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When it comes to cooking meat, precision means perfection. If you’ve discovered the joys of sous vide cooking, or upgraded to a high-end smart oven and want to extend that level of accuracy to your grilling, the Meater is what you want. And, if you haven’t, the Meater is a great place to start, too.

For a metal stick that’s stored in a block of wood, the Meater smart thermometer is an amazingly capable device. At its most basic, the Meater is a wireless meat thermometer. Leave the probe inside a piece of meat while it cooks, and the accompanying app on your smartphone will tell you when to stop cooking. But that’s only the tip of the iceberg.

The Meater is actually two thermometers: one to measure the internal temperature of your food, up to 212 degrees, and one to measure the ambient temperature of the cooking area, up to 527 degrees. While that upper range disqualifies it for use in powerful pizza ovens, the Meater is safe for most cooking methods, and it will send a notification if it’s approaching the danger zone. The Meater also functions in a sous vide bag (though it’s not officially sanctioned for it) and is dishwasher safe.

The Meater app provides cooking guidance, time-until-done estimations and rest time recommendations, including notifications. By untethering you from your grill or appliance, the Meater affords you time to relax or prepare other parts of the meal. Understanding the Meater lineup is confusing, but the differences mostly concern operational distance. The original Meater ($70) uses Bluetooth with a range of up to 33 feet, but that range can be extended if you have multiple smart devices running the app. The Meater Plus, for $30 more, puts a Bluetooth repeater in the charging block, which can be used to extend the effective range to up to 165 feet.

(courtesy of Meater)
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The Meater Block ($230-$300) is much more than just multiple probes in a single charger. A built-in WiFi repeater and OLED display allow for smartphone-free use, to say nothing of being able to monitor up to four cooks at once. The Meater Block also brings the option of USB charging, which is woefully missing on the single Meaters.

Unless I’m just doing a finishing sear, my Meater is always in tow for cooks on my Traegar pellet grill, gas grill, BioLite or oven. It’s most useful when dealing with larger cuts (or just anything you’re not an old hand at cooking), but even with a menu as simple as hotdogs and burgers, the Meater is invaluable as a failsafe to prevent overcooking. Most amateur grillers look for visual doneness, have a set amount of time they trust, go with “better safe than sorry” or just wing it when deciding when to pull the meat. For those reasons, the Meater makes an incredible gift for the backyard chefs in your life.

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This crunchy, sweet and sour salad has been a big hit in my family for more than 30 years

Grammy, my dad’s mom, was a gifted cook and baker. She was very well known for her cakes, particularly her award-winning caramel cake, but her everyday cooking was incredible, too. 

My memories of Grammy are inextricably tied to the aromas, flavors and sounds that came from her kitchen. I remember, like it was yesterday, waking to the clink of silverware and clack of dishes being stacked. Within minutes of opening my eyes, the smell of breakfast led me like a zombie down the hall to the kitchen, where homemade biscuits were coming out of the oven or pancakes were being plated. There was bacon, sausage, eggs, coffee, juice, homemade jams, jellies, preserves — and it was amazing

The thing was, Grammy made it all look so easy. I realize now, as an adult, what a gift she had, making everything look that simple. Not that we didn’t help, but Grammy managed everything mostly single-handedly and actually seemed to gain energy having us there. She never complained and never appeared tired, even when she hosted Thanksgiving and Christmas for all of us, which numbered around eight adults and six children. I’ll tell you, Grammy drank her share of coffee, iced tea and Tab, though. So, I believe she stayed well-caffeinated. 

I think back to being at Grammy’s house in the summer with my sister and our cousins six of us in all, spanning about 10 years from oldest to youngest. Even as kids, we loved everything she made. None of us ever had to be cajoled into eating our peas or finishing our squash or anything else she served. We loved it all: breakfast, lunch and supper.

Whether it was a simple weekday meal or a big holiday dinner, other than her homemade baked goods, most everything Grammy cooked came out of her garden and was either freshly picked or put up from the previous year. From childhood to adulthood, we all loved the simple goodness of her food.

So, how did Grammy come to make this seemingly avant-garde salad? I mean, it had Ramen noodles and soy sauce in it for crying out loud, two things I wouldn’t have expected to find in her pantry. 


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Grammy was introduced to this salad by her friend, who had contributed it to the Junior League of Jackson, Miss., to use in their cookbook. She gave Grammy a copy of the cookbook when it was printed and encouraged my grandmother to try her salad. It soon became a family favorite.

In fact, Grammy shared the recipe with my step-mother, Carolyn, who began sharing it with her people in Hattiesburg, Miss., which is where my sister and I had it for the first time. It was much later, after Grammy had passed away, that we learned Carolyn had gotten the recipe from her. That made us like it even more. 

There are similar Asian-inspired salads that include sautéing uncooked Ramen noodles, but this one is our family’s favorite by far. Oftentimes, these recipes have additional ingredients that aren’t as universally loved by all, such as shredded cabbage, sprouts or a gingery dressing.

We think this one is just right. I mean, it’s perfect. It’s the one Grammy made.   

Ingredients: 

Ramen noodles

Don’t get the Ramen noodles that come in a styrofoam container. Choose the ones that come in a little pack so you can discard the enclosed flavor packet. 

The dressing

The dressing makes this salad, but it’s strong. In fact, the original recipe calls for equal parts sugar and oil. I use a little less sugar in mine, which is shared here. 

The original recipe also instructs you to dress the salad before serving so that it wilts a bit and it’s great that way. The problem is that I usually have leftovers and don’t want the noodles to lose their crunch. I like to dress individual salads to keep leftovers fresh and allow folks to choose the amount they like.

***

This crunchy, sweet and sour salad has been a big hit in my family for more than 30 years. The flavor is exceptional and just different enough to be distinctive. You’ll crave it all year round.

Grammy’s Crunchy Romaine Salad
Yields
8-12 servings
Prep Time
30 minutes
Cook Time
5 minutes

Ingredients

  • 1 cup chopped walnuts
  • 1 package Ramen noodles, uncooked, broken up, flavor packet discarded
  • 4 tablespoons butter
  • 1 bunch broccoli crowns, coarsely chopped
  • 1-2 heads romaine lettuce, broken up
  • 4 green onions, chopped small

Directions

  1. Sauté the walnuts and Ramen noodles in butter until fragrant and browned. Set aside to cool.

  2. Place the lettuce in a serving bowl and top with the broccoli and green onions, as well as the cooled walnuts and noodles.

  3. Toss the salad with the dressing before serving.

Sweet and Sour Dressing
Yields
2.5 cups

Ingredients

  • 1 cup salad oil
  • 3/4 cup sugar
  • 1/2 cup wine vinegar
  • 1 tablespoon soy sauce
  • Salt and pepper to taste

Directions

  1. Blend all ingredients.


Cook’s Notes

My tip for the dressing — which is not in the original recipe and can be used in any vinegar and oil type of dressing — involves molasses. Add a tablespoon of molasses to keep the dressing from separating.

You may also serve this salad without dressing and allow self-serve of individual salads. I prefer this method, as the dressing is very strong. For me, a little goes a long way.

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Jackson Hole isn’t just for skiing — it’s for sloshies, too

One visit to Jackson Hole, Wyoming is all it takes to discover that “sloshie” is a state of mind. The valley is filled with mountain peaks, ski resorts, rivers, wildlife, parks, and a tiny Western town with a big personality — and home to arguably the world’s most exceptional frozen beverage. While it appears to be a fruity, colorful concoction housed in a slushie machine at countless spots around the valley, it isn’t the average, barely boozy, watered-down drink associated with all-inclusive resorts and beach bars. As the name implies, it’ll get you sloshed. I learned that the hard way, many years ago, when I gulped down two sloshies in one sitting before hopping on a raft to float down the Snake River.

The sloshie was conceptualized in 2012 at Creekside Market — they filled a drink machine with freshly squeezed grapefruit juices and a sizable amount of vodka. From there, “The Hound” was born and locals still frequent this spot for a cold, tangy, frozen drink to pair with whatever outdoor adventure they’re up to. Until 2002, you could legally drink while driving in Wyoming (for passengers, until 2007), meaning locals were already accustomed to having a cold one in tow.

The sloshie reintroduced a more legal way of getting a cold drink with “legs” (to-go) and after the popularity of the Hound, pretty soon every bar, gas station, restaurant, and booze store in town was slingin’ sloshies in different flavors and sizes. Who actually came up with the name is debatable and dependent on who you ask but after consuming one, you’ll understand its name origin. In its simplest form, the sloshie is king, as it’s easy to make for the masses (juices, sweetener, and lots of alcohol) and doesn’t require a bartender’s labor.

Think of sloshies like an endurance sport. “While living in Jackson, I remember frequently counseling friends to think small when it came to sloshies; a 20-ounce cup (or sometimes, even larger in towns like Hoback) was a special occasion, not a default,” says former resident, Scott Eren. “Under absolutely no circumstances can you have two sloshies, particularly before a river trip — no fucking way. Not in my boat.”

“It’s Wyoming,” says Chas Marsh, co-founder of Jackson Hole Still Works. “Liquor laws are conducive to sloshies,” he adds. The amount of alcohol added is unregulated and the only open container regulation is in a vehicle — but thanks to a tamper tape seal that’s taped over the plastic cup’s lid to prevent people from drinking and driving, it’s OK to drive with (but not drink) them. It’s kind of like being in New Orleans but switching out the heat and the city streets for moderate temperatures and fresh mountain air. The booze-friendly laws coupled with the serene surroundings make it a cult pastime — especially for locals who appreciate the great outdoors and a stiff drink.

While there’s no shortage of sloshie stops, over the years, sloshie drinkers have developed an appreciation for the craft. There’s never a wrong time for a sloshie, even in the dead of winter, but the market is saturated with pre-mixed concoctions that contain lots of sugar. A tourist might not know better, but locals are well aware of where to get a quality sloshie.

On Wednesdays during warmer months, The Slow Food People’s Market is a bustling community scene for local food and produce, and yes, sloshies. “We go through 40 gallons of sloshies in three hours, or as fast as we can get them out,” says Goodman, who pops up a portable sloshie stand each week. “Creekside started with the ‘hound and we definitely pay homage to them,” says Marsh. “Our approach is to create classic or new, creative cocktails and turn those into sloshies,” he adds. “We are focused on creating a sloshie that acts as a true cocktail.”

“There are a bajillion sloshie options out there — the appeal to continue in this town is coming up with quality cocktails,” says Goodman. The popular frozen drink is a way to introduce people to Stillworks’ quality gin and vodka via the tasting room.

The consensus from locals is that the three best places to get a sloshie are Creekside, Jackson Hole Still Works, and Rations. Where you get your sloshie establishes important street cred in these neighborhoods (though I prefer Bud’s Eastside Liquor for a dessert mudslide sloshie).

Jackson Hole Still Works attracts a more off-the-beaten-path, discerning crowd. “We’re on the way to the river but we’re not directly on the road. You have to know where you’re going,” says co-founder Travis Goodman. “Our customers know what they want when they arrive,” he adds. In the summer of 2018, Marsh and Goodman joked about getting a sloshie machine at their distillery. “A week later, it paid for itself and we now sell upwards of 150 sloshies per day.

At Still Works, there are rotating taps filled with multiple options like Tiki AF, Blackberry Cobbler, Great Green Juice, and Jamaica Tea — all of which are made with fresh juices. Locals agree: it’s truly a sport. “I don’t think I ever went on a float without a sloshie, and I’ve been on dozens of floats,” says Eren. You don’t drink them while driving, but you have a plan of where you’re drinking them before you arrive. “Between the heat, impatience, and excitement of the always takes-longer-than-it-should shuttling of cars and inflating boats before a float, I need the sloshie to make the less fun parts great — and to keep spirits high before the real adventure,” he adds.

If heading north to Grand Teton National Park, stop at Creekside. The unassuming spot plows through roughly 30 gallons or more of the ‘Hound on a summer day and it remains the largest purchaser of grapefruit in the entire state.

And on the westside in Wilson, it’s Rations, where manager Delaney Burst told me that they recently sold over 400 sloshies in one day. The most popular flavors are cantaloupe limeade and passion fruit margarita. A nod to the low- or zero-cocktail trend, Burst noted the recent addition of a non-alcoholic sloshie. “I felt like it was important to share the sloshie love with everyone, including those who don’t want to or can’t drink,” he adds.

If you find yourself in Jackson Hole, plan your sloshie accordingly. And remember: quality vs. quantity; one will get you just right. If you’re over-ambitious, sloshies can be stored in the freezer to consume at a later date.

This creamy, decadent secret ingredient is the key to better twice-baked potatoes

Every few months, I get a craving for a fully-dressed baked potato that won’t subside until I buy a few russet potatoes, good butter, not-too-good shredded cheddar cheese, full-fat sour cream and chives. To me, it’s truly the ideal meal. It’s simple and hits all the right flavor notes. 

Recently, when that craving arrived, I signed into the app for my local supermarket and ordered the ingredients for delivery. Now, grocery delivery is one of those luxuries that I don’t take for granted. During packed weeks, as this one was, it’s a service that makes my life feel so much simpler. That being said, I still occasionally end up with a bizarre substitution. 

Once, I ordered a jar of roasted red peppers, but instead was given a jar of unsweetened apple sauce. Another time, I was presented with three scruffy coconuts instead of a 13.6-ounce can of coconut milk. There was also a time when, instead of receiving four avocados, I received four bags of avocados (my various panicked uses of those avocados is a story in its own right). 

And sure enough, when my bag of baked potato ingredients arrived, so did a notable substitution. The full-fat sour cream was nowhere to be found; in its place was a stocky little tub of mascarpone. As it would turn out, that mistake was actually a tremendous stroke of luck. 

Mascarpone is a soft Italian acid-set cream cheese. Its flavor is a cross between butter and Philadelphia cream cheese, but its texture is shockingly light and airy. It’s luxe, velvety, a little tangy — and looking at it in the grocery bag, I wondered why I had never previously considered pairing it with potatoes.

Having the mascarpone changed my plans a little bit. I shifted from making plain baked potatoes to twice-baked potatoes so that I could use the cheese to its full potential. After lathering the skin of the potatoes in olive oil and flaky sea salt, I baked them at 350 degrees for 35 minutes. 


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At that point, the flesh is tender; you can slice into it with a knife and spoon it out into a separate bowl, along with a few hearty tablespoons of mascarpone, the shredded cheddar cheese, finely minced chives, more salt and an abundance of cracked pepper. I scooped the potato mixture back into the potato skins, baking them at 350 degrees again for another 15 minutes. 

Before serving, I topped the potatoes with more fresh chives. They were tremendous. The whipped butteriness of the mascarpone cheese gave the potato filling both flavor and volume, while the cheddar cheese was just decadent. It was kept fresh by the bite of the cooked and fresh chives. 

You could, of course, add additional ingredients to your mixture. Some caramelized onions, steamed broccoli florets, cubed ham or crispy bacon would all be delicious. Feel free to mix up the cheese, as well. Asiago goes great with mascarpone, while pairing grated Swiss cheese with those caramelized onions leads to a “French onion twice-baked potato” kind of vibe. This recipe, however, is just as good in its simplicity.

Mascarpone and Cheddar Twice-Baked Potatoes
Yields
4 servings
Prep Time
5 minutes
Cook Time
50 minutes

Ingredients

  • 4 russet potatoes
  • 1 tablespoon olive oil
  • 1/4 cup mascarpone cheese 
  • 1/4 cup shredded cheddar cheese
  • 3 tablespoons chives, divided
  • Salt and pepper to taste 

Directions

  1. Place the russet potatoes on a rimmed baking sheet. Drizzle the skin with the olive oil, then sprinkle with salt. Bake at 350 degrees for 35 minutes.

  2. Remove the potatoes from the oven. Slice into the skin vertically, as if you’re opening a zipper on the potato’s “jacket.” Be sure not to slice all the way through; you just want to create a slit so you can retrieve the potato flesh. 

  3. Carefully scoop the interior of the potatoes into a large bowl. Add the mascarpone cheese, and using a whisk or an electric mixer, whip the mixture until smooth and fluffy. Fold in the cheddar cheese and 2 tablespoons of chives. Add salt and pepper to taste. 

  4. Carefully scoop the potato mixture back into the potato skins. Bake at 350 for an additional 15 minutes. Garnish with the remaining chives before serving. 

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“House of the Dragon” is a slow ride back to Westeros that takes its time in lighting our fire

House Targaryen is known by a handful of traits, including their silvery hair; their spiky tempers; their relaxed attitude concerning incest; their tendency toward madness; and, of course, their dragons. Popular thinking may suppose that we could do without everything else but those fire-breathing terrors, but “House of the Dragon” tests that theory.

When the “Game of Thrones” prequel begins, the land is lousy with Targaryens, whose house has 10 dragons under their command, securing their dynastic rule for a century. But having a herd of flying tanks doesn’t make them especially exciting to be around. Not that the realms have much to complain about under King Viserys I (Paddy Considine), the Iron Throne’s current occupant, and, in an off-brand twist, a reasonable (i.e. boring) guy.

That doesn’t mean his rule is unassailable. His brother Prince Daemon (Matt Smith, “Doctor Who“) is impetuous, violent, and self-serving, believing himself to be many times more the dragon than his sibling. Within the space of one episode Daemon checks nearly all the boxes on the Evil Targaryen list of qualifications save for the gross family lovin’ – but stay tuned.

His cousin Rhaenys (Eve Best) was passed over by the old king despite being well-liked and married to Lord Corlys Velaryon (Steve Toussaint), head of the wealthiest house in Westeros. Rhaenys’ unofficial title, the Queen Who Never Was, is a backhanded acknowledgment of her suitability to rule – and she accepts it, albeit with a tight smile, knowing her husband has the largest Navy in the world.

HBO’s first adaptation of George R.R. Martin‘s Westeros sagas held off introducing its dragons until the last moment of the first season. Since “House of the Dragon” is set 172 years before the Mad King’s overthrow and the birth of Daenerys, sightings are far more common; when one screeches over King’s Landing in the opening episode, the commonfolk barely blink.

House of the DragonEve Best in “House of the Dragon” (Courtesy of Ollie Upton/HBO)

This matches the prevailing energy of the first few episodes, as Martin and his co-creator and showrunner Ryan Condal restock a familiar stage with new players. But they also rewind the clock to the slowest version of simmering palace intrigue, requiring us to acclimate to new stakes. In the past, the Night King is a shadow and a myth, and the Lannisters are a family of try-hards. The whole of King’s Landing looks fresh and, to be honest, a bit basic; the visual effects budget appears to have taken a hit. On the plus side, the show’s wig game is an improvement over where “Game of Thrones” began.

Other elements of the producers’ approach improve on the original as well, paramount being the narrative focus on Rhaenyra Targaryen, Viserys’ firstborn and a dragonrider like her father and cousins. Rhaenyra is younger when we first meet her (and played by Milly Alcock), with a slight build and quietude that belie a ferocious worthiness to rule.

Her point of view informs the more balanced way the writers present women in a society programmed to write them off. She is as much of a royal as she is a would-be general, skilled at riding her dragons and standing up to her dangerous uncle Daemon, who appreciates her willfulness.

All the measured table-setting is preparing the way for a fiery future.

Rhaenyra’s ability to reason with him and her father demonstrates  the steady demeanor required to rule the realm. She’s also courageous without being reckless and has vision and a steel will. But she’s a woman, and as the Queen Who Never Was tersely reminds her, men would sooner put the realm to the torch than see a woman ascend to the Iron Throne.

Alcock presents Rhaenyra as a living ice fortress with a molten heart that only her closest confidantes like her handmaid Alicent Hightower (Emily Carey, in her younger version) are allowed to see. The rest of the world views her as a currency her father can exchange for a strategic alliance with a powerful house.

But Rhaenyra knows she deserves to take her father’s place. This is a pressing concern since Viserys has no male heir. Trusting the throne to the wrong person could spell doom for the realm and their house’s supremacy. 

It shouldn’t escape anyone’s notice that Martin and Condal chose to introduce this “Game of Thrones” prequel with a plot that kicks off with the question of succession. (HBO loves rich and powerful relatives who cannibalize one another, doesn’t it?) As that other popular drama teaches us, there’s no juicier cut than pitting siblings against one another in a bid for power.

“House of the Dragon” is based on Martin’s “Fire & Blood” which, in addition to tracing the Targaryen family tree back to its roots in old Valyria, explains what led to the devastating internecine war known as The Dance of the Dragons. That means all the measured table-setting is preparing the way for fiery future.

House of the DragonHouse of the Dragon (Courtesy of HBO)

But this also requires a tremendous amount of faith in the writers and the actors to settle into the story and the roles that bring it to life. That’s the part that hasn’t quite clicked into place.

The opening season of “Game of Thrones” also introduced its royals and knights as trained political animals before they began ripping each other apart, along with the realm. But its writers injected riveting personalities into the story from the start. Sansa’s and Arya’s vitality leaped off the screen; Tyrion’s deadpan wit and intellect announced Peter Dinklage as the show’s great star.

Lena Headey let us know that Cersei Lannister was no mere woman – she was a mood. An elegantly dressed, wine-swilling mood. And Ned Stark was, well, Sean Bean.

“House of the Dragon” relies on Smith’s Daemon and Alcock’s Rhaenyra (for the first five of the season’s 10 episodes) to stoke our fire. Considine is a wonderful actor, but Viserys’ duty fatigue is wearying, and everyone else in his court holds their emotions too close to the vest to add much spice.

House of the DragonMatt Smith in “House of the Dragon” (Courtesy of Ollie Upton/HBO)

That leaves the ambitious princess and her beastly uncle to goose our adrenaline, which is an easier proposition with Rhaenyra. She has a wild streak tempered by principle. In contrast, Prince Daemon’s predilection for extreme, random violence makes him a deeply questionable contender for the audience’s favor.

Cersei Lannister was a mood. An elegantly-dressed, wine-swilling mood.

Then again, Daemon’s horrible petulance is a product of a performance Smith mines from the darkest bowels of his id and sculpts with a sense of scorn and hunger. His prince is the wrong man for the realm but he may be the right one to keep us interested in what happens to Westeros once it slides into chaos,

In the same way that we can assume certain behaviors of men like Daemon, a viewer may come to “House of Dragons” expecting the writers to resume their predecessors’ glamorization of rape and exploitative sexposition. But if its early episodes indicate the tone Condal and his co-showrunner and director Miguel Sapochnik are going for, they seem to have dialed that back.

Granted, this is still a G.R.R.M. joint, meaning there’s little to no chance of an hour passing without some nudity, sex, violence, and a level of gore that would make the floor of a slaughterhouse look as average as a T.J. Maxx clearance bin.

Daemon delivers on all fronts in the premiere when he spins up the City Watch into a frenzied rampage before unleashing them on King’s Landing’s citizens, following that bloody action by scooting on over to the local pleasure house for a bit of stress-relieving slap and tickle. But the writers don’t excuse his atrocriousness by humanizing him, which makes one wonder what this show endeavors to say about the undeniable charisma of monstrous people.

“House of the Dragon” takes about five episodes to warm up, which corresponds to the amount of time that we spend with the younger actors playing key roles before a time jump necessitates a casting change, with Emma D’Arcy becoming “adult” Rhaenyra and Olivia Cooke as Alicent. Only one of the six episodes provided for review features their performances, but their takeover doesn’t impact the story as sharply as the change in their characters’ respective fortunes.


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Citing specifics would spoil the surprises in upcoming episodes, but it’s sufficient to know that their friendship in their younger years is presented with a level of import similar to, if not on par with, the bond shared by Ned Stark and Robert Baratheon.

The difference is that Rhaenyra may never see a battlefield – although that’s not a certainty – and Alicent definitely won’t. But her ring of influence is no less intimidating since, as the daughter of Otto Hightower (Rhys Ifans), the Hand of the King, Alicent was raised to placidly navigate the King’s court and listen to its whispers.

This is one of the many ways “House of the Dragon”  better emphasizes the double standards society applies to women and their relationship to power. Alicent accepts her duty without fuss, following the steps set for her by a father that assures her that if she obeys the men in her life, she’ll be rewarded with an elevated status.

Young Rhaenyra lacks that complacency. Although the small council views her as little more than a cup bearer, she reminds them that she’s a dragonrider who doesn’t wait for permission to accomplish what men armed with nothing more than their assurance of their authority can’t.

The last time we saw a Targaryen that confident ride a dragon, she ended up dashing our hopes. But Rhaenyra is not Daenerys. She doesn’t have a hype squad cheering on her murderous inclinations – yet – or an unearned sense of destiny. She’s learning the price of capability and lessons about what it means to be a Targaryen, and a woman, from noble sources and unseemly ones. That combination of influences makes her an enigmatic guide back to a land we haven’t forgotten, yet aren’t entirely sure we’ve missed very much. She may make it worth our while to stick around and watch her flame grow into a mesmerizing blaze.

“House of the Dragon” premieres Sunday, Aug. 21 at 9 p.m. on HBO and will be available to stream on HBO Max. Watch a trailer, via YouTube.

 

Dan Crenshaw says criticisms against FBI and DOJ are “fully warranted”

Rep. Dan Crenshaw (R-TX) spoke with CNN “State of the Union” host Jake Tapper on Sunday and described the criticisms against the FBI and DOJ following the August 8 raid on Mar-a-Lago as “fully warranted.”

Opening the conversation by listing off offenses of aggression that have taken place since the raid, Tapper put Marjorie Taylor Greene at the top of that list, referring to her jokingly as one of Crenshaw’s favorites. Greene put out the call to  “defund the FBI” following the Mar-a-Lago raid, and other Trump supporters fell in line to echo her sentiments. 

“Federal prosecutors have since charged a Pennsylvania man this week after he wrote on social media ‘If you work for the FBI you deserve to die.’ Obviously that armed man tried to enter the FBI office in Ohio. There’s a Republican Congressional candidate, Carl Paladino, who said Attorney General Merrick Garland should probably be executed. That rhetoric, I’m sure, bothers you,” said Tapper before handing the topic over to Crenshaw.

“Oh yeah. It’s crazy,” said Crenshaw. “And it makes us seem like extremist Democrats, right? Marjorie and AOC can go join the defund the law enforcement club, if they want. 99% of Republicans are not on that train. What we want is accountability. We want transparency. And the criticisms we’re leveling against the FBI and DOJ are fully warranted. It is not those criticisms that lead to a crazy person attacking an FBI agent.”


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“I’m not saying that. I’m talking about people who are saying ‘Kill the FBI,’ Tapper interjected.

“It’s completely wrong. But that’s not where 99% of Republicans are at,” Crenshaw was quick to volley. “And I’ll tell you what frustrates Republicans when you hear that kind of criticism. Last time I checked you had even the White House spokesperson saying ‘yes, people should be out protesting in front of Supreme Court Justice’s homes.’ Even after Brett Kavanaugh had his life threatened by this. So there’s a double standard that frustrates the Republicans.”

Watch a clip from the interview here:

The problem with corporate pledges to protect abortion access and the climate

Even before the Supreme Court officially struck down Roe v. Wade in late June, corporations were already announcing how they would come to the rescue. PayPal, JPMorgan Chase, Microsoft and several other companies said they would expand their healthcare benefits for employees to cover travel to abortion clinics. Later, Lyft and Uber said they would back drivers with legal support if they were sued for transporting passengers to get an abortion. “Employers like us may be the last line of defense,” one tech executive told the New York Times.

Companies have spent years saying something similar about another big issue: climate change. In the absence of strong federal policies, the private sector has insisted that it’s stepping up with pledges to slash emissions and prevent catastrophic global warming.

“As a strong global franchise, we have an important role to play in the transition to a world where net-zero carbon emissions are a reality,” an insurance executive said in a survey for a recent report on corporate sustainability.

With both issues — abortion access and climate change — companies have framed themselves as nimble, socially responsible protectors of the public good. But there are hard limits on what corporate action can accomplish. Although the private sector can draw public attention to important issues, experts say corporate pledges are no substitute for strong federal action. Whether it’s protecting the climate or the right to choose, they argue that businesses’ profit-seeking nature makes them ill-suited to deliver broad and important social goals.

“Companies don’t do anything out of the goodness of their hearts,” said David Levy, director of the Center for Sustainable Enterprise and Regional Competitiveness at the University of Massachusetts Boston. “They’re going to look after their profits,” he added, even if that means privately lobbying against the values they espouse. 

For example, many tech and automobile companies vow climate action even as they support conservative trade groups like the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, which has lobbied aggressively to tank federal climate action. Similarly, major corporations that have inveighed against the overturning of Roe v. Wade have donated hundreds of thousands of dollars to the Republican Attorneys General Association, a group that has made it a foremost priority to erode reproductive rights even after the reversal of Roe. 

Beyond rank hypocrisy, there’s another big problem with trusting corporations to address society’s biggest problems: They can only deliver piecemeal social and environmental protections. They create “islands of progressive activity,” as Chris Wright, a professor of organizational studies at the University of Sydney Business School, put it. Corporate promises to ensure abortion access for their employees, for example, cover only a tiny fraction of the population and may leave out those who need the most help.

“The people for whom money is a barrier” often don’t work for the Fortune 500 companies that have offered employees up to $7,500 in abortion-related travel assistance, said Linda Hirshman, a lawyer and author who writes about social change. Most companies — including Walmart, the U.S.’s largest employer — made no plans to expand health care benefits as it became clear that Roe would be overturned. (Walmart told employees last month that it was weighing its options.) As of June 30, a survey from the asset management firm Mercer found that only 5 percent of companies had adopted a formal policy to cover a portion of their employees’ travel costs, although 23 percent said they were planning to implement one.

There’s a parallel to climate action here. In the absence of strong federal climate policy, states and corporations have been left to fill the gaps. Just as with reproductive rights, states along the West Coast and in the Northeast are passing policies to prevent catastrophic global warming while much of the rest of the country remains in the thrall of inaction. In red states, while corporate action often makes up a significant portion of the climate action underway, it is still extremely limited.

The problem is that not every company has a climate pledge. As of June 1, only about one-third of companies listed on the global Forbes 2,000 list had net-zero targets, leaving a large gap in the bloc’s collective climate commitment. And even then, research published this spring suggests that some of the planet’s dirtiest assets — things like oil fields — are being offloaded by oil majors to smaller companies without climate pledges. This allows large firms to clean up their carbon ledger books even as emissions continue unabated.

What’s more, under closer scrutiny, many climate pledges tend to fall apart — perhaps because they lean on unreliable carbon offsets, or because they set far-off goals with no interim targets or accountability mechanisms. A recent report from Net Zero Tracker, an analysis project coordinated by nonprofit organizations and research labs, highlighted an “alarming lack of credibility” throughout the net-zero landscape. It found that the majority of companies promising to achieve net-zero had no plans to address “scope 3” emissions —  the emissions associated with the products they sell to consumers. For oil and gas companies, this category makes up more than 75 percent of their climate pollution.

Lena Moffitt, chief of staff for the nonprofit advocacy group Evergreen Action, doubts the sincerity of many corporate climate commitments. “Fossil fuel companies are making net-zero pledges left and right while they are also doing the opposite,” she said, highlighting oil majors’ plans to keep expanding oil and gas exploration. “They are saying one thing and doing another.”

Auden Schendler, senior vice president of sustainability for the Aspen Ski Company and a prominent critic of corporate responsibility commitments, suspects that most companies make pledges just to burnish their reputations — not to realistically address urgent problems. On reproductive rights, for example, there are lots of unresolved questions about how companies’ travel assistance programs will actually work. Will contractors be eligible? Will employees have to disclose their pregnancies to HR? What will happen if states subpoena companies, looking for information about employees who have traveled out of state for an abortion?

“While I think it’s great that [companies] are trying to help, there are some real worries with requiring people to disclose their abortions and their medical procedures in general to their employers,” said Brittany Leach, a feminist political theorist and an incoming assistant professor at Southern Illinois University, Carbondale.

According to Levy, the University of Massachusetts professor, company leaders are constrained by the realities of a capitalist economic system. They can nod to social and environmental values that their customers hold, but it’s harder to flesh out far-reaching policies on those issues because the firms they control are designed to be profit-driven. They can’t deviate much from that, Levy said. “You can’t ask a shark to stop eating small fish; it’s in its DNA.”

According to Schendler, solving climate change and protecting all Americans’ reproductive rights requires a nationwide approach that only the federal government can provide. “The only way you solve giant problems is through policy regulations,” he said.

On climate, Moffitt said Congress should continue to pass far-reaching legislation that transforms every sector of the economy “at the magnitude and scale” that the crisis demands. This could include setting stringent emissions standards for buildings, heavy industry, and power generation, as well as stronger supply-side policies to limit new fossil fuel extraction. (The $433 billion climate act that President Joe Biden recently signed would incentivize the adoption of clean energy technologies while also expanding drilling on public lands.) In the meantime, proposed rules from the Securities and Exchange Commission, a federal agency that oversees publicly traded companies, could also crack down on corporate pledges, weeding out those that are disingenuous and helping to unify the rest around a scientifically backed path to limit global warming to 1.5 or 2 degrees Celsius (2.7 or 3.6 degrees Fahrenheit). 

Levy, who has interviewed corporate leaders for his research, said that many companies might actually appreciate stronger government regulation, as it provides regulatory certainty that firms can incorporate into their long-term planning.

The fight for reproductive rights presents a different set of options for the federal government, starting with the passage of the Women’s Health Protection Act, which would enshrine the right to an abortion into federal law. Even more broadly, it could recognize the ratification of the Equal Rights Amendment — which guarantees women a suite of human rights and would support the right to an abortion — and ratify the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women. Repealing the Hyde Amendment, which bars federal funds from being used for abortion-related services, would also help. 

Schendler urged companies to throw their full support behind these federal efforts, rather than privately lobbying against them or solely adopting internal policies on health care and climate pollution. CEOs “need to go to Washington, need to be writing op-eds,” he said. Businesses should be “using corporate-power lobbying and leadership to drive systems change.” 

Schendler echoed the other experts Grist spoke with, who mentioned a fundamental mismatch between corporate actions and the systemic problems they’re meant to address.

“The argument that we’ve still got corporations and possibly local governments? That’s woefully insufficient for what’s required,” said Wright, speaking specifically about climate change. To reduce the harm that’s coming from rising temperatures, he added, “you need a whole systems approach, and that requires government regulation.”

Locked-in syndrome and the misplaced presumption of misery

In 1993, Julio Lopes was sipping a coffee at a bar when he had a stroke. He fell into a coma, and two months later, when he regained consciousness, his body was fully paralyzed.

Doctors said the young man’s future was bleak: Save for his eyes, he would never be able to move again. Lopes would have to live with locked-in syndrome, a rare condition characterized by near-total paralysis of the body and a totally lucid mind. LIS is predominantly caused by strokes in specific brain regions; it can also be caused by traumatic brain injury, tumors, and progressive diseases like amyotrophic lateral sclerosis, or ALS.

Yet almost 30 years later, Lopes now lives in a small Paris apartment near the Seine. He goes to the theater, watches movies at the cinema, and roams the local park in his wheelchair, accompanied by a caregiver. A small piece of black, red, and green fabric with the word “Portugal” dangles from his wheelchair. On a warm afternoon this past June, his birth country was slated to play against Spain in a soccer match, and he was excited.

“Even if it’s hard at the beginning, you acquire a kind of philosophy of life,” Lopes said in French.

In an interview at his home, Lopes communicated through the use of a specialized computer camera that tracks a sensor on the lens of his glasses. He made slight movements with his head, selecting letters on a virtual keyboard that appeared on the computer’s screen. “Even if it’s hard at the beginning, you acquire a kind of philosophy of life,” he said in French. People in his condition may enjoy things others find insignificant, he suggested, and they often develop a capacity to see the bigger picture. That’s not to say daily living is always easy, Lopes added, but overall, he’s happier than he ever thought was possible in his situation.

While research into LIS patients’ quality of life is limited, the data that has been gathered paints a picture that is often at odds with popular presumptions. To be sure, wellbeing evaluations conducted to date do suggest that up to a third of LIS patients report being severely unhappy. For them, loss of mobility and speech make life truly miserable — and family members and caregivers, as well as the broader public, tend to identify with this perspective. And yet, the majority of LIS patients, the data suggest, are much more like Lopes: They report being relatively happy and that they want very much to live. Indeed, in surveys of wellbeing, most people with LIS score as high as those without it, suggesting that many people underestimate locked-in patients’ quality of life while overestimating their rates of depression. And this mismatch has implications for clinical care, say brain scientists who study wellbeing in LIS patients.

“It’s important to not project our thoughts and feelings” onto others, said Steven Laureys, a neurologist and research director of the Belgian National Fund for Scientific Research. While non-disabled individuals might say, “‘this is not a life worth living,'” he added, the evidence doesn’t necessarily bear this out.

Eleven U.S. states and several European countries, for example, have legalized various forms of assisted dying, also known as physician-assisted suicide or medical aid in dying. In these places, families and clinicians are often involved in fraught decisions about whether to actively end a person’s life or pursue life-extending interventions such as mechanical ventilation. Advocates for the right to die, a movement that dates back to the 1970s, have historically raised concerns about the potentially dehumanizing nature of these interventions, which can lengthen a person’s life without improving its quality. They specifically argue that LIS patients should be able to decide whether to end their lives or stop life-extending treatment.

Brain scientists do not disagree, but they worry that inaccurate and negatively-skewed ideas about what it means to live with LIS could unduly tip the scales. “It’s important to not project our thoughts and feelings” onto others, said Steven Laureys, a neurologist and research director of the Belgian National Fund for Scientific Research. While non-disabled individuals might say, “‘this is not a life worth living,'” he added, the evidence doesn’t necessarily bear this out.

He and his colleagues want to ensure that their research is shared with LIS patients, their families, and physicians. The researchers are also trying to better understand which factors contribute to a patient’s overall sense of satisfaction.


Because LIS syndrome is rare, surveys of patients tend to be small, making it difficult to draw firm conclusions. Still, the vast majority of studies point in the same direction: A majority of locked-in patients are relatively happy. One early study, published in 2002, found that of 44 LIS patients, almost half reported their mood as good while 13 percent reported feeling depressed. A later study, published by Laureys and his colleagues in 2011, found that of 65 patients, just over two-thirds considered themselves happy while less than one-third said they were unhappy. Seven percent of all patients expressed a wish for assisted dying.

Laureys’ findings should be interpreted with some caution, said Fernando Vidal, a historian and medical anthropologist at the University of Rovira i Virgili in Spain, who was not involved in the study. Almost half of the patients the scientists first reached out to did not respond to the survey, he pointed out — meaning the researchers may have inadvertently selected a sub-group of happy patients. He added that wellbeing surveys in general tend to overlook important nuances about how LIS patients experience life, including their moods, values, and social relationships.

Still, similar results were found for people at advanced stages of ALS. In one study of 93 patients, the majority had a positive attitude toward life-sustaining treatments and had a low desire for hastening death.

Researchers are currently trying to learn if these findings extend to patients with even more extreme physical impairments. In late stages of ALS, some patients become totally paralyzed, including their eyes — a condition known as completely locked-in syndrome. In March, Nature Communications published the results of a widely-discussed study in which a completely locked-in patient was able to communicate at length for the first time by using a brain-computer interface.

Brain-computer interfaces are controversial, raising safety and bioethical concerns. And Niels Birbaumer, the neuroscientist who led the March study, has previously been accused of scientific misconduct, along with his research associate, Ujwal Chaudhary. In 2019, the German Research Foundation found evidence of mishandled data and flawed analysis in two of their papers testing brain-computer interfaces in LIS patients. Both papers were subsequently retracted, and the researchers were asked to repay their grant funding. The researchers continue to defend their past work, and more than 70 scientists have expressed their support on a website devoted to their defense.

A representative from Nature Communications has voiced confidence in the journal’s vetting of the March paper. In this latest study, the patient expressed wanting to listen to his favorite music, eat curry, and watch movies with his child. These are clear signs that the study participant is motivated, interested, and still able to enjoy his life, said Birbaumer.

Despite the accumulating evidence that happiness and fulfillment are possible for locked-in people, notions about what is necessary for a good life have been slow to change, even among patients’ family members and caregivers.

Birbaumer also shared a video with Undark of the patient answering yes-no questions to a wellbeing survey. In the video, he expresses appreciating his life, rarely being sad or depressed, and living with a sense of meaning. (To protect the study participant’s privacy, the video is unpublished.) “He had excellent quality of life,” Birbaumer wrote in an email. But only a few patients who are completely locked in have received brain-computer interfaces, added Birbaumer, so it’s impossible to draw firm conclusions about the entire population’s wellbeing.

It’s also not clear how well these patients will do over time. In the three years since the implants were placed in the study participant’s brain, his communication has become slower and less clear — an outcome that his current physician suspects is due to technological issues.


Despite the accumulating evidence that happiness and fulfillment are possible for locked-in people, notions about what is necessary for a good life have been slow to change, even among patients’ family members and caregivers.

One study led by Dorothée Lulé, a professor of experimental neurology at the University of Ulm, Germany, recruited 89 ALS patients, 86 caregivers, and 102 healthy individuals. (Like other researchers, the authors use the term “healthy” to refer to people not living with ALS.) The patients were asked to rate their own quality of life, the caregivers were asked to rate the quality of life of the patient under their care, and the healthy people were asked to rate the quality of life of a virtual patient.

As a group, the patients reported a satisfactory sense of wellbeing with a low wish to hasten their own deaths. The caregivers and healthy people, on the other hand, overestimated how depressed ALS patients were and underestimated ALS patients’ quality of life.

In a separate study of more than 3,000 healthy people, more than half said they would not want to be kept alive with locked-in syndrome.

Marie-Christine Nizzi, a research associate in cognitive science at Dartmouth College, characterized the dominant perspective as “an able-bodied biased view by which it seems that such a life is unbearable and must be awful.”

“Don’t let the healthy judge on the sick people’s well-being,” said Albert Ludolph, professor of neurology at the University of Ulm, in Germany. Those without LIS may misunderstand what it’s like to live with the condition.

Still, it’s important to acknowledge that many locked-in patients suffer immensely, said Jan Bernheim, professor emeritus of medicine and medical ethics at the Vrije University Brussels in Belgium.

“Life is a connection between mind and body. It’s therefore also sensory, pleasure, relation with others,” Denis Labayle, co-president of Le Choix, a right-to-die association in France, wrote via email. “Being a prisoner of your own body, for me, is not life.”

In intensive care settings, some patients suffer significant brain damage and are in serious pain. Their wish to die needs to be carefully evaluated and respected, said Laureys. One small study showed that up to 75 percent of patients with LIS die soon after injury. Many of the deaths that Laureys sees in the ICU are due to doctors choosing not to intervene.

Allowing suffering patients to die is “part of our job,” said Laureys. “But I think we need to be extremely careful and we can err on both sides.”


If patients are to make informed decisions, they need accurate information, including the data showing that those with LIS may go on to have meaningful lives. The researchers who spoke with Undark expressed concern that this might not be happening.

Consider the decision about whether to move onto a mechanical ventilator when one’s lungs begin to fail, said Birbaumer. Some studies of LIS patients suggest that an individual’s quality of life remains intact on a ventilator, and that many people could live decades longer. Yet in the vast majority of cases, these patients refuse the intervention.

It’s not clear why so many patients refuse, but culture, politics, and economics probably all play important roles, said Vidal. In Japan, where a strong culture to support the elderly and disabled prevails, LIS patients are more likely to accept ventilators and live longer (about 30 percent of Japanese ALS patients receive mechanical ventilation). Some patients, Vidal said, even reject the notion of being in a locked-in state altogether. In countries where the costs of care aren’t covered and long-term care isn’t available, LIS patients may be less encouraged to go on ventilators and may feel like a burden to their families.

Caregivers and physicians are in a position where they can readily influence decision-making. Their perceptions about LIS patients’ quality of life could be a factor for the lack of desire for ventilators, said Vidal. But he suspects that formally researching this would be tricky. If doctors “would prefer to disconnect people — let’s put it that way — then they might be reluctant to communicate that,” he said.

In addition to accurate information, patients also need time, said Laureys. When patients are first diagnosed, they may experience “reactive depression.” This isn’t the optimal moment for making key decisions about prolonging or shortening life. Instead, Birbaumer suggests, decisions should be delayed until after patients stabilize and adjust to their new situation. Patients should also be asked multiple times over the course of several months to make sure they don’t change their minds.

The difficulty in all of this, said Laureys, is being able to totally respect a patient’s wish to die or withhold treatment, while simultaneously making them aware that things may get better in the future. He therefore sees it as a balance between respecting a person’s wish to die and a person’s wish to live.


LIS researchers have been working to better understand the factors that allow locked-in patients to live a fulfilling life. Among the strongest predictors of good wellbeing scores is perceived social support: Patients who feel cared for — regardless of how much support they actually receive — will do better than ones who don’t, said Andrea Kübler, a professor of psychology at the University of Würzburg, in Germany. Patients also do well when they place a higher value on their internal life, rather than on their physical capacities. Coping methods like confronting difficulties head-on also seem to be important.

But a lot of what determines wellbeing in LIS actually boils down to social and economic forces: Patients with strong family ties, financial support, and caregivers to attend to their needs are more likely to have satisfactory lives than ones who don’t. 

Access to technologies helps, too. Patients who can communicate with others — whether via eye-tracking technologies, tablets, smartphones, or brain-computer interfaces — tend to experience a higher quality of life, said Frédéric Pellas, a physician with the French Association for Locked-in Syndrome in Paris.

Lopes, the LIS patient living in Paris, initially wore a helmet with a stick that he maneuvered with subtle head motions to select letters on a keyboard. The technology proved incredibly slow, taking him one hour to write two phrases. Now, with the camera and sensor, Lopes can write relatively quickly and uses this to communicate with his caregivers, navigate the internet, and respond to emails. He has also written a book about his journey following his stroke. 

With so much innovation in the technology sector, particularly with brain-computer interfaces, access to new devices will be a turning point in boosting the quality of lives of these patients, said Laureys: “With these new technologies, even if they can just move a finger, if they can control their wheelchair with that finger, go on the internet — that opens a window.” 

But a lot of what determines wellbeing in LIS actually boils down to social and economic forces: Patients with strong family ties, financial support, and caregivers to attend to their needs are more likely to have satisfactory lives than ones who don’t. This is another limitation of some of the studies conducted so far: Patients tend to come from LIS associations, where they have a high quality of care. But not all LIS patients — especially in poorer, resource-starved countries — have or can afford the same kind of treatment, says Birbaumer, so the results aren’t necessarily generalizable to the broader community.

In Lopes’ case, his 24/7 hour care, access to technology, and government financial support all mean that, despite setbacks, he has lived a happy life since his stroke. Finished with typing, he produces a moan directed across the living room, alerting his caregiver that he wants to speak with her. After a brief exchange, she comes out and brings him an orange soda beverage, which she thickens with powder into a foamy juice to make it easier for him to consume. As he swallows, his eyes grow wide and a hint of a smile appears on his face. 


Jonathan Moens is a freelance journalist based in Rome. His work has appeared in the New York Times, National Geographic, and The Atlantic, among others.

This article was originally published on Undark. Read the original article.

Gracias Madre offers a taste of the margarita’s past and future

If there’s a way to distill the LA experience down to one moment, it’s this: sitting on Gracias Madre’s sunny patio in West Hollywood, sipping on a margarita while looking out for Goldie Hawn and Kurt Russell.

“Anytime anyone says that they came straight here from the airport, I’m always like, ‘Welcome to the most California restaurant there is,'” Gracias Madre beverage director Maxwell Reis jokes. “We’re on the street where celebrities go if they want paparazzi to see them. People are camping out at a two-top in the patio trying to spot famous people. It’s hilarious.”

Gracias Madre, in addition to its location, its sunny patio, and celeb-friendly vibe, offers a fully vegan, Mexican-inspired menu (including very compelling vegan takes on fish tacos) and world-class margarita options. Taken together, this might be as Los Angeles as it gets. “Everything is organic,” Reis notes. “We support small farmers and use non-GMO corn for tortillas. We’re not about soy substitutes. It’s about celebrating the beautiful produce that California provides.”

The vibrantly colorful dishes and people-watching opportunities may be what draws guests in, but the famous margaritas keep them coming back. After all, what cocktail is more representative of southern California kickback vibes than a frosty salty-sweet margarita, leisurely sipped under that famous sunshine?

“It’s a quintessential LA thing, the margarita,” Reis says. “It’s always super sunny here. It’s very LA to want to be on a rooftop or by the pool with a margarita in hand.”

The various takes on the margaritas is where Gracias Madre truly shines. Specifically, there’s a translucent clarified margarita that inspires rapturous emoji heart-eyes from everyone that samples it.

Reis, a rising star in cocktail culture, first started experimenting with clarification techniques a few years ago. (Clarification is what it sounds like: Making a colored liquid clear by removing particles from it. There are multiple ways to do it, including using gelatin or a culinary centrifuge, a device that helps separate liquids from solids.) Reis tackled clarifying lime juice with his centrifuge but was frustrated that despite his hard work, the juices had a very short shelf life — but he kept on tinkering.

By the time the pandemic hit, Reis had refined a lime cordial (a sweet citrus syrup) that was the perfect addition for to-go cocktails. Additionally, it had a long shelf life (in case the restaurant had to unexpectedly close due to pandemic-era lockdowns) and generated no waste. The zero-waste cordial combines spent peels from the juicing process, day-old clarified lime juice, as well as citric and malic acids. The mixture is slow-cooked in a sous vide for a few hours, resulting in a silky, tart, clear cordial.

Initially, Reis was going to use the cordial in carbonated to-go cocktails. But inspiration struck. “All of a sudden I realized — wait, this is basically a Rose’s Lime Cordial,” he says. “I’ll make clear gimletsmargaritas, and daiquiris.”

When he started using the cordial in margaritas, Reis realized he needed to take the clarified theme one step further.

“I was stirring down this beautiful margarita,” Reis recalls. “It’s on this gorgeous cube. It’s super minimalist, like a glass of water with a pretty piece of ice. This is too elegant to put a salt rim on it.”

His solution? A transparent “painted” salt, made by adapting a gomme syrup recipe.

In the earliest cocktail books, which date back to the late 1800s, you’ll often find gomme syrup — a simple syrup that has gum arabic added to it. Thicker than traditional syrups, it’s used when bartenders want to add extra silkiness to cocktails. Reis tweaked a pineapple gomme syrup recipe; instead of adding sugar, he used salt and he swapped in oranges instead of pineapple. He also upped the proportion of the gum arabic to make the solution thicker than usual, so that it would stick to glasses.

Throughout last year, the labor-intensive recipe wasn’t officially on the menu. Reis would quietly make the drink for regulars and the occasional VIP. But word was starting to spread. After Reis served it to a visiting LA food editor, the secret drink was outed as one of LA’s best off-menu offerings. Soon, everyone was stopping in for a clear drink.

“It’s a pretty special, memorable cocktail,” Reis says. “I always tell people that the clarity isn’t just a gimmick. It’s actually delicious. It sits heavy on your palate like an Old Fashioned. People started coming and ordering it like crazy.”

The clarified classic cocktail is just one version of the margarita at Gracias Madre. There’s a house style, which can be made with mezcal or tequila, as well as spicy. Reis sources small batches of mezcal directly from family producers in Mexico, which means the margaritas will slightly vary from season to season.

Reis has also sourced a collection of vintage spirits, dating as far back as the 1960s. The idea is to offer a (literal) taste of time, while showcasing how margaritas tasted during the ‘Mad Men’-era. This time capsule of a drink is served in antique glassware. The margarita recipe for the vintage spirits collection is also from the ’60s, which means it uses lemon and lime, plus a touch of agave and a vintage orange liqueur. “It’s a really fun way to try what tequila tasted like back then,” Reis says. The vintage drinks run from about $60 to $150 per drink.

And if that weren’t enough, Reis is tinkering on a new offering for summer: An avocado and honeydew margarita served out of a frozen drink machine.

The high-low magic of a margarita that requires a lot of work behind the scenes, yet looks effortlessly easy breezy and ready for its social media spotlight, echoes the mood in today’s LA. “It’s a very LA thing to have this buttoned-up high-end version of something that’s so southern California,” Maxwell Reis says.

Recipe: Purista Margarita From Gracias Madre

How the right is winning the hashtag wars — and how progressives can fight back

If you want to understand Donald Trump as a political actor, Jennifer Mercieca’s book “Demagogue for President” (Salon interview here) remains the clearest, most illuminating explanation. But if you want to understand the larger story in which Trump plays a part — however large he may still loom at the moment — then Francesca Bolla Tripodi’s new book “The Propagandists’ Playbook: How Conservative Elites Manipulate Search and Threaten Democracy” offers a stark and clarifying picture of how Trump’s political stage was constructed in the first place, and how that project may continue into the indefinite future, with or without Trump.  

Tripodi’s subtitle calls attention to the central role of algorithmic manipulations in today’s media environment, but her account is informed by history as well as her own ethnographic observations, so recent high-tech manipulations are situated in a much deeper and broader context. In 2017, Tripodi writes, she set out “to understand how conservative voters sought out information they felt they could trust. … My goal was to better understand how Trump voters made sense of the contemporary news environment and how search engine optimization might play a role.”

To research this, Tripodi immersed herself in with two representative groups in Virginia. “I had no intention of studying extremism,” she writes. “I had no idea that the way information is tagged and categorized would take me into a media ecosystem fueled by conspiratorial logic. I did not expect the content in which I immersed myself to influence my own mindset, and I certainly did not expect to witness the violence of the Unite the Right rally.”

She was, in short, greatly surprised by what she found: “Quite frankly, I did not realize how bad it already was, how bad it still could get, and how vulnerable we all are, myself included.”

Yet there’s a sure-footed quality to “The Propagandists’ Playbook.” However covert, sweeping and powerful the manipulations Tripodi explores may be, they do not disorient her account, and they need not disorient the rest of us either — with the help of her clear-eyed analysis. The book is organized as a set of seven “steps,” and I chose largely to follow the chapter-to-chapter thread for clarity’s sake in my conversation with her, which has been edited for clarity and length.

You organize “The Propagandists’ Playbook” in a set of seven steps, and the first one is a commandment to “Know your audience.” In that chapter you describe “the five F’s of conservatism.” What led you to that formulation, and what are they?

This book is based on research. I’m an ethnographic researcher, and I did months of research and interviews and content analysis of the news and information that people rely on. So I used grounded theory to identify pertinent themes and trends, and then based on those category I created this construct of the five F’s of conservatism. I asked people to describe what they mean by “conservatism,” and their definitions centered around these concepts over and over again, and these concepts were also central to the news and information that they were reading. So the five F’s that I describe are faith, family, the armed forces — which constitutes the military and the police — firearms and a free market. 

The second step is: “Build a network.” As you describe it, this network has a long history, going back to the early days of radio, but only moved beyond radio in the 1980s and ’90s as a result of the rise of televangelism and Reagan era deregulation, including repeal of the Fairness Doctrine. First of all, what is this network like today? 

What’s really important about understanding the network of right-wing information is that it’s not just in one space. There’s a lot of great research that looks at television or at ways that news and information travels online or thinks about YouTube or social media. What I demonstrate in in my book is that these are highly interconnected forms of information, and that this has been going on for some time. Things that they write about in their news coverage or in books they would talk about on radio, and then that became television, and because they had a lot of practice at  building this network, adding the layer of internet information was not too challenging. So it looks a lot like what it looked like since it started, with the exception that they have adapted to the ways that people get news and information in the 21st century.

Second, you studied the network through immersion in it, and you identified what you called two central conspiracy theories as a result. 

Right-wing media’s two central conspiracy theories: “Those on the left are increasingly intolerant, scary, dangerous and disruptive,” and “the media works in tandem with the left … and cannot be trusted.”

One is that the left is dangerous — that those on the left are increasingly intolerant, scary, dangerous and disruptive to society. The other is that the media works in tandem with the left, and as a result the traditional media cannot be trusted. What’s fascinating is these are also not new conspiracies. I show in my book how these notions of media distrust have been around since conservative media started, but the fear of the left being increasingly dangerous was really focused and emphasized in the 1960s, during the civil rights movement.

The third step is to “Engage in their form of media literacy,” which you describe as founded in “scriptural inference.” What does that mean, and why is it so central to how conservatives make sense of the world?

One thing I think is really important about my book is showing that conservatism is not just a worldview, it’s also a media practice. Specifically, it’s a form of media practice that leverages individual interpretation and emphasizes direct engagement with the literature. And whether that be the Bible or the Constitution or the Federalist Papers, or the memo that Trump released when he was being impeached the first time — his memo with [Volodymyr] Zelenskyy — this call to engage directly in the text is really rooted in the Protestant Reformation, specifically the Protestantism formed within the United States, which was about elevating individual interpretation in favor of an expert telling you what to do. 

This form of media literacy, this way of interacting and engaging with the media is also the way conservative media talk to their audience. They don’t just say, “Trust us, we know what we’re doing.” They actually activate this form of active inquiry, they utilize hermeneutical methods in their newscasts. You’ll see this as a regular strategy that Tucker Carlson plays out. He’ll put the quotes behind him that he wants people to focus on, and they leverage that form of media literacy. That’s so important because it’s different from the way other people, including progressives, engage with the media. 

Step four is “Understand how information flows,” and step five is “Set the traps.” These are clearly closely connected, as you write that “Conservative  elites … leverage a niche understanding of SEO strategies and methodologies to maximize the exposure of conservative brands, causes, and content.” I’d like to ask about two specific examples you describe, and what they show us about the general strategies. The first involves Nellie Ohr, who was used to portray Trump as a victim of an attempted Democratic coup. What happened there, and what general strategies were involved?

Nellie Ohr is a great example of what I describe as “keyword curation” and “strategic signaling.” The first part of understanding how information flows is not exclusive to conservative content creators. It’s a basic understanding of how algorithms work, and what’s important about that is to recognize that inputs — your keywords — are driving the output that any search engine’s going to bring back to you. 

How did Nellie Ohr, the wife of an obscure Justice Department official, become a “curated keyword” used to “perpetuate a conspiracy theory about an attempted coup” against Donald Trump?

So “Nellie Ohr” was this curated keyword that was adopted and essentially created leading up to and during Trump’s first impeachment. Keyword curation works by relying on what scholars refer to as a data void: When little to nothing currently exists online, that hole or that gap can be easily filled with other content. Nellie Ohr is the wife of Bruce Ohr, who was a Department of Justice official at the time of Trump’s impeachment. But because she worked at Fusion GPS — and Fusion GPS was behind the now clearly poorly-researched dossier — they created this whole narrative that the impeachment surrounding Trump’s desire to have Ukraine interfere with the 2020 election was a way of unseating this president who was rightfully in power. 

So a series of articles were written about Nellie Ohr, exclusively within the right-wing media ecosystem, and they all linked back to each other. A lot of them used the same copied-and-pasted text and made the same allegations, and then those same allegations were then covered by more mainstream outlets like Fox News. So during the impeachment trial, Rep. Devin Nunes used his time in his opening remarks to say, “We shouldn’t be paying attention to this — what we should be paying attention to is Nellie Ohr.” By activating this phrase, people were like, “Who is Nellie Ohr?” Then you go to Google and search for Nellie Ohr and the only thing returned is these conservative information systems that are perpetuating this conspiracy theory about an attempted coup to take out the president.  

Could you say a bit more about the creation of data voids? I think that’s a concept people are not generally aware of. 

This comes out of Microsoft research: The notion of data voids is that sometimes there’s not much existing on the internet  around a subject or phrase. So data voids can get filled for a variety of reasons. Some of them can be filled by news coverage, for example. When a mass shooting happened in Sutherland Springs, Texas, no one had ever written about that town, and it was essentially a void: a Zillow listing and information about the population. So these voids, especially when there’s a news event, are really ripe for bad information, because people are trying to get things out as quickly as possible and mistakes can happen. So that’s one way a void gets filled.

The other way that voids get created and filled — we see this a lot in advertising — is that if you’re trying to sell a product, you want to create a name for a product that doesn’t already exist. Otherwise, if people search for your product, they’re going to get the more established product. So they’re taking this concept from advertising and applying it to news. So the data void is tied to problematic information in that if nothing exists online, it’s easy to fill it with a bunch of information, especially if you have an already existing network of content creators. 

The second example I’d like to ask about is the pushback against Black Lives Matter, which was a process in several steps. What happened there? 

Black Lives Matter was the creation of activists who were trying to demonstrate the unfair treatment of Black people in the United States, in particular when it comes to crime and policing. What’s fascinating is that you can see, using Google Trends data, that a way to respond to Black Lives Matter was to create alternative hashtags that could compete with it. So after #BlackLivesMatter rises you see the creation of #AllLivesMatter, which was trying to use this colorblind concept that everyone’s equal so all lives should matter, not “just Black lives.” Then that turned into #BlueLivesMatter, a catchphrase created to support the police and the armed forces, and not only did that activate the five forces of conservatism, but it also began to trend, it became a quick response to #BlackLivesMatter. We can see that it was created in response, because #BlueLivesMatter didn’t exist before #BlackLivesMatter, according to Google Trends. 

What did that creation sequence prove or demonstrate? You draw some conclusions — could you talk about the insights you gained from observing that? 

A lot of times people will say, “This has nothing to do with #BlackLivesMatter, this is just talking about how these lives also matter.” What you can see from the data is that if this was not a response to something, then it would have been created simultaneously with, or even before, the Black Lives Matter hashtag. The fact that it was lifted off the “lives matter” mantra and then appropriated for various groups activated those terms again whenever a Black person was killed by police. They were showing up very clearly in response to Black Lives Matter hashtags following extreme instances of police violence toward a Black person. 


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This example of appropriation makes me think back to something else you wrote about. Another example was how “feminism” tags were used to spread conservative ideas, and that conservative sites often ranked higher in searches for “feminism” than liberal ones. What was going on there? 

So that’s looking at YouTube videos. I was trying to answer the question, “Don’t people on the left also do the same thing as people on the right?” That’s a great question, an important one. In order to answer that, I worked with a data scientist: He wrote a script and we looked at the top 10 content producers on YouTube from the left and the top 10 on the right. So we looked at the channels of people with millions of followers, and his script looked at how the content creators were tagging their content. So this wasn’t how YouTube was tagging their content, it was about how the creators themselves were tagging their content.

Tags are important, because algorithms aren’t people: They read in tags, they read in metadata. The tag is important because it helps an algorithm attach significance to content. It says, “Oh, you’re looking for ‘feminism’? Oh, this says ‘feminism’ — this is a match.”

We found that content creators on the left had no idea how tagging worked, and they used very literal or strategic tagging. … But PragerU had more videos tagged as “feminism” than as “conservative.”

What we found when we looked at conservative content creators and progressive content creators is that content creators on the left had no idea how tagging worked, and they used very literal or strategic tagging, I guess you’d call it. They’d have these very literal tags that described what their content was. But conservative content creators recognize, “Well, some people might be looking for this stuff, and if we’re trying to push back against theses ideas, we need to also tag our content this way.” Prager University, for example, which runs a conservative YouTube channel, has more videos tagged as “feminism” than tagged as “conservative.” This demonstrates that they just have a more nuanced understanding of how keywords and tagging work than content creators on the left.  

I asked about that because it seemed parallel to the appropriation of the “X lives matter” theme.

Absolutely. We didn’t look at that tag specifically, “Black lives matter” or “Blue lives matter,” but the appropriation of keywords — taking a concept that doesn’t actually belong to you, but you’re pretending that it does through metadata, then your content is going to be associated with that tag, even if it has absolutely nothing to do with that tag. 

Step six is “Make old ideas seem new,” which is particularly focused on how discredited racist ideas have been reintroduced. That adds another dimension to what we’ve just been talking about. Then step seven is “Close the loop.” You describe the example of PragerU videos: “By providing textual evidence out of context, these videos invite conservatives to think critically about lines of text provided, but not question the broader cultural narrative in which those texts were created and now exist.” How does that apply to the example you explore of how conservatives have subverted Martin Luther King Jr.’s message? 

Conservative content creators have galvanized around a single phrase lifted from the “I Have a Dream” speech that allows them to take all of Martin Luther King’s work out of context.

A huge number of conservative content creators have galvanized around the phrase lifted from the “I Have a Dream” speech, that King had a dream that his children would be judged not by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. So by focusing in on this one very specific line, it allows these political elites — whether that be media pundits or politicians — to take all of Martin Luther King’s work out of context. King very much advocated for civil rights under the notion that Black people were not being treated equally in the United States, and I find it interesting that he’s now being used as an example of conservative embodiment, when at the time he was classified as a Communist threat and was monitored by the FBI as a potential domestic terrorist. It’s a classic example of taking one line and pretending it means something that it does not. 

How does this fit into the framework of “closing the loop?” What do you mean by that, and what does it tell us? 

So the “loop,” I think, is two things. One of the things I describe in the last chapter to close it all together is the cyclical nature of these narratives about outside agitators and radical leftists, which have been around for a very long time. I show how this well-worn path of disinformation has been flowing through this information landscape for the last hundred years. 

The other thing I talk about is what I refer to as the IKEA effect of disinformation. Business scholars have found that when people put together low-quality furniture on their own, they’re more likely to value it, and think that it’s better quality than it actually is. The same tangible, do-it-yourself quality of saying, “Well, don’t trust us, go online and Google it for yourself” — or “DuckDuckGo it yourself,” whichever one they’re saying — activates audiences to take part in this scavenger hunt, not really recognizing that because of the keywords that have been provided to them, specific returns are going to be provided to them, and that these have been written and vetted by those who are telling them to go out and do it themselves. So this is how the loop actually closes, and why it’s all interconnected.

Finally, what’s the most important question I didn’t ask, and what’s the answer? 

One thing I’m worried about is that people will say, “Well, this is why I don’t go to Google,” as if it’s their fault. While Google has its issues, I’m not a techno-apologist — it’s definitely selling our data, there’s problems with the platform — the information-seeking process, whether we go through Google or whatever search engine you choose, is ultimately going to return us largely the same information if we aren’t critical about the keywords we start with. So one thing I think we need to be more mindful of is not thinking the fix is going to come from tech companies, but rather thinking about how the fix is contingent on different social interactions with these search engines. 

So that’s a message for consumers, but also for progressive producers.

Sure. People will say, “Isn’t this happening on the left?” And I would say, “Sure, it could.” Anyone can use search engine optimization. But it isn’t, based on the data I have. It isn’t happening to the same capacity. And then, part two is to be mindful. That was my dedication: “To the information seekers everywhere: be mindful where the journey leads.” I think a lot of people go, “Be wary of what you’re seeing on Facebook” or “Be careful of what you’re seeing on Twitter” or “Don’t trust what you’re seeing on TikTok.” So a lot of people will see things, and then go, “Oh, let me go find out.”  Then they’ll take these same concepts and they’ll go to Google, and often what’s returned to them is the same bad content they saw on Facebook, Twitter or TikTok. 

So if you’re just kind of input-in/input-out, taking these same ideas and just searching for them, without really recognizing how that works or understanding that search engines aren’t neutral arbiters of truth — if you’re trying to make sure you’re getting the right information, you need to take a little more time in assessing the quality of your sources, and you need to understand that Google is not a helpful librarian. 

Liz Cheney “disgusted” that Trump released names of agents in Mar-a-Lago raid

In an interview with ABC Chief Washington Correspondent Jonathan Karl, GOP Rep. Liz Cheney expressed her thoughts on the aftermath of the FBI raid on Mar-a-Lago saying she feels “disgusted.”

“I was ashamed to hear Republicans immediately and reflexively attack the FBI agents who executed the search warrant,” Cheney said in her exclusive interview with ABC News. “I was disgusted when I learned that President Trump had released the names of those agents, when he released the unredacted search warrant, and that has now caused violence.”

Following the raid, which took place on August 8, 2022 and kicked off via a search warrant permitted by Attorney General Merrick Garland and approved by Judge Bruce Reinhart, Trump supporters have rallied to target most everyone involved who called into question the legality of Trump holding on to documents taken from the White House during his time as president. Since the raid, Reinhart himself, along with his family, have become targets in the backlash.

“We’ve seen threats of violence, the judge himself, his synagogue had to cancel services because of threats of violence. This is a really dangerous moment and to see the former President of the United States, my colleagues, stoking the flames of that instead of saying, ‘We need to learn the facts. We need to learn the evidence. We need to learn the information about what happened …’ I think that the American people see what hypocrisy that is and it’s dangerous hypocrisy,” Cheney said in her interview.


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Last week a redacted version of the search warrant was made available and an unredacted version, thought to have been leaked by Trump himself, began circulating on sites like Breitbart. Judge Reinhart is being pushed by some to make the full document public, and chided by others for any contents already made visible. There’s caution in regards to the search warrant fearing that it will ignite Trump’s supporters to further lash out, and possibly interfere with further investigation into Trump’s handling of documents.

According to ABC News, “The Justice Department had urged the judge, Bruce Reinhart, to keep the affidavit fully under seal, arguing that if it were to be made public it could ’cause significant and irreparable damage’ to an ongoing criminal investigation involving highly classified materials related to national security.”

“It sounds to me from watching the news reports that they’re acting responsibly in terms of determining what has to be redacted and, and what can be released,” Cheney said. “But it also seems to be the case that there were clearly ongoing efforts to get back wherever this information was, and that it was not presented, you know, that the former president was unwilling to give back these materials. Now, we will see, we’ll learn more.”

When asked “What does your defeat say about Trump’s hold on the Republican Party?” Cheney replied “It says that people continue to believe the lie. They continue to believe what he’s saying, which is very dangerous.”

Writing the White Boyfriend: How today’s love stories are revising interracial romance tropes

A good romance feels like putting two puzzle pieces together. One piece might be gruff and grumpy while the other is sweet and affectionate. Two pieces might be very alike, but detest each other: similar-shaped curves that just won’t line up. One proud piece, one prejudiced. The dramatic core of the romance novel is the moment when the two pieces finally click! into place, but for that click to satisfy, readers need to know those puzzle pieces in detail. Their shapes, their histories, their hard and soft edges, the curves and scope of all the different parts that make two people work. It means that every romance novel is at its heart a character study, an examination of those details that make someone who they are.

Unsurprising then, that in romance literature as everywhere else, race matters. The choice to write a character as a particular race is never a coincidence. Though whiteness is often permitted to pass uncommented, Sally Rooney’s novels are as much about what it is like when two white people fall in love as Tia Williams’ are an ode to the romantic experience of two Black people. Our racial identities and experiences form a core part of our personhood. In a character study, they’re significant.

Interracial relationships throw this into high relief, pushing cultural and racial differences to the fore⁠—the key edges of those puzzle pieces. A spate of new novels depicts interracial relationships with intimate and nuanced attention, from the very optimistic (Jasmine Guillory, Tracey Livesay, Talia Hibbert) to the more ambiguous and even fatalistic (running the course from Alexandra Chang to Raven Leilani). Not every novel is an idealized version of love breaking down every border; some, like Leilani’s “Luster,” actively scorn the privileged white love interest. But even the more traditional happy-ever-afters spend careful and thoughtful time working out how an interracial relationship can and does work.

Similarly, interracial romances ⁠— for a long time code for “one white person and one person of color”⁠ — are becoming more diverse in themselves, with appetite growing for interracial romances that don’t centre a white character at all. Morgan Rogers’s “Honey Girl” and Adiba Jaigirdar’s “The Henna Wars” both depict interracial lesbian relationships where neither character in the partnership is white⁠. But when one half of the relationship is white, growing diversity in publishing and more authors of color writing romances which reflect their experiences have led to my new favorite trope: the White Boyfriend.

One half of an interracial relationship written by an author of color, the White Boyfriend strikes me as an inversion of the Pocahontas-style narrative in which a white man ventures into unknown space and falls for a foreign, “exotic” love interest whom they treat more like a specimen than a significant other. But now it is the White Boyfriend who is the exotic specimen, evaluated for his potential worth, scrutinized for his privileged position and prepared for potential discard. Novels that consider the White Boyfriend are often humorous: He’s a 10, but he thinks panch phoran is a Soundcloud rapper. The love interest in Sara Jafari’s “The Mismatch” is a British lad with all the embarrassment that entails; wearing running shorts in the winter, posting shirtless selfies where he pouts at the camera. But as they get closer, the initially reluctant Iranian-British heroine Soraya begins to realize they’re not so different after all.

Now it is the White Boyfriend who is the exotic specimen.

Jokes aside, the White Boyfriend offers the opportunity to explore complex issues of race and cultural difference in a close and intimate way. As two lovers draw together, we watch the personal and political collide. Cultural, historical and political differences are all present within the intimacy of one relationship, like a pressure cooker or experiment that seems to have wider repercussions and meanings. For many people of color, getting close to white people feels fraught, leaving us on edge or even vulnerable. That vulnerability is intriguing for writers, worthy of deep exploration.

My own novel, co-written with my wife Mikaella Clements, centers on the relationship between British-Indian actress Whitman Tagore and her white playboy love interest, Leo Milanowski. In “The View Was Exhausting,” that puzzle piece click! comes in fits and gasps, in no small part due to the tension between the two protagonists’ identity. Leo and Win are both famous, but Win has to work hard, clawing for every moment of public attention, searching for space in the spotlight; Leo rolls out of bed with his handsome face and lets the cameras go to work. Win is judged, castigated, sneered at for the slightest slip-up; Leo bats his baby blues and all is forgiven. (Actually, his eyes are brown, but the point stands.)

We wanted to write about how much race informs and determines the arc of a person’s life. Win and Leo are inherently similar, best friends who understand each other on an instinctive level, but their different races have set them miles apart, in a way that Leo himself cannot even entirely understand. “Talking to Leo was sometimes like shouting over a giant gulf that gaped between them that Leo thought was just a crack in the pavement,” Win reflects. “He thought he could lean forward and offer his hand and guide Win lightly across. But Win wasn’t even sure she wanted to be on the other side.”


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Because racism isn’t always — or even mostly — a matter of virulence and hate, it was important to me that Leo was an ally who still got things wrong all the time. Win and Leo talk about race a lot; more often than not, those conversations go badly. “I forgot I was talking to the One True Good Man,” Win tells him once, and of course she means the One True Good White Man. The White Boyfriend might not be deliberately racist, but he is often clueless: “Just talk to her,” Leo advises Win about her first generation mother, with no experience of the internal dynamics and workings of immigrant families.

For me and other writers of color, the White Boyfriend offers a compelling opportunity to reconsider and rewrite classic and racist tropes within interracial romances. A common pitfall is the white love interest appearing as a savior, swooping down to free the protagonist from her predicament. Nicola Marsh’s “The Boy Toy” reacts by switching the anxiety to white love interest Rory, who frets about meeting his love interest’s big Indian family. His desire to fit in and meet the high standards of Samira’s mother and aunties works to destabilize his own privilege, often to great comedic effect. Tracey Livesay’s “American Royalty” allows her Black heroine Dani to be vulnerable without requiring her leading man to solve problems for her. “When they know there’s a chance their relationship is more serious, they’re both aware of the problems they’re going to face,” Livesay says. “By that point, what I hope I’ve done is write a love story that shows they’re willing to handle anything thrown at them.”

The White Boyfriend offers a compelling opportunity to reconsider and rewrite classic and racist tropes within interracial romances.

Privilege is a useful concept in a structural sense, but it tends to get messy in interpersonal issues, especially in a one-on-one conversation where each character is deeply aware of the other’s flaws, failings, hurts and dreams. Interracial romances make space for play and transgression and also the mess, resisting an idealized solution in favor of real, complicated feelings. Alexandra Chang explores that dichotomous sense of the personal and political in her novel “Days of Distraction.” Newspaper articles, court documents and online forum threads appear amongst Chang’s more traditional narrative to present a messy, complex portrait of the interracial relationship at the novel’s core. The mosaic format gives the reader a broad and detailed insight into the pressure that Chang’s protagonist is under, highlighting the insidiousness of anti-Asian sentiment and the way racism slips inside a relationship, even against both partners’ best intentions.

For us, the key was to give Leo an arc that was as much about understanding his own whiteness as it was Win’s British-Indian identity; to see himself, and not her, as the other in their dynamic. Saving someone is simple, a one-off act that involves a moment of bravery without much critical thinking. The daily, repetitive, tiring work of understanding someone and their life is much more difficult, but that’s what a good partner does. The White Boyfriend who makes it through to the happy-ever-after is one willing to roll up his sleeves and get busy.

Why is far-right ideology taking hold in LGBT+ communities?

While depictions of gay life in films and TV series typically portray LGBT+ people as politically-active progressives, there is a growing swath of LGBT+ conservatives in real-life, some of whom hold far right ideologies — a juxtaposition that often shocks those encountering it for the first time. Indeed, as my ethnographic examinations of the far-right and conspiracy theories have revealed, they do in fact exist — and my findings are corroborated by other researchers in my field. More importantly, this demographic seems to be gaining traction and momentum within certain sectors of the LGBT+ community — both in the United States, Europe, and Australia.

That might seem particularly peculiar given that many of the ideas currently being espoused by the far-right promote racial hierarchies, transphobia, and even anti-gay sentiments. Where do these ideas come from? What underlying conditions were already there for the far-right to use to their advantage? And, most importantly, is there anything that can be done about it? While conservative LGBT+ individuals have always existed, even during the reign of the Nazi party, in an age of increasingly divisive rhetoric these ideas and beliefs have been given new life.

According to a 2020 study conducted by the Williams Institute, approximately 9 million LGBT adults are registered voters, 15% of which are Republican and only 50% are Democrats. Like my recent peer reviewed journal article in Sexualities, some of the findings of this report make sense, while others seem to contradict conventional wisdom about the individuals so studied. For instance, sexual orientation is considered an insignificant part of identity for LGBT+ Republicans, yet 38% of this sample thought being an LGBT was a personal shortcoming. This recent report highlights a significant divide that has existed and persists within the LGBT+ community — whether we have moved beyond the shared experience of marginalization that gave rise to the movement, or if we have entered into a “post-gay” era.  However, gay men have played a pivotal role in promoting some of the most discussed topics in conservative politics — including an idea known as “the great replacement” theory.

It may shock readers to learn that a gay French socialite and artist named Renaud Camus coined the “Great Replacement” theory, an idea which has been promoted in far right circles. The gist of the “Great Replacement” is the idea that whites are being replaced at a rate such that they will be the minority by 2050; and moreover, that liberal politicians are attempting to accelerate this “replacement” through liberal immigration policies. Camus has been photographed proudly marching alongside Neo-Nazis, making him an even more bizarre figure than openly gay conservative provocateur Milo Yiannopoulos.


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The Great Replacement theory and similar far-right ideas have also been promoted among those who constitute the intellectual dark web — a group of pseudo-intellectuals pushing conservative talking points and anti-science rhetoric. Among those promoting these ideas are Jordan Peterson; gay political commentator Dave Rubin, who if has not directly promoted Great Replacement theory has promoted transphobic and anti-lesbian rhetoric; venture capitalist Peter Thiel; and Sam Harris — all “members” of the Intellectual Dark Web.

Some of the same ideas about what constitutes beauty within the broader LGBT+ culture mirror what is espoused by far-right figures.

For those not familiar with the inner workings of the far right or alt-right, this may seem like a bizarre juxtaposition.  Yet the literature on authoritarianism gives us an idea on how one can hold seemingly contradictory beliefs at the same time. In the 1950s, philosopher and sociologist Theodor Adorno and his contemporaries sought to understand if there was something within individuals that could lead them to gravitate towards fascist ideology. Their groundbreaking study identified a number of traits that might push someone towards supporting authoritarian leadership. Of those nine traits, several stick out as important for our discussion here: the belief in rigid (especially gendered) categories; belief that hierarchies are natural and justified; and aggression towards those seeking to transgress boundaries. Some of these traits had already been cultivated by specific subsets of the gay community long before Milo Yiannopoulos, Dave Rubin, or Great Replacement theory were widely known.

Indeed, some of the same ideas about what constitutes beauty within the broader LGBT+ culture mirror what is espoused by far-right figures. This is more than just conjecture and a body of empirical research explores the threads of discrimination within LGBT+ spaces based on gender, race, age, and ability which coalesce and form hierarchies of beauty within gay culture. Most gay men come to realize early on that, within gay culture, there is premium placed on being white, young, physically fit, and attractive by Western European cultural standards. Those who deviate from those cultural expectations are treated as less than — and where one is placed within this hierarchy determines one’s access to participate in queer culture. My own work has sought to look at this, and also ask why some gay men choose to date only those at the top of this hierarchy. In my research, I found these men repeated some of the same talking points as those espoused by conservative political figures. These include statements like “I’m only attracted to people of [X] race,” or racialized statements in dating profiles, including the all-too-common refrains: “no fats, no femmes, no Asians” and “masc 4 masc.” 

When Renaud Camus penned the “Great Replacement” theory, he may have merely been expressing opinions which white gay men were using as justifications for holding racist ideologies long before he published his book. Indeed, numerous social media accounts exist that are devoted to exposing racism on gay dating apps — for instance, GrindrWhileBlack, which posts screenshots on both Twitter and Instagram page

While the gay and LGBT+ community may seem like an odd place for the seeds of right-wing extremism to take root and sprout, the culture that has been built post-Stonewall is one that has been increasingly commodified and, as such, increasingly exclusive.

An additional mechanism that has allowed far-right ideology to seep into the gay community comes, ironically, from the successes of the gay rights movement in promoting gay marriage. The term post-gay was used initially by Paul Burston, a British News Journalist, who, when interviewed, said he “meant it tongue-in-cheek, not in the way it has been taken recently.” The term was later used by several high-profile figures, including an interview with James Collard in Out magazine who used the term to divorce himself from political ideology. In a post-gay era, brought on by the Obergefell v. Hodges decision, they argue that one’s sexuality is distinct from one’s politics. This was the position of the first elected gay alderman in St. Louis in 2009 when I interviewed him in my role as news reporter, and a sentiment that persists throughout the Democratic and Republican parties. This sentiment, however, has exposed the far-right tendencies that have existed within gay culture.

With far-right extremism on the rise, the spread of these ideas and rhetoric represents a growing threat to the larger LGBT+ community. On the ground, this has played out in a variety of surprising ways — from promotion of QAnon by LGBT+ persons, gay men openly using racial slurs on dating apps, and the general adoption of authoritarian positions which marginalize those at the bottom of the LGBT+ world. In 2016, I witnessed how toxic this had become when lesbian protestors in London gathered to disrupt the London Pride parade and promote transphobic messaging. Here in the United States, we’ve had parallel developments with gay men promoting ideas that naturalize hierarchies of beauty—claiming that their beauty standards are not socially constructed but natural, and even a product of human evolution.

Outside of these ideas embedded within LGBT+ culture, we have also seen the emergence of formal LGBT+ organizations that support conservative politicians — some formal, some conjoined and made visible through hashtags on social media. These include groups like Gays For Trump and Twinks4Trump — a pseudo-movement started by a Gateway Pundit contributor — in addition to the ones that have existed for decades (i.e. Log Cabin Republicans). In interviews that I have conducted with conservative gay figures, they reiterate that they want to be seen as equal to — not distinct from — their straight counterparts. Many of these men also felt rejection from the larger LGBT+ community, leading them to seek acceptance from others. Feeling rejected, these men found a warm embrace from conservative ideologues — such as when gay influencer Christian Walker, son of former football player and politician Herschel Walker, took to Twitter denouncing Gay Pride festivals; or, former Breitbart employee Milo Yiannopoulos’ sensationalized behavior, some of which was directed at the larger LGBT+ community. Such behaviors seem to be the product of trying to appease conservative leaders, even if that means denouncing others like themselves.

In my ethnographic work on gay culture I’ve met many men who delayed coming out, myself included, because of the “body fascism” or “toxic masculinity” that exists in the gay community. Even if you reject my premise that LGBT+ culture has tendencies which provide fertile ground for far-right ideologies to take hold, surely we can all agree that hiding one’s identify because of perceived rejection of one’s community is reason enough to change these behaviors. Moreover, in the early epidemic phase of a new virus, monkeypox, that is affecting MSM communities, gay men seem to be clinging onto the hyper-individualism which has proved so harmful to limiting the spread of other diseases like HIV/AIDS and COVID-19. If the LGBT+ community is to survive and thrive, perhaps we need to reconsider the places, spaces, and rhetoric our community draws upon. COVID has given us a remarkable opportunity to reimagine what community looks like and to unravel the root causes of so many problems the LGBT+ community has grappled with for decades.

Indiana’s new abortion ban may drive some young OB-GYNs to leave a state where they’re needed

On a Monday morning, a group of obstetrics and gynecology residents, dressed in blue scrubs and white coats, gathered in an auditorium at Indiana University School of Medicine. After the usual updates and announcements, Dr. Nicole Scott, the residency program director, addressed the elephant in the room. “Any more abortion care questions?” she asked the trainees.

After a few moments of silence, one resident asked: “How’s Dr. Bernard doing?”

“Bernard is actually in really good spirits — I mean, relatively,” Scott answered. “She has 24/7 security, has her own lawyer.”

They were talking about Dr. Caitlin Bernard, an Indiana OB-GYN who provides abortions and trains residents at the university hospital. Bernard was recently caught in a political whirlwind after she spoke about an abortion she provided to a 10-year-old rape victim from Ohio. Bernard was the target of false accusations made on national television by pundits and political leaders, including Indiana’s attorney general.

The doctors interviewed for this article said that they are not speaking on behalf of their school of medicine but rather about their personal experiences during a tumultuous moment that they worry will affect the way they care for their patients.

The vitriol directed at Bernard hit home for this group of residents. She has mentored most of them for years. Many of the young doctors were certain they wanted to practice in Indiana after their training. But lately, some have been ambivalent about that prospect.

Dr. Beatrice Soderholm, a fourth-year OB-GYN resident, said watching what Bernard went through was “scary.” “I think that was part of the point for those who were putting her through that,” Soderholm said. They were trying “to scare other people out of doing the work that she does.”

In early August, Gov. Eric Holcomb, a Republican, signed a near-total abortion ban into law, making Indiana the first state to adopt new restrictions on abortion access since the Supreme Court struck down Roe v. Wade in June. When the ban takes effect Sept. 15, medical providers who violate the law risk losing their licenses or serving up to six years in prison.

These days, Scott, the residency program director, uses some meeting time with residents to fill them in on political updates and available mental health services. She also reminds them that legal counsel is on call round-the-clock to help if they’re ever unsure about the care they should provide a patient.

“Our residents are devastated,” Scott said, holding back tears. “They signed up to provide comprehensive health care to women, and they are being told that they can’t do that.”

She expects this will “deeply impact” how Indiana hospitals recruit and retain medical professionals.

A 2018 report from the March of Dimes found that 27% of Indiana counties are considered maternity care deserts, with no or limited access to maternal care. The state has one of the nation’s highest maternal mortality rates.

Scott said new laws restricting abortion will only worsen those statistics.

Scott shared results from a recent survey of nearly 1,400 residents and fellows across all specialties at the IU School of Medicine, nearly 80% of the trainees said they were less likely to stay and practice in Indiana after the abortion ban.

Dr. Wendy Tian, a third-year resident, said she is worried about her safety. Tian grew up and went to medical school in Chicago and chose to do her residency in Indiana because the program has a strong family-planning focus. She was open to practicing in Indiana when she completed her training.

But that’s changed.

“I, for sure, don’t know if I would be able to stay in Indiana postgraduation with what’s going on,” Tian said.

Still, she feels guilty for “giving up” on Indiana’s most vulnerable patients.

Even before Roe fell, Tian said, the climate in Indiana could be hostile and frustrating for OB-GYNs. Indiana, like other states with abortion restrictions, allows nearly all health care providers to opt out of providing care to patients having an abortion.

“We encounter other people who we work with on a daily basis who are opposed to what we do,” Tian said. Tian said she and her colleagues have had to cancel scheduled procedures because the nurses on call were not comfortable assisting during an abortion.

Scott said the OB-GYN program at the IU School of Medicine has provided residents with comprehensive training, including on abortion care and family planning. Since miscarriages are managed the same way as first-trimester abortions, she said, the training gives residents lots of hands-on experience. “What termination procedures allow you to do is that kind of repetition and that understanding of the female anatomy and how to manage complications that may happen with miscarriages,” she said.

The ban on abortions dramatically reduces the hands-on opportunities for OB-GYN residents, and that’s a huge concern, she said.

The program is exploring ways to offer training. One option is to send residents to learn in states without abortion restrictions, but Scott said that would be a logistical nightmare. “This is not as simple as just showing up to an office and saying, ‘Can I observe?’ This includes getting a medical license for out-of-state trainees. This includes funding for travel and lodging,” Scott said. “It adds a lot to what we already do to educate future OB-GYNs.”

Four in 10 of all OB-GYN residents in the U.S. are in states where abortion is banned or likely to be banned, so there could be a surge of residents looking to go out of state to make up for lost training opportunities. The Accreditation Council for Graduate Medical Education, the body that accredits residency programs, proposed modifications to the graduation requirements for OB-GYN residents to account for the changing landscape.

For some of the Indiana OB-GYN residents — including Dr. Veronica Santana, a first-year resident — these political hurdles are a challenge they’re more than willing to take on. Santana is Latina, grew up in Seattle, and has been involved in community organizing since she was a teenager. One reason she chose obstetrics and gynecology was because of how the field intersects with social justice. “It’s political. It always has been, and it continues to be,” she said, “And, obviously, especially now.”

After Roe was overturned, Santana, alongside other residents and mentors, took to the streets of Indianapolis to participate in rallies in support of abortion rights.

Indiana could be the perfect battleground for Santana’s advocacy and social activism. But lately, she said, she is “very unsure” whether staying in Indiana to practice after residency makes sense, since she wants to provide the entire range of OB-GYN services.

Soderholm, who grew up in Minnesota, has felt a strong connection to patients at the county hospital in Indianapolis. She had been certain she wanted to practice in Indiana. But her family in Minnesota — where abortion remains largely protected — has recently questioned why she would stay in a state with such a hostile climate for OB-GYNs. “There’s been a lot of hesitation,” she said. But the patients make leaving difficult. “Sorry,” she said, starting to cry.

It’s for those patients that Soderholm decided she’ll likely stay. Other young doctors may make a different decision.


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KHN (Kaiser Health News) is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues. Together with Policy Analysis and Polling, KHN is one of the three major operating programs at KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). KFF is an endowed nonprofit organization providing information on health issues to the nation.

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There are all kinds of nurturers on “A League of Their Own.” Lupe is the best

Lupe Garcia would break your heart.

She would not mean to. She would feel terrible about it, once she found out you were suffering, suffering because of her. And she would let you down easy. But the pitcher on “A League of Their Own,” Prime Video’s new series adaptation of the 1992 film, is a heartbreaker. As played by the wonderful Roberta Colindrez, so compelling in “I Love Dick,” another adaptation that never really got its fair chance, Lupe gives everything she has. Just like a mother. 

“A League of Their Own” does, as Salon’s Melanie McFarland writes, “what [Penny] Marshall could not in 1992.” The Prime Video series includes storylines for significant characters of color, including Chanté Adams as Maxine, a young woman who takes a factory job in the hope of being allowed to play ball on the company team; the utterly magnetic Gbemisola Ikumelo as Clance, Max’s beloved best friend and an aspiring writer of comic books; and Colindrez as Lupe. None of these roles were in the original film. Tellingly, they are some of the absolute best in the series. 

Lupe represents a person who’s already lived. Who has struggled, failed, been pushed down and knows exactly what’s at stake.

The story, both film and series, takes place during World War II. As men are sent off to war, America misses baseball and the strapping young men who would run the bases. So, a league of professional female athletes emerges out of the Midwest, originally intended as little more than a publicity stunt as bankrolled by candy bar magnate Walter Harvey. To Harvey’s surprise, and probably not ours, the women baseball players are good. And serious.

A League Of Their OwnA League Of Their Own (Courtesy of Prime Video)Lupe best represents the struggle of the female athletes to be taken seriously. She wants to play the game, enough that she doesn’t have much space to object when the press starts labeling her “the Spanish striker.” What choice or power does she have? As Colindrez says in an interview with the Los Angeles Times, “That serves as a perfect example of the exotification that is engendered within racism itself . . . Why do y’all have to qualify it? Lupe’s main drag is, ‘I don’t want to just be a really good Latin player. I am a really good baseball player.'”

Lupe is also the player who deals with injury on the show, an injury prompted by a coach who thoughtlessly pressures her and attempts to change her into his image. She hides it. She attempts to play through the pain, and finally she handles the very real frustration of being an excellent athlete benched for her own good. Colindrez has a background in sports, though, as she told Screen Rant, “I grew up playing soccer, and I just loved sports growing up, but I had never touched baseball in a real way. So, it was really fun to learn.” That athleticism comes through in her performance, as does the sharp ache of wanting it. 

A League Of Their OwnA League Of Their Own (Anne Marie Fox/Prime Video)

How else can a woman possibly hope to be taken seriously if the press or coaches or fans know she has kids at home?

Some of the players on the team are young, like Priscilla Delgado’s earnest Esti, who is still a teenager and only speaks Spanish at first. But Lupe represents a person who’s already lived. Who has struggled, failed, been pushed down and knows exactly what’s at stake – and how swiftly it can all be taken away. 

Near the end of the series, Lupe reveals that she’s a mother. Several of the athletes on the team are, and all are hiding it, as the show intelligently does, disclosing the information late. Why bury a big piece of identity like that? How else can a woman possibly hope to be taken seriously if the press or coaches or fans — even her childless teammates – know she has kids at home? Really, not much has changed in that regard since 1943.

Significantly, it’s revealed Lupe was a teen mom. We don’t know the circumstances exactly, only that she was alone and her parents took her baby, which both allowed Lupe to grow up and attempt to build a life but also estranged her from her child. She finally tells Esti that she reminds Lupe of her daughter: “It’s like seeing her and not seeing her.”

But Lupe has long displayed nurturing tendencies in the show, even if she is grudgingly reluctant about it, even more reticent than Carson (Abbi Jacobson) who becomes a kind of parent for the team in her coaching role, or the great Dale Dickey as Sergeant Beverly, whose chaperone character looks out for the women in more ways than they realize. For Lupe, that reluctance to care for others is a façade, hiding the character’s huge and vulnerable heart. 

She takes Esti under her wing (well, Esti kind of pushes herself under there), as the only person on the team who is bilingual. (The fantastic Kelly McCormack as the slyly charming Jess soon learns some Spanish.) 

A League of Their OwnA League of Their Own (Anne Marie Fox/Prime Video)Esti thrusts Lupe into a role of being protective over the girl, which also brings up feelings about Lupe’s own identity. As Colindrez told the Los Angeles Times, “It was important to talk about the horrible cultural violence against Mexican Americans that has happened historically . . . I grew up in Texas, and so many of the Mexican American kids I grew up with were like, ‘I don’t speak Spanish.’ It was like they had internalized that kind of racism towards themselves and shame about being different. So I wanted to explore that with this character.”

When Lupe instructs Esti on the field that they should both steal bases, a white player on the opposing team cries that they’re “yelling stuff in code!” 

“It’s not code, you moron,” Lupe says as she runs. “It’s Spanish.” 

A League Of Their OwnA League Of Their Own (Nicola Goode/Prime Video)Lupe’s sexual identity is another significant part of the character, played, like everything about Lupe, with gentle wisdom. She’s confident about who she is but not in a boasting way. She doesn’t need to boast; she just knows. Lupe and Jess help Carson navigate her own blossoming sexuality without judgment (though Lupe can’t resist a few hilarious questions when the two friends find Carson in an underground gay bar in one of the show’s best episodes). 


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A beloved queer character that Lupe recalls at times is Shane McCutcheon (Kate Moennig) from “The L Word” and “The L Word: Generation Q,” another reluctant parent figure who breaks hearts — she doesn’t mean to — but would do anything for her friends. Colindrez has the same magnetism, and Lupe, the same quiet wisdom. Despite having the skills, Lupe’s not a show-off on the field or off. The word that best describes her is “steady.” She’ll protest at first, but she’ll be there for you. You’ll never want her to leave.  

How Trump redefined shameless hypocrisy — and made it politically indispensable

When George W. Bush announced that the United States had begun military action in Afghanistan on October 7, 2001, in retaliation for the 9/11 attacks orchestrated by al-Qaeda, he emphasized that the mission would also focus on providing humanitarian aid to the citizens of Afghanistan. “The oppressed people of Afghanistan will know the generosity of America and our allies,” he explained. “As we strike military targets, we will also drop food, medicine, and supplies.” The hypocrisy of a military strike framed as a humanitarian mission was on full display. For those of us who could immediately see through Bush’s hubris and his malignant American exceptionalism, the global war on terror epitomized the toxic nature of America’s culture of political hypocrisy.

It all seems quaint now.

Today we live in a world where chanting “lock her up” at Hillary Clinton for her handling of sensitive documents runs in tandem with outrage over an FBI seizure of classified documents as “un-American;” where unsubstantiated concerns over election fraud are best handled by attempting to overthrow the democratic process; where you chant “Blue Lives Matter” except during the Jan. 6 insurrection or when you attack the FBI; where invoking the Fifth amendment means a person is definitely guilty, except when you do it; where you call for bipartisan unity on one day and then stoke party division the next. 

It’s actually kind of exhausting to try to list even the best highlights of Trump-era hypocrisy. As columnist Don Kahle writes, since the election of Trump, “GOP hypocrisy has become strategic.”

For some scholars, the Bush-style hypocrisy of the War on Terror is considered indispensable for the functioning of the world order. In fact, University of Cambridge professor David Runciman argues that politics isn’t possible without hypocrisy. For Machiavelli expert Ruth Grant, hypocrisy is essential to politics because a political life and a moral life are simply incompatible. 

For others, hypocrisy threatens democracy because, as political science professor Austin Sarat puts it, hypocrisy “erodes trust and breeds cynicism.” For Sarat, Trump’s extreme and excessive hypocrisy poses a danger to the future of U.S. democracy because he has normalized it and, thus far, not been held accountable for it: “He has been a master of saying one thing and doing another. He has held up others to ridicule and then done the very things for which he shamed them.”

But that’s the thing. Whether or not you justify hypocrisy in politics, you have to admit that Trump-style hypocrisy is entirely different from previous examples. Sure, Thomas Jefferson wrote “all men are created equal” while unashamedly owning slaves. Lyndon Johnson said “we will seek no wider war” in reference to Vietnam and then did just that. Richard Nixon said “I am not a crook” when he was. Bill Clinton stated he hadn’t had sex with Monica Lewinsky when he had. But not one of the above examples of hypocritical presidents comes even remotely close to the hypocrisy of Trump.

Trump hasn’t just been a hyper-hypocrite. He hasn’t just mastered it; he has redefined the very meaning of it. Part of this shift lies in the fact that Trump may be the chief hypocrite, but every single one of his political allies and supporters is one too. You literally cannot support Trump or work alongside him and not be a hypocrite. In fact, if there is one recognizable element of the Trump party platform it is collective, weaponized hypocrisy. Without the hypocrisy, there literally is nothing else left.

Before we decide what to do about the new turn in political hypocrisy, we first have to understand it. Here are four key changes to keep in mind.  

01
It’s in your face.

To say that the hypocrisy of Trump and his supporters is flagrant, shameless and extreme is to state the obvious. 

 

In April 2017, Chauncey Devega wrote an essay for Salon in which he called Trump’s hypocrisy “flagrant.” The trouble is that when you used a word like “flagrant” to describe excess Trumpist behavior in 2017, you ran out of effective adjectives by 2022.

 

But the in-your-face style of Trumpist hypocrisy isn’t just limited to the hypocrite-in-chief. Perhaps there is no better example of the mass approach to Trumpist hypocrisy than its contradictions over health care. One day, pro-Trump Republicans are freaking out over needing to wear a mask during a pandemic; the next they are mandating control over women’s health. One ad targeting the hypocrisy of the “pro-life” position pointed out that Republicans only care about policing women’s bodies, not supporting them or their children.  

 

So, we have both a spate of inconsistencies and a mass movement practicing them, but the additional in-your-face feature of Trumpist hypocrisy is the lack of shame. Think, for example, of all of those Trump nominated members of the Supreme Court who blatantly misled the public during their confirmation hearings about their position on Roe v. Wade, but also showed zero remorse, embarrassment, or even concern that doing so was not just hypocritical; it was deliberately deceptive.

 

Trumpist hypocrisy is just there all the time, in your face, and proudly on display.

02
It’s invisible.

Here’s where it gets really weird, because while it is on display, openly, all the time; it is also invisible. The difference is that some of us see it and some of us can’t.

 

Henry Farrell and Martha Finnemore argued in a 2017 essay for Foreign Affair that it was a mistake to consider Trump a hypocrite. “Trump’s No Hypocrite,” they claimed. Rather, they described him as inconsistent rather than hypocritical. “Hypocrisy requires a minimal degree of self-awareness,” they argued, as well as “clear understanding of both one’s own interests and of public norms.” Their point was that Trump simply couldn’t even “recognize” his hypocritical behavior, which meant he wasn’t actually a true hypocrite. 

 

Here’s the catch — and it explains why some of us see the hypocrisy and why those who practice it don’t. Farrell and Finnemore’s point rests on the premise that hypocrisy depends on being aware of a moral compass and deliberately not using it. But that’s the thing about the new hypocrisy: Its moral compass is its hypocrisy

 

Once you recognize that the issue here isn’t failing to effectively compare one’s actions to an ethical code, but rather, embracing selfish, self-serving, irrational, inconsistent and illogical behavior as an ethical code, then you get why those who practice it can’t see it. Inside the Trump hypocrisy bubble, nothing that is done by them can be judged against an external ethics. Therefore, they simply can’t possibly be a hypocrite.

 

For the Trumpist hypocrite, everyone else who doesn’t agree with you is the real hypocrite, but you never are. Sure, it’s absolutely batshit logic and an ethical code that lacks anything resembling ethics, but that’s how it works.

03
It’s invincible.

In 2017, professors Emile Bruneau, Nour Kteily and Emily Falk published a groundbreaking study on the power of revealing hypocrisy. Studying how communities commonly resort to collective blame after mass violence — like when individuals blame all Muslims for acts of mass violence committed by a small group of Muslims — they tested a range of interventions that could be used to disrupt that habit. What they found was that showing individuals that it was hypocritical to blame all Muslims for the acts of a few, when they don’t blame all Christians for the acts of a few, was a highly effective tactic.

 

The catch, though, was that the study wasn’t looking at Trumpist hypocrisy but hypocrisy in general. What is important to note, though, from the study, is that for the average person, it is possible to become aware of one’s hypocrisy and alter one’s beliefs. That simply isn’t true in Trumpland.

 

Sarat notes that one of the core problems with Trumpist hypocrisy is the fact that calling it out just doesn’t make any difference. He points to a piece in the philosophy and politics blog, Vim, that argues that the reason why calling out Trumpist hypocrisy doesn’t matter is because “charging a fascist with hypocrisy is especially pointless.” This is so because fascism requires that exposing its inconsistencies and incoherence has no effect on its adherents. Whether we want to use the F-word to describe Trumpist hypocrites or not, we do have to agree that calling it out has made absolutely no difference whatsoever to its grasp on American society.

 

If you have any doubts, check out the work of Jordan Klepper, who has done brilliant work satirizing the absurdity of Trumpist hypocrisy. His recurring segment for “The Daily Show with Trevor Noah” — “Jordan Klepper Fingers the Pulse” — has him out in the field interviewing Trump supporters and literally repeating their hypocrisy back at them. In every case, the interviewee hears Klepper ironically explain their hypocrisy. They then respond by unironically repeating it back to him. The contrast between Klepper cleverly exposing the hypocrisy and the hypocrite happily and obliviously owning it is stunning. As one viewer quips, “This would be so much funnier if it wasn’t so existentially terrifying.”

04
It is all there is.

When you think about it, Trumpism doesn’t just practice hypocrisy — it needs it. How else do you explain defending democracy by literally trying to destroy it? Whether attacking pizza or the vice president, this is a politics grounded in unethical inconsistencies and immoral irrationality.

 

Hypocrisy has now become the signature feature of Trumpian politics. In fact, every single party platform is rife with it. There is literally nothing else.

 

But it’s worse than that. Because Trumpist hypocrisy has also overtaken most anti-Trump politics as well. In race after race this primary season, non-Trumpy candidates have literally defined themselves over and against Trumpist hypocrisy to the detriment of offering alternative policy platforms.  

 

It’s not entirely clear how we escape the vicious cycle of constantly needing to respond to the latest hypocritical move of the Trump camp. It isn’t wise to ignore it, but it’s also problematic to let it take up the whole room. It sparks legitimate outrage but also sucks the air out of productive political engagement. And given the fact that signaling it isn’t going to affect those who practice it, giving it too much energy isn’t tipping any political scales.

 

It may well be that the most effective challenge to Trumpian hypocrisy comes from satire, like the Klepper segments highlighted above, since satire’s creative use of irony is uniquely suited to revealing ironic behaviors. In one excellent example, Trevor Noah offered a highly effective takedown of Trumpist media when he ran tape of Fox News covering Hillary Clinton, but paired it with footage of Trump.

 

There is a real benefit to allowing comedians to be the ones to skewer the hypocrites. They are experts in irony and they know the difference between the kind of inconsistency that sparks critique while getting a laugh and the kind that makes no sense. Even more important, they get that the best challenge to weaponized hypocrisy may well be to mock it. Since if there is one thing Trumpist hypocrites are worse at than recognizing their own hypocrisy, it is taking a joke. And that’s pretty funny. 


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Former White House Chief of Staff Mick Mulvaney explains declassifying government documents

Former White House Chief of Staff Mick Mulvaney recently shared details about the process of declassifying documents amid the Federal Bureau of Investigations’ (FBI) probe into whether or not former President Donald Trump violated laws removing documents from the White House.

During an appearance on Newsweek, Mulvaney weighed in on the FBI’s search of Mar-a-Lago as he also shared his reaction to the reports of remarks on individuals within Trump’s “inner circle.”

“I was surprised by some of the reporting on some of the comments by some of the president’s inner circle,” Mulvaney said on Newsmax’s “National Report.”

“Yes, any president of the United States has broad authority to declassify documents,” Mulvaney said. “That being said, there’s a formal structure to doing that. You can’t just sort of stand over a box of documents, wave your hand and say these are all declassified. That’s not how the system works.”

The former Trump administration official spoke in reference to documents detailing conversations with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy. Those government documents had been declassified sometime during Trump’s presidency amid his first impeachment trial.

“You don’t just sort of get to say off the top of your head, ‘oh, everything that I see today’ and that seems to be the argument that some of the president’s insider team is making right now,” he said.

One looming question about the transportation of the documents is whether or not it violates the Espionage Act since they were held at Trump’s Mar-a-Lago estate. However, Trump’s team is arguing that the documents in question were declassified.

Mulvaney, per Newsweek, also said, “that a standing order to declassify documents taken to Mar-a-Lago did not exist when he was chief of staff but acknowledged that one could have been introduced later.”

In a previous statement released to Fox News on Friday last week, Trump’s team argued: “President Trump, in order to prepare for work the next day, often took documents, including classified documents, to the residence. He had a standing order that documents removed from the Oval Office and taken to the residence were deemed to be declassified the moment he removed them.”

Mulvaney’s latest remarks come shortly after his chief of staff predecessor, John Kelly, spoke to CNN on Thursday, August 18. At the time, he said, “Nothing approaching an order that foolish was ever given.”

“And I can’t imagine anyone that worked at the White House after me that would have simply shrugged their shoulders and allowed that order to go forward without dying in the ditch trying to stop it,” Kelly said.

Mulvaney also appeared on CNN on Friday, August 19 where he informed CNN’s Erin Burnett of the system that had been implemented to preserve government documents but he also admitted that he had witnessed “the president rip documents in half. Not confidential documents, but just draft documents. Not supposed to do that but there’s a way to fix it, which is you just find the pieces and you tape them together.”

Discriminatory law blocked in Utah that sought to prohibit trans girls from playing sports

Transgender Utah girls wishing to compete in high school sports this fall may now do so after a judge on Friday temporarily blocked a state law prohibiting trans student-athletes from joining teams that match their gender identity.

Plaintiffs in the case—which involves three trans girls who want to play on girls’ scholastic sports teams—and LGBTQ+ advocates welcomed the preliminary injunction issued by 3rd District Judge Keith Kelly, who wrote that the defendants “do not offer persuasive reasons to categorically ban all transgender girls from competing on girls’ teams.”

“This is a win not only for my child but for all girls in this state,” said Jean Noe, a pseudonymous plaintiff in the case. “This law is based on stereotypes and misconceptions that are harmful to all girls.”

“I am grateful the court has put this dangerous law on pause and that, at least for the moment, all Utah children can know that they are valued and supported,” she added.

The defendants—the Utah High School Activities Association, Granite and Jordan school districts, and their superintendents—had argued that the ban does not discriminate against girls because it targets “biological boys.”

However, Kelly, an appointee of former Republican Gov. Gary Herbert, wrote that “the ban singles out transgender girls and categorically bars them from competing on girls’ sports teams.”

“At the same time, other girls are free to compete,” he added. “This is plainly unfavorable treatment.”

The court’s injunction blocks enforcement of the ban while remaining litigation in the case proceeds through state courts.

Another parent plaintiff in the case, Debbie Roe, said: “My husband and I are very relieved by this decision. We are grateful the court understood how much harm this law has caused, which has been a huge source of stress and trauma for our child.”

“Our daughter just wants the same chance as other kids to make friends and play on the team she loves,” she added. “Today’s ruling gives her the opportunity to do that.”

In a written statement to the court, plaintiff Jenny Roe, a 16-year-old who will be a senior in the Granite School District this academic year, said she played volleyball as a junior and would like to do so again, as well as try out for the basketball team.

Roe explained in her statement that she felt isolated at school and did not have much of a social life until she started playing volleyball. 

“Once I joined the team, I had a great group of friends who supported me and who I loved being around,” she wrote. “This law scares me. I cannot imagine missing my last volleyball season with my team and I have been really upset just thinking about this.”

“If I cannot play with my team,” added Roe, “I am worried that I will not even want to go to classes or to school.”

The Salt Lake Tribune reports:

Now that the ban is on hold… the state’s back-up process for vetting transgender girl athletes will move forward. Under that, a commission will make decisions on which transgender athletes can compete.

The members are set to evaluate a player’s wingspan, weight, and height—and whether a player is taking hormone blockers—to determine if a transgender girl, in particular, might have an unfair advantage in a sport by being born male. Some don’t see that setup as a better option, suggesting that measuring teenagers’ bodies crosses boundaries.

According to the Movement Advancement Project, 18 states including Utah currently ban transgender students from participating in sports consistent with their gender identity.

While Republican-controlled states move to roll back transgender student rights, the Biden administration in June proposed new rules prohibiting educational institutions from discriminating against trans pupils while restoring Title IX protections gutted during the tenure of former President Donald Trump.

The Utah injunction comes two days after local media reported that the parents of cisgender girls who placed second and third to another cis female athlete filed a complaint with the Utah High School Activities Association expressing suspicions that the winner is transgender, a concern the body subsequently—and secretly—investigated by digging through her records going back to kindergarten.

Republican Utah Gov. Spencer Cox—whose veto of the state Legislature’s trans athlete ban was overridden in March—on Thursday responded to the parents’ complaint by saying that “making up allegations like that are pretty disturbing to me.”

“My goodness,” he added, “we’re living in this world where we’ve become sore losers, and we’re looking for any reason why our kid lost.”

For kids with kidney disease, pediatric expertise is key — but not always close by

Jaxon Green, 6, was diagnosed with kidney disease the day he was born. His illness meant that for years his life would depend on daily dialysis. And because his family lives in Tamaqua, a rural Pennsylvania town, his diagnosis also meant taking frequent two-hour trips to Philadelphia to see the closest pediatric nephrologist — even though an adult dialysis center was just five minutes from their home.

Pediatric kidney care is not as simple as prescribing small doses of adult medication, said Dr. Sandra Amaral, the lead researcher for a study published by JAMA this month. It’s important for children with kidney disease — especially end-stage kidney disease, or ESKD — to receive specialized care, but pediatric nephrology is a niche field. On top of that, specialists are not spread out evenly across the country.

Amaral and her team of researchers sought to examine these geographic differences and their impact on kids who need dialysis — a blood-filtering treatment that takes over the role of the kidneys — and are waiting for transplants.

To do this, the researchers compared how long it took for children who received treatment at for-profit dialysis centers to reach certain milestones — for example, being placed on the waitlist for a kidney transplant — compared with children who received treatment at nonprofit dialysis centers. “We’re sort of using profit status a little bit as a surrogate for having access to pediatric expertise,” said Amaral, the medical director of the kidney transplant program at the Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia, or CHOP, where Jaxon receives treatment.

Specifically, nonprofit centers are usually in urban areas and part of major hospital systems, such as CHOP and the Johns Hopkins Hospital in Baltimore. For-profit dialysis centers are more likely to be stand-alone facilities, tend not to have pediatric specialists on staff, and serve more rural areas.

The retrospective study followed 13,333 children who began dialysis treatment between 2000 and 2018. Among its findings:

  • Children treated at for-profit centers had about a 20% lower chance of being put on the kidney transplant waitlist compared with patients at nonprofit facilities.
  • Children at for-profit facilities were about 30% less likely to receive a kidney transplant than patients at nonprofit facilities.
  • Among both for-profit and nonprofit facilities, the chance of being put on the waitlist and the chance of receiving a transplant were lower for patients treated in free-standing facilities, meaning facilities not based in a hospital.

One factor behind the findings, Amaral said, is that many facilities are big dialysis chains that primarily serve adult patients and whose physicians are trained in adult medicine and lack pediatric expertise. “So I think that our pediatric patients may be falling through the cracks,” Amaral said.

Childhood end-stage kidney disease is rare. Fewer than 10,000 children in the U.S. have been diagnosed with ESKD, less than 1% of all people with the illness, according to data from the U.S. Renal Data System, part of the National Institutes of Health.

An editorial accompanying the study, written by Dr. Mary Leonard and Dr. Paul Grimm, both Stanford University physicians, explored why children who receive dialysis at nonprofits are being put on waitlists for transplants and getting them at a faster rate than children at for-profit centers. The difference, they wrote, “likely reflects greater clinician experience with the special needs of pediatric patients with ESKD and their families, as well as more robust facility-level processes and structures needed to care for these vulnerable patients.”

Receiving dialysis at nonprofits may make the process of being placed on the kidney transplant list smoother because the child is already plugged into a hospital system’s network, Amaral said. Pediatric nephrologists at nonprofits are usually connected to other departments in the hospital, including transplant teams that can help patients be in a better position for waitlist referrals. “For my patients on dialysis at CHOP with chronic kidney disease, we’re all kind of a one-stop shop,” Amaral said.

On the other hand, for-profit centers typically provide only dialysis care, so to initiate the process of getting a kid on a waitlist, they would have to reach out to other networks and transfer the child’s information. Amaral said this could be a lengthy and slow process.

The rate at which patients are referred for a transplant is one way to measure a dialysis facility’s quality of care, said Keisha Ray, an assistant professor at McGovern Medical School at UTHealth Houston, because centers play a major role in helping patients through the process. “They’re supposed to be the advocate; they’re supposed to be there for navigation purposes and administration purposes,” said Ray, who is not associated with the study.

The researchers also observed that children living in the Northeast were more likely than those in other areas of the country to receive dialysis care at a nonprofit facility.

Dr. Rita Swinford, director of pediatric nephrology at UTHealth Houston, considered this variable central to understanding why some children do not get on transplant lists as quickly as others. “It could be that they’re not close to transplant centers and access to care is key,” said Swinford, who is not affiliated with the study.

Nationwide, there is one pediatric nephrologist per 100,000 children, according to a 2020 report by the American Board of Pediatrics. They are most common in the Northeast. Montana, North Dakota, and Wyoming don’t have a pediatric nephrologist.

Three-year-old Nora Murphy, like Jaxon, was diagnosed with kidney disease the day she was born. Her mother, Jillian Murphy, knows well that the difference between treatment from for-profit dialysis centers and from nonprofits can be seen beyond numbers.

For roughly a year, Nora received dialysis at a for-profit center that was about an hour away. It was the closest facility to the small town in Connecticut where the family lived.

Later, Nora began getting her dialysis treatments at home, spending at least 12 hours every day “hooked to the machine,” Jillian Murphy said. The child typically did a lot of it overnight, when the Connecticut center wasn’t open. “So if there’s a problem with dialysis, it would happen overnight when there isn’t access to any dialysis-trained nurses,” Murphy said.

When problems occurred, like an infection, the family had to go to the hospital — nearly an hour away — that wasn’t well equipped with supplies or staff knowledgeable about pediatric kidney care. Murphy took to keeping a “go” bag holding dialysis equipment in case such a situation arose.

“I had to be ready to supply the hospital,” she said.

Last year, the family moved to Philadelphia to be closer to a children’s hospital.


KHN (Kaiser Health News) is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues. Together with Policy Analysis and Polling, KHN is one of the three major operating programs at KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). KFF is an endowed nonprofit organization providing information on health issues to the nation.

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I’m a teacher educator, and my work has never felt so hopeless

I’m a teacher educator. When it comes to preparing teachers for the stressors now facing them, it often feels like my hands are tied. Across two states, I’ve taught hundreds of future teachers enrolled in teacher preparation programs at the college level. My job is centered on preparing them to take charge of their own classrooms, an experience that culminates in state licensure. This process typically requires that they develop expertise in content and current theories and methods for effective teaching.

While much about my work with student-teachers has remained the same over the years, of necessity, a lot has changed. My students, universally, have a love of learning and want to pass that on to younger generations. They feel as though they were born to become teachers. I am able to guide them through the conceptual, practical, intellectual and emotional work embedded in the profession. Our simulations involve classroom read-alouds and Socratic questioning techniques and debates and discussions about themes in novels. We lesson plan and learn to develop meaningful assessments. We deal with racism and bias in education and I walk them through justice-related work while haunted by the knowledge that being forced to teach in this unregulated, gun-obsessed climate is also an educational injustice. The current reality is a dark cloud hanging over our work together.

Therein lies the hopelessness of my profession. As much as my students feel that teaching is their life’s calling, many of them express terror over stepping into a classroom, afraid that their district will be the next site of a national tragedy. And the work of supporting them in this time of fear and uncertainty is precisely where I’m a lot less sure of myself. There’s a lot that I’m qualified and able to do. But there’s also a lot that I’m not qualified to do, nor do I have the stomach to endure.

The hard truth is that I have no idea how to prepare future teachers for these new stressors. Their future schools will already have lockdown procedures in place — systems for dealing with the possibility of an armed intruder entering their schools. I am wholly unqualified to prepare them for this reality, nor do I have the stomach to ask my students to rehearse, on my watch, for the possibility of their own on-the-job demise.


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In recent months, I found myself wondering whether and how individual states have taken responsibility for helping teacher educators navigate these issues. State departments of education are, after all, the testing and licensing authorities. Admittedly, my own formal teacher preparation and pathway to licensure did not prepare me for the trauma that face teachers and students today. I was never asked to rehearse for my own on-the-job death the way teachers and students are now required to, with highly choreographed active shooter drills. In 2006 — the year I began my teaching career — there were 11 school shootings. There have so far been 27 school shootings this year, and 118 school shootings since 2018, which is when Education Week began keeping track of school climate and safety.

In an effort to understand how states might be supporting teacher education programs in an effort to navigate these unprecedented stressors, I asked my former students whether, in their experience with state testing and licensure, they’ve ever encountered explicit attention to teachers’ and students’ trauma and emotional well-being. Predictably, the answer was a resounding “no.” One student pointed out that even her psychology exam did not include attention to trauma or emotional well-being. Another student, referring to his state’s edTPA requirement and who graduated from his teacher education program in the wake of the Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School shooting in Parkland, Florida, said, “Not at all. Seems like something that should actually be addressed in such a test given the current circumstances.”

Another student was perhaps the most specific: “The pressure is there to be ‘on’ all the time and the unspoken expectation is that, as teachers, we must always be ‘on’ when students are around. But no one mentioned how tough that can be to maintain year after year, day after day. I do think in some of my teacher prep courses there were times where student well-being was mentioned or emphasized, but that never showed up on any of the tests I had to take,” she said.

We are largely on our own in navigating this difficult reality.

The subtext is clear: State testing requirements remain unchanged even in a context where students and teachers are dying. Where teachers are protesting for their lives. Where many politicians are advocating for even more guns in classrooms while others continue to block all efforts to institute reasonable gun control measures. In the absence of states joining forces with teacher education programs to tackle the United States’ ongoing school shooting crisis, teacher educators are in a real bind: We are required to prepare our students for a stream of licensure exams, which call for a dialed-in focus on subject-area content and student outcomes sans any sustained attention to their trauma.

Because the path to licensure requirements remains largely unchanged, so too does a lot of the work that I do with students. In the context of a school shooting epidemic, this is a devastating and debilitating reality.

And still, we try. Where I can, I’ve found myself — like so many other teachers — leaning on crowdsourced materials to address the emotional fallout that follows news of a school shooting. The book “Teaching on Days After: Educating for Equity in the Wake of Injustice,” written by Michigan State University researcher and teacher Alyssa Hadley Dunn, is one of the few comprehensive texts that exist on how to navigate these crises in their wake. The companion Facebook group — consisting of nearly 20,000 educators, parents and other stakeholders — also provides a wealth of crowdsourced options that teachers can use in their classrooms. This subtext, too, is clear: We are largely on our own in navigating this difficult reality.

That’s precisely where my work has changed. I have found it abundantly necessary to turn to trauma-informed teaching because we, and our future teachers, and their future students, are traumatized and deserve to be heard. Also referred to as social and emotional learning, trauma-informed teaching acknowledges that our students, and their students, and we are people who bring the challenges and trauma of the real world into our classrooms every single day. Which is more than can be said of any current state licensing exam.  

Dinner under the stars: Why zodiac-themed food and drink is having a moment

If I ate according to my zodiac sign this week, I’d start with a champagne and rose-flavored lollipop, as well as a cup of coffee, preferably a “subtle and delicate” blend like ReAnimator’s Ethiopia Agaro. I’d order a spinach, artichoke and feta pie from Giordanno’s, then make myself an Endless Sunrise cocktail with tequila, Cointreau, crème de cassis, orange juice and a slice of lime. I’d also treat myself to something sweet, like Mamaw Emily’s strawberry cake or a simple cannoli. 

Across the food and beverage industry, chefs and creators are increasingly looking to the stars for inspiration when it comes to menu-writing, cocktail crafting, food packaging and marketing. I first noticed this in late 2020. 

Following almost six months of lockdown, my local coffee shop reopened to the public that October. In many ways, walking through the doors that first morning back was like stepping into a time capsule. The magazine rack by the counter was filled with alt-weeklies and newspapers that had been delivered in April. One employee was replacing leftover spring decorations, like Easter rabbit cutouts and pastel-colored tissue flowers, with plastic Halloween skeletons and rubber bats. 

Another used a rag to wipe the loopy cursive advertising April’s monthly special — “The Taurus,” an iced mocha topped with whipped cream and crushed chocolate-covered espresso beans — from the menu board and replace it with “The Libra,” a dark and white chocolate double-shot latte

Now, I’m neither an astrology detector nor an expert. I’ve looked up my birth chart, but I only remember my “big three” (Libra Sun, Libra Moon, Sagittarius Rising). I don’t check my horoscope daily, though I did check it today. In that moment, heady with nostalgia and a slight giddiness at returning to some modicum of normalcy, ordering that special coffee instead of my usual black cold brew seemed imperative, as if it was destined.

Since then, I’ve become particularly attuned to this trend of both artisan and big-name food brands using zodiac signs — and larger astrological happenings — to market their products and events. For instance, in July 2021, Eataly Los Angeles partnered with The Spirit Guild to host a Zodiac Pop Up Bar. “Just tell us your sign and our expert bartenders will create your custom cocktail tailored to you — each one even comes with its own astrology affirmation,” Eataly advertised on its Instagram profile. 


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This year, McDonald’s and Del Taco both ran Mercury in Retrograde specials, while in May, Dole honored “national salad month” by publishing 12 different recipes, each corresponding with a zodiac sign. 

“People’s interest in astrology has absolutely exploded in recent years, and it’s a booming topic on social media,” says Nina Kahn, astrologer and author of “Astrology for Life” and “Wander the Stars.” “So, it’s no surprise that elements of this ancient practice have gone mainstream and made their way into the marketing world, too.”

She continues, “Everything from food and lifestyle brands to tech and apparel companies have come out with campaigns, product lines and promotional content that draws inspiration from astrology and the zodiac signs.” 

Each individual’s astrology chart is made up of much more than just their sun sign, which is the sign most people scan for when looking at their horoscope. Thus, a zodiac sign alone won’t determine exactly what cocktailcupcake flavor or fast food combo they would enjoy the most, according to Kahn.

“While some food brands’ astrology-themed campaigns may seem gimmicky, there is also potential for them to be meaningful and interesting — especially when brands choose to work with professional astrologers to create thoughtful connections between the zodiac archetypes and their products.”

“We’re all individuals, after all, and I think these types of campaigns are meant to be fun,” Khan says. “That said, each zodiac sign truly does rule over a unique variety of correspondences in astrology. For example, there are specific colors, body parts, objects and even foods associated with each sign. So, while some food brands’ astrology-themed campaigns may seem gimmicky, there is also potential for them to be meaningful and interesting — especially when brands choose to work with professional astrologers to create thoughtful connections between the zodiac archetypes and their products.”

One such brand is Amborella Organics, a company that makes really unique seed-bearing lollipops. The organic candies are flecked with edible herbs and flowers. After eating, customers can plant the leftover biodegradable lollipop stick in soil. If watered daily, it will sprout an heirloom herb or flower that has a connection to the lollipop flavor. The Sage & Marshmallow variety grows a sage plant, while the Peach & Marigold yields a marigold. 

A few years ago, Amborella co-founder Taylor Clarke attended a zodiac-inspired Dessert Goals event in Los Angeles. 

“My husband and I thought it would be unique to pair pops with sun signs. I did some preliminary research of my own looking into colors and personality attributes, but ended up consulting a girlfriend who now has a podcast called The Vicious Virgos Podcast,” Clarke says. “It was a huge hit.” 

Clarke realized that Amborella should permanently sell the sun sign-inspired candies, which are now available on its website and at Macy’s department stores. She reached out Hannah Greeleaf of Star & Leaf, an astroherbalist consultancy, to offer insight into what herbs best suited the signs. 

“She created beautiful copy for us that lives on our website and paired all 12 seed-bearing lollipops,” Clarke says. 

Some examples of Greenleaf’s descriptions include: “Apples were used in Ancient Roman times at the festival of Diana, goddess of the moon and ruling goddess of Cancer,” and “Elder is a master plant known for its immune protecting qualities, but is also poisonous if used incorrectly, like many herbs of Scorpio.” 

Amid a constant barrage of advertisements, zodiac-themed branding manages to straddle appeals to one’s individuality, as well as the desire to be part of an in-group.

That marketing is beautiful (and it definitely feels a bit more genuine than Wendy’s tweeting about customers’ #SodiacSigns), but it’s also smart. Amid a constant barrage of advertisements, zodiac-themed branding manages to straddle appeals to one’s individuality, as well as a desire to be part of an in-group. It’s the same reason astrology meme pages have a widespread appeal. People love to share inside jokes — with thousands of other folks born around the same time they were — about the traits associated with their respective sun signs. 

“Essentially, everyone wants to feel special and unique, and the archetypes of the 12 zodiac signs provide a really easy shorthand for that kind of personalization — and I think food brands are capitalizing on that,” Kahn says. “Plus, food and astrology go really well together, as they are both so thoroughly enjoyed in the company of others.” 

Tired of boring old pancakes? This easy upgrade will change the way you brunch

I don’t mind most kitchen tasks, even the ones that folks tend to find at least a little onerous like breading cutlets, peeling boiled eggs, ​​​​​​​cleaning leeks or chopping onions. These are all fine by me. Instead, I dread flipping pancakes, which is objectively more innocuous. 

If I’m being honest, while I wake up most weekends craving pancakes, I rarely feel like standing by the stove with a spatula before I’ve had a cup of coffee. It’s not schlepping out the ingredients or even mixing the batter. It’s the flipping

That’s why skillet pancakes are my go-to weekend breakfast of choice these days. As the name suggests, a skillet pancake is a large pancake made, well, in a skillet. (I prefer cast iron, but anything oven-safe will do the trick.)

Though you can use homemade batter, I tend to just doctor up the boxed stuff with good, seasonal ingredients — as in the case of this skillet pancake with vanilla-infused blackberry sauce. It’s a deceptively simple meal that still feels really decadent thanks to the inclusion of real buttermilk, a little cornmeal (which adds a toothsome nuttiness to the batter), ripe blackberries and aromatic vanilla extract. 

Skillet Pancake with Vanilla-Infused Blackberry Sauce 
Yields
4-6 servings
Prep Time
10 minutes
Cook Time
30 minutes

Ingredients

  • 2 cups pancake mix
  • 1 1/4 cup buttermilk 
  • 2 eggs 
  • 4 tablespoons cornmeal 
  • 4 tablespoons sugar, divided
  • 2 tablespoons butter 
  • 1 pint blackberries 
  • 1/2 tablespoon orange zest
  • 2 teaspoons vanilla extract
  • 1 cinnamon stick (optional)

Directions

  1. In a large mixing bowl, combine the pancake mix, buttermilk, eggs, cornmeal and 3 tablespoons of sugar. 

  2. Place a large cast iron skillet over medium heat and add the butter to it. Once the butter is melted, make sure the entire skillet is greased, then remove it from the heat and add the batter. Ensure the batter is smooth and level. 

  3. Place the skillet in a 350-degree oven for 25 minutes, or until a toothpick inserted comes out clean. 

  4. Meanwhile, let’s make the blackberry sauce. In a small saucepan, combine the blackberries, orange zest, vanilla extract and cinnamon stick (if desired). Cover the mixture with water and bring to a boil, then reduce to a simmer. Allow the mixture to continue simmering while the pancake is baking, stirring occasionally. The liquid will reduce by half during this time and become a little syrupy. 

  5. When ready, remove the blackberry sauce from the heat. If you added the cinnamon stick, discard it.

  6. Remove the pancake from the oven and allow it to cool just slightly. Slice into individual pieces and cover with the blackberry sauce. 


Cook’s Notes

Not sure of what pancake mix to grab? I reach for Bisquick.

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The magic of Miami’s modern daiquiri

Along South Beach’s signature, neon-clad streets, neighboring sidewalk cafes peddle menus to tourists hoping they’ll stop and sit. Frozen daiquiris in varying pastel shades dot the tables. Some are served in large glass goblets, while others skip the glassware altogether and pour the pre-prepared cocktail directly from the machine into flimsy plastic cups dominated by an oversized straw.

Perhaps it’s Miami’s party-heavy vacation reputation coupled with the south Florida humidity and heat that have made the frozen daiquiri a signature cocktail here. Despite Cuba being the birthplace of the daiquiri clásico — a three-ingredient drink that’s been called the “granddaddy of rum cocktails” — it’s been outshined by the sugary slushy in the century since.

El Floridita in Havana, considered “la cuna del daiquiri,” or cradle of the daiquiri, where the frozen version is said to be invented (and where papa Hemingway often overindulged) is largely responsible. The bar is a requisite for first-timers in Havana; it’s similar to going for a Singapore Sling at Long Bar at Raffles or a Bellini at Harry’s Bar in Venice. On a recent trip to Havana in 2017, I hoisted myself up onto one of the round stools at El Floridita and watched, captivated, as bartenders in matching cherry-red aprons and ties put on a performance-like display, pouring Havana Club rum into a series of blenders along the bar. But after one sip of the tart, granita-like drink, I got my fix.

“In the 1990s and early 2000s, everything was around the frozen daiquiri in cities like Miami and New Orleans,” says Cuba-born Julio Cabrera, owner and “cantinero” of contemporary Cuban bar and restaurant Café La Trova in Miami’s Little Havana neighborhood. “But with the boom of mixology and revival of classic cocktails, daiquiris are getting more popular.”

Miami started morphing into a serious cocktail city over the past decade or so, thanks to bars like the Prohibition-style Regent Cocktail Club and Broken Shaker. Cabrera is part of the rising renaissance. Along with award-winning bartender and founder of Sweet Liberty John Lermayer, they helped make the daiquiri a fixture at bars, ultimately giving Miami serious cocktail credibility.

At Café La Trova, daiquiris are prepared the same way as the Cuban original — in a shaker with granulated sugar (not simple syrup), fresh lime juice, and BACARDÍ white rum. “I don’t double-strain — I don’t mind a few pieces of ice floating on top of the cocktail,” Cabrera says. A good daiquiri should be served really cold (but not overdiluted) in a coupe glass, he adds.

Cabrera champions the “cantinero” style of bartending from Cuba that kicked off in the early 20th century. Like at El Floridita, Café La Trova is a theatrical experience — drinks are vigorously shaken and “thrown” through the air in an acrobatic fashion. “Everyone makes theirs differently, but I’m seeing more and more places approaching the classic method,” says Danilo Bozovic, managing partner of Swizzle Rum Bar & Drinkery and author of “Barkeep Book: The Art of Mixology, Bar & Cocktails.” “The mojito may seem more popular, but the daiquiri is gaining steam and people want to try the authentic version — but they’re switching things up with overproof and funky rums from French islands like Guadeloupe or even places like Mexico.”

The classic expression nods to the city’s characteristically Cuban culture, but the cocktail continues to be modified and modernized, a reflection of Miami’s rapidly growing restaurant and bar scene. At Swizzle, the Floridita Daiquiri #2 doesn’t vary too much from the classic, except for the housemade, nonalcoholic orange cordial. But at some of Miami’s historic venues, like Ball & Chain on Calle Ocho, playful spins include the guava purée-infused pastelito daiquiri, which is garnished with a flaky Cuban puff pastry. Viet-Cajun Phuc Yea’s carbonated version, 90 Miles, comes mixed with salted coffee Fernet-Branca and a side of peanuts, while Airmail, located in the Alton Food Hall, has resurrected another variation of a daiquiri, the namesake, sparkling wine-topped Airmail.

Designed as a celebratory cocktail, the Airmail marked the revolutionary shift of letters being delivered by plane from Cuba to Miami beginning in the 1940s. “It’s a vintage cocktail — even past classic cocktail status — that not many people know about, but it’s special because it shows how a culture celebrates,” says Taryn Olsen, Airmail’s executive creative director. “Like daiquiris in general, it’s a tangible representation of the relationship between Cuba, Latinx culture, and Miami.”

“While the mojito is more of a symbol of Cuban culture for Miami, the beauty of a daiquiri is that it’s such a simple drink — when done properly,” says Gio Gutierrez, a Miami-based, Cuba-born content creator and Havana Club Rum brand ambassador. “Cuba is special for these iconic drinks, and, similar to New Orleans with its cocktail history, the daiquiri is a great example of a Cuban classic that has withstood the test of time.”

Actor Gary Busey faces sexual offense charges

Actor Gary Busey was charged on Friday for a series of reported sexual offenses said to have taken place in New Jersey while Busey was in the area for the Monster Mania Convention.

According to a news release issued by the Cherry Hill Police Department, Busey has been charged with “two counts of fourth-degree criminal sexual contact, a single count of fourth-degree attempted sexual assault and a single count of harassment.” 

Cherry Hill police state that the investigation into the allegations against Busey is still ongoing, but confirm that the “crime occurred at the Doubletree Hotel on Route 70, near where the Monster Mania convention was being held.”

“There’s no doubt Gary was in attendance for this thing . . . he took multiple photos with fans throughout the three days,” writes TMZ in coverage of the incident.


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The full statement from the Cherry Hill Police Department can be seen below:

PRESS RELEASE:
Cherry Hill, NJ –A California man is facing sexual offense charges stemming from incidents occurring at the annual Monster Mania Convention hosted by the Doubletree Hotel in Cherry Hill, New Jersey. 
During the weekend of the event, August 12th-14th, 2022, Cherry Hill Police responded to the Doubletree Hotel, 2349 West Route 70, for the report of a sex offense.
On August 19th, 2022 as a result of the investigation, Cherry Hill Police Detectives charged Gary Busey, 78, of Malibu California, with the following offenses:
• 2 counts of Criminal Sexual Contact – 4th Degree
• 1 count of Criminal Attempt/ Criminal Sexual Contact – 4th Degree
• 1 count of Harassment – Disorderly Persons Offense
The investigation into this matter is ongoing and anyone with additional information is urged to contact Detective Robert Daniello of the Cherry Hill Police Department 

Gary Busey is known for his work in such films as “Point Break,” “The Buddy Holly Story,” and “Under Siege.” He was included as a guest at the Monster Mania Convention for his role in the film adaptation of Stephen King’s werewolf story “Silver Bullet.”