.

“It was a trying time,” he conceded.

Steph did not attend the viewing for his son. The cost was prohibitive. Prisoners get fifteen minutes to visit a dying family member or a deceased family member in a funeral home. No one else, other than the corrections officers, is allowed to be present. The prisoners are charged the overtime pay for the corrections officers that accompany them, which costs hundreds of dollars.

More on mass incarceration and the new Jim Crow: 

Biden is letting tourists cross the U.S.-Mexico border. Why is he keeping out asylum seekers?

This week, the Biden administration is making a major change to U.S. immigration policy: allowing fully-vaccinated tourists, businesspeople and long-separated family members to enter the country over the U.S.-Mexico border. 

Dropping that COVID-era ban will allow relatives who haven’t seen each other in months to reconnect and provide a much-needed economic boost to border communities, many of which are essentially binational cities that depend on trade between the two countries. 

One group of people, however, will still be shut out of the country despite having arguably the most pressing need to be allowed in: asylum seekers who have made the arduous journey to the border because of legitimate fears of being harmed or even killed if they remain in their home countries. The Biden administration has shunned the pleas of immigration advocates throughout the U.S. and retained the Trump-era Title 42 policy, which allows the U.S. to turn away asylum seekers (regardless of vaccination status) without giving them the chance to make their case for protection.  

RELATED: Top State Dept. official rips Biden’s “illegal” and “inhumane” deportations on his way out

Administration officials assert that asylum seekers are in a different position from other travelers, and therefore should be treated differently. This is because Customs and Border Protection (CBP) plans to detain them, after crossing the border, in crowded holding tanks — which are even less safe than usual during a pandemic caused by airborne illness. 


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This argument, however, makes about as much sense as saying you shouldn’t buy a house because it would be wrong to burn it down for the insurance money. After all, nothing requires CBP to confine people in the first place, least of all in such dangerous and unsanitary conditions. 

In any case, the Biden administration has had more than nine months in power to find safer ways to process asylum claimants than keeping them in crowded pens. Indeed, officials have repeatedly asked for more “time” from attorneys challenging the Title 42 order, precisely because they promised they were still working to “build capacity” to process asylum seekers safely.

It’s unclear what the Biden administration did with all that time they demanded — and received. It seems it was squandered, because now officials tell us they can think of only two possible policy choices, neither of which is acceptable from a human rights or public health perspective: summary expulsion or detention in crowded, dangerous facilities.

Even worse, some Title 42 expulsions are carried out by flying people overseas. As a result, people risk catching the virus on airplanes and further imperiling the public health of impoverished and largely unvaccinated countries in the global south, including Haiti. 

This is why most public health experts oppose the Title 42 order, saying it is a migration deterrence strategy masquerading as public health. Most recently, even the nation’s highest-ranking medical official, Dr. Anthony Fauci, has stated that “expelling [migrants] is not the solution” to the pandemic. 

When Trump was still in office, he tried in essence to halt all immigration during the pandemic, pausing green card processing and banning asylum. Biden subsequently ended Trump’s green card ban, but he left other restrictions in place, including Title 42.

The cost in human suffering of these anti-immigrant policies has been incalculable, yet they show precious few rewards for public health. Broad travel and asylum bans do little to slow the spread of COVID-19 when it has already penetrated every human population; nor are they necessary in a world where highly-effective vaccines exist to mitigate the risk of the virus. 

If concerns about public health truly underlay Biden’s immigration policy, the U.S. could easily make vaccines more widely available to would-be asylum seekers. Yet it chooses to ban them categorically instead. When one group of people is singled out in this way for no good reason, it’s hard to avoid the conclusion that motives other than public health are at play: racism, class bias, xenophobia and the most cynical kind of politics.

That shouldn’t be the legacy of an administration that promised to build a more welcoming immigration policy, nor of one that rose to power on the votes of a broad multiracial coalition. When it comes to immigration, Biden can — and should — build back better.

Read more on Biden and immigration: 

She “betrayed” us: Kyrsten Sinema’s angry constituents left shocked and dismayed

Sen. Kyrsten Sinema’s (D-Ariz.) frustrated constituents are voicing their concerns about her failure to take the concerns of her supporters into consideration.

Speaking to The Guardian, Allie Young, a 31-year-old Democrat who voted for Kyrsten Sinema, voiced her disapproval of the lawmaker’s “inaction.”

“She has betrayed her constituents,” Young, said during a phone interview this week. “The sort of inaction that she’s taking right now is an action and it’s making the BIPOC community, especially in Arizona, distrust her more and more as the days go by.”

For months now, Sinema has been criticized for her adamant pushback against Democratic-backed policies and her unwavering support of the filibuster. Her notable shift has left many voters baffled.

Young also noted the seemingly abrupt shift in Sinema’s political perspective.


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“Her campaign was something that attracted us because back then she seemed to be a little more progressive than she is now,” she said. That’s the part that we’re all having trouble understanding. What happened?”

Sinema and Sen. Joe Manchin’s (D-W.Va.) ntrist-leaning views have led to many political hurdles for Democrats. Although the party controls both chambers of Congress, the two embattled lawmakers have played a dominant role in blocking Democratic progress on critical policies and proposed pieces of legislation due to their support of the filibuster.

However, local organizers and Democratic strategists are already mulling over ways to resolve Arizona’s Sinema problem. Channel Powe, a former Arizona school board member and current spokesperson for Just Democracy, recently detailed the $1.5 million progressive incentive to pressure Sinema on the filibuster.

“We’re going to make it politically impossible for Senator Sinema to continue to stand by the filibuster. In this week of action, we are creating a surround sound effect that pushes Senator Sinema on the filibuster. We wanted to share the terrifying consequences of the world that Sinema is enabling.”

Powe added: “Once upon a time, she was a mentor of mine in a 2011 political fellowship that I participated in. I looked up to her. Kyrsten used to be a fierce fighter for the people. But once she got to Congress, she turned her back on the very same people who helped her get her in office.”

More on Sen. Kyrsten Sinema:

DOJ officials offer justifications for why Steve Bannon’s criminal referral is languishing

Faced with pressure from lawmakers as well as political commentators over the fact that it has been sixteen days since the House voted to send Steve Bannon’s criminal referral to the Department of Justice only for nothing to happen, CNN is reporting that DOJ officials are pushing back.

Earlier on Saturday, CNN political analyst Chris Cillizza noted that MSNBC commentator Kurt Bardella expressed disgust that no indictment has been issued for contempt of Congress with a tweet that bluntly stated, “How the f*ck is Steve Bannon still a free man?” CNN is now reporting the DOJ officials believe they have good reasons for the delay.

According to CNN’s Zachary Cohen and Evan Perez, the DOJ isn’t ignoring its critics but is instead proceeding slowly out of fear they won’t get it right and have their case thrown out or dismantled.

The CNN report notes, “…the longer it takes for the Justice Department to make a decision on whether to prosecute Bannon, the more questions swirl around whether this was the right strategy for congressional investigators. Democratic critics, already frustrated with Attorney General Merrick Garland over other moves, have focused their impatience over the Bannon referral on Garland because he has ultimate say on whether Bannon is prosecuted.”


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DOJ officials were prepared for the criticism because they have already become aware of Garland’s “methodical” approach to cases and the Bannon case presents its own set of problems, they explained.

“Justice Department officials tell CNN that prosecutors don’t feel pressure to act more quickly. Given that criminal referrals are rare and even more rarely enforced by the department, the Bannon decision will be dissected for years to come so the lawyers have to be sure they get it right, officials say,” CNN report before adding that a change in leadership at U.S. Attorney level also has caused a delay.

‘The referral also came amid a transition at the Washington, DC, US Attorney’s Office, which is handling the matter. The Senate approved the new US attorney, Matthew Graves, on October 28 and he took office Friday, ” the CNN report states before adding, “At Justice, the two weeks it has taken to review the referral isn’t seen as consequential, officials say.”

The report adds “members of the House select committee that’s investigating the Capitol riot believe a quick indictment of Bannon is needed — not only to send a message to other potential witnesses but also to reaffirm the power of the congressional subpoena.”

You can read more here.

More from Salon’s coverage on the aftermath of Jan. 6:

7 puns that make sense in more than one language

Puns tend to make some people groan while thoroughly delighting others. For anyone in the latter camp, little could be more amusing than a pun or joke that delivers laughs beyond a standard play on words. Bilingual jokes and puns that somehow, through comedy and linguistic magic, work in two languages, or contain multiple languages as a part of the joke, are the crown jewels of any (jo)kingdom (see what we did there?). Check out these punderful jokes that involve at least two different languages [PDF].

1. Dutch fish don’t say “Hi”

In the Netherlands, English-speakers should be sure not to yell “Hi!” when swimming in the ocean. Let this Dutch and English joke be a lesson to us all:

“Two fish are swimming in the sea, one is from Holland, the other is from England. The English fish sees the Dutch fish, waves his fin, and says, ‘Hi!’ The Dutch fish panics and says, ‘Where?! Where?!'”

In Dutch, the word haai (which sounds like “hi”) means “shark.”

2. This story stinks

Anyone who appreciates a good joke would also surely consider Pig Latin a legitimate language, right? In this joke about a teacher and student, you get English, Pig Latin, and French.

“A student was working on her English paper, but gave up as she was finishing the assignment and simply wrote ‘Isthay Orystay Inkstay’ at the end of the paper. As a comment, the teacher wrote ‘Outré!'”

Of course, the Pig Latin portion of this story translates to “This story stinks.” The teacher’s clever response not only means “outrage” in French, but also sounds like “true,” as it would be said in Pig Latin.

3. Greek pants

Speakers of Greek and English with a penchant for the Classics will enjoy this short joke about a Greek dramatist who ripped his pants.

“A Greek playwright entered a tailor shop. The tailor asked him, ‘Euripides?’ The tragedian responded, ‘Yes, Eumenides?'”

4. French eggs

This fun little pun about breakfast will make both French and English speakers chuckle:

“Why do French people prefer to have small breakfasts? Because one egg is un oeuf!”

Un oeuf means “one egg” in French, and it is pronounced very similarly to “enough” in English. This joke is even cuter when you consider that French breakfasts do tend to be on the small side.

5. S-O-C-K-S

If you’re bilingual in English and Spanish, this joke about a Spanish-speaker trying to buy calcetines (socks) will induce giggles (and probably also some eye-rolling).

“A Spanish man went into a clothing store where the salesperson only spoke English. Walking up to the nearest sales clerk, the man said, ‘Quiero calcetines, por favor.’ The clerk shook his head and said, ‘I don’t speak Spanish.’ The sales clerk and the man walked around the store, the clerk pointing at jackets, sweaters, pants, and shoes, hoping to find what the Spanish man needed. Finally, the clerk pointed at a table of socks, and the Spanish man exclaimed, ‘Eso, si que es!’ Wide-eyed, the sales clerk said, ‘If you could spell it, why didn’t you say so before!'”

In Spanish, Eso, si que es basically translates as “That’s what it is!” But it also sounds like a person spelling out s-o-c-k-s.

6. The impact of gas

Anyone who speaks English and Swedish will get this joke right away, but if you only speak English, keep in mind that in Swedish, fart means “speed,” and smäll (pronounced like “smell”) translates to something like “impact”:

“It’s not the fart that kills, it’s the smäll.”

7. Purr-gatory

This is perhaps the queen of all multilingual puns. Magically, it works in at least five different languages: English, Spanish, Portuguese, Italian, and French. The joke is about a cat who dies (sorry, kitties!), and goes to…

English: “Where do cats go when they die? To purrrgatory.”

Spanish: “¿De dónde van los gatos cuando mueren? Purgatorio.”

Portuguese: “Para onde os gatos vão quando morrem? Para o purgatorio.”

Italian: “Dove vanno i gatti quando muoiono? Nel purgat(t)orio.

French: “Où vont les chats quand ils meurent? Au purrrchatoire.”

While in English and French, the joke plays off of the purring sound cats are known for, in the other languages, it can play off of both that and that language’s word for cat (in italics above; though the French word purgatoire is funnier when slightly mispronounced with chat, the word for “cat,” inserted). When a pun can work in multiple languages at multiple levels? That really is the cat’s meow.

A version of this story ran in 2016; it has been updated for 2021.

26 inventive recipes to use leftover mashed potatoes

According to our Absolute Best Tests columnist, Ella Quittner, there are 11 ways to make mashed potatoes (I won’t spoil which method she crowned champion).

But with all those buttery, fluffy mashed potatoes come leftovers — and during the winter months especially, lots of leftovers.

What to do with that stash of refrigerated mashed potatoes? Instead of letting them languish in an old food storage container until they become dry and unsalvageable (which I’ll never forgive myself for doing one year after Thanksgiving) . . . cook with them! That’s right. Leftover mashed potatoes make a great addition to many a recipe, and in fact, there are plenty of dishes that call for them specifically.

With the holiday season right around the corner, here are 26 recipes that creatively (and most important, deliciously) use leftover mashed potatoes — from the fluffiest focaccia recipe you’ll probably ever make to a rich chocolate cake (seriously) with silky glaze.

1. Mashed Potato Cakes With Broccoli and Cheese

According to our co-founder, Merrill Stubbs, these crispy-cheesy mashed potato cakes are the absolute best way (behind shepherd’s pie, of course) to give leftover mashed potatoes new life.

2. Leftover Mashed Potato Flatbread

It’s in the name: This light, fluffy flatbread scented with rosemary requires one cup of leftover mashed potatoes, with or without the skin.

3. Chocolate-Mashed Potato Cake with Ganache

Mashed potatoes in your dessert? Heck yes. A few dollops of plain (as in, unsalted) leftover mashed potatoes give this cake its tender, dreamy texture. And trust us, no one will guess the secret ingredient — unless you give it away!

4. Kronans Kaka (Swedish Almond Potato Cake)

This new riff on a traditional Swedish recipe (which was originally developed in the 1800s to cut back on flour use) calls on not-savory (meaning, no garlic, chive, or extra salty flavoring) mashed potatoes for an almondy cake drizzled in tangy jam or whipped cream.

5. Mashed Potato Focaccia

Meet your new favorite focaccia. With just a few simple ingredients (including, yes, one cup of next-day mashed potatoes), this easy focaccia is somehow as soft as a pillow and packed with flavor.

6. Spiced Potato Cakes

You’ll see more than a few ways to work leftover mashed potatoes into crispy, savory cakes here, but this warmly spiced version with cumin, coriander, and turmeric is one of the most versatile: Serve them warm with yogurt sauce (like raita or tzatziki), fried eggs, or chutney — the sky’s the limit.

7. Vegan Lentil Shepherd’s Pie with Parsnip and Potato Mash

This hearty (yet totally vegan!) lentil shepherd’s pie calls on freshly mashed potatoes, but you can easily liven up your leftovers with warmed-up non-dairy milk and mix them in.

8. Gnocchi with Leftover Parts

Since potato gnocchi typically calls for boiled-then-riced potatoes, flour, and perhaps egg yolks, it makes sense that you could utilize your leftover mash for gnocchi in a fix, right? Right.

9. Sweet Potato and Chickpea Cakes

Keep these sweet potato and chickpea cakes in your back pocket during the holiday season, when marshmallow-topped casserole season is in full swing.

10. Potato Gateau

Swap in leftover mashed potatoes for a freshly whipped version in this cheesy, buttery potato casserole that makes enough to feed four very hungry people, or six with a soup or salad on the side.

11. Sour Cream Dinner Rolls

With over 90 reviews, our community can’t seem to stop talking about these lightly tangy sour cream dinner rolls, which get some of their structure from leftover mashed potatoes.

12. Bert Greene’s Potato Scallion Cakes (Fritterra)

If you wake up the morning after Thanksgiving with a stash of leftover mashed potatoes in the fridge (which is highly likely), fry up these potato scallion cakes with a fried egg or two on the side.

13. Canal House Turkey and Potato Soup

From the minds of Melissa Hamilton and Christopher Hirsheimer, this turkey and potato soup recipe is one of the most inventive ways to use up Thanksgiving leftovers, included that stockpile of mashed potatoes.

14. Brandade Croquettes

If you’re lucky enough to find salted cod and have leftover mashed potatoes in the fridge at the same time, you have a moral imperative to make these snack-etizer-worthy (snack for when you’re alone, appetizer for when you’re hosting company) croquettes.

15. Potato Mash with Leek Confit and Bacon

Take it from one reviewer: “THIS WAS AMAZING. Absolutely amazing. This will DEFINITELY be a repeat at our place. Hubs said it was an 8 on the ol’ one to ten scale.” Yeah, we’ll take an eight.

16. Pull-Apart Thanksgiving Leftover Stuffed Bread

Another creatively delicious solution for that horde of Thanksgiving leftovers: make these golden pull-apart rolls stuffed with everything from leftover mashed potato and cubed turkey to hunks of stuffing and candied sweet potatoes.

17. Potato, Mushroom, and Caramelized Onion Pierogi

Making these toothsome pierogis is as simple as it is impressive: Simply fold sautéed mushrooms and caramelized onions into soft mashed potatoes and tuck the filling into a yogurt-based dough.

18. Thanksgiving Leftovers Breakfast “Burritos”

When it comes to Thanksgiving leftovers, we’re taking a cue from longtime Food52er fiveandspice: “If you have a large amount of leftovers that you need to put a dent in, why not start with breakfast?”

19. Nouveau Irish Soda Bread

Another wonderfully carb-y use for leftover mashed potatoes comes in the form of this moist, brightly flavored Irish soda bread studded with diced celery and scallions.

20. Cape Malay Doughnuts (Koesisters)

Traditional among Cape Malay families in the Western Cape, these spice syrup-infused, coconut-dusted doughnuts use mashed potatoes, which many believe are the secret to their bouncy softness.

21. Savory Potato and Onion Knishes

This recipe is a beautiful use of everything bagel seasoning, and a great way to use leftover mashed potatoes to make crisp, tender, ultra-comforting potato onion knishes (especially if your mashed potato recipe calls for cream cheese). Add the onion, leek and Parmesan mixture to the leftover potatoes and stir well to combine before filling the dough.

22. Spicy And Sweet Potato Colcannon with Pancetta

This riff on traditional Irish colcannon featuring meaty pancetta is perfect for using up leftover mashed potatoes of any kind, savory or sweet. It makes a hearty, satisfying bed for eggs the next morning (or two), and you can easily omit the pancetta for a vegetarian-friendly side dish that just might steal the show.

23. Creamy Potato Soup with Bacon Vinaigrette

If you’re doing lots of holiday cooking and hosting guests, there’s more than a chance you’ve got bacon in your fridge or freezer. Whip up this simple, rib-sticking soup that’s a phenomenal use of flavor-packed turkey stock, and add a little smoky heft and richness-cutting acid with an easy bacon vinaigrette.

24. Japanese Potato Salad

Japanese potato salad may not resemble the potluck and picnic staple we’re familiar with, but it’s well-worth making this tangy, vinegar-spiked potato salad-mash hybrid for a range of delicious reasons. When using leftover mashed potatoes to make it, use a little less Kewpie mayo (since you’ve already added “creamy” ingredients) and omit the extra salt.

25. Thanksgiving Leftover Potato Fritters

For the simplest solution, any leftover mashed potatoes can gain a new life in the frying pan. Combine the potatoes with an egg, some breadcrumbs, and whichever spices and seasonings you like. Try seasonally inspired combinations like cranberry sauce and minced sage, shredded cheddar and paprika, and garlic and chives.

26. Aunty Meera’s Aloo Tikki (Potato Cakes)

This riff on an aloo tikki recipe from former Food52 editor Nikkitha Bakshani’s aunt makes a few additions — coriander, cumin, lemon peel — that result in an addictively crispy, spiced snack.

Former “Doctor Who” companion wants the next Doctor to be non-binary

The search for the next Doctor is on. After Jodie Whittaker’s run as the Thirteenth Doctor on “Doctor Who” season 13, plus a few specials after that, it will be time for a new Doctor to step up. And people have a lot of thoughts about who it should be.

One of those people is Pearl Mackie, who played companion Bill Potts alongside the Twelfth Doctor, Peter Capaldi. Bill made history by being the series’ first openly gay companion. (That’s bar Captain Jack Harkness, who was never officially a companion.)

Now, Mackie (who recently came out as bisexual last year) has revealed that she’d love to see a take on the Doctor not adhering to any gender roles. As she told The Telegraph:

I would like to see both a female and a non-white doctor… That’s the thing about Doctor Who, isn’t it? There’s so much room for change. The Doctor’s regenerations allow the show to move with the times. In fact, I think it would be great to have someone nonbinary playing the part. The Doctor doesn’t really identify with human constraints at all. So I feel that could be a logical next step, wouldn’t it?

Choosing the next Doctor on “Doctor Who”

It’s been brought up many times in recent conversations that it’s time to give the Doctor a new look. “Doctor Who” has already challenged the status quo by making the Doctor a woman by casting Jodie Whittaker. And in the previous season, they even revealed a hidden life where the Doctor was a Black woman (played by actress Jo Martin).

And so, quite frankly, the Doctor can be just about anyone they want to be. As Mackie mentioned, at this point, the Doctor isn’t really constrained by gender. And considering the Doctor is actually an alien hailing from the planet Gallifrey, that makes it quite hard to slap a human gender label on a character that doesn’t really need one in the first place.

All that being said, there’s still a fine line to walk here. Some people are comfortable doing away with gender labels and other constructs, while others feel there’s something of value to the representation of their gender and sexual identity onscreen. So at the end of the day, we know not everyone can be pleased all at once. But if the Doctor continues to have a long future, we may just see a diverse legacy being built in front of our very eyes.

21 best Thanksgiving cocktail recipes to toast the roast

When you’re planning your Thanksgiving menu, you’re sure to get the basics — the turkey, of course. Something like mashed potatoesa couple of green vegetablessweet potatoes, perhaps with marshmallows or a brown sugar crumble, a crisp salad, and at least a few types of pie. You’ll probably also give some thought to drinks, both alcoholic and not. A couple varieties of whites and red (may we recommend a white bordeauxunoaked chardonnay, and Pinot Noir) come to mind. But what about cocktails? Whether you want to make one big-batch punch or sangria that everyone can enjoy, or are ready to unleash your inner mixologist and offer a few signature cocktails for the feast, these Thanksgiving cocktail recipes are the menu upgrade you’ve been waiting for.

Our best Thanksgiving cocktails

1. Whiskey and Apple Cider Syrup

Grab a gallon of apple cider and get ready to make the most autumnal cocktail your bar cart has ever seen. You boil down the cider into a thickened syrup and then mixed with rye whiskey over ice and garnished with a cinnamon stick.

2. Bourbon Cocoa Cider

Two cold weather favorites join forces for one warm and cozy cocktail. If you want to go all out, make your own cider too (we’ll tell you how!).

3. Spicy Apple Cider Margarita

Margaritas aren’t just for tropical vacations, taco Tuesdays, and fruity mixers. Apple cider and a couple of pinches of cinnamon make it just right for fall gatherings.

4. Paper Plane Cocktail

It only takes four ingredients — bourbon, Amaro Nonino, Aperol, and lemon juice — and less than five minutes to make this Thanksgiving cocktail, which comes from New York’s Little Branch, an underground cocktail bar.

5. Mulled Wine Sparkler

There’s no better celebratory cocktail for Thanksgiving than mulled wine . . . make that sparklingmulled wine. A combination of prosecco and red wine will join hands for your festive fête.

6. The Mountainside Cocktail

Recipe developer John deBary uses Japanese whiskey and orange bitters for a woodsy, intensely aromatic Thanksgiving cocktail.

7. Spiced Pear Bourbon Collins

St. George spiced pear liqueur and bourbon are the ultimate duo for an earthy Thanksgiving cocktail. Barkeep, make it a double!

8. French 52 Cocktail

You’re probably familiar with the uber-chic French 75 (champagne, gin, simple syrup, and lemon). This twist on the elegant classic cocktail introduces an earthy wine syrup and a trio of citrus fruit for a drink that will pair well with a classic roast turkey or cornbread stuffing.

9. Honey Apple Margarita from Natasha David

“This drink is inspired by my time living in Seattle,” says bar director Natasha David. “Washington state is of course well known for all of its beautiful apples,” she adds, so it’s no surprise that they’re the star of this margarita.

10. Apple Rye Punch

When you picture the perfect Thanksgiving cocktail, what flavors come to mind? Apple cider, probably some warm spices like cinnamon and nutmeg, and maybe bourbon or rye, right? Lucky for you, this recipe has it all.

11. Autumn Ash

“Scotch is often an acquired taste. The peat-smudged smoke can be too intense for some people. However, the hint of apple and elderflower in this drink sweetens the smokiness just enough to appeal to a broader range of palates,” writes recipe developer Greg Henry.

12. Red Wine Sangria

The beauty of sangria is that you can really make it your own. Choose your favorite type of red wine (though this probably isn’t the time to use a robust vintage Bordeaux), a few autumnal fruits (John deBary chose apples, oranges, and luxardo cherries), and something bubbly like sparkling water or prosecco.

13. Spiced Pecan Margarita from A-K Hada

Homemade pecan and tea orgeat (made from black tea, pecans, and vodka) turn an otherwise classic lime margarita into a complementary cocktail for your Thanksgiving feast.

14. Whiskey Punch

Whiskey lemonade is on constant rotation throughout summer but it also works so well as a Thanksgiving cocktail, thanks to the bright citrus notes that offset so many savory flavors on the dinner table.

15. Figgin’ Delicious

“I spent most of the fall playing with cranberry, pumpkin, pears, and figs in gin cocktails. This one is one of my favorites, combining muddled figs with a hit of maple syrup, tart lime, and spicy ginger beer, all circling around the complex flavors of gin,” writes recipe developer fiveandspice.

16. Spiced Bourbon Cocktail with Pomegranate Syrup

Want to get a head start on prepping for Thanksgiving? Make the pomegranate-cinnamon syrup up to two weeks in advance so that all you have to do on Turkey Day is shake it with bourbon, lime and grapefruit juice, and a couple of dashes of bitters.

17. Jeff Bell’s Spey Cider

Our editors call this warm-and-cozy whiskey cocktail just right for sipping curled up next to a fire, as snow gently falls outside your window all winter long.

18. Winter Spritz

Campari and blood orange juice seem like the makings of the perfect summer cocktail, but when paired with hard apple cider, it’s suddenly just right for Thanksgiving too.

19. Islay 75

If we have to choose just one liquor to rely on throughout autumn, it would be applejack whiskey.

20. New York Sour

Rye whiskey is the quintessential fall liquor. Sorry, but I don’t make the rules. A little bit of lemon syrup, simple syrup, and red wine are mixed with the rye for easy Thanksgivin’ drinkin’.

21. Simple Holiday Mulled Wine

When you’re looking for a big-batch, crowd-ready cocktail for Thanksgiving, red mulled wine is here to save the day. Cinnamon sticks, star anise, ground cloves, and fresh orange zest add just the right amount of sugar, spice, and everything nice.

Watercore, explained: The unwanted physiological disorder that actually makes apples taste sweeter

In ancient proverbs and classic folklore, brown apples are a metaphor for misconduct, sin and demise. 

Take for example, this old-school idiom: “One bad apple spoils the whole barrel.” The phrase likens institutional corruption with a rotten and deceptive version of the fruit — one that looks perfect on the outside but is browning and spoiled inside. 

Negative connotations surrounding brown apples have painted these anomalies as undesirable and inedible. But contrary to this stereotype, certain brown apples can actually be a remarkable gustatory experience.

Often, browning, brown-tinged or flesh-tinged apples are the result of a rare physiological disorder known as watercore. And while many farmers work hard to avoid their apples going watercore, a few enterprising ones have found that some consumers actually flock to them for their syrupy, sweet flavor. 

The phenomenon of watercore specifically “presents as a translucent appearance at the core and/or flesh of the fruit,” according to a 2020 study conducted by scientists from Japan’s National Agriculture and Food Research Organization (NARO). Although Fuji apples are the most prevalent cultivar exhibiting watercore, all types of apples are susceptible to this disorder. Watercore is typically found in apples grown in extreme temperatures which in turn accelerates their maturation periods.

Environments with cool temperatures — specifically ranging between a low of 40 degrees to a high of 50 degrees Fahrenheit — are ideal for driving watercore production, explains Dr. James Mattheis, a research leader specializing in tree fruits research at the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA). The cool temperatures, usually seen at night, enhance flesh softening and speed up the apples’ ripening process.


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The same effects are also seen in extreme high temperatures exceeding 90 degrees Fahrenheit, Dr. Mattheis adds. Clear skies with ample amounts of sunlight help stimulate more photosynthesis within the fruit’s leaves and quicken the apples’ development. 

“That combination of those types of daytime environments with, then, relatively low nighttime temperatures really is favorable for the development of watercore,” Dr. Mattheis reiterates in an interview with Salon.

Affected apples also contain an excess amount of sorbitol — a naturally occurring sugar alcohol that’s commonly found in berries and pome fruit varieties.   

“Sorbitol goes through the plant, into the fruit and normally, it gets processed inside the cells,” says Dr. Mattheis. “What happens when we have watercore is that the process of flooding in the cells doesn’t occur like it would normally.”

Instead, excess amounts of sorbitol in watercored apples accumulate within the intercellular spaces of their vascular tissue. The resulting fruit flaunts a sweeter taste compared to its non-disordered counterparts. It also changes the way the apple appears when cut into: as visible in the photo above, watercored apples have a slightly odd, brownish and watery pattern inside that is generally symmetrical.

Additional traces of fatty acids — such as ethyl and methyl esters — along with galactaric, erythronic and dehydroascorbic acids also contribute to the apples’ sweetness. In Japan, the market for mature watercore apples is especially high, as their flavor is considered desirable. Such apples are often advertised as “aroma-rich and pineapple-like,” according to the NARO study. In other Asian countries, watercore apples are frequently bred with popular non-watercored apple varieties to enhance their overall sweetness and flavors. 

However, in the United States — where longevity and aesthetics are favored amongst retailers over flavor — the demand for watercore apples still remains low. And in agricultural literature, the condition of watercore is usually described as a problem, not a plus; a 2020 horticulture paper from a Michigan State University researcher calls watercore “a persistent problem” and a “serious… physiological disorder.” 

A key downside of watercore apples is preservation. Commercial fruit is often stored in oxygen-rare environments, often in a high–carbon dioxide atmosphere instead, which helps with longevity of storage. Yet watercore apples are sensitive to carbon dioxide gases. High quantities of carbon dioxide inside the fruit renders them toxic. When watercore apples are stored in confined spaces, where oxygen levels are relatively low, their flooded vascular tissues restricts the movement of carbon dioxide gas and promote buildup, explains Dr. Mattheis.

“It’s a real kind of balance between having the fruit that is, in the opinion of lots of people, just wonderful taste-wise compared to the commercial desire to have a longer storage life,” he adds.

But that alone shouldn’t discourage anyone who has never experienced the joy of savoring a watercore apple from biting into one right this second. After all, as Dr. Mattheis says, “if you ever tasted a watercore, you would never want to have anything other than that. That’s how good they are.”

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