Spring Sale: Get 1 Year, Save 58%

“Parental rights” started on the Christian fringe — now it’s the GOP’s winning issue

Not that long ago, the notion of “parental rights” as a conservative organizing principle was primarily associated with subcultures of the religious right. In the late 2000s, Michael Farris, founder of the advocacy group Home School Legal Defense Association (HSLDA) as well as Patrick Henry College — the homeschool-marketed institution briefly attended by Rep. Madison Cawthorn of North Carolina — started another nonprofit, ParentalRights.org. 

That group’s primary purpose was to advocate for the passage of a constitutional amendment declaring, “The liberty of parents to direct the upbringing, education, and care of their children is a fundamental right,” which no international treaty or law could supersede. Farris’s HSLDA published tip-sheets advising parents what to do “when social workers come knocking” (basically, don’t answer), and took frequent aim at the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), which Farris claimed would prevent parents from “reasonably” spanking their children and would place decisions about making kids wash dishes or go to church under the purview of an “18-member international panel.” He even wrote a novel with an anti-homeschooling villain named after Hillary Clinton, who upends society by signing the CRC.

But as the last few months — and even the last few days — have made clear, parents’ rights is a fringe issue no more. This Monday, former Republican senator David Perdue, now running for governor in Georgia, unveiled a new “Parents’ Bill of Rights” that would require schools to make teaching materials and other information about educators and school funding available to parents. Perdue’s proposal echoed a federal bill, the Parents’ Bill of Rights Act, introduced last November by Sen. Josh Hawley, R-Mo., as well as numerous bills recently passed or proposed in states including Florida, Indiana, Iowa and Missouri, and, as of last week, Pennsylvania

In a Daily Caller op-ed promoting a national Parents’ Bill of Rights — maybe Hawley’s, maybe his own — House Republican leader Kevin McCarthy called for all schools that receive federal funding to post a list of any reading materials available to students, vowing that “the Republican Party will be the Party of Parents and Education.” 

RELATED: Theocrats are coming for the school board — but parents are starting to fight back

Besides the slew of bills-of-rights, there’s the Oklahoma bill that would empower parents to force public school libraries to pull books they object to, on pain of $10,000-per-day fines (payable to the complaining parent), and would blacklist recalcitrant librarians. There’s the Indiana bill banning the teaching of “divisive concepts,” which also gives parents and community members more say over curriculum than educators, and requires schools to obtain parental permission before offering students mental health counseling. (This bill drew national attention for the contention, from one of its supporting legislators, that teachers should be impartial when teaching about Nazism.) And back in Florida, which helped spark the new parental rights movement by passing its own Parents’ Bill of Rights last summer, Gov. Ron DeSantis is introducing “the Stop W.O.K.E. (Wrongs Against Our Kids and Employees) Act,” which would allow parents to sue school districts if they believe their child is being taught critical race theory or, perhaps, other inappropriate content “smuggled” into class lessons. 

Much of this activity can be traced back to the Manhattan Institute, a conservative think tank whose senior fellow Christopher Rufo helped turn critical race theory into one of the preeminent educational debates in 2021 (and who was present onstage when DeSantis announced his “Stop W.O.K.E. Act” last month). In early January, Rufo tweeted that his “goal this year is for 10+ state legislatures to pass curriculum transparency bills, requiring public schools to make all teaching materials easily available to parents via internet. It’s time to get the political predators out of the shadows — and return power to families.” 

To that end, Rufo’s colleagues have drafted model state legislation requiring schools to make public all teaching and teacher-training materials — with optional language allowing politicians to make clear that they mostly care about materials related to “matters of nondiscrimination, diversity, equity, inclusion, race, ethnicity, sex, gender, or bias.”


Want a daily wrap-up of all the news and commentary Salon has to offer? Subscribe to our morning newsletter, Crash Course.


In terms of the larger political landscape, all of this relates back to Republicans’ new driving focus on parental rights — already evident by early 2021, when Rufo’s advocacy began netting a nationwide trend of vicious school board confrontations, but cemented in early November, when Virginia Republican gubernatorial candidate Glenn Youngkin rode a wave of fury over perceived restrictions to parental input on education to victory in a state governed by Democrats since 2009.

As education reporter Jennifer Berkshire, co-author of the 2020 book “A Wolf at the Schoolhouse Door: The Dismantling of Public Education and the Future of School,” wrote this December, “In Youngkin’s upset win, the GOP saw its path to forever rule. And it was lined with angry parents.” It was a recapitulation, Berkshire observed, of parents’ rights campaigns past, like paleoconservative Pat Buchanan’s failed 1996 presidential campaign, that were clearly rooted religious right activism. 

But that history is repeating itself too. While the conservative parental rights’ advocacy that’s gained the most attention to date relates to teaching about U.S. racial history or pandemic public health measures, it’s also animating a new set of right-wing attacks on LGBTQ issues. The author of the Oklahoma book-banning bill openly acknowledges that he has only focused on books that address sexual orientation or gender identity, comparing titles like “Trans Teen Survival Guide” to “Fifty Shades of Grey.” And some Christian right groups seem to be tying their causes to the rising star of parental rights.

In November, the Christian right legal advocacy organization Alliance Defending Freedom — helmed, since 2017, by Michael Farris — helped two sets of Wisconsin parents file a lawsuit against their school district over its policy on recognizing trans students. In one case, the parents withdrew their 12-year-old child from the district after the school said it couldn’t adhere to their request to refer to the child by a female name and pronouns, which ADF saw as a violation of their “foundational right” to raise their child as they see fit. 

The case is one of three lawsuits ADF is highlighting as part of its recently-launched Center for Parental Rights, which its website describes as “working to achieve a Generational Win” on parental power in education and beyond. Another of the center’s cases, filed in December, concerns a Virginia district’s curriculum around race. The third, inexplicably, involves no parents but a Loudoun County, Virginia, gym teacher who was placed on administrative leave after publicly announcing that he wouldn’t use students’ preferred pronouns. 

In a statement, ADF vice president of communications Mike Friel said, “Our legal advocacy in this area has increased in recent years in response to a growing number of situations like those in Wisconsin, where a school district in Madison implemented a policy that directs staff to treat students as the opposite sex at school — including using a different name and/or pronouns, allowing the student to use locker rooms and restrooms based on the child’s declaration, and even allowing males to room with girls and vice versa — all without the parents’ knowledge or consent. In some cases, the policy even instructs staff to mislead parents by using different names and pronouns when addressing students in the presence of their parents.” 

It’s not just ADF. The Parental Rights Foundation — the educational arm of the Farris-founded ParentalRights.org — also recently tied anti-trans advocacy to parental rights in an August podcast featuring Emilie Kao, at the time director of the Heritage Foundation’s Richard and Helen DeVos Center for Religion and Civil Society. On the show, Kao, who has since joined ADF to focus on critical race theory and “gender ideology,” said that both of those issues — “think of them as two branches of the same tree,” with “roots in Cultural Marxism” — posed dangerous threats to parental rights. 

Kao claimed that schools “socially transition a child” against their parents’ wishes, “giving them a different name, different pronouns, dressing them in different [clothes]. … There’s a lot of friction between parents and kids in a family dynamic when transgender ideology seduces children. But then when it gets to the school context, or the medical context, we really see that teachers, administrators and medical professionals are treating parents as the enemy if they won’t affirm the idea that a child can change sex.”

But the recent wave of conservative school board protests, Kao said, had brought unprecedented attention to the threat schools pose to parental rights. “I think it is a real moment in history. …Parents are having their eyes opened across the country and we’re just seeing tremendous activism from parents that they can’t allow their children to be indoctrinated into these ideas.” 

There’s considerable cherry-picking on these issues among right-wing activists, observes Gabriel Arkles, senior counsel at the Transgender Legal Defense and Education Fund. “They are super-selective when they want to support parental rights,” he said. They certainly do not want to support the rights of parents that support trans kids, only the rights of parents that don’t want their trans kids to exist.”

Parents don’t have the right to control the policies of public schools, and if they did it would be chaos,” Arkles continued. “On any number of topics, from what to teach to disciplinary rules, in a whole bunch of different areas, what one set of parents thinks is best for their kids is different than what other parents would see the school do.”

That, said Diane Redleaf, founder of the Family Defense Center, is an indication of how elastic the rhetoric of parental rights can be. “‘Parents’ rights’ as a political slogan is very different than the question of parents’ legal rights,” said Redleaf, who’s spent most of her career working with families who have become entangled in an often overzealous child welfare system. 

“As a political slogan, I think it’s being used like a community claim,” she said, “not an individualized claim about my specific rights to my child.” Redleaf is actually the founder of  a left-right child welfare reform coalition that has partnered with conservative groups like the Parental Rights Foundation. “What seems to be going on now,” she said, “fits more with this Republican agenda of tearing down government institutions as a political matter, in the name of parental rights.”  

But “parental rights” must be understood as part of a political agenda, said Jeremy Young, the interim executive director of the Coalition for Responsible Home Education, a reform advocacy group founded by formerly-homeschooled children, which is to say one of the populations most intimately familiar with the results of Michael Farris’ advocacy. This new focus on parents’ rights, Young suggested, represents the mainstreaming of positions that until recently were considered extreme: wrapping “these grab bags of everything conservatives are afraid of happening in the public schools” in demands for near-total parental authority.

“The amazing thing is, this is still being driven by the Farris network,” Young said, noting that ParentalRights.org’s state chapter in Florida was instrumental in getting that state’s Parental Bill of Rights passed — which, in assuring the “fundamental rights of a parent to direct the upbringing, education, health care, and mental health of a minor child,” was a near copy of Farris’s original proposed amendment language. “Then, because of DeSantis and his star power, all of a sudden it’s a national, popular issue for congressional leaders. … Basically, it’s left the space of HSLDA and ADF, and moved into mainstream conservatism, because it’s suddenly become electorally successful.” 

“There’s this fundamental assertion from homeschooling parents that no one is better equipped to shape their child’s education. No one knows them better. No one knows their needs better,” said Robert Kunzman, an education professor at Indiana University and author of the 2009 book “Write These Laws on Your Children: Inside the World of Conservative Christian Homeschooling.” “And if there’s one thing that homeschoolers will go to the mat on, almost in unison, it’s that stance. So it doesn’t surprise me that Republicans have found this to be a potent anti-institutional, anti-expertise angle to take, particularly given the sense of aggrieved minority status that some are trying to inculcate.”

But if today’s Republican Party is banking on the power of a new parents’ rights coalition that draws together those variously aggrieved about teaching on race, accommodation of LGBTQ students, public health mandates and more, Kunzman warned that such coalitions were also prone to fracturing. In Virginia, the local chapter of Robert F. Kennedy Jr.’s anti-vaccination group, Children’s Health Defense, has already begun petitioning the newly-inaugurated Gov. Youngkin to not just ban vaccine mandates for children, but to forbid any state health officials from describing COVID-19 vaccines as “safe.” 

“The one thing that strikes me about parental rights is that when they’re fighting against some amorphous, evil group on the left, it’s one thing. But all the parents who want ‘parental rights’ don’t agree either,” said Kunzman. “It’s almost inevitable that the splintering will happen when you get down to brass tacks about what good parenting really looks like.” Or which teachers’ freedom of conscience matters. Or which books to ban. 

Read more on Republicans’ assault on education:

Are Dems really “winning” redistricting — in the face of voter-restriction laws and GOP extremists?

In the wake of the 2020 census, the redistricting process by which congressional districts are redrawn has not been as devastating for Democrats as many observers feared. Nonetheless, the consequences could still be dire for democracy: The latest round of Republican gerrymanders threatens to undermine the political power of voters of color and push the Republican Party even further toward the Trumpist extreme.

Despite months of alarm that Republicans could retake control of the House through redistricting alone, recent analyses by the nonpartisan Cook Political Report with Amy Walter and the left-leaning Data for Progress have found that the redistricting cycle has gone surprisingly well for House Democrats.

Rather than redrawing Democratic districts into Republican ones, the GOP has largely focused on shoring up existing districts created in the ultra-aggressive 2011 redistricting cycle while the few Democratic-led states that haven’t ceded redistricting to independent commissions, such as Oregon and Illinois, have aggressively tried to add likely Democratic seats. Even thought Republicans are redrawing 187 House seats, compared to 75 for Democrats, that’s a significant improvement over the five-to-one advantage the GOP held in 2011.

As a result, “redistricting is going surprisingly well for Democrats,” wrote Joel Wertheimer at Data for Progress, noting that some states were already so red that it was virtually impossible for Republicans to add seats. “There will be a few more Biden-won districts after redistricting than there are now,” wrote the Cook Political Report’s Dave Wasserman.

RELATED: Democrats feared gerrymandering bloodbath — but new analysis finds “surprisingly” good news for them

But the surprisingly good news actually isn’t all that good — and not just because both analyses also predict that Republicans will likely win back control of the House this year regardless of redistricting patterns. Wasserman cautioned that Democrats already hold 11 of the 15 “newly Democratic-leaning” seats, meaning there are only a handful of pickup opportunities, while Republicans currently hold just one of the nine “newly GOP-leaning” seats.

“Because Democrats currently possess the lion’s share of marginal seats, estimating the practical effect of new lines in 2022 still points towards a wash or a slight GOP gain,” Wasserman wrote. And states that have not completed their redistricting, like Florida, Tennessee and New Hampshire, could further cut into Democratic gains.

“We start with a baseline of bad maps,” Michael Li, a redistricting expert at New York University’s Brennan Center for Justice, said in an interview. This new round of redistricting will “take gerrymanders in states like Texas and shore them up,” he continued. “Republicans aren’t trying to convert Democratic seats into Republican seats, but they are defensively gerrymandering to make sure they hang on to what they have.”

In Texas, where Biden got 47% of the vote, Democrats would have to win about 58% of the vote to be favored to win in more than 37% of House districts. In North Carolina, Democrats could win 53% of the vote but get only 28% of the seats, while Republicans could win 72% of the seats with only 47% of the vote.

Focusing on the number of “Biden districts” doesn’t tell you much, Li said, “because the number of [Democratic] districts was artificially depressed” in the last round of gerrymandering.

Voting rights groups and voters have already sued over North Carolina’s new congressional map, raising the prospect that a court could redraw certain districts. State courts threw out an older congressional district map in 2019 as an unconstitutional partisan gerrymander, and in 2016 forced lawmakers to redraw their maps over an unconstitutional racial gerrymander. Voting rights groups who sued after the latest round of redistricting said the new maps were “indefensible” and a “grotesque partisan gerrymander.”

Multiple lawsuits are also challenging extreme Republican gerrymanders in Ohio and Georgia. But while Democrats were able to beat back several gerrymanders last decade in court, legal remedies are limited after the Supreme Court ruled in 2019 that federal courts have no jurisdiction over partisan gerrymanders (which are deemed to be “political” matters), although they may still hear cases about racial gerrymanders. As a result, most of these lawsuits will be heard in state courts in primarily red states, where Republican governors appointed a large proportion of the state judges.

Federal courts could ultimately weigh in on some maps where voting rights groups have alleged racial gerrymanders.

Most legal analyses of the latest round of gerrymanders, Li said, “don’t take into account how these gerrymanders are being accomplished, which is predominantly at the expense of communities of color.”


Want a daily wrap-up of all the news and commentary Salon has to offer? Subscribe to our morning newsletter, Crash Course.


Even though Texas gained two congressional seats in the census and people of color (mostly Latinos) accounted for 95% of the state’s population growth, for instance, Republican mapmakers created creating two more white-majority districts where Republicans are likely to win. The Justice Department last month filed a lawsuit alleging that the state’s new maps violate the Voting Rights Act.

“Texas has violated Section 2 by creating redistricting plans that deny or abridge the rights of Latino and Black voters to vote on account of their race, color or membership in a language minority group,” Attorney General Merrick Garland said in a statement.

These lawsuits come as Democrats ramp up their latest push to advance voting rights legislation, which includes a ban on partisan gerrymandering. Democrats would need to change the Senate’s filibuster rules to advance their bills but they’ve run into stringent opposition, and not just from notorious filibuster fans like Sens. Joe Manchin of West Virginia and Kyrsten Sinema of Arizona. Li said he worries that the “not so bad” analyses could undercut the urgency of passing voting-rights bills and warned Democrats not to take any “victory laps” just yet.

“When people say, ‘Well, these articles say it’s not so bad,’ talk to a voter in Texas,” he said. “Better yet, go talk to a voter of color in Texas — which could be a really deep blue state, and Republicans would still have a two-to-one advantage in the congressional delegation. Ask a Texas voter if that seems fair or ‘not so bad.’ That’s a real danger, because people have taken one part of the story and presented it as the whole of the story, and I think that’s a dangerous thing to do.”

Former Congressional Black Caucus chairman G.K. Butterfield, a North Carolina Democrat, chose to retire last year after the Republican state legislature redrew his district in ways he said would hurt Black voters.

“The map that was recently enacted by the legislature is a partisan map. It’s racially gerrymandered. It will disadvantage African American communities all across the 1st congressional district,” Butterfield said last month.

In Georgia, Rep. Lucy McBath’s district was redrawn to be heavily Republican, forcing her to run in the same district as Rep. Carolyn Bourdeaux, a fellow Democrat. Voting rights groups filed a federal lawsuit earlier this month over the changes, alleging that the map is unconstitutional because it denies representation to Black voters.

“These maps intentionally discriminate against Georgians of color by silencing our voices at the ballot box,” Aunna Dennis, executive director of Common Cause Georgia, the lead plaintiff in the case, said in a statement.

The trend has been even more glaring on the state level. North Carolina mapmakers redrew the districts of four Black state senators and five Black state representatives in ways that could easily cost them their seats, the New York Times reported last month. South Carolina Republicans drew four Black state representatives into districts now represented by other Democrats. Ohio mapmakers also altered the districts of four Black state representatives or drew them into other districts.

The Justice Department, in its lawsuit against Texas, argued that the state’s legislative districts also violate the Voting Rights Act because they result in “minority voters having less opportunity than other citizens to participate in the political process and elect legislators of their choice.”

While the redistricting cycle winds down and litigation over the new maps ramps up, one key casualty of these new maps is already clear: competitive elections.

The number of competitive districts, defined as those where either Trump or Biden won by fewer than five points, has already fallen by about 58% this cycle and is on track to decline by a third, according to the Cook Political Report. In Texas, the number of districts Biden won by more than 15 points has increased from eight to 12 while the number of districts Trump won by 15 or more points has nearly doubled, from 11 to 21. In four of the most gerrymandered states — Texas, North Carolina, Ohio and Georgia — the number of districts where Trump won by 15 or more points increased from 27 to 39.

Though competitive seats have long been on the decline, it’s well understood that competitive elections tend to have a moderating effect on both parties. Parties are likely to nominate more moderate candidates when they face a competitive race in the general election, and are much more likely to nominate candidates that strongly appeal to base voters when there is little risk they will lose the general. For the Republicans, that could mean more candidates like Reps. Marjorie Taylor Greene of Georgia or Madison Cawthorn of North Carolina, who have no serious worries about losing to Democrats in their deep-red districts despite alienating large swaths of voters.

“You’re looking at a potentially much more fractious and much more extreme [Republican] caucus,” Li said. “This may be a case where Republicans were in the classic case of ‘Be careful what you wish for, because you may get it.’ I don’t think people have factored that in: They’re really surrendering to the MAGA wing of the party.”

Read more on the redistricting battle:

MyPillow maven Mike Lindell adds Alan Dershowitz to legal fight against Jan. 6 subpoena

Alan Dershowitz has joined Mike Lindell’s legal team as the MyPillow CEO fights a subpoena for his phone records from the House committee investigating that Capitol insurrection.

Lindell is suing the committee after Capitol riot investigators sought his Verizon phone records from between Nov. 1, 2020 and Jan. 31, 2021.

Dershowitz told KVRR he doesn’t share Lindell’s political beliefs, but agreed to join the case because the MyPillow CEO’s constitutional rights need to be protected.


Want a daily wrap-up of all the news and commentary Salon has to offer? Subscribe to our morning newsletter, Crash Course.


“It’s a great danger, particularly when the purpose is not legislative,” Dershowitz told the station. “We just don’t want Verizon to turn this over willy-nilly to a government agency, particularly a congressional committee as loaded and one-sided as this one is. … All Americans have the right to be protected against intrusion into their private lives, into their cell phones, into their texts, unless the government can demonstrate a compelling and legitimate reason.”

“There’s no question that they’re going after Lindell – not because he’s a Republican – but because he’s a Trump supporter and because he has raised questions, which I, as a liberal Democrat, might disagree with,” Dershowitz added. “But they’re legitimate questions under the First Amendment. Questions about the legitimacy of the last election. I’m in the case to defend his free speech, not the correctness of his ideas.”


Want a daily wrap-up of all the news and commentary Salon has to offer? Subscribe to our morning newsletter, Crash Course.


Lindell recently told the Daily Beast he is spending $1 million each month in an effort to prove the 2020 election was stolen from former President Donald Trump.

Dershowitz, the retired Harvard law professor who represented Trump in his first impeachment trial, made headlines this week because he reportedly lobbied the former president to pardon Jeffrey Epstein’s girlfriend, Ghislaine Maxwell.

“The 83-year-old lawyer — himself long accused of having sex with one of late pedophile Epstein’s teen accusers — pushed for the pardon after UK media heiress Maxwell was arrested in July 2020 for the sex-trafficking crimes she was convicted of last month,” the New York Post reported Monday.

Oceans were hotter in 2021 than at any time in recorded history

New research out this week shows that the world’s oceans last year were hotter than they’ve ever been in recorded history — part of a long-term warming trend driven primarily by planet-wrecking fossil fuel emissions.

According to an annual study published in the peer-reviewed journal Advances in Atmospheric Sciences, the past five years have been the five hottest for Earth’s oceans since measurements began in the late 1950s.

Since the late 1980s, oceans have been warming eight times faster than they did during the preceding decades, and 2021 marked the third consecutive year in which the previous record for annual energy absorption was shattered. These trends, the paper makes clear, are due to “an increase in anthropogenic greenhouse gas concentrations.”

“We want to stress that global warming is actually ocean warming, and ocean warming has serious consequences,” Lijing Cheng, a lead author of the report and professor of environmental science at the Institute of Atmospheric Physics at the Chinese Academy of Sciences, told CNN. “Ocean warming keeps breaking records, which is a reminder that the world needs action to combat climate change.”

RELATED: The climate crisis report card for 2021

The research on rising ocean heat content comes one day after the European Union’s Copernicus Climate Change Service published an assessment showing that the past seven years have been the hottest in recorded history.

Like rising global surface air temperatures, the ongoing ocean warming pattern is caused by carbon dioxide and methane emissions, researchers say. Greenhouse gas pollution has surged over the past two centuries due largely to fossil fuel-powered capitalism and its insatiable profit motive.

As excess heat is trapped in the planet’s atmosphere, oceans absorb 90% of it, leading to a sharp increase in ocean heat content, the paper explains.

“The impacts are perhaps subtle but profound,” Kevin Trenberth, a co-author of the new ocean report and scientist at the National Center for Atmospheric Research in Colorado, told CNN. “To stop this [trend], we really need to get to net-zero [emissions], and many countries have plans but not enough actions to support those.”

Before and during the recent COP26 climate summit, many governments pledged to reduce planet-heating pollution in the coming years, but new data showing a steady increase in greenhouse gas emissions and atmospheric concentrations reveals that empty promises won’t be enough to avert the climate emergency’s most catastrophic consequences.

If policymakers fail to take swift and robust action to decarbonize the world’s energy system and economy, scientists warn, ocean heat content will continue to climb, further exacerbating extreme weather disasters that are already increasing in frequency, duration and intensity.


Want a daily wrap-up of all the news and commentary Salon has to offer? Subscribe to our morning newsletter, Crash Course.


“Warmer oceans supercharge weather patterns to create more powerful storms, hurricanes and intense rainfall which leads to deadly flooding,” CNN noted, pointing to Hurricane Ida’s devastating effects along the Gulf Coast, the ensuing inundation of New York City’s subway system and Super Typhoon Rai, which killed hundreds of people in the Philippines over the holidays.

The Washington Post added:

The increase in ocean heat also raises air temperatures, allowing more moisture to enter the warmer atmosphere. For every 1.8 degrees of warming, heavy rain events will intensify by about 7%. 2021 marked one of the wettest years on record for the East Coast, thanks to a slew of tropical storms and summer thunderstorms.

The unusual December tornadoes that struck several states can also be traced back to the warm waters. In December, record warm temperatures in the Gulf of Mexico created an atmosphere more reminiscent of spring than winter. As such, two tornado outbreaks occurred in the southern and central United States in the same week.

Moreover, higher ocean temperatures threaten to disrupt marine life — which supplies a quarter of the world’s protein — and put millions of people at risk of accelerated sea-level rise.

“Ocean warming is destabilizing Antarctic ice shelves from underneath, which could lead to the collapse of large pieces of the ice sheet such as the Thwaites glacier, threatening massive… sea level rise,” Michael Mann, a climate scientist at Pennsylvania State University and one of the authors of the study, told the Post. “This finding really underscores the urgency of acting on climate now.”

CNN reported:

As the oceans heat up, the water expands and sea level rises. Cheng said about one third of the total sea level rise during the 20th century was due to ocean warming alone. In addition to more high-tide flooding, sea level rise threatens coastal freshwater supply with saltwater intrusion, and makes coastal communities and infrastructure more vulnerable to storm surge.

Cheng said part of the reason action is so urgently needed is because the oceans will continue warming for decades after fossil fuel emissions are slashed.

As Trenberth explained, “the oceans are slow to respond,” which is why “we must prepare better and build resilience” now.

The dangers associated with ocean warming, states the paper, “should be incorporated into climate risk assessments, adaptation, and mitigation,” and be reflected in “engineering design, building codes, and modifications to coastal development plans.”

Read more from Salon’s coverage of the climate crisis:

John Yoo, notorious George W. Bush legal advisor, destroys Jim Jordan’s Jan. 6 immunity defense

One of the most controversial legal figures during the George W. Bush administration has weighed in on the efforts of Rep. Jim Jordan (R-OH) to avoid testifying before the House Select Committee to Investigate the January 6th Attack on the U.S. Capitol.

Before refusing to cooperate, Jordan had claimed he had “nothing to hide” from the select committee, but has since announced he will refuse to cooperate.

In Tuesday’s Washington Post morning political newsletter, Jacqueline Alemany and Theodoric Meyer report that Congress is grappling with whether Jordan may have immunity from a subpoena due to the Speech and Debate Clause.

Attorney John Yoo, who faced calls for investigation over torture, analyzed Jordan’s situation.

“But Former Justice Department official John Yoo told The Early that the clause clearly does not extend immunity to lawmakers in this case,” the newspaper reported. “The clause was designed to protect the independence of the legislature but ‘not to protect the legislature from itself,’ said Yoo. The work of lawmakers in Congress ‘can be questioned in Congress…It’s a pretty easy answer and there’s a lot of practice,’ Yoo added.”

Read the full report.

WATCH: Trump attacks “gutless” Ron DeSantis for refusing to say if he got the COVID booster

Former president Donald Trump on Tuesday ripped into politicians who refuse to say if they’ve received a COVID-19 booster shot — a group that notably includes Florida GOP Gov. Ron DeSantis.

“I’ve had the booster,” Trump told One America News Network in an interview. “Many politicians, I watched a couple of politicians be interviewed and one of the questions was, ‘Did you get the booster?’ Because they had the vaccine, and they’re answering like — in other words, the answer is ‘yes,’ but they don’t want to say it, because they’re gutless. You gotta say it, whether you had it or not, say it.”

Trump’s recent statements in support of COVID-19 vaccines have prompted some of his supporters to turn on him.


Want a daily wrap-up of all the news and commentary Salon has to offer? Subscribe to our morning newsletter, Crash Course.


DeSantis, a potential GOP presidential candidate in 2024, has been far less enthusiastic about promoting vaccines.

DeSantis reportedly received the single-shot Johnson & Johnson vaccine last spring. In December, during an interview on the Fox News Channel, DeSantis was asked whether he had gotten a booster.

RELATED: Trump’s bad-mouthing Ron DeSantis to Mar-a-Lago guests, who suspect it’s about 2024

“I’ve done whatever I did, the normal shot, and that at the end of the day is people’s individual decisions about what they want to do,” DeSantis responded.

Last week, Politico asked DeSantis spokeswoman Christina Pushaw whether he had received a booster.


Want a daily wrap-up of all the news and commentary Salon has to offer? Subscribe to our morning newsletter, Crash Course.


“I am not privy to the governor’s private medical decisions and am unable to share information about his booster status,” Pushaw responded. “Governor DeSantis has consistently said that vaccination (and by extension, boosters) should be a personal choice, and anyone who has questions or concerns should consult with a healthcare provider.”

Watch below.

 

In a world that still traps animals, can science ever limit suffering?

An old coyote, a female, lived for years in the Sonoran Desert, in south-central Arizona. She would have subsisted on small mammals, insects, cactus fruit, and lizards. The spines of desert plants lodged themselves beneath her skin, and, with the years, her teeth grew worn.

Sometime on the night of November 3, 2020, while crossing a sheep ranch outside Casa Grande, the coyote stepped on a 24-ounce metal puck equipped with a pair of powerful music-wire springs. The trap was a 450 offset jaw model, manufactured by Minnesota Trapline Products and built, according to the company’s website, “to hold the meanest, nastiest coyote.” When her front right paw landed on the device’s metal pan, a pair of smooth-edged jaws snapped onto her sinewy ankle and held her fast.

In the morning, the trapper, a biologist, arrived. He took notes on the animal’s condition, and he shot her in the head.

In the 2018-2019 trapping season, licensed trappers caught more than 2.7 million furbearing animals — a category that includes coyotes, beavers, raccoons, mink, and wolves. They use devices like the Minnesota Brand 450, as well as traps that snare animals in loops of cable, or break their necks with the force of powerful springs, or hold them underwater to die. Many trappers skin the animals to use or sell the fur. Others, often working in pest or invasive species control, may just dispose of the remains. Occasionally, trappers eat the animals they catch.

The Casa Grande coyote, though, was bound for a walk-in freezer in Wisconsin. Months later, a researcher would slice the skin off its body, and a wildlife veterinarian would spend around an hour inspecting the animal, cataloging any injuries caused by the trap. Another researcher would then feed those results into a dataset, part of a 25-years-and-running effort to quantify the damage that specific traps inflict on animal bodies.

People have trapped animals for millennia, seeking both fur and food. In North America, where fur propelled 17th century European profit-seekers into the continent’s vast interior, wild pelts were grossing an estimated $200 million per year as recently as 1983. (Adjusting for inflation, that’s more than $500 million today.) Faced with slumping global sales, the market has cratered in recent years. Guy Groenewold of Groenewold Fur and Wool Company, the country’s largest wild fur buyer, estimates the North American wild fur market is today worth around $25 million.

Still, around 175,000 Americans trap, according to one 2015 estimate, and trappers continue to gather at annual rendezvous and maintain what some describe as a vibrant, if endangered, subculture. Trapping for pest control and to limit invasive species remains common, too, both in the U.S. and abroad. In 2020 alone, for example, the U.S. Department of Agriculture’s wildlife control division trapped and killed 22,067 beavers and 18,545 coyotes, according to federal data.

But since at least the late 19th century, some people have expressed concern about the pain that animals experience in traps. So in the 1970s and ’80s, scientists in several countries, backed by funding from governments and the fur industry, began studying the mechanics of animal traps — and the damages they impart — in detail. How long does it take for animals in lethal traps to die? Are some trapping methods better than others? And in traps that aim to restrain animals, rather than kill them outright, what kinds of injuries do they sustain?

In pursuit of those questions, researchers have drowned beavers, necropsied wolves, and probed the eyeballs of dying cats. They have developed an internationally recognized scoring system to chart the severity of trap-induced injuries, and they have established standard ways to gauge when an animal reaches the threshold of death.

Today, experts in the U.S., Canada, New Zealand, Russia, and other countries continue to analyze trap performance. Their work receives little public attention, and the data is rarely published. But regulators take the findings and use them to develop trapping rules and guidelines that, at least in theory, govern the killing of millions of animals worldwide each year.

The U.S. trap research program launched in 1997, under the auspices of the nonprofit Association of Fish and Wildlife Agencies, which represents the interests of North American fish and wildlife regulators. According to the program’s leader, Bryant White, the initiative has studied close to 10,000 dead furbearers, evaluated more than 130 traps, and enlisted the help of around 2,000 volunteers. So far, White said, the U.S. effort has cost around $15 million, mostly from federal funding. White describes it as “the largest trap research project ever conducted.”

The results inform standards called the Best Management Practices for Trapping in the United States, or BMPs — essentially, a seal of approval saying that certain devices offer an effective, efficient, and relatively humane way to trap a particular species of animal. Trapping advocates say programs like the BMPs have made trapping more humane, and that they demonstrate that trapping can be a modern, responsible way to manage wildlife populations and harvest fur.

But the perception of all this research is fiercely polarized, as with most things involving trapping. Many Americans continue to think of the practice as wholly unnecessary, and local disputes — such as the March 2021 revelation that Montana Gov. Greg Gianforte had illegally trapped and killed a black wolf near Yellowstone National Park — can swiftly spiral into referenda on the ethics of trapping. State legislatures perennially field bills that would restrict the practice, with occasional victories: In 2019, for example, the state of California barred recreational and commercial trapping. One pending bill in the U.S. House of Representatives (which appears to have little chance of passing) would ban certain traps on some federal lands; legislation proposed in October 2021, with similar odds, aims to restrict the use of specific devices, including the kind of trap used on that Arizona sheep ranch.

 

The scientific field itself is also riven by divisions. An insurgent group of wildlife biologists, led by the French-Canadian trapping expert Gilbert Proulx, is now challenging influential international standards, arguing that they’ve done little to protect animal welfare. Two years ago, Proulx and three colleagues published a paper contending that those standards “perpetuate animal pain and suffering on an enormous scale.” In November, Proulx convened a group of scientists for a virtual conference on how to improve mammal trapping.

Little of this is likely to satisfy animal rights advocates, some of whom see the very practice of trapping an animal as inherently cruel, regardless of the trap’s performance. And, as the broader culture grows more sensitive to the suffering of certain animals, it raises questions about how much animal pain societies should accept — and what science can, or cannot, offer in pursuit of that elusive question.


Over the years, people have come up with a diverse and sometimes ingenious array of tools to catch animals and hold them still: traps that pin down bears with heavy stones, snare the necks of ground squirrels, or use sticky lime to bog down birds on baited branches. In one classic treatise on the practice published in 1590 — fully entitled “A Booke of Engines and Traps to Take Polcats, Buzardes, Rattes, Mice and All Other Kindes of Vermine and Beasts Whatsoever, Most Profitable for All Warriners, and Such as Delight in this Kind of Sport and Pastime” — the English writer Leonard Mascall details one trap that strangles mice inside small holes, and another that looks like a three-pronged fish hook hanging from a tree. (A fox, Mascall claimed, will leap into the air to grab bait off the trap, “and when he catches the hooke in his mouth, he cannot deliver himselfe thereof.”)

Indigenous people in the Americas had been trapping for generations when, in the 17th century, European traders fanned out across North America to acquire the pelts of beaver and other animals, hoping to feed a seemingly bottomless demand for fur in Europe. As Europeans themselves began trapping more in the 18th century, many lugged bulky steel devices across the landscape, designed to clamp animals’ legs in their powerful jaws. The trappers’ methods could be violent but effective.

The early animal welfare movement in the U.S., said historian Janet Davis, focused on working animals like horses and mules. But eventually some advocates did turn their attention to trapping, which was often caricatured as a cruel pastime of poor country people. In 1925, a group of American animal advocates formed the Anti-Steel Trap League. The group pushed for legislation to ban those heavy metal traps, and anti-trapping advocates did have some early success: The first humane trapping legislation in the U.S. dates to 1928, when the South Carolina legislature banned steel traps.

Advocates also began offering rewards for traps that caught animals with fewer or no injuries. A 1934 issue of the Anti-Steel Trap League News praises a man named Vernon Bailey for designing a device that, he claimed, could snag an animal’s foot more gently than the steel-jawed devices. The invention earned him praise (and perhaps a monetary award) from the league. North of the border, a young trapper in Canada’s remote Northwest Territories, Frank Conibear, had been feeling frustrated — and disturbed — by the chewed-off animal limbs he sometimes found left behind in his traps. In 1929, he began prototyping a new device, drawing inspiration from old-fashioned egg beaters and his mother’s embroidery hoops. After years of improvements, the Conibear body-gripping trap debuted in 1958. The device looks deceptively delicate, almost like something you could fashion from a pair of sturdy wire coat hangers. When triggered, it clamps down on an animal’s neck or torso, essentially crushing it to death. The device soon gained a reputation as a lighter, faster-killing, and more humane alternative to many existing traps, and today, body-gripping traps are among the most popular devices on the U.S market, often used to kill beavers, otters, and other aquatic furbearers.

By the 1970s, though, public opposition to trapping was intensifying in the U.S. and other countries. It was a pivotal moment for animal welfare activism. The philosopher Peter Singer published his groundbreaking book, “Animal Liberation,” in 1975, arguing that animals have rights, and that most humans are guilty of speciesism. Five years later, Ingrid Newkirk and Alex Pacheco founded People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals, or PETA, which soon made headlines for its investigations and stunt-based campaigns.

Bruce Warburton, a trapper and biologist in New Zealand, was among the first scientists to publish research into humane traps. He began the work, he recalled in an interview with Undark, after the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals expressed concern about traps used to catch invasive possums. The SPCA said a certain new trap was more humane. Experts weren’t sure. Warburton volunteered to settle the question. In an early published paper on trap performance, he tests out seven kinds of traps, catching possums and taking fairly basic notes: In a live trap, how often was the animal injured, and how badly? In a killing trap, did the device seem to strike the animal in the right spot to kill it quickly? (The live traps left possums with “cut skin or fractured bone” around 70 percent of the time, Warburton found; the killing traps’ performance was mixed, but two models consistently clamped down on the animals’ heads or necks.)

Other teams were finding ways to identify more concrete numbers. In 1981, a Canadian committee recommended that animals caught in killing traps should lose consciousness within three minutes. Around that time, a pair of scientists at Ontario’s University of Guelph obtained several dozen wild-caught mink, muskrats, and beavers. They surgically implanted heart-rate and brain-wave monitors into each animal. The researchers also constructed a 3,200-gallon tank of water, equipped with a small platform, and placed two Panasonic video cameras next to the tank. They set traps that, when triggered, drove or held an animal irreversibly underwater.

One by one, the researchers put the animals in the tank. One by one, they entered the trap and plunged beneath the surface. As each animal drowned, the researchers monitored its heartbeat and brainwaves, trying to pinpoint the exact moments at which the animal stopped struggling, its brain activity ceased, and its heart stopped beating.

The mink and muskrats mostly appeared to lose consciousness within a few minutes of entering the traps. Beaver held on longer: On average, they struggled underwater for a full eight minutes, maintained brain activity for nine minutes, and exhibited a heartbeat for a quarter of an hour. One animal, labeled B25, struggled for nearly 13 minutes, and had a measurable heartbeat for 20. For mink and muskrat, the researchers concluded, drowning traps “fell within the tentative criteria of humaneness” established by the Canadian committee.

But for beaver, the researchers concluded, dying in a Conibear trap was probably better than running out of oxygen beneath the water’s surface.

* * *

As the Guelph researchers were drowning beavers, a small group of biologists was beginning to tackle a bigger question: Was it actually possible to scientifically study animal suffering?

At the time, some scientists were skeptical that animals had thoughts or felt pain at all — at least in a way comparable to human beings. Even among those who believed that animals could suffer, the new field faced doubters. “There may be other people, particularly scientists, who feel that it is quite impossible to study animal suffering in an objective scientific way,” Oxford University zoologist Marian Stamp Dawkins wrote in her 1980 book, “Animal Suffering.” But Dawkins would go on to argue that it was apparent to many people that animals had feelings. And even though animal pain can seem inherently subjective, she wrote, scientists could not simply opt out of studying it. In “Animal Suffering,” Dawkins called on researchers to use a range of methods to gauge how an animal experienced a particular stimulus. “We have to look, as it were, through many windows into a room that may look slightly different through each one,” she wrote.

The emerging field of animal welfare science soon developed a battery of metrics. Scientists chronicled injury to the body, of course. But they also recorded the levels of stress hormones in the blood and changes to heart rates. Researchers parsed animals’ choices to get hints at their preferences. In one 1986 study, for example, scientists restrained ewes using a device called a squeeze-tilt table, as well as by passing a strong, immobilizing electrical current through their bodies. When presented with a choice between the two methods, the sheep exhibited a preference for the squeeze-tilt table, suggesting that the electricity caused them greater distress.

At the same time these researchers were exploring the subjective experiences of animals, the trap research field was pushing toward a more mechanistic way of evaluating animal welfare. In 1983, Canada formally established a new trap research program. Three years later, at the request of Canada and several other countries, the International Organization for Standardization started the process of developing humane trapping standards. (Confusingly, the organization goes by the not-so-standard abbreviation ISO, rather than IOS.)

Headquartered in Geneva, ISO standardizes everything from the dimensions of cotton bales to the proper transport of uncrewed spacecraft. “I would give credit to Canada for thinking in those quantitative engineering terms,” said Gordon Batcheller, a retired wildlife biologist for the state of New York and a U.S. delegate to the ISO process. “After all,” he continued, “a trap is a mechanical device that has mechanical characteristics. What gets tricky is it’s being used for a biological system, namely an animal.”

Delegates met for years, trying to hash out a uniform way to judge trap performance. As their deliberations continued, the stakes grew higher. In 1991, the European Union passed legislation that would eventually ban the import of fur from countries that permitted foothold traps, which advocates often describe as particularly cruel. (Even the name is contested: Animal rights advocates tend to call them leghold traps, while trappers and many biologists usually refer to them as foothold traps.) The U.S., Canada, and Russia — all major fur producers, and all places where trappers enthusiastically deployed such devices — reacted with alarm. After some diplomatic wrangling, the E.U. offered its trade partners an alternative: They could keep using foothold traps, provided they followed “internationally agreed humane trapping standards.” But no such standards existed.

Eyes turned to ISO. “All of a sudden, the work of ISO became extremely high profile,” recalled Batcheller. The talks, though, were running into obstacles. Donald Broom, an animal welfare scientist at the University of Cambridge who served as an advisor to the ISO process, recalled that some experts disagreed over even the fundamental question of whether animals feel pain. “There were scientists present who would not accept that there was any real sense of pain in the animals which were being trapped,” he said. “So it was as divisive as that.”

Talks finally stalled, Batcheller and other participants recalled, over how to define “humane.” Eventually, the delegates reached a compromise: The committee would lay out a unified system for measuring harm. But it would not tell individual countries how to apply it.

For kill traps, the ISO group decided, the key metric would be time to irreversible unconsciousness, or TIU. For restraining traps, the committee compiled a list of 34 different injuries, assigning each a trauma score based on its perceived severity. Under the ISO system, a lost claw counts for 2 points. Severance of a minor tendon or ligament is 25 points. A simple rib fracture counts for 30. The committee reserved a score of 100 points for the most severe outcomes — a spinal cord injury, a lost limb, blindness, death.

But, crucially, the committee did not actually determine when a trauma score or TIU crossed the line from humane to inhumane. They left that instead to individual countries, which began acting even before ISO published its final standard. In 1997, Canada, Russia, and the E.U. finalized a treaty called the Agreement on International Humane Trapping Standards, or AIHTS. That treaty set thresholds for injury severity in the case of restraining traps and maximum time to unconsciousness for kill traps. And it required each party to set up “appropriate processes for certifying traps in accordance with the standards.”

U.S. regulators were also feeling pressure. In the 1990s, advocates in several states managed to get anti-trapping referendums onto ballots. Some passed. Many wildlife managers saw trapping as a crucial tool for managing wildlife populations, and they grew alarmed. Batcheller and other biologists, he said, came to believe they had to respond to the pushback. “We know that Americans greatly value wildlife, and they have concerns about how animals are treated,” he said. “That’s clear and that’s legitimate, and we needed to address that.”

They had one problem: Joining a treaty developed by Canada, Russia, and the E.U. was out of the question. While the U.S. federal government can sign treaties, it wields little control over trapping laws, leaving those regulations to each of the 50 states, as well as independent tribal authorities. Getting them all in line would be impossible. Instead, the U.S. developed a sister process to the AIHTS, called the Best Management Practices. Under this process, the Association of Fish and Wildlife Agencies would test traps, and then issue nonbinding recommendations. States could use those recommendations to inform their regulations, and regulators would encourage trappers to voluntarily purchase BMP-approved traps.

The U.S. and the E.U. reached a separate diplomatic agreement, premised on the BMPs, that allowed fur to flow from American trappers to European markets. The Americans and the Canadians started working closely together and sharing data: Canada would test kill traps at an existing research facility in Alberta. The U.S., meanwhile, would focus on traps that restrain, but don’t kill, their quarry.

* * *

Trappers sometimes shy away from public scrutiny, and finding data on trap researchers’ work can be difficult. The Canadian trap research program, which is partially funded by Canadian taxpayers, has not published a peer-reviewed paper since 2001, and does not release data on how traps perform, other than the final list of approved devices, because of proprietary issues with trap manufacturers. In Russia, which ratified the AIHTS in 2008, a press officer for the Ministry of Natural Resources and Environment said the trap research program existed, but that it had yet to publish any results.

In an email, Daniela Stoycheva, a press officer for the European Commission, declined to provide on-the-record answers to questions from Undark, or to make anyone available for an on-the-record interview. The E.U. does not have a unified trap testing system, instead leaving that responsibility to individual member states. (Some E.U. member states, such as Sweden, have implemented trap testing protocols, although it’s unclear how many national trap testing systems are currently functioning.)

For years, the U.S.-based Association of Fish and Wildlife Agencies didn’t publish much data either. But last winter, the association’s Trapping Policy Program Manager for the last two decades, Bryant White, along with Batcheller and 12 other coauthors, published a long, peer-reviewed report on the first 22 years of Best Management Practices research, offering granular data on the performance of individual traps. The data paints a varied picture: For some animals, like red foxes, many traps performed well, with a dozen comfortably receiving the greenlight. For other animals, many traps performed poorly — foothold traps for striped skunks, for example, consistently caused severe injuries in tests. Cage traps tended to perform better than traps that seize the animal’s foot, and smaller animals often sustained more injuries than large ones. The researchers also evaluated how often a trap, when activated, actually catches and holds its target animal, and how often traps catch non-furbearers, including pets. Overall, 40 percent of traps tested for a particular species have failed.

The paper speaks to White’s somewhat unenviable role of bringing science to bear on a contentious topic with deep passions and cross-cutting interests. Each year, White and a team of advisers select a group of traps to test, and animals to test them on, based on reports from trappers and researchers. White then tracks down expert trappers, and each winter during trapping season, they go into the field alongside a research technician and set the traps. The animals they catch are typically shot with a .22, frozen, and shipped to Wisconsin via UPS.

In phone conversations last spring, White was frank about the challenges of implementing a trap research program, and happy to share details about his past two decades of work. The program has been criticized by both animal advocates and trappers. Many among the former see any kind of trapping as a non-starter, worthy only of an outright ban. Meanwhile, trappers have sometimes viewed the BMPs as potentially paving the way to just that, at least for some devices. “The trapper organizations were some of our biggest opponents, actually,” said White, who grew up south of Nashville hunting and fishing himself, “because they felt like this was government regulation that was unnecessary.”

Still, the Best Management Practices are not binding, and over time, White and other BMP affiliates say, those relationships have warmed — despite the 40 percent failure rate. “It does highlight that these standards are fairly stringent,” White said. “I hope what happens is that the traps that aren’t meeting the standard are going to fall into disuse at some point, that trappers are going to look at those and decide, yeah, I want to use the best thing I can.”

During the trapping season each winter, White continues to send out trapper-technician pairs. In the summer, a group of veterinary pathologists and wildlife biologists gather to necropsy the past winter’s haul. In recent years, the necropsies have taken place in Ashland, Wisconsin, at a Wisconsin Department of Natural Resources facility just a few blocks from the shores of Lake Superior.

“I call it the necropsy party,” White said.

* * *

The animals for the 2021 necropsy party arrived on a Sunday, in enormous blue coolers: 28 coyotes, 42 raccoons, and 8 bobcats, along with a few gray fox, a handful of Nebraska badgers, and one ringtail — a small omnivore, resembling a lemur, that someone had caught in New Mexico.

By 8:00 a.m. on Tuesday, coffee was bubbling in an urn, and more than a dozen coyotes were thawing on a gray tarp. A breeze from two small fans ruffled their fur, and the air smelled faintly of dog. White and a few other workers were finishing converting the large garage — used to store and service government vehicles — into a necropsy and fur processing shop. They had covered the floors with tarps, and spread out knives, loppers, and combs on wooden work tables. There was sawdust on hand, to sop up blood and stick to stray globs of fat. They had also set up three examination tables, each made of hard white plastic and furnished with a small drain for excess fluid.

The three veterinarians had not yet arrived. “When they show up here, the noise level will go up a couple decibels,” said John Olson, a retired furbearer biologist for Wisconsin, as he stood by the thawing tarp. He wasn’t wrong: The vets arrived together, in scrubs, and began loudly greeting and hugging colleagues. Olson calls them “the Three Amigos”: Lindsey Long, a wildlife veterinarian for the state of Wisconsin, with an upper Midwest accent and a small piercing in one nostril; Dan Grove, with the University of Tennessee, bearded and tall; and Kelly Straka, at the time a wildlife veterinarian for Michigan, enthusiastic and quick to share details about canid teeth or raccoon joint flexion.

A crew of 19 had assembled by 9:00 a.m., and in a brief introduction, White described the process. Everything began with personnel identified as “skinners,” who would select an animal from the tarp and heave it onto a table. A veterinarian would then perform an external examination, checking for lacerations, broken bones, damaged fur, and other external signs of injury, and dictating observations to an assistant. Once the vet finished the external inspection, the skinner would gently comb through the animal’s fur with a metal instrument to remove dust and matted blood. Then, the skinner would make an incision in the fur and beginning cutting it away from the body, often while the vets stood by, watching for signs of damage on the gradually exposed flesh.

Eventually, the skinners would deliver the body itself, often skinned except for the lower legs and skull, to the necropsy tables. The pelt would go to a station in the back of the garage, where a seasoned Wisconsin trapper in a camo polo shirt, Dennis Brady, oversaw the preparation of the furs. There, fleshers, using long curved blades, would rub the remaining fat and connective tissue off the inside of the pelt. Brady, wielding a staple gun, would then stretch and affix the fur to thin wooden boards, where it would dry. The Association of Fish and Wildlife Agencies makes the furs available to wildlife agencies across the country for educational purposes.

As each skinned animal arrived on the necropsy tables, the vets inspected the tissues for signs of damage. To keep the process blinded, they knew only that the coyotes had been trapped by the foot, and whether it was a front- or hind-leg catch. Nobody told them which paw had been snagged, and none of the vets knew the model of trap under review. At times, a necropsy could take on the feel of a crime scene investigation. Was the line of hemorrhaging along one coyote’s side somehow related to the trap that caught its leg, or had it been caused by a shard from the .22-caliber bullet used to put it down? (Verdict: bullet.) Had another coyote’s hind leg broken before it died, or had it snapped somewhere in transit? (The lack of swelling indicated a posthumous fracture.) And what, exactly, had left such deep gouges in the hind leg of a trapped bobcat? (No one was sure; perhaps another bobcat?)

Straka seemed to be everywhere — inspecting animals assigned to her, popping in on other necropsies to see what they were turning up. Straka grew up in Minnesota; she has the outline of Lake Superior tattooed on one bicep. During the necropsying, she kept her blond hair pulled back with a stretchy purple headband and wore a pair of yellow rainboots decorated with cartoon chickens. She switched modes quickly: “How you doing little buddy?” she said one morning, gently running her hands over a coyote, before telling her assistant to note “a superficial abrasion on the lateral aspect of the right fifth metacarpal, approximately three centimeters in length.”

Straka was working as a wildlife veterinarian in Missouri when she met White, who soon recruited her to help with the necropsies. She was trained for BMP assessments by two older veterinarians, working alongside them to inspect animals. At the time of the necropsy event last July, she worked for the state of Michigan, monitoring tuberculosis in deer and overseeing a laboratory tracking animal diseases. (In September, Straka became the wildlife section manager for the Minnesota Department of Natural Resources.)

Trapping, Straka acknowledged, seems cruel to some people — but, she argued, it’s also a vital technique for controlling the populations of animals that, otherwise, would grow unsustainably. “Knowing that this is a technique that we need to manage populations, I want to be able to use the skills that I’ve been taught, the education I have, to make sure that it’s done as humanely as possible,” she said while she inspected the paws of a raccoon for signs of abrasion.

 

Because all the coyotes had been caught with foothold traps, those necropsies focused on the paws. By the time the animals arrived at the tables, most had been skinned down to their lower legs. Thin and muscled, they looked like flayed whippets. Sometimes, the trap had left visible abrasions on the outside of the foot. Other times, the damage seemed minimal until the vets peeled back the fur, exposing the delta of tendons and muscles that fan out beneath the skin. In some animals, the tissue was a healthy pink, the tendons taut and white. In others, the exposed flesh was dark with blood, the tendons damaged.

On the morning of the second day of necropsies, Straka was busy with a coyote that seemed to have sustained no injuries at all. Nearby, Grove was flummoxed: Even after cutting into the animal’s paws, he could not tell which had been in the trap.

In between them, Lindsey Long, the Wisconsin veterinarian, was working on the Sonoran coyote, which had been finally thawed, weighed (just 20.8 pounds, the same as some of the raccoons), and skinned. The catch had gone poorly: She had chewed her own paw in the trap. Frozen, shipped, and thawed, the limb now ended in a dark pulp of dried blood and hair. Slicing into the connective tissue with a scalpel, Long carefully peeled back the skin from the leg, working her way down the limb into the damaged area.

Trapped animals sometimes mutilate themselves when the trap cuts off blood — and sensation — to part of a limb. But such self-mutilation is rare in coyotes. A passing skinner looked in on the necropsy, and asked a question: Could the animal feel her paw the whole time she chewed it? Maybe, Long replied. It was hard to tell.

Earlier, White, who had trapped this particular animal himself, had come by. The coyote, he recalled, had tried to bite him when he first came upon it in the trap; she seemed almost berserk. In all his years of trapping, he had never seen one like it.

“That’s the kind,” he said, “that make you feel terrible.”

* * *

Such outcomes may be rare. But there’s extensive dispute over what to make of those kinds of severe injuries — and when they should disqualify a trap. Under the BMP process, researchers generally must necropsy a minimum of 20 animals before rating any particular device. No more than 30 percent of them can have injuries classed as “moderately severe” or “severe.” And once researchers tally up any lacerations, lost claws, or broken bones, the average injury score for all the animals necropsied needs to be 55 or lower. That means a trap can still pass despite a handful of bad outcomes. At least in theory, a device that causes 15 animals only mild bruising, and leaves 5 with broken bones and organ damage, could still squeak through.

To many trapping critics, those thresholds are far too lax. The problem with the BMPs, said Camilla Fox, executive director of the nonprofit Project Coyote, is “the amount of animal suffering that they still allow.” Fox wrote critically about the International Organization for Standardization process and related research as a co-author of a 2004 book, “Cull of the Wild.” The BMPs, she told Undark, are “woefully insufficient and fail to adequately address basic animal welfare standards.”

Some advocates also question the basic premise of such research. “As an animal advocate, I’m inherently uncomfortable talking about humane traps, trap testing, the Agreement on International Humane Trapping Standards, because I feel that it’s semantics,” said Lesley Fox, executive director of The Fur-Bearers, an animal advocacy organization in Canada. (Lesley Fox is not related to Camilla Fox.) Any trapping, she said, poses a basic moral problem for her. “We’re of the view that you could catch wildlife with pillows,” she said, “and a wild animal does not want to be restrained.”

For many wildlife biologists, those kinds of arguments can sound unrealistic. Even the best-designed traps will fail occasionally, they say. And trapping is an inevitable part of researching and managing ecosystems.

Their case goes like this: Human activities have dramatically altered natural landscapes, leading to explosions in the populations of certain species. Meanwhile, many people want to live close to nature, which leads to inevitable conflicts between, say, a human’s desire to have a passable driveway, and a beaver’s desire to dam the adjacent creek. To keep coyotes from overrunning cities, beavers from taking over backyards, and populations of raccoons from spiking in the suburbs, someone needs to manage their populations.

Americans can have a difficult time accepting that nature — or what we call nature — takes its current form through the routine interventions of well-trained technocrats. For many wildlife biologists, wildlife veterinarians, and others, though, this is simply a part of their professional work.

Sitting at his necropsy table in Ashland, Grove reflected on those broader stakes. A wildlife veterinarian for the Tennessee Wildlife Resource Agency, Grove grew up in Knoxville and did a stint as a wildlife veterinarian in North Dakota; he says he still has a knot of scar tissue on his chest after he fell off a pile of dead moose and onto a rack of deer antlers while working in a cold storage unit. “As a veterinarian, you go into veterinary medicine to help animals,” he said. What the public may not always understand, he continued, is that sometimes killing individual animals is necessary to allow the population as a whole to thrive. “I hate to say it that way,” he said. “But the reality is [that] wildlife management relies on population management.”

As he spoke, the necropsy team moved on from coyotes to raccoons — most of them plump specimens from Iowa, caught in loops of cable that cinch around an animal’s neck or midriff and hold it still. Beneath the skin, the cords had left faint furrows in some animals’ thick white fat.

While there’s currently little market for raccoon fur, there’s demand for trapping them. The animals can carry rabies, and, due to the decline of many of their natural predators, their population has exploded across North America. Unchecked, raccoon numbers sometimes boom and bust: big population peaks, followed by viral epidemics and waves of raccoon death. They’re considered pests by many people, and wildlife managers say they rely on trappers, in part, to keep raccoon numbers from climbing too fast. In the 2018-2019 season, licensed trappers killed more than 647,000 raccoons, according to data from the Association of Fish and Wildlife Agencies, making them the most-trapped species of furbearer in the U.S.

Grove gestured toward a raccoon lying on the necropsy table, its skin cut away from the fatty flesh and pulled up over its head, like an inverted dress. “This individual, to me, represents what’s going to happen to the next 50 animals that get trapped with this trap. And so that’s what I’m concerned about,” he said. “Yes, we have sacrificed this one individual, but we may have just saved 300 individuals that may have been injured by that trap.”

* * *

Not everyone agrees that widespread trapping is essential for population control. Some scientists and advocates dispute that coyote-killing programs are actually effective at keeping their numbers down. Thomas Serfass, an otter researcher at Frostburg State University, in Maryland, argued that furbearer biologists sometimes understate the natural checks and balances that limit wildlife populations — and sometimes overstate the harm that animals cause, in order, he said, to promote trapping. “My biggest concern is portraying the animal as a natural resource, as a nuisance, to justify an activity,” Serfass said.

Serfass and other researchers also doubt that programs like the BMPs are the best way to assess the experience of animals in traps. Some of their concerns revolve around the programs’ focus on physical injury, rather than other forms of suffering. “Injury is an important thing, and it does give you useful information, but it’s far from being the only thing,” said Donald Broom, the Cambridge animal behavior researcher who participated in the ISO process. The vulnerability and exposure of being in a trap, Broom said, could actually exceed the physical harm. “If you’re extremely frightened,” he said, “that’s in general worse than being somewhat injured.”

As a result, Broom said, “If you try to do everything in terms of how much injury, then you would miss some of the important things.” Existing traps standards, he said, were written in the 1990s and largely overlooked other ways that traps may cause harm. “We now do know much more about the diverse ways in which suffering can occur, than was known when the standards were first being written,” Broom said.

Other researchers argue that the standards don’t even go far enough to prevent physical injuries. Chief among those critics is Gilbert Proulx, the French-Canadian trap researcher who used to run Canada’s trap research program. Proulx grew up in the Laurentian Mountains of Quebec, the son and grandson of butchers. The family raised pigs and rabbits, and they ran a slaughterhouse. By age 6, he recalled, he was helping debone carcasses on the shop floor.

Proulx loved animals. As a child, he live-trapped red squirrels and chipmunks, constructing his own devices out of wooden boxes. He didn’t want to kill the creatures; he wanted to see them up close. Even then, he knew he wanted to study wildlife for his career. In 1985, 31 years old and equipped with a Ph.D. in zoology, Proulx was asked to lead Canada’s fledgling humane trap research program.

Working from a facility in Vegreville, Alberta, about 60 miles east of Edmonton on the Canadian Prairies, Proulx and a small group of colleagues employed a three-stage protocol to test killing traps. One paper from that time, testing the Conibear 120 body-gripping trap on pine marten, lays out their methods: In the first stage of the study, Proulx and two colleagues filmed live marten triggering Conibear traps, which had been modified so that they did not close completely. The animals could escape unharmed, and the researchers could analyze the footage to project where, exactly, the metal bar of the Conibear would have struck. The data gave them confidence that the trap would reliably strike marten in the head or neck region, raising the likelihood of a quick kill.

A few weeks later, the team sedated six marten with ketamine, stuck each animal’s head into the trap, triggered it, and timed how long it took the trap-whacked marten to become irreversibly unconscious. Then, finally, they placed the trap in enclosures with fully alert, mobile martens. When an animal would trigger the trap, a technician would sprint over to the enclosure and time how long the animal took to lose consciousness.

Proulx tested traps on raccoon and mink. He ran red foxes through spring-loaded snares, and tried to modify devices to kill more quickly and reliably. “We truly had a top-notch research team,” Proulx recalled. “We were not in the business to pass traps at all costs. But if they were good, we certainly wanted the world to know about it.” (Today, trap testing programs in New Zealand and Sweden use similar protocols to rate killing traps, and a research team convened by the German government recently proposed applying it to rat and mouse traps.)

In his papers from those days, Proulx vigorously defended trapping as an important source of income for thousands of Canadians, and as a tradition for the regions’ First Nations. But his relationship with his supervisors, Proulx said, soon soured. “There was a lot of political lobbying, a lot of interference,” he said, and he felt pressure to approve traps that he thought were unacceptable. In 1993, he left the program and became an independent researcher. By 1999, when Canada ratified the AIHTS, he had grown skeptical of the whole scene, and he felt the treaty set its standards too low. “As researchers, we thought that the people behind those standards and those research programs, they were concerned truly with animal welfare,” he said. “But it turned out they were concerned with saving a trade, which is the fur trade.”

Shortly after ratifying the AIHTS, Canada replaced its system for testing kill traps with computer models. Today, according to Pierre Canac-Marquis, a Quebecois trapper and biologist who has run Canada’s program for the past 26 years, they don’t use any animals at all in lethal trap testing: Technicians gather data on the mechanical properties of each trap, and then enter that into the computer, which runs 10,000 simulated strikes to predict how often the trap will kill its target quickly. “The results are so accurate that they’re even better than if you do a compound testing with live animals,” Canac-Marquis said, comparing the computer models to the kind of testing Proulx used to undertake.

Proulx — along with Warburton, in New Zealand — say those computer models can’t actually account for the idiosyncrasies of animal behavior. “They claim that they can test traps just by looking at the trap on the computer, which I know doesn’t work,” Proulx said. He also has little respect for the BMPs, although he agrees with the general process. The program should set higher standards for traps, he said — and U.S. regulations should mandate that trappers check their traps more frequently. If “you go on the sidewalk and you kick a dog, someone will report you to the cops, you will be arrested, you will be charged with animal cruelty,” said Proulx. “But a trapper can let an animal suffer for 12 hours in a snare or a trap, and it’s okay.”

Today, Proulx runs Alpha Wildlife Research and Management, an independent research firm in Alberta. He still traps, and he still sees himself as a supporter of trapping. But he has grown increasingly vocal with his concerns. The critique of the AIHTS he published in 2020, along with Serfass and two other collaborators, calls for a committee of experts to produce a new, more comprehensive, and more rigorous set of trapping standards. Among other things, they say those standards should extend to more species, set stricter time-to-unconsciousness limits for lethal traps, and include protocols for how to kill animals caught alive. Proulx told Undark he’s already working on drafting the document. The virtual conference he held in November — which included presentations from Broom and researchers from Europe, and which received sponsorship from a conservation nonprofit and a humane trapping organization — aimed to help lay the groundwork for that push.

Not everyone thinks Proulx’s recommendations are especially realistic. “It’s good at some point to have someone pushing from the outside,” said Canac-Marquis, but, he said, Proulx sometimes goes too far. (Rather than describing a dispute over principles, Canac-Marquis also suggested that Proulx’s refusal to cooperate with other stakeholders precipitated his departure from the Canadian trap testing program.) Warburton, who helped develop a respected trap research program in New Zealand, was asked to join Proulx as an author on the AIHTS-skeptical paper. He ultimately declined. “Science is one thing to inform decisions, but there’s economics, there’s practicality, and there’s politics,” he said. “I just felt it was not really being realistic.” (During a conversation in June, Warburton stressed that he had not read the final paper.)

Alongside the scientific dispute, Proulx raises one other concern: The programs in the U.S. and Canada don’t change trapping much on the ground. The U.S. program, he said, “is just a friendly recommendation.” In Canada, where traps must pass to be used legally, he said, regulators never actually check traplines. “Nobody enforces it, so the end result is the same in both cases: These animals suffer unnecessarily.” (Canac-Marquis disputed Proulx’s claims and said that Canadian conservation officers do enforce the use of certified traps.)

It’s not always clear that the BMPs have much influence on trappers. Manufacturers rarely, if ever, advertise that their traps have met BMP standards. In 2015, the fish and wildlife agency association commissioned a survey of more than 6,500 U.S. trappers, asking them about the tools they used, the animals they caught, and the frequency with which they trapped. At that point, the BMP program was nearly 20 years old. But only 42 percent of the trappers surveyed had even heard of it. Of those, only two-thirds said they were guided by the Best Management Practices. Taken together, those numbers suggest that fewer than one in three U.S. trappers deliberately follows BMP guidance in selecting traps. “What does that say about BMPs, and about [the Association of Fish and Wildlife Agencies], and about this whole very expensive process that took years to put in place?” asked Camilla Fox, the coyote advocate. “To me, there’s the two huge issues, which is, one, the inadequacy of the standards themselves, and, two, a complete failed process of any kind of real adoption of these very base standards.”

White said the program plans more outreach in the future, including a new series of educational videos and more publicity through manufacturers. But, he said, such figures also belie the extent to which trappers use approved devices, whether or not they know about the program. “Most of the animals being captured in the U.S. — somewhere around 80 percent — are being captured in BMP traps,” he said. He also contested that the welfare standard was too low. It had been set, White said, by veterinarians, and the American Association of Wildlife Veterinarians supports the program.

He and other trap researchers, in both Canada and the U.S., say trapping has become more humane since they began their work. And, as White and other BMP researchers note, academic scientists and government trappers are sometimes required to use BMP-certified traps. Today, among the traps recommended under the BMP program is Duffer’s Dog Proof Raccoon Trap, a metal cube with a 1.5-inch hole in one face, which retails for around $20; when the raccoon sticks its paw inside, the trap catches and holds it there, preventing the animal from leaving, and also from chewing its own paw. For beaver, the program recommends suitcase traps — large, folding cages, which can retail for as much as $600, that catch the rodents alive — as well as sets that hold beavers underwater to drown. And, for wolves, one approved trap is a larger version of the device used to catch the Sonoran coyote — the Minnesota Brand 750 Alaskan offset, a $35 foothold device with laminated jaws that spread the trap’s clamping force over a large surface area.

The National Trappers Association has expressed some support for the program. Still, winning compliance from individual trappers can offer challenges. One volunteer at the BMP necropsy event was Jonathan Gilbert, a biologist for the Great Lakes Indian Fish and Wildlife Commission, a consortium of 11 Ojibwe tribes. (Gilbert, who is White, is not himself a tribal member.) “We can do all the science we want, but unless we get people to use the traps that we’re approving, it’s all for naught,” Gilbert said. As part of his job, Gilbert runs trapper education for the tribes, and he speaks about BMPs. Trappers want to use less injurious devices, he said. But a trapline may require dozens of traps, and replacing old traps with BMP-approved equipment can be prohibitively expensive. For Native trappers, the tradition matters, too. Gilbert said people will tell him, “My grandad gave me, you know, 50 traps, and that’s what I want to use, is my grandad’s traps.”

Brady, the Wisconsin trapper, has heard similar complaints from older White trappers — but, he said, the BMPs are having an effect. “Some of the older generation trappers, they still don’t want nothing to do with it, simply because they got to change all their traps,” he said. “The younger ones are more likely to accept it.”


For years, it has been clear that humane trap research and international agreements alone cannot save the fur market. Sometimes, trappers and their allies characterize the backlash less as a moral or scientific debate, and more as a class dispute — one that pits affluent, urban animal rights advocates against the more rural, working-class people who trap and hunt. “I can’t find the words to fight back,” Zacharias Kunuk, an Inuit seal hunter, told The New York Times in 2003, describing attacks on the fur trade. “They are a bunch of Hollywood rich people who talk as if animals think like humans, when they don’t.”

The last few years have been especially hard for North American trappers. According to Groenewold, the wild fur buyer, the market for one-time mainstays like raccoon and muskrat is one-tenth the size it was a decade ago. A beaver pelt that would have sold for $25, he said, may now fetch $5. The problem rests with demand: “North America and Europe use almost no fur,” Groenewold said.

Groenewold’s business celebrated its 100th birthday last year. But he sounded pessimistic about the future — and uncertain that programs like the BMPs, which have been integrated into trapping public relations strategies for years, actually do much to convince people. “We’re never going to please a person who believes that no animal should ever be killed,” he said, arguing that advocates should instead try to appeal to environmentally conscious consumers in search of natural, biodegradable, climate-friendly clothing.

For now, at least, the decline continues. In 2019, North American Fur Auctions, filed for creditor protection in Ontario, under an arrangement akin to Chapter 11 bankruptcy in the U.S. A direct descendant of the storied Hudson’s Bay Company, the historic auction house had struggled to deal with declining fur prices and, one source said, chronic mismanagement. “It was a hard shocker,” said Brady, who said he spent more than a decade working in trapper relations for the company. “It ripped my heart out. My passion is fur.” He and hundreds of colleagues, he said, lost their jobs. Few, if any, trappers now make significant income from fur sales, although some still make a living as pest control specialists.

Legislatures in several states have also moved to put further restrictions on trapping. In April 2021, New Mexico Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham signed a law forbidding trapping on public lands. The decision alarmed trapping advocates, who sometimes describe themselves as part of an embattled, misunderstood minority. “Other groups, cultures, and races are prevailing in their quest for what they want because they are sticking together and showing unity,” National Trappers Association president John Daniel wrote in a letter to the membership in March, shortly before the New Mexico legislature passed the bill. “The trappers of New Mexico are on the brink of losing trapping,” he warned. “I sat and listened to our side present the better, stronger, more scientifically correct evidence, but the Committee majority had already been convinced, or in some case spent the time getting elected just to beat trapping.”

During the legislative dispute in New Mexico, opponents of trapping invoked the BMPs as an example of why they consider trapping to be inhumane. The BMP guidelines, wildlife biologist Robert Harrison wrote in an email to Undark, “allow for what I consider to be an unacceptable rate of serious or severe injuries to trapped animals.” Harrison, who was, until recently, a researcher at the University of New Mexico, supported the bill. “In my testimonies at legislative hearings and in other reports, I used the BMP guidelines as an example of the injury rates that trappers consider acceptable,” he added in his email.

 

Mary Katherine Ray, a retired teacher living in rural Socorro County, began organizing against trapping on public lands 18 years ago, after a trap nearly caught her dog. Programs like the BMPs, in her view, are intended “to pull the wool over everybody’s eyes,” by making trapping seem humane, rather than actually generate sound research. Asked about the traditional elements of trapping, she sounded skeptical. “There’s a lot of things that are tradition that are horrible,” she said, mentioning genocide, slavery, and polygamy. “Times change.”

Recently, some advocates have cited the BMP process in legal disputes. In 2019, The Fur-Bearers and other animal rights organizations filed a Federal Trade Commission complaint against the company Canada Goose, which trims its high-end jackets with wild-caught coyote fur. The complaint argued that Canada Goose had misled consumers by describing the use of BMP- and AIHTS-compliant traps as an example of “ethical sourcing.”

“These standards themselves,” the complaint reads, “permit a range of cruel practices that reasonable consumers would perceive as ‘neglect’ and ‘undue harm’ — not as ‘humane’ or ‘ethical.'” The action didn’t go anywhere, but in November 2020, the law firm behind the FTC complaint tried again, filing a class action suit against Canada Goose along similar grounds.

The lawsuit is still working its way through the courts. But the point may soon be moot. In June, Canada Goose, once a major buyer of wild North American fur, announced it will stop using new fur in any of its products.

* * *

To catch a beaver in the state of New York, most people would need to take an 8-hour long trapper education course, obtain a trapping license, select and set the trap in line with extensive regulations, and check the trap every 24 to 48 hours. To catch another sizeable rodent, the Norway rat, however, a New Yorker can go to the hardware store around the corner and purchase a glue board. The sticky square holds the animal until it dies from starvation, thirst, or exposure — or thrashes so hard that it suffocates itself in the sticky glue. Manufacturers suggest that, instead of ending the rodent’s life more quickly, users simply put the trap and the animal in the trash.

Glue boards are banned in some countries. The YouTube mouse trap reviewer Shawn Woods, who routinely kills animals on camera for millions of viewers, has described them as “just horrible.” But glue boards are almost entirely unregulated in the U.S. (Two major manufacturers, Tomcat and Catchmaster, did not respond to repeated questions about the traps’ humane impacts.)

Meanwhile, some 11 million pigs are slaughtered in the U.S. each month. Worldwide, egg farmers kill around 7 billion newborn chicks per year, often by gassing them or grinding them up in mechanical shredders. One animal rights group estimates that humans annually kill between 1 and 3 trillion fish. For all the public attention that furbearer trapping brings, its impact — on a few million animals per year in the U.S. — can seem relatively minor compared with other kinds of animal killing.

All of this can highlight what the psychologist Hal Herzog, in his 2010 book “Some We Love, Some We Hate, Some We Eat,” calls “the flagrant moral incoherence” of our culture’s treatment of animals. In an interview with Undark, Herzog recalled working at a university where some mice had escaped from the laboratories. “Mice in the lab had to go through all this rigamarole,” he said, referring to extensive protocols that govern the treatment of experimental animals, down to the precise minimum size of their enclosures and humidity in their air. Outside the lab, maintenance staff were catching them with glueboards. “They were animals that had been the good mice in the labs initially,” Herzog recalled.

In conversations about the ethics of trapping, trappers may invoke things like the Best Management Practices and animal welfare research — but they’re likelier to talk about the baseline brutality of the natural world, and to reflect on the inevitability of suffering. “Just think in terms of a coyote or a bobcat catching a rabbit and tearing it apart while it’s still alive,” said Jeremiah Wood, who runs traplines in northern Maine and founded the trapping website and podcast Trapping Today. “In a lot of ways, I feel as though what we’re doing, relative to what might be the way Mother Nature is, is very minimal.”

At the necropsy event, one of the skinners was Jenna Malinowski, a young Wisconsin state biologist and trapping advocate. Malinowski began trapping with her then-boyfriend (now husband) 10 years ago, while they were living in Idaho. She soon became adept, and today she traps regularly on the flowages around Mercer, Wisconsin, in the far northern part of the state. Recently, she launched a trapping camp for women interested in the sport.

Concerned about the environmental impacts of animal agriculture, Malinowski cut back on meat long ago. “I was vegetarian for seven years,” she said as she skinned a gray fox, slicing carefully through the connective tissue of its hind leg. Eventually, she decided to begin eating game she had hunted and trapped — first venison, but then beaver and muskrat and even, once, a bobcat. Malinowski can’t bring herself to eat raccoon regularly (“it’s too greasy”) but describes beaver as her favorite meal. “It’s local,” she said. “I know the water bodies that it comes out of, too.”

Malinowski finds killing difficult. But, she said, she’s also seen the brutal lives and deaths of wild animals. “Even if their population is low and they do have a natural death, it’s never going to be as quick and easy as using a BMP-approved trap, with dispatching approved by the veterinarian association,” she said.

With trapped animals, she said, “our animals get to be free their entire life. And then they have one bad day, which they would in the wild anyways.” But, she added, “Those farm-raised animals, their entire life sucks.” Today, other than game, Malinowski occasionally eats organic chickens that are raised in a backyard by friends. Other than that, she still avoids farmed meat.

For now, the Best Management Practices program continues. This summer, the necropsies will take place down in Madison, Wisconsin’s capital. White already has trappers in several states working to catch bobcats, gray fox, swift fox, more coyotes. This season, he is testing a high-tech trap that slings a loop of buried cable around a coyote’s neck. In September 2021, he said he was still going through the data from that year, but he had tallied up the trauma scores. All the traps did well, he said. They all seem like they will pass. In November, White confirmed it: All the traps had passed.

This article was originally published on Undark. Read the original article.

8 newly flagged substances that could give you cancer

The National Toxicology Program, or NTP, released its 15th report on carcinogens last month, adding eight new substances to a growing list of recognized cancer-causing agents found in many consumer products and water supplies. 

Among the new additions are a bacterium, a flame retardant, and six byproducts from water purification, bringing the total number of listed carcinogens up to 256. Other substances and activities listed include HIV and cobalt, which were added in 2016, as well as tobacco smoking, solar radiation, mustard gas, and asbestos.

The NTP’s congressionally mandated reports on carcinogens, intended to “help people make informed decisions about their own health,” are published periodically for the secretary of Health and Human Services as new information becomes available. The new report was released as the U.S. marked the 50th anniversary of the National Cancer Act, legislation that then-President Richard Nixon said would initiate a national “war on cancer” — by then the nation’s second leading cause of death.

According to 2019 data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, cancer still sits in second place as a leading cause of mortality for U.S. residents, killing nearly 600,000 people each year. “Cancer affects almost everyone’s life, either directly or indirectly,” said Rick Woychik, director of the National Institute of Environmental Health Sciences and the NTP, in a statement. Only heart disease claims more Americans’ lives every year. In 2020, COVID-19 was the third leading cause of death.

Although the NTP’s reports on carcinogen do not directly determine public policy, they can inform it indirectly by helping policymakers identify substances in need of regulation. They “provide important information to members of Congress, regulatory agencies, and others who can use it to make informed decisions that protect the health of U.S. residents,” Ruth Lunn, director of the Office of the Report on Carcinogens, told Grist.

The NTP breaks up listed carcinogens into two categories: those that are “known” to cause cancer in humans, and those that are “reasonably anticipated” to do so. Just one agent identified in the NTP’s latest report received the former, more significant classification: chronic infection from H. pylori, a stomach bacterium found in contaminated drinking water. According to research from the University of Missouri, Kansas City, this cancer-causing bacterium disproportionately impacts nonwhite populations — potentially due to poorer access to clean drinking water. And following treatment, further research suggests that these same groups are less likely to receive critical “eradication testing” to ensure the bacteria has been fully eliminated from their bodies.

David Leiman, an assistant professor of medicine at Duke University, said that adding H. pylori to the NTP’s list of carcinogens could help draw attention to these inequities. “I hope that it would provide some urgency both from practitioners and also for patients,” he said.

In addition to H. pylori, the NTP recognized seven more substances as “reasonably anticipated” to cause cancer in humans. These include antimony trioxide, which is often used in plastic production and flame retardants for consumer products, and six haloacetic acids that may be produced during chlorine-based disinfection processes for drinking water. According to the NTP’s press release, some 250 million Americans may be exposed to water systems tainted with these substances. Although experts say the risks of drinking untreated water outweigh the risks from haloacetic acids, prolonged exposure to high concentrations can lead to rectal, colon, and bladder cancer, as well as developmental and reproductive problems.

Both antimony trioxide and the suite of haloacetic acids have previously been recognized by state and federal agencies as hazardous substances. Some places like California have imposed bans or tight restrictions on the use of antimony trioxide in consumer products, and the Occupational Safety and Health Administration has long regulated permissible outdoor exposureto it. The Environmental Protection Agency has also recognized haloacetic acids as potential human carcinogens since the early 2000s, but some advocacy groups have called for tighter regulations. “Legal does not necessarily equal safe,” the nonprofit Environmental Working Group said in a 2021 report that found elevated levels of water contaminants — including haloacetic acids — in drinking water supplies in Columbia, Missouri. 

Even as the 15th report on carcinogens was released last month, the NTP is evaluating the carcinogenicity of additional substancesfor future reports: wood smoke, for example, as well as halogenated flame retardants and polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons — a class of chemicals that are released when fossil fuels are burned.

Bob Saget, a dirty daddy: Appreciating the darker elements of the talented comedian’s work

If all you ever saw of Bob Saget were clips from his performances as Danny Tanner on ABC sitcom “Full House,” you might think he was merely a milquetoast entertainer. Even when he was introducing a clip of some poor schmuck taking a blow to the groin as the host of “America’s Funniest Home Videos,” his wisecracks were decidedly G-rated. For more than a decade in the late 1980s and 1990s, he delivered wholesome chuckles that were safe for the entire family. 

Saget died unexpectedly on Sunday from unknown causes, and the outpouring of grief from his former co-stars and fellow comedians suggests that the late Jewish comedian was definitely, in the words of his “How I Met Your Mother” co-star Josh Radnor, a “mensch among mensches.” Mary-Kate and Ashley Olsen, his “Full House” castmates, called him “the most loving, compassionate, and generous man.”

There was much more to his comedic persona, however, than family-friendly TV gags. In his stand-up, Saget could be absolutely potty-mouthed, to use a term his easygoing “Full House” character might have used. He was a lot like Buddy Hackett, who could charm his way through a children’s movie and goof around singing “Shipoopi,” then make a sailor blush with his stage act. To truly understand Saget’s talent, you have to appreciate the darker elements in his work.

RELATED: Watch Uncle Jesse, Uncle Joey and Danny Tanner give Jimmy Fallon a pep talk

Comedy, like charity, often begins at home, and in Saget’s childhood home the comedy was usually uncensored. His father Ben, a supermarket executive, was a devotee of dirty jokes, which he wasn’t afraid to share with his young son.

“A&P and Stop and Shop are merging,” the elder Saget said, his seemingly innocent Dad Joke setup practically begging for its juvenile punchline: “They’re calling the new store Stop and Pee.”

Coarse humor helped Ben cope with the echoes of a difficult life in which he lost two newborn children to dysentery and three of his five siblings to early heart attacks, then suffered two heart attacks himself.

“My family saw so much death and drama over the years,” Saget wrote in his memoir, “it was like we were always waiting for the next tragedy to arrive.”

Their answer to all that tragedy was comedy, which Saget embraced at a very young age. During his middle school years, when the family lived in Los Angeles. Saget would ask his mother to drive him to a local nursing home so he could spend time with one of his earliest comedic heroes, Larry Fine of the Three Stooges. He would listen to Fine’s endless stories about the fractured ribs and broken noses he sustained while doing slapstick.

Ben’s job eventually took the family back to Philadelphia, where Saget had been born. After graduating high school, he thought he ought to do what any good Jewish boychik would do: go to college and become a doctor. His English teacher, however, pulled him aside and demanded that he become a performer.

“You need to make people laugh,” she told him. Saget listened, enrolling in Temple University to study film.

He started doing stand-up around Philadelphia while he was still an undergraduate. On occasion, Saget would take the train to New York to do a short set at the Improv and Catch a Rising Star. His early material was clean, but offbeat. He would get on stage to perform “While My Guitar Gently Weeps” with a water bottle hidden behind his guitar so he could make the guitar start “crying” while he played it. The crowd’s laughter made his wet jeans on the long train ride home well worth it.

After he graduated, Saget moved back to Los Angeles, intending to get his master’s degree in film at USC, but he kept doing stand-up instead. He soon became a regular at Mitzi Shore’s Comedy Store, where he fell in with comedians like David Letterman, Jay Leno, Kevin Nealon, Sam Kinison, and Jim Carrey. Saget studied their sets while working on his own, then eventually went out on tour, getting picked up as an opening act for Kenny Loggins.

RELATED: Jackie Mason’s thorny career: Once a beacon for Jewish pride, the comedian later turned to bigotry

His first big break came when he earned a slot on “The 9th Annual Young Comedians Special,” which premiered on HBO in 1985. The event was hosted by Rodney Dangerfield, who soon became a mentor for the young comic. “He was always encouraging to me,” Saget wrote. The two men became so close that when Dangerfield died, Saget officiated his funeral.

Within two years, Saget joined the cast of “Full House” as a replacement for the series’ original lead. The show, which revolved around a widower raising three daughters with the help of both his brother-in-law and his best friend, was widely panned by critics. Howard Rosenberg called it “an argument for birth control” in the Los Angeles Times. Fans, however, found Saget endearing for eight full seasons.

“For people my age,” tweeted Mindy Kaling, “he was the original Hot Dad.”


Want a daily wrap-up of all the news and commentary Salon has to offer? Subscribe to our morning newsletter, Crash Course.


In 1989, Saget became the host of “America’s Funniest Home Videos” as well. (He worked on both shows simultaneously.) The series, which featured viewer-submitted home video clips of crazy pet fails and human stunts gone horribly wrong — sort of like a pre-internet TikTok — wasn’t intended to last very long, but it soon beat out “60 Minutes” in its Sunday night time slot, making Saget a star.

Throughout his successful rise to stardom, tragedy continued to haunt Saget’s family. In 1984, his beloved sister Andi died of scleroderma. For the rest of his life, Saget raised money for research and to help those suffering from the disease. A few years later, his first wife Sherri flatlined after a difficult C-section. Her doctors managed to revive her, but the scare shook Saget to his core. 

Before long, he discovered a need to cope with his pain the same way his father did: by indulging in darker humor. He started to blow off steam by telling raunchy jokes privately among friends. Eventually hIs standup became more and more blue as well. In 2007, Saget filmed his own HBO special, “That Ain’t Right,” which revealed his more vulgar side to many of his old “Full House” and “America’s Funniest Home Videos” fans for the first time.

Saget wasn’t a storytelling comedian. He cracked jokes. He was matter-of-fact in his delivery, talking to his audience like he was just riffing in his living room with his friends. His casual, middle-class persona — Saget generally came across as a nice Jewish boy — created a sharp contrast with his material. His jokes were funny in and of themselves, but they weren’t what you expected from a guy like him, and that made them even funnier. Watching him work was like eating a big slice of forbidden fruit pie.

Saget’s best-remembered instance of working blue was his appearance in “The Aristocrats,” a 2005 documentary about one legendarily transgressive joke told by dozens of famous comedians. The joke starts with a seemingly innocuous opening — “This family walks into a talent agent’s office . . . ” – and ends with the talent agent asking, “What do you call the act?” followed by the family’s answer: “The Aristocrats!”

What happens between those two points is what makes the joke work. The middle section varies from comedian to comedian, but it’s usually a couple of sentences of foul-mouthed improvisation designed to make an audience squirm a little bit.

Saget’s version, however, went on for seven long (and cringe-filled) minutes. His off-the-cuff references — there are no content warnings big enough to do this list justice — included murder, incest, fisting, diarrhea, urine, vomit, hemorrhoids and rape, among others. (Somehow, he also name-checks both The Three Stooges and Sister Sledge along the way.) Among comedians, Saget’s rendition is infamous.

RELATED: “Head of the Class” and the man behind the ’80s comedy’s progressive, even radical agenda

Contemporary audiences might actually know Saget’s voice more than his face. From 2005 to 2014, he provided the voice-over narration for the CBS sitcom “How I Met Your Mother.” After publishing his memoir “Dirty Daddy” in 2014, Saget returned to the role that launched his career, reprising his performance as Danny Tanner on “Fuller House,” a Netflix-produced sequel to the original series that ran from 2016 to 2020.

In the days before his untimely death, Saget was back out on the road doing stand-up, just as he’d always done, developing new material. “I’m back in comedy,” he wrote on Instagram, “like I was when I was 26.” Sadly, after two final performances in Orlando and Jacksonville, tragedy visited Saget once more.

John Stamos, his “Full House” co-star, wrote in an Instagram post that Saget “made us laugh until we cried. Now our tears flow in sadness, but also with gratitude for all the beautiful memories of our sweet, kind, hilarious, cherished Bob.”

More stories to check out:

This new copycat SpaghettiOs recipe captures the family-friendly nostalgia of the canned stuff

The pasta customarily used to make the beloved Italian soup pasta e fagioli is ditalini, which roughly translates to “little thimbles.” Pasta e fagioli wasn’t on the menu, but I reached for the same short macaroni as I developed a copycat version of SpaghettiOs that captures the family-friendly nostalgia inherent to the canned stuff.

While it’s not the same distinctive “O”-shaped pasta found in the can, ditalini has a nice toothsomeness when cooked al dente. It’s really satisfying — and so are the mini oven-baked meatballs and slightly creamy red sauce that round out this comforting and simple weeknight meal. 

RELATED: New year, new chicken and noodle casserole? Revamping the Midwestern staple

You could, of course, cook up your own sauce, but I selected a solid jarred option to make this recipe a little more weeknight-friendly. In order to recreate the concentrated tomato flavor and sweetness of original SpaghettiOs, I decided to doctor up pizza sauce instead of pasta sauce. It’s a little thicker, and since we’re going to be cooking our pasta in the sauce with a splash of water, this works to our advantage. 

The torn fresh basil leaves are optional, but they really do help take the dish over the top flavor-wise. Buon appetito!

***

Recipe: Ditalini with Miniature Meatballs (aka “Grown-up Spaghettios”) 

Yields
6 to 8 servings
Prep Time
15 minutes
Cook Time
20 minutes

Ingredients

Meatballs 

  • 1/2 pound Italian sausage (I like the spicy variations, but feel free to go mild if you’re cooking for kids!) 
  • 1/2 pound ground beef 
  • 1/2 cup Panko bread crumbs 
  • 1/2 cup grated parmesan cheese
  • 1 egg or 3 tablespoons whole milk yogurt 
  • 2 teaspoons Italian seasoning 
  • Salt and pepper to taste 
  • Olive oil

Sauce and Pasta 

  • 13 ounces jarred pizza sauce (I like Rao’s) 
  • 2 tablespoons half-and-half 
  • 2 tablespoons torn fresh basil (optional) 
  • 16 ounces ditalini 
  • Salt and pepper to taste 
  • Grated parmesan 

Directions

1. In a large metal or glass bowl, mix the sausage, ground beef, bread crumbs, parmesan cheese, egg or yogurt, Italian seasoning and salt and pepper. Mix with your hands (my preferred method) or a large spoon until completely combined. 

2. Using a tablespoon, scoop and mold mini meatballs, then place them on an olive oil-drizzled sheet pan. Depending on how generous your scoops are, you’ll end up with between 24 and 30 meatballs. Heat your oven to 400 degrees and bake the meatballs for 12 to 16 minutes, or until they’re no longer pink in the middle. If you like yours a little more browned (I do!), feel free to put them under the broiler for 2 to 4 minutes. 

3. Meanwhile, heat the pizza sauce, half-and-half and (optional) basil in a skillet. Once the basil begins to wilt, add a cup of water, followed by the ditalini. It only takes about 6 minutes to cook in the sauce, so keep an eye on it. Once al dente, season with salt and pepper and set aside. 

4. Add the freshly-baked meatballs to the mix and serve with grated parmesan.


Want more great food writing and recipes? Subscribe to Salon Food’s newsletter.


More super simple weeknight meals: 

Elvis Costello on divisive song “Oliver’s Army,” tells radio stations: “Just don’t play the record!”

English singer-songwriter Elvis Costello will no longer perform his 1979 hit single “Oliver’s Army” and urges radio stations to stop playing it too.  

The song’s lyrics — which comment on the Troubles, an ethno-nationalist conflict in Northern Ireland during the late 1960s — contain the N-word to describe Irish Catholics in a criticism of their degrading treatment.

“If I wrote that song today, maybe I’d think twice about it,” he told the Telegraph. “That’s what my grandfather was called in the British army — it’s historically a fact — but people hear that word go off like a bell and accuse me of something that I didn’t intend.”

RELATED: How Elvis Costello launched “Armed Forces” 

For decades, radio stations across the United Kingdom played “Oliver’s Army” uncensored. But in 2013, the anti-war ballad garnered criticism from ardent listeners after a BBC radio station bleeped the racial slur.

Costello disapproves of any censored version, asserting that it does more harm than good. While the musician is slated to go on tour in June and won’t include “Oliver’s Army” in his setlist, he also implores that radio stations will “do him a favour” by not playing the track either.

“They’re making it worse by bleeping it, for sure,” he said. “Because they’re highlighting it then. Just don’t play the record!”


Want a daily wrap-up of all the news and commentary Salon has to offer? Subscribe to our morning newsletter, Crash Course.


The singer joins a list of artists, musicians and bands who have also retired their popular yet controversial singles. During their No Filter tour in 2021, the Rolling Stones phased out “Brown Sugar” due to its sexually explicit descriptions of Black women and references to slavery. Hayley Williams, the lead singer of Paramore, stopped performing the band’s top single “Misery Business” in 2018 — the brash tune features a derogatory slur against women in its second verse.

After becoming a Jehovah’s witness, Prince cut out all swear words from his songs and live performances. Madonna and Bruno Mars stopped performing their hit songs — “Material Girl” and “Like A Virgin” for Madonna and “The Lazy Song” for Mars — due to sheer distaste. Radiohead also got tired of performing their hit song “Creep,” and although rumors of R.E.M. members hating their optimistic 1991 song “Shiny Happy People” abounded, that has been debunked. 

As of this time, the Costello VEVO YouTube channel still includes a remastered version of the song below. 

More stories you might like:

Betty White’s cause of death debunks anti-vaxx conspiracies; Bob Saget’s autopsy performed

Betty White’s cause of death has been revealed.

The beloved actor and comedian died after suffering from a cerebrovascular accident, according to reports on White’s death certificate. A cerebrovascular accident (CVA) — the medical term for a stroke — is caused by blood clots and broken blood vessels in the brain, which reduce blood flow to the organ and damage its tissues.  

White, who passed away on New Year’s Eve at the age of 99, was best known for her starring roles on “The Golden Girls” and “The Mary Tyler Moore Show.” Her unique charm and endearing stage presence was revered by a vast fanbase that spanned across generations.  

RELATED: Betty White on “The Golden Girls” taught me queer self-acceptance

Shortly after White’s passing, a series of rumors spread by anti-vaccine conspiracy theorists exploited her death to promote anti-vaccine propaganda. Multiple social media posts falsely claimed that White died after receiving a COVID-19 vaccine booster shot. A fake quote — which has been deleted — showcased White advocating for vaccines and a healthy diet.   

The claims were debunked by White’s agent and longtime friend Jeff Witjas.

“People are saying her death was related to getting a booster shot three days earlier but that is not true. She died of natural causes,” Witjas said in a statement to PEOPLE. “Her death should not be politicized — that is not the life she lived.”


Want a daily wrap-up of all the news and commentary Salon has to offer? Subscribe to our morning newsletter, Crash Course.


The recent news also comes a day after the completion of Bob Saget’s autopsy in an ongoing investigation of the actor-comedian’s sudden death. The autopsy found “no evidence of drug use or foul play,” according to a separate statement from Joshua Stephany, the chief medical examiner of Orange and Osceola Counties, in a press release to PEOPLE. 

“The cause and manner of death are pending further studies and investigation which may take up to 10-12 weeks to complete,” Stephany added. “Our condolences go out to Mr. Saget’s loved ones during this difficult time.”

Saget, who was best known for playing the supportive patriarch Danny Tanner on “Full House” and hosting “America’s Funniest Home Videos,” was found unresponsive in his hotel room at the Ritz-Carlton in Orlando, Florida. Saget was in the state for his nationwide comedy tour. He was 65.

“He was everything to us and we want you to know how much he loved his fans, performing live and bringing people from all walks of life together with laughter,” the Saget family told PEOPLE in a statement. “Though we ask for privacy at this time, we invite you to join us in remembering the love and laughter that Bob brought to the world.”

More stories you might like:

Trump selects QAnon-linked supporter as his “special guest speaker” for new rally

Whenever Donald Trump was asked about QAnon during the 2020 presidential race, he avoided either promoting or criticizing their far-right conspiracy theorists. Trump would typically say that he didn’t know much about QAnon but heard that they “love America” and oppose pedophilia. Now, Trump is featuring a major QAnon supporter at a Florence, Arizona MAGA rally scheduled for this Saturday, January 15: Arizona State Sen. Mark Finchem, billed as the event’s “special guest speaker.”

Finchem is running for Arizona secretary of state — a position presently held by Democrat Katie Hobbs, who is running for governor. Republicans who have been competing with Finchem for the GOP nomination in that secretary of state race include Shawnna Bolick, Michelle Ugenti-Rita and Beau Lane; Trump has endorsed Finchem, who hasn’t been shy about promoting QAnon’s ludicrous conspiracy theories.

QAnon believes, among many other things, that the United States’ federal government has been taken over by an international cabal of pedophiles, child sex traffickers, Satanists and cannibals and that Trump was elected in 2016 to fight the cabal — which they think is being funded in part by billionaire Democrat George Soros. QAnon adherents mostly blame Democrats for the cabal, but they blame some Never Trump Republicans as well.

Three months ago, GOP Arizona state Rep. Mark Finchem was a featured speaker at a QAnon conference. This Saturday he will be a “special” guest speaker at Donald Trump’s rally in Arizona. Read all about it:https://www.motherjones.com/politics/2022/01/donald-trump-mark-finchem-qanon-big-lie-arizona-rally/u00a0u2026

— David Corn (@David Corn) 1641926764

In a 2020 interview with Victory Media, Finchem said, “We’ve got a serious problem in this nation. There’s a lot of people involved in a pedophile network in the distribution of children…. And, unfortunately, there’s a whole lot of elected officials that are involved in that.'”

Finchem, however, isn’t the only QAnon supporter Trump has allied himself with. Others include Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene of Georgia and Rep. Lauren Boebert of Colorado.

Mother Jones’ David Corn reports, “Finchem has repeatedly declined to comment to reporters about his QAnon-ish beliefs, but his QAnon connection has become something of an issue in his race for secretary of state, with media reports referring to his past statements and posts. In October, he was a ‘special guest’ at a QAnon conference in Las Vegas. The speakers for this event were a veritable parade of QAnon promoters and other fringe theorists.”

In addition to supporting QAnon, Finchem has aggressively promoted the Big Lie — Trump’s false and debunked claim that he really won the 2020 election but was robbed of his victory because of widespread voter fraud. One recount after another has made it abundantly clear that now-President Joe Biden legitimately won that election; in fact, he defeated Trump by more than 7 million votes. Regardless, Finchem continues to promote Trump’s bogus election fraud claims.

The January 15 MAGA rally will feature an extremist who’s-who of far-right Big Lie promoters, including MyPillow CEO Mike Lindell; Kelli Ward, who chairs the Arizona GOP; Rep. Paul Gosar (who was censured by House Democrats for posting an animated video that depicted him murdering Democratic Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez), Rep. Andy Biggs and Kari Lake, a former Fox anchor who is running for governor.

How pepper went from “black gold” to everyday seasoning

It was Britain’s enterprising nature and quest for food that led to colonization — and effectively changed global cuisine, suggests Lizzie Collingham in “The Hungry Empire.” There’s no question the spice trade made a permanent impact on the way we eat, one of the largest being the discovery of black pepper. Native to the Malabar Coast of India (present day Kerala), black pepper, or Piper nigrum, is a flowering vine that is cultivated for its fruit, the peppercorn. Regarded as the world’s most traded spice, black pepper gets its spicy warmth from a compound called piperine. Now considered a commonplace ingredient in the pantry (right after salt, and often ground into dust and left to sit on supermarket shelves for long before it’s used to season food), black pepper’s treatment in many kitchens can only be described as unfortunate. We seem to have forgotten about its glorious early years — and its contribution to myriad styles of cuisine.

The spice trade started before the Common Era, with Arab merchants in the Middle East who controlled and conducted the luxury goods business along the Silk Road, an important pathway that connected Asia to the Middle East and other parts of North Africa and Europe, which eventually led to the Romans entering the market. While there are records of black pepper in ancient Greek and Roman texts, the spice was largely popularized in the late 15th century, after a discovery by the Portuguese explorer Vasco da Gama on the shores of Calicut (present day Kozhikode), India — the spice was so abundant, it ultimately led to Portuguese domination of the area.

Black pepper also had nutritional properties, endearing it to traders: the Greeks used it to reverse the effects of hemlock (the same poison that killed Socrates); it was also used as a cure to many ailments, such as hemorrhoids, diarrhea, and other digestive complications. Its increasing popularity led to soaring prices and ultimately valued the spice quite high, so much so that in parts of the world, people paid rents, taxes, and dowries with the spice. So popular was pepper that it earned the monikers “black gold” and “king of spices.”

* * *

While it’s no longer quite so desired, Chef Regi Mathew of Kappa Chappa Kandhari, a restaurant in Bengaluru, India, said that black pepper remains extremely crucial in South Indian cuisine, specifically in Kerala, and is used in various stews, roasts, and rasam — he even adds it to his garam masala (many regional iterations of the spice blend do not use black pepper). The humid climate and heavy rainfall in Kerala helps the vines flourish, Mathew noted, adding that the best black pepper is procured in Wayanad, a district in the state. He personally likes to use black pepper at the end of the recipe, either ground or whole, to keep the flavors intact.

While black pepper’s popularity is strong in South and Southeast Asia and Europe, it didn’t make as strong a mark in East Asia (curiously, white pepper, a berry of the same plant but having undergone different processing, is quite common in culinary traditions of the area, particularly in China). Chef Leong Then, Asian Chef de Cuisine at the Four Seasons in Bengaluru, told me: “Though not used extensively, black pepper does have its place in Chinese cuisine. It isn’t hands-down spicy, but certainly has that bite to it, and gives any dish a lift, especially a stir-fry.”

“Black pepper as a spice is something that’s so often overlooked,” said Sana Javeri Kadri, founder of equitable spice company Diaspora Co. “It’s a kitchen staple that’s taken for granted, so people don’t always stop to consider how their pepper has been sourced, what sort of labor practices go into growing and harvesting it, or how good the quality is.” This attention is likely why Diaspora Co.’s Aranya Pepper — also sourced in Wayanad — which was just recently restocked, is so popular. “It’s one of our biggest sources of pride, both with regard to taste but also with how it’s being produced: It’s vine-ripened, hand-harvested, and sun-dried.”

Though today, for many, pepper may be just an afterthought, it’s clear from Diaspora Co. and other single-origin spice companies that it’s returning to the front of mind — when grown and harvested thoughtfully.

“All black pepper, regardless of where it’s grown, is from the same species of plant, so when you taste differences between them, what you’re actually tasting is the terroir — the climate, the soil, and the expertise of the farmer who grew them,” said Ethan Frisch, co-founder of Burlap & Barrel. “It’s easy to tell when black pepper is grown by a really good farmer — you’ll taste the intensity and complexity that’s missing from commodity spices.”

More and more, chefs also hope to avoid seeing pepper dismissed as just something to place on the table in a shaker next to salt. “There’s been a huge increase in the use of black pepper over the last two decades, and we are definitely seeing it used more steadily and liberally,” said Anshu Anghotra, Executive Head Chef at The Connaught in London.

Executive Chef Mario Perera of The Dorchester, London, who hails from Sri Lanka, feels the same way. For him, “black pepper is one of my top five favorite spices, and a key ingredient for my cooking. Given my roots, flavor, seasoning, and spice are very important to my heritage and have heavily influenced my cooking.”

While some might feel that black pepper is just like any other spice, it’s pretty evident that black pepper, both in and outside the kitchen, has a lot more to offer than what meets the eye.

Dogs have the potential to be bilingual, a recent study finds

Researchers suspect dogs can learn up to 165 words. While it’s clear our canine friends can understand some of the native language their human parents speak, can their brains distinguish between different languages? For example, if they lived in a bilingual household?

It’s a question a group of researchers from Eötvös Loránd University in Hungary were curious to answer as it was a personal issue for Laura Cuaya, an author of the study, who moved from Mexico to Hungary with her bordie collie dog named Kun-kun.

“Before, I had only talked to him in Spanish, so I was wondering whether Kun-kun noticed that people in Budapest spoke a different language, Hungarian,” Cuaya said. “We know that people, even preverbal human infants, notice the difference. But maybe dogs do not bother. After all, we never draw our dogs’ attention to how a specific language sounds.”

RELATED: Bunny the “talking” dog is reporting her dreams, opening up a scientific debate

Cuaya’s personal experience was the impetus for a study titled “Speech naturalness detection and language representation in the dog brain,” which was recently published in the peer-reviewed journal NeuroImage. Together, the researchers scanned the brains of 18 dogs, including Kun-kun, using functional magnetic resonance imaging to study which regions of the brain lit up when they heard words either from a language they were familiar with, or one they didn’t know so well.

The researchers found that the canines’ brains could understand speech from non-speech vocalizations (such as gibberish) by observing the activity in the primary auditory cortex after having the dogs listen to “natural speech” and “scrambled speech.” For the “natural speech” test, researchers played a recording of a chapter from “The Little Prince.” And for the “scrambled speech” one, technology mixed sentences together to simply turn the text into an acoustic stimulus. Previously, similar kinds of tests have shown that rats, Java sparrows, and monkeys can understand the difference between speech and random noise without being specifically trained to identify a language.


Want more health and science stories in your inbox? Subscribe to Salon’s weekly newsletter The Vulgar Scientist.


After establishing dogs have the capacity to detect what they call “speech naturalness,” the researchers proceeded to test if the dogs could understand the difference between Spanish and Hungarian. They did this by analyzing the secondary auditory cortex during the scans when “The Little Prince” was read in both Spanish and Hungarian. The researchers observed distinct activity patterns for each language in the secondary auditory cortex, and in the precruciate gyrus, of the brains suggesting that, indeed, they can identify the difference.

The observation is significant because it’s the first time scientists have recorded that a non-human brain can tell the difference between two languages. Notably, the differences seemed to be more pronounced in older dogs suggesting that they were better able to understand the difference after being exposed to human speech throughout their lives. The differences were also more pronounced in dogs with longer snouts, suggesting that there could be a breed-factor to being a bilingual dog, too.

The cohort of dogs ranged in age from 3 to 11; in total, there were five golden retrievers, six border collies, two Australian shepherds, one labradoodle, one cocker spaniel and three mutts.

“Language representation in secondary auditory and frontal cortical regions in dogs could reflect their capacity to extract certain auditory regularities which, despite perhaps not being specific to speech, characterize the temporal organization of continuous speech in a given language,” the researchers concluded. “A more pronounced language representation in older dog brains suggests a role for the amount of language exposure.”

RELATED: Do dogs miss us when we leave? A “talking” dog offers insights

Cuaya told NBC News that the results showed that dogs “know more than I expected about human language.” But she wasn’t surprised.

“Certainly, this ability to be constant social learners gives them an advantage as a species — it gives them a better understanding of their environment,” Cuaya added.

The latest research adds on to exciting global research around dogs and language, like the study Bunny the Talking Dog partakes in, as Salon has previously reported.

Researchers on the team said there is more studies to do to better understand to what extent dogs can understand different languages.

“It is exciting, because it reveals that the capacity to learn about the regularities of a language is not uniquely human. Still, we do not know whether this capacity is dogs’ specialty, or general among non-human species,” said Attila Andics, senior author of the study. “Indeed, it is possible that the brain changes from the tens of thousand years that dogs have been living with humans have made them better language listeners, but this is not necessarily the case — future studies will have to find this out.”

Read more about how pets communicate:

Fauci’s fed up: Hot mic catches top COVID doctor mocking GOP senator as a “moron”

Following a day of grilling and tedious questioning, Dr. Anthony Fauci wrapped his nearly daylong testimony before a Senate committee by getting caught on the hot mic mocking a Republican as a “moron.”

The National Institute of Allergy and Infections Diseases director had just ended an exchange with Republican Sen. Roger Marshall of Kansas.

“As the highest paid employee in the entire federal government,” Marshall asked Fauci, “Yes or no: Would you be willing to submit to Congress and the public a financial disclosure that includes your past and current investments?”

Fauci responded, “I don’t understand why you’re asking me that question. My financial disclosure is public knowledge and has been so for the last thirty-seven years or so, 35 years.”

RELATED: Madison Cawthorn goes on the warpath against “punk” Dr. Fauci

Marshall then accused “big tech giants” of keeping that information from the public.

 “All you have to do is ask for it,” Fauci shot back. “You’re so misinformed. It’s extraordinary.”

RELATED: The U.S. never had a shot at herd immunity

Pulling away from the mic, Fauci was caught muttering under his breath: “What a moron! Jesus Christ.”

Earlier in the day, Fauci confronted Kentucky Sen. Rand Paul, who Fauci accused of helping to “kindle the crazies” who have threatened his and his family’s life. 


Want a daily wrap-up of all the news and commentary Salon has to offer? Subscribe to our morning newsletter, Crash Course.


“What happens when he gets out and accuses me of things that are completely untrue, is that all of a sudden that kindles the crazies out there, and I have threats upon my life, harassment of my family, and my children, with obscene phone calls because people are lying about me,” Fauci asked during the Senate hearing.

“So I asked myself, ‘Why would senator want to do this?’ So go to Rand Paul website and you see ‘Fire Dr. Fauci’ with a little box that says, ‘contribute here’ you can do $5 $10 $20 $100,” said Fauci. “So you are making a catastrophic epidemic for your political gain.”

RELATED: Why they hate him: Dr. Fauci triggers the right because he reveals their deepest insecurities

Biden keeps Trump plan that incentives denial of health care with big profits

In 2020, the Trump administration launched a plan to hand traditional Medicare over to Wall Street. Inexplicably, the Biden administration is playing along.

The overwhelming evidence demonstrates that the plan will drive up healthcare costs, inhibiting people from getting needed care.

So-called Direct Contracting Entities, DCEs, must pay for the care of the people assigned to them.

Here’s the sweet part for Wall Street: In addition to the normal profits from providing services, these firms can keep as much as 40 percent of the money they don’t spend on care. Talk about a financial incentive to deny treatments.

In addition, a new safe harbor rule lets DCEs owned by the same investors shuffle money between them without risking civil or criminal penalties for paying kickbacks. That’s the kind of system that makes profiteering easy.

In phase one of this healthcare experiment, the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, CMS, pays 53 DCEs. They receive a fixed amount of money to cover care for each traditional Medicare enrollee whose primary care doctor signs up with that DCE. The government already auto-assigned hundreds of thousands of people to DCEs.

Since people on Medicare did not sign up for this, they likely do not know or understand what’s in store. Yes, they should have received written notice of their new status. But CMS treats the change as if it does not affect the quality of care provided to these older and disabled people.

Hiding a Right

Astonishingly, CMS does not require DCEs to tell people that they have the right to opt-out, let alone alert them that there is good reason to do so. Unfortunately, the only way to opt-out is to switch to a new primary care doctor who is not a part of a DCE. You can call 800-MEDICARE for further information.

Anyone enrolled in a DCE should worry that their primary care doctors will limit their access to costly necessary care. The DCEs are likely paying these doctors more to keep patients away from specialty care or providing them with guidance to delay and withhold care. We have seen this profit-maximizing before, and it isn’t pretty.

RELATED: Our failing healthcare system costs us countless lives. It’s time to adopt Medicare for All

With Medicare Advantage, which corporate health insurers administer, the Office of the Inspector General found widespread and persistent inappropriate delays and denials of care and coverage.


Want a daily wrap-up of all the news and commentary Salon has to offer? Subscribe to our morning newsletter, Crash Course.


The Biden administration continues to mislead people about Medicare Advantage or Part C of Medicare with information claiming it offers people more than traditional Medicare without explaining its risks, including considerable financial and administrative barriers to care.

Conflicts of Interest Abound

These business models mean that providing quality health care and abiding by their legal obligations is at odds with profiting handsomely, reports by government agencies and independent researchers have shown again and again.

Private equity firms and corporations that own or operate dialysis centershospice programslong-term care programs and even dermatology practices put their own interests first, to the detriment of their patients, government watchdogs found.

Similarly, the DCEs can deliver more for their investors when they avoid paying for costly care.

How can they do that? Unlike other wealthy countries and large employers in the United States, our government pays a flat fee per person to insurers regardless of the amount they spend on care. Unlike other wealthy countries, our government does not dictate the terms for providing care. Instead, our government lets DCEs decide when to cover care and to do so without accountability. The DCEs don’t even have to make public their coverage policies.

Covering Medicare benefits, which DCEs must do, is very different from providing people with the medically necessary services and treatments they need.

For example, as far as a DCE is concerned, three physical therapy visits might be all that is medically necessary after a hip replacement, even though many more are needed. Likewise, a DCE may decide a plain old X-ray will suffice when the treating physician has determined that an MRI is required.

What Wall Street Loves

Why would the Biden administration want to give corporations control over the health care of the most vulnerable Americans?

Wall Street loves it. And the Trump administration, which promised to drain the swamp and stop Wall Street predations, instead turned Washington into a prosperous paradise for the worst Wall Street predators.

RELATED: Top hospitals charging patients up to 1,800% more for services than they actually cost

This move away from quality healthcare service to profit-oriented denials of care is worth hundreds of billions of dollars a year in taxpayer money flowing to private industry.

The CMS description of the program shows how much it is directed at Wall Street, not to the quality of care.

The DCE approach “draws upon private sector approaches to risk-sharing arrangements and payment with reduced administrative burden commensurate with the level of downside risk.

“The risk-sharing options… also includes a reduced set of quality measures that focuses more on outcomes and beneficiary experience than on process.

“By providing flexible options with regard to, for example, risk-sharing arrangements, financial protections, and benefit enhancements” they are expected to be attractive to people with Medicare but also to “organizations that have experience with risk-based contracts.” That’s a euphemistic way to refer to the DCEs financed by Wall Street.

That description, interestingly, is contained in an announcement about a new rule that effectively exempts related DCEs from civil and criminal liability for paying kickbacks so long as they pay in accord with the new rule.


Want a daily wrap-up of all the news and commentary Salon has to offer? Subscribe to our morning newsletter, Crash Course.


If that sounds like a license to loot the Treasury, it’s because that is precisely what it can and likely will become.

Basically, one DCE can make payments to a brother or sister entity, which can become a way for these related businesses to keep more of the money taxpayers pay them.

President Joe Biden won in part because of his commitment to science and data. Yet politics, so far, has gotten in the way of cost-effective health care.

Consequently, the Biden administration is forcing our nation’s elderly into DCEs, essentially a new form of Medicare Advantage plans, against their will and generally without their knowledge or consent.

RELATED: America’s patchwork, for-profit healthcare system poised to worsen coronavirus outbreak

These private business dis-Advantage plans are a far less cost-effectivequality-questionable arm of Medicare.

Pilot Program Metastasizes

Direct contracting is supposed to be a pilot program, yet Medicare has no plans to limit the number of people it enrolls in these new plans. Instead, Medicare has announced plans to enroll 100% of traditional Medicare members into DCE-like programs by 2030.


Want a daily wrap-up of all the news and commentary Salon has to offer? Subscribe to our morning newsletter, Crash Course.


This massive handover appears to violate the limited authority that Congress granted to conduct an experiment. Without any Congressional oversight, CMS is moving all people on Medicare into these private business plans by the Orwellian redefining of its direct contracting authority with providers and suppliers.

Through the Medicare Innovation Center, Congress gave CMS authority to test new models for paying for care provided that they neither increase costs nor undermine quality.

Our Congress did not authorize models that are known to be more costly, that are subject to large-scale inappropriate denials of care or to systems that involve private insurers and investors as intermediaries with complete control over people’s care.

Our Congress did not authorize the wholesale overhaul of traditional Medicare, so why is this happening?

The Biden administration should be held to account immediately and pressured to halt this dangerous and costly Medicare transformation. And members of Congress, especially on the committees that oversee Medicare, need to hold public hearings where people denied care would testify to their experiences.

Walmart and Kroger hike price of COVID tests after federal agreement to sell them “at cost” expires

Walmart and Kroger are raising the prices of at-home COVID-19 tests following the expiration of a temporary deal with the White House to sell the kits “at cost.” Meanwhile,  the Biden administration said Monday, private insurers will be required to cover the cost of up to eight at-home coronavirus rapid tests per person per month.

The low-cost deal, first established back in September, officially came to an end last month, allowing mega-retailers, including Amazon, to set their own prices. The tests were originally priced at $24 with Amazon and $14 with Walmart and Kroger. But on Tuesday, reported NBC News, the BinaxNOW test kit – one of the first at-home rapid antigen tests to be authorized for use – was priced at $19.88. Kroger’s, meanwhile, was listed at $23.99. 

According to The Wall Street Journal, pharmacies chains like CVS Health Corp. and Walgreens Boots-Alliance Inc. have been selling the tests for $23.99. 

A Kroger spokesperson said that the company had “fulfilled [its] commitment to the Biden administration to sell” the tests “at cost for 100 days.”

The expiration of the White House agreement comes amid an unprecedented upsurge in U.S. coronavirus cases stemming from recent emergence of the omicron variant, first identified in the U.S. on December 1. Last week, the U.S. saw a record single-day number of new COVID cases, totaling one million, according to John Hopkins University. On Saturday, the New York Times reported that nearly 120,000 Americans are currently hospitalized as a result of the virus.

RELATED: Omicron is surging, and scientists are optimistic. How can both of these things be true?

On Wednesday, White House Press Secretary Jenn Psaki eschewed questioning around whether the expired agreement would be reinstated. 


Want a daily wrap-up of all the news and commentary Salon has to offer? Subscribe to our morning newsletter, Crash Course.


“I’m not going to get into details of our private conversations with these providers,” Psaki said. “Our focus is, of course, ensuring that we are increasing access and access to free tests to people across the country.”

Still, aside from pricing, millions of Americans continue to struggle finding tests to begin with. Last week, test sellers told NBC News that they are facing a “tsunami of demand” that as cases continue to skyrocket. 

Abbott, which manufactures BinaxNOW kits, echoed that the company is similarly reckoning with “unprecedented demand.”

RELATED: ​​The omicron variant came out of left field. Will there be more like it in the future?

“We’re sending them out as fast as we can make them,” said company spokesman John Koval. “This includes running our U.S. manufacturing facilities 24/7, hiring more workers and investing in automation.”

The White House has said that it plans to ship 500 million free at-home COVID tests to Americans via the Postal Service and has reportedly finalized contracts for their production. “We are actively finalizing the details of the distribution mechanism, including a website as we’ve talked about,” deputy press secretary Karine Jean-Pierre told reporters on Friday. 

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding, a senior fellow at the Federation of American Scientists, told the Journal that if prices climb too high, Americans will disincentivize people from using them. 

“When the prices are that high, people will rationalize not using a kit. They’ll wait until they’re sick or need it for school or something,” he said. “The problem with this pricing, besides creating a lack of access, is that it creates a perverse incentive for people not to use them.”

Trump trashes GOP senator as “woke” for acknowledging that 2020 election was “fair”

Former President Donald Trump lashed out at Sen. Mike Rounds, R-S.D., on Monday for acknowledging that the 2020 election was “fair,” calling him “woke” and a “jerk.”

Rounds “just went woke,” Trump raged in a lengthy statement, repeating his lies about “massive evidence” of voter fraud that have repeatedly been debunked by election officials, courts and even top officials in his own administration. “Is he crazy or just stupid?” the former president questioned.

Rounds on Sunday rejected his party’s narrative that there were any widespread irregularities or fraud that contributed to Trump’s election loss in an interview with ABC News. The South Dakota Republican said the party had looked at “over 60 different accusations made in multiple states” but found no irregularities that “would have risen to the point where they would have changed the vote outcome in a single state.”

“The election was fair, as fair as we have seen. We simply did not win the election, as Republicans, for the presidency,” Rounds said, urging his party to “refocus once again on what it’s going to take to win the presidency.”

RELATED: The evolution of Trump’s Big Lie: Republicans retool their conspiracy theory for the mainstream

Rounds said Trump’s election lies threaten to hurt Republican candidates in upcoming elections after many party insiders faulted the former president for costing the GOP both its Senate seats in Georgia runoff elections just ahead of the Jan. 6 Capitol riot.

“If we simply look back and tell our people, ‘Don’t vote because there’s cheating going on,’ then we’re going to put ourselves in a huge disadvantage,” Rounds said. “So, moving forward, let’s focus on what it takes to win those elections. We can do that. But we have to let people know that they can believe and they can have confidence that those elections are fair. And that is in every single state that we looked at.”

Trump after the interview called Rounds a “RINO,” or “Republican in name only,” claiming that the senator had only won his re-election last year because of his endorsement.

“Even though his election will not be coming up for 5 years, I will never endorse this jerk again,” he declared.


Want a daily wrap-up of all the news and commentary Salon has to offer? Subscribe to our morning newsletter, Crash Course.


Rounds, 67, won his re-election race by more than 30 points in the deep-red state after previously serving as the state’s governor for two terms. Rounds voted to certify President Biden’s election win on Jan. 6 and condemned the pro-Trump riot, but later voted to acquit Trump after he was impeached for inciting the attack.

Rounds fired back at Trump’s statement on Monday, reiterating that his false claims do not change the reality that he lost.

“I’m disappointed but not surprised by the former president’s reaction. However, the facts remain the same. The former president lost the 2020 election,” Rounds said in a statement, adding that nearly all of his Republican colleagues “acknowledged this last January” when they voted to certify the election results.

Other Republicans who have drawn Trump’s ire for standing up to his repeated false claims commiserated with Rounds.

“Welcome to the club,” said Sen. John Thune, R-S.D., the No. 2 Republican in the Senate, whose career Trump once declared “over.”  

Sen. Mitt Romney, R-Utah, one of Trump’s top GOP foes, also backed Rounds.

“Mike Rounds speaks truth knowing that our Republic depends upon it,” he tweeted, listing an unfortunately short list of prominent Republicans who have acknowledged Trump’s election loss and the more than 60 courts that rejected his supporters’ baseless claims.

“Awe I’m sorry snowflake,” Rep. Adam Kinzinger, R-Ill., who serves on the House committee investigating the Jan. 6 attack, tweeted in response to Trump’s statement. “Let’s get you some milk and a blankie:(. Remember, you’re special and everybody knows it!”

But Rounds’ supporters decidedly seem to be a minority within their own party. A Yahoo News/YouGov poll last week found that 75% of Trump voters believe Trump’s false claim that the election was “rigged and stolen.” Only 9% believe that Biden won a “fair” election.

Read more on the persistence of the Big Lie:

Biden must make clear what Republicans know: The fight for democracy is a struggle over racism

President Joe Biden and congressional Democrats are focusing heavily on the racial justice angle for their refreshed pro-democracy campaign.

They’ve kicked off the new year with what is likely a doomed bid to convince corruption-poisoned Democratic holdouts Sens. Joe Manchin of West Virginia and Kyrsten Sinema of Arizona to allow a voting rights bill to pass. On Tuesday, Biden made the trip to Atlanta, Georgia, to explicitly tie the current bid to pass voting rights protections to the 20th century struggle for civil rights. The schedule was first to lay a wreath on the grave of Martin Luther King Jr. and then give a speech about the importance of continuing the work by passing voting rights legislation this year. 

The racial angle isn’t merely a historical matter. The racist impetus the fueled the Jim Crow laws of the past are motivating the current Republican assault on both voting rights and electoral integrity today. And it isn’t even particularly subtle. In 2019, the state wrongfully purged about 200,000 voters from the rolls in a move that the ACLU Georgia describes as predominantly affecting “young voters, voters of lower income, and citizens of racial groups that have been denied their sacred right to vote in the past.” In 2021, “Gov. Brian Kemp signed into law an omnibus bill that targets Black voters with uncanny accuracy,” the Brennan Center explains, with provisions designed to make it harder to vote in predominantly Black neighborhoods. Georgia Republicans have also been using newly written anti-democracy laws to oust Black elections officials and replace them with Donald Trump loyalists. 

RELATED: Facebook and Trump: America is sleepwalking towards fascism

Coverage of the new Jim Crow reliably sets the talking heads of Fox News and other Republican propagandists into fits of faux outrage, on the grounds that it’s unfair to call them “racist” just because they keep wanting to block Black people from participating in democracy. But despite all the whining about the word “racist,” Republicans show no interest in actually acting less racist in response to these accusations. On the contrary, they’re kicking off 2022 by dropping the masks and the dogwhistles, and getting ever blunter about their white nationalist yearnings. 


Want more Amanda Marcotte on politics? Subscribe to her newsletter Standing Room Only.


Last week, Republican state senator Scott Baldwin of Indiana drew outrage when he argued that teachers should be “impartial” on the subject of Nazism. His remarks came during a public hearing on his bill that is clearly meant to suppress any discussion of racism in schools, all under the guise of (you guessed it!) “critical race theory.” The bill requires teachers to “remain impartial in teaching curricular materials or conducting educational activities,” language clearly meant to make sure teachers don’t say things like “slavery was bad” or “the civil rights movement was good.”

One history teacher, Matt Bockenfeld, protested that he can’t teach about “the rise of fascism and the rise of Nazism” without noting that Nazis were super-duper-bad, what with the massive genocide and attempts at world domination. Baldwin, however, disagreed. “I have no problem with the education system providing instruction on the existence of those isms,” he argued, but insisted, “We need to be impartial” on whether or not Nazism was actually bad or good. 

The Indianapolis Star later ran a headline claiming Baldwin “walked back” his remarks, but that is not true in any meaningful sense. He insisted that he personally believes “Nazism, Marxism and fascism are a stain on our world history,” but did not say that this supposed belief should have any place in schools. As Judd Legum of Popular Info pointed out, nor did Baldwin say “he would make any specific change to his proposed legislation.” Also, equating Nazism and Marxism is a rather unsubtle rhetorical trick to minimize Nazism, by equating it with a political philosophy that has inspired quite a bit of good work (like the labor movement), even as dictators like Stalin misappropriated it for self-justification. 

RELATED: How Christian nationalism drove the insurrection: A religious history of Jan. 6

But Baldwin’s behavior shouldn’t be any surprise, as he lives in a right-wing bubble ruled by Fox News, where neo-Nazi rhetoric is now standard issue. As Media Matters documented last month, “While Tucker Carlson has been flirting with white nationalism for years, 2021 was the year he went full-tilt and repeatedly said the quiet part aloud, explicitly referencing the white supremacist “great replacement” conspiracy theory.” Other prime time hosts have been joining in. 

On Monday night alone, Fox News was in a full boil over conspiracy theories claiming white people are the new American underclass, one supposedly being denied health care so that people of color can hoard it all. Carlson rolled out the conspiracy theory with claims that the CDC “made it official policy to withhold life-saving medical treatment from” white people by supposedly prioritizing young people of color over “older Americans,” who Carlson claims were targeted for death by being “too white.”

It’s basically the neo-Nazi notion that racial diversity is “white genocide,” and in line with Carlson’s drumbeat of programming mainstreaming neo-Nazi ideas. The irony here is he is using the early days of the COVID-19 vaccine, when essential workers and people over 65 were prioritized, as the basis for his pretzel-like logic of an anti-white government conspiracy. In reality, Carlson is the one preventing old white people from getting vaccinated — by telling them likes like it’s useless, it’s poison, and Viagra works better. Meanwhile, the government vaccine programs he is complaining about were more effective at getting shots in the arms of white people than people of color throughout much of 2021, leading to months where the former had much higher vaccination rates than the latter, though that racial gap has finally closed.  


Want more Amanda Marcotte on politics? Subscribe to her newsletter Standing Room Only.


But facts never get in the way of a white supremacist narrative. Sure enough, former Trump advisor Stephen Miller was on an hour later, on Laura Ingraham’s show, claiming Democrats want to “take money and power from one group based on race and give it to another group based on race,” with the former being white people and the latter being people of color. To stop this, he argued, white people need to “push back and reclaim our heritage as a nation of legal equality, equal justice.” Of course, the actual history of slavery and Jim Crow shows that this “heritage” he speaks of is not one of equality and justice. In typical gaslighting fashion of the right, Miller is using those words to mean their opposite.

The racist subtext of Trump’s attempted coup, which led to what must be understood as a white supremacist riot at the Capitol, was generally ignored by the media, even as it was stunningly unsubtle. Trump continued to single out cities like Philadelphia and Detroit, which have sizeable Black populations, for accusations of “voter fraud.” While mainstream journalists played dumb and pretended to believe the facile excuse that Trump was talking about literal fraud, his supporters picked up on his implication: voters of color are inherently un-American. 

A year later, there is no ignoring that the struggle over democracy is also a struggle over racism.

That truth is seen in Democratic rhetoric, which is openly and correctly tying the need for democracy reform to the country’s long history of suppressing voters of color. But it’s also true in the reactionary rhetoric of the right, where the old and more subtle dogwhistles of racism are giving way to this blunter language. That there’s a softening of GOP attitudes towards Nazism shouldn’t be any surprise. The Fox News claims that white people are the “real” victims and that Black people are the “real” oppressors are directly descended from the Protocols of the Elders of Zion and other anti-Semitic conspiracy theories that Nazis employed to justify the Holocaust. They’re fascists. They don’t even try to hide it much any more.

If Democrats fail to pass a democracy reform bill — which Manchin and Sinema seem determined to make sure happens — then there’s a very real chance that the fascists will win. Biden’s speeches are nice, but they’re being met by belligerent and unapologetically white supremacist rhetoric on the right. Words aren’t enough to save us — without real legislative action. 

Stephen Miller calls on Fox News viewers to “reclaim our heritage”

Stephen Miller, former senior advisor to Donald Trump, warned on Monday that America would lose its founding pillars of “legal equality” and “equal justice” if the GOP doesn’t “push back” against the left to “reclaim [the nation’s] heritage.”

“The left’s goal is power and they’ve figured out that the way they can accumulate power, power over your healthcare decisions, power over your finances, power over life and death is to use race as their cudgel. To use race as their sword, and that’s what we’re seeing right now,” Miller said during a Fox News interview with Laura Ingraham.

“It is fascist and if we don’t push back and reclaim our heritage as a nation of legal equality, equal justice,” he added, “We are going to lose everything that we love about America.”

RELATED: “Exploitation of a pandemic”: Trump’s executive order expanding visa restrictions sparks outrage

Miller’s remarks came in response to New York City’s recent decision to consider race in its distribution of monoclonal antibody treatments, which are known to prevent hospitalization from COVID-19 in high-risk patients. On December 20, new guidance from New York City’s health department announced that the city would “consider race and ethnicity when assessing individual risk,” adding that “longstanding systemic health and social inequities” can raise the risk of death due to COVID. 


Want a daily wrap-up of all the news and commentary Salon has to offer? Subscribe to our morning newsletter, Crash Course.


This week, several critics have joined Miller in opposing the policy.

“This is not progressivism. This is just lunacy,” said conservative commentator Tomi Lahren. “And, again, this is race-baiting identity politics which is all the left has.”

“I don’t know. Seems like this policy could be… um, what’s the word I’m looking for… um, RACIST!!!!” echoed Donald Trump Jr. over Twitter.

It isn’t the first time that Miller – who architected Trump’s policy of separating migrant children from their parents – has railed against alleged “reverse-racism.”  

Back in April, Miller filed a lawsuit against the Biden administration over its support of the American Rescue Plan, arguing that the law discriminates against farmers of “white ethnic groups” by devoting specific funds for “socially disadvantaged farmers and ranchers.”

RELATED: Stephen Miller is suing Joe Biden for discrimination against white people

Watch below, via Media Matters:

Our new “live with it” COVID strategy is devastating health care workers

Donald Trump may have lost the election, but his laissez-faire worldview that believes commerce takes precedence over protecting workers’ health in the midst of a global pandemic has carried the day.

From the White House to City Hall, elected officials of both political parties are terrified of the American people’s anger if they impose a mask mandate again, even as omicron infections surge and deaths creep up from their low points just months ago.

Consider the major drop in flu cases from the fall of 2020 through the end of January 2021, when most people wore masks most of the time. According to the CDC, it logged 1,316 flu cases during that period, compared to 130,000 cases the year before.

Even as our hospitals are overwhelmed, the consistent message from public health officials and political leaders is that the omicron variant is far less lethal than its predecessor and is likely to dissipate as fast as it spiked.

Here’s the implicit reasoning: Why shut down a perfectly good economy to stop the spread of a virus, especially if the people most likely to die are the unvaccinated? They made their choice.

This worldview holds that what we have now is a “pandemic of the unvaccinated.” But the “live with it” strategy gives short shrift to the toll this pandemic is taking on the health care workforce, as well as other essential workers who have to go to work amid the Omicron blizzard and risk getting sick, no matter what their vaccination status.

RELATED: More health care workers quitting could “bring system to its knees”

They continue to lose sleep over whether or not they might bring the virus home, perhaps into a household with an infant not yet eligible for the vaccine virus, a family member with a pre-existing condition, or an elderly and vulnerable person. But in America, that’s their problem.

Debbie White, a registered nurse and president of New Jersey’s Health Professionals and Allied Employees, the state’s largest union of nurses and health care professionals, said that as much as a quarter to a third of her state’s health care workforce may have been sidelined already by the latest wave of COVID.

White said she was “appalled” that New Jersey Gov. Phil Murphy, a Democrat, had not yet reimposed a mask mandate, especially since it is now well established that even fully vaccinated people can transmit the virus.

 “You see the general public walking around without masks like nothing is happening, business as usual,” White said. “They’ve got no idea of what’s going on in the health care system — and they won’t, unless they have to enter it.” She said she believes a new mask mandate “should have happened a month ago.”

“I can tell you that the messaging I am hearing in the media is, basically, this is a mild variant, make sure you get your vaccine and your booster and that’s it,” she said. “And at an end of a commercial, ‘Oh, and by the way, you should probably wear a mask to be safe.’ I just don’t hear a sense of urgency.”

White said she understands the “effort to stay normal, whatever that is, and possibly to get this over and done with,” but believes too much has been sacrificed, both in New Jersey and across the country. “We have allowed the health care system to be completely overwhelmed,” she said, with public officials unwilling to take “decisive actions.”


Want a daily wrap-up of all the news and commentary Salon has to offer? Subscribe to our morning newsletter, Crash Course.


In a recent interview with NJ Advance Media, Gov. Murphy, who recently took his family to Costa Rica despite a CDC COVID advisory, offered a more sanguine assessment. “We’re gonna get through this,” he told the news outlet.  “The omicron variant appears to be something that goes up literally like a straight line and when it breaks, it goes down pretty precipitously. And ultimately, it’s going to get to a place where [the virus is] going to be among us, but we will be able to live what we would all think of as completely normal lives. And I do believe that is within our reach sooner rather than later.”

White fears that may be overly optimistic. “We are going into our third year,” she said. “We should have learned something by now. What was important in the very first surge of the pandemic was to protect the health care system. That’s all we talked about: ‘You have to limit the spread, flatten the curve.’ We can’t overwhelm the health care system, because if somebody goes into the hospital, they want to know there is a bed available and there is a hospital worker available.

“I don’t see that happening now,” she continued. “As one of my peers put it, I feel like I am living in an alternative universe.”

The reality is that the position of White’s union members and the entire “essential” workforce has never been more marginal than it is right now. First, the CDC lifted the universal mask mandate last May, saying that the vaccinated population could give up wearing masks. The unions that represent nurses and other frontline essential workers warned that this was a premature move in a country where tens of millions of people were still unvaccinated. They predicted the country was still vulnerable to a variant.

As we now know, they were right.

Last month, the CDC, apparently yielding to corporate America’s concerns about a labor shortage, cut the COVID quarantine period in half, from 10 days to five, and with no requirement for a negative test result. That guidance was uniformly blasted by the nation’s nursing unions as well as respected public health experts as ill-advised.

For front-line unions, the CDC’s capitulation to business interests is merely one in a long line of examples of the agency’s expedient disregard for workers. Early on, the CDC notoriously instructed nurses to ignore their training on infectious disease control and reuse their N-95 masks for days at a time.

At the time, the nurses’ unions predicted three things would happen: Their members would get sick, many would die and hospitals would themselves become vectors for the virus. All three things happened.

On Jan. 6, the New York Times published a front-page story headlined “Fumbled Communications Cloud C.D.C. Covid Policy.” (The archived online version has a different headline, focused on Dr. Rochelle Walensky, the agency’s director.)

You had to read 17 paragraphs into the story to find the real lede, which was not about a poor communications strategy but a flawed policy: Health experts were almost universally critical of “the C.D.C.’s decision not to recommend a negative test before people with Covid end a five-day isolation.” As the American Medical Association said in a statement, “The new recommendations of quarantine and isolation are not only confusing, but are risking further spread of the virus.” 

It feels like the one consistent theme running through the entirety of the pandemic is just how expendable America’s essential workers are to the power structure.

Throughout this entire 21st-century tribulation, the scarcity that nurtures American capitalism has repeatedly manifested itself and we’ve chosen to look away. From the lack of masks at the outset of the pandemic, to the more recent fiasco, with Americans lining up for COVID testing by the thousands, we’ve largely accepted this as what we deserve.

As this scarcity-informed response to the pandemic has become increasingly incoherent, the message we’ve heard from the corporate media is that it’s time to “learn to live with COVID,” a virus that’s likely to kill close to one million Americans and leave millions more with unpredictable long-term illness or disability. 

Of course that’s how the managerial class, which works remotely from literally anywhere, would choose to frame it: Let’s just get on with it. Economic stagnation is worse than death, especially if you are in the class least likely to die or be disabled serving others.

Thanks to the Guardian and Kaiser Health News, we know that in the first year of the pandemic at least 3,600 health care workers died fighting the pandemic. But we have no clear idea of the total number of health care workers and other essential workers who have died as a consequence of this virus, and as a country we are in no hurry to find out. Even now, employers are fighting worker compensation claims from those who answered the call to serve us and paid the price

Is it any wonder that 4.5 million people left their job last November? In fact, from Sept. 1 through Nov. 30 of last year, 13.1 million people quit their jobs — a larger number than the 12.5 million workers represented by the unions that make up the AFL-CIO. This should hardly be news, but America simply doesn’t have essential workers’ backs. 

Read more on health care in the COVID era:

Anti-trans bills introduced in at least 7 states in the first week of 2022

During the first week of 2022, at least seven states introduced measures that would curtail the rights of transgender and non-binary youth

According to NBC News, Republican state legislators in Arizona, Alabama, Indiana, Kentucky, Oklahoma, New Hampshire and South Dakota have all proposed bills that would restrict trans and non-binary youths from accessing gender-affirming healthcare, participating in school sports, and using restrooms that correspond with their genders. 

Last year saw an unprecedented wave of GOP-backed anti-trans measures in various states throughout the country. Back in May, the Human Rights Campaign called 2021 “the worst year in recent history for LGBTQ+ state legislative attacks,” reporting that seventeen anti-trans laws had been enacted in states like Arkansas, Alabama, Tennessee, Mississippi, Montana, and West Virginia. Many of these measures prohibited trans youth from using restrooms or participating in sports teams that aligned with their gender. Other measures carved out religious exemptions that grant a license for people to discriminate against LGBTQ+ people. 

RELATED: Co-opting the message: How anti-trans activists hijacked a tool meant to help trans people

This year, Republicans have shown no indication of slowing down in this effort.


Want a daily wrap-up of all the news and commentary Salon has to offer? Subscribe to our morning newsletter, Crash Course.


Within the first week of 2022, legislatures in seven states proposed at least nine bills that institute anti-trans restrictions – a development that is sounding alarms for LGBTQ+ advocates.  

“Unfortunately, I think we’re getting ready to watch a race to the bottom among legislators who are in a competition to see who can do the most harm to trans kids,” Gillian Branstetter, of the National Women’s Law Center, told NBC News. “It is a hostile and dangerous trend that I’m sure we’ll see continue through the year.” 

Among the states leading this year’s charge are Arizona, Alabama, Indiana, Kentucky, Oklahoma, New Hampshire and South Dakota. 

In South Dakota, reported NBC News, Republican lawmakers proposed a bill that leverages a bounty system deputizing other students to report instances in which a trans student uses certain school facilities. The bill largely mirrors that of Texas’ near-total abortion ban passed last year, which established a private cause of action for any Texans who witness someone aiding or abetting in an abortion past six weeks into pregnancy. 

RELATED: The right’s latest anti-trans hysteria just blew up

Chase Strangio, the deputy director for transgender justice at the ACLU LGBT & HIV Project, told NBC News that he expects similar bounty-type systems to be used in 2022. 

“One concern that people have moving forward is, ‘How are lawmakers going to try and avoid accountability and judicial review?'” Strangio said. “I think one way is to limit government enforcement of their laws and sort of deputize private individuals to act as government officials to essentially be the people enforcing the law through private lawsuits.”

The sustained anti-trans push is likely to have devastating impacts on trans youth, both physically and mentally. According to the Trevor Project poll released Monday, “​​two-thirds of LGBTQ youth report that the recent debates about state laws restricting the rights of transgender people has impacted their mental health negatively.”

Amit Paley, CEO of The Trevor Project, said that “these results underscore how recent politics and ongoing crises facing the globe can have a real, negative impact on LGBTQ young people, a group consistently found to be at significantly increased risk for depression, anxiety and attempting suicide because of how they are mistreated and stigmatized in society.” 

RELATED: At one Texas school, LGBTQ teens call onslaught of hostile laws “matter of life and death”

National Archives: Trump allies caught using forged documents to overturn 2020 election

Donald Trump’s failed campaign to subvert the 2020 presidential election largely centered on federal lawmakers reportedly willing to defy the Electoral College. But according to Politico, Trump and his allies also waged an extensive campaign targeting high- and low-level state officials in charge of election administration that included forged documents. 

The outlet reported that the House committee charged with probing the Capitol riot is currently poring over “thousands” of documents related to Trump’s state-level effort in addition to interviewing a “slate of witnesses” who handled presidential balloting. “We want to let the public see and hear from those individuals who conducted elections in those states,” select panel chair Rep. Bennie Thompson, D-Miss., told Politico. 

Trump and his allies reportedly targeted four states in particular – Arizona, Georgia, Pennsylvania, and Michigan – all of which Trump has baselessly claimed are the sites of widespread outcome-altering voter fraud. 

In Georgia, according to the January 6 panel’s findings, Trump and his inner circle devoted much of their attention to Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger, pressuring him to genuflect to the former president. In November and December of 2020, Mark Meadows, Trump’s chief of staff, reportedly texted Raffensperger twice, asking to arrange a call – presumably about alleged voter fraud in the Peach State. The state secretary responded to neither text. 

The House committee also obtained documents detailing a call between Sen. Lindsey Graham, R-S.C., and Raffensperger, in November of 2020. “Hope you are doing well. Senator Graham has requested a call w/ Sec. Raffensperger at his earliest convenience,” a Graham staffer reportedly told two Raffensperger aides. 


Want a daily wrap-up of all the news and commentary Salon has to offer? Subscribe to our morning newsletter, Crash Course.


According to The Washington Post, in November of that year, Graham called Raffensperger about the state’s signature-matching law and “whether political bias could have prompted poll workers to accept ballots with non-matching signatures.” The senator also reportedly asked Raffensperger if he could unilaterally toss out ballots cast in counties with higher rates of non-matching signatures.

RELATED: Georgia investigating Trump call pressuring secretary of state to “find” votes, overturn election 

The House panel also reportedly unearthed “forged” certificates of ascertainment – sent to the National Archives – declaring Trump as the official winner of the presidential election in both Michigan and Arizona. According to Politico, Michigan Secretary of State Jocelyn Benson and Arizona Secretary of State Katie Hobbs had sent these certificates to the January 6 panel, which questioned both officials. The National Archives sent the forgeries via emails to Hobbs’ in early December notifying her office that the documents wouldn’t be accepted because they are forgeries. 

The forged Arizona certificate was apparently sent by a pro-Trump “sovereign citizen group” led by Lori Osiecki, who “attended the post-election rallies protesting the results, including the daylong meeting in Phoenix that included Trump attorney Rudy Giuliani,” according to The Arizona Republic

Throughout 2021, numerous GOP-backed “forensic audits” were launched in states like Arizona and Pennsylvania to probe the integrity of the 2020 election count. None have turned up any evidence of outcome-altering fraud. 

RELATED: Trump’s Texas “audit” falls apart: “Forensic” probe finds no substantial evidence of voter fraud