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The crunchiest, cheesiest macaroni and cheese bakes on a sheet pan

Every tradition started out as just a random, one-time thing. One year en route to vacation, you stop at a diner, and that diner becomes your special summer pit stop. You order a certain type of wine on a first date, and then you toast with it every year on your wedding anniversary. Or your curiosity for an early viral recipe leads you to a family favorite you wait all year for.

Back in January of 2006, the concept of going viral was in its most nascent stages. “Lazy Sunday” had improbably exploded only a few weeks before. Twitter and the iPhone did not yet exist, though MySpace and Facebook did. And at the New York Times, Julia Moskin’s mac and cheese was about to become the paper’s first true banger recipe.

RELATED: Beyond bolognese: A primer to 6 delectable, lesser-known pasta sauces that deserve some love

As Moskin writes in “CookFight: 2 Cooks, 12 Challenges, 125 Recipes, an Epic Battle for Kitchen Dominance,” (coauthored with Kim Severson), “At the gray tail end of 2005, after the holiday cooking Armageddon had blown through the Dining section and we were all running on fumes, I was assigned to come up with a cover story — something, anything — for the first Wednesday of the new year. The resulting article about macaroni and cheese rose to the top of the most emailed list and stayed there, amazingly, for months.”

The dish’s allure was in its staggering simplicity — no bread crumbs, no mustard, not even a roux. Instead, it contained what Moskin herself described as “a seemingly outrageous 2:1 ratio of cheese to macaroni.” Let’s say that again: twice as much cheese as pasta. So shocking was Moskin’s minimal on ingredients, maximal on dairy products take on the classic that Slate swiftly declared it both “weirdly popular” and just plain “gross.” I, meanwhile, rubbed my hands together and thought, “Challenge accepted.”

My daughters share a January birthday, a stroke of fortune which has over the years reliably provided us with memorable, chaotic celebrations. Moskin’s recipe arrived right around one of our first double birthday days, and it struck me then as a likely crowd pleasing, indulgent prelude to cake and candles. I’ve been making it on demand every year ever since. 

This is not the creamy, family favorite Kraft stuff we happily devour the other twelve months of the year. This is the one for the people who love the burned bits, the crispy parts, who yearn for a meal to stick to the ribs and possibly several internal organs. It’s incredible, and it basically has just 4 ingredients: cheese, milk, butter and pasta. It’s made even easier deploying Amanda Hesser’s brilliant method of cooking up the whole works on a sheet pan.

I’ve increased the amount of milk here a little, and encourage you to play around with cheese combinations you like best. (Swapping out some of the cheddar with mozzarella is unbelievable.) As long as you trust the process and commit to using the full amount of cheese here, even while you’re telling yourself, “Wow, that looks like way too much cheese,” you’ll be very happy.

***

The crustiest Mac and cheese

Inspired by “CookFight: 2 Cooks, 12 Challenges, 125 Recipes, an Epic Battle for Kitchen Dominance” by Julia Moskin and Kim Severson and Food 52

 

Yields
6 servings
Prep Time
15 minutes
Cook Time
30 minutes

 

Ingredients

  • 12 ounces of sharp cheddar cheese
  • 12 ounces of American or mild cheddar cheese
  • 1 cup of whole milk
  • 1 pound of macaroni or similarly sized pasta (I like rigatoni.)
  • 3 tablespoons of butter

 

Directions

  1. Preheat the oven to 475°F. Meanwhile, bring a big pot of salted water to a boil.
  2. Coarsely grate your cheeses and combine them in a big bowl. I will not judge you for using the pre-shredded stuff. Reserve 2 cups of the cheese mix.
  3. Generously butter a 11- by 17-inch rimmed baking sheet. I’m not kidding about this.
  4. Cook your pasta about 10 minutes, or according to directions and drain.
  5. Into your big bowl of cheese, add the pasta and the butter.
  6. Spread your cheesy pasta on your baking sheet. Pour the milk evenly over the whole works, and then top with your reserved cheese.
  7. Bake about 15 minutes, until everything looks golden and crunchy. Serve immediately and inhale.

 


Cook’s Notes

For her birthday, my firstborn always likes to follow this with chocolate fridge cake, and she’s right.


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More cheesy recipes we love: 

Signs of life in Bidenland: President seizes the pulpit at last — will it change anything?

It took him a day short of one year in office for Joe Biden to find his bully pulpit.

But when he finally did, he did it with presidential aplomb.

Shortly after the lunch hour on Wednesday, an eager young staffer on President Biden’s press team made her way into the basement of the West Wing, where pale reporters dwell and toil away in virtual anonymity, to introduce herself.

As she peppered me and reporters from McClatchy, Newsweek and the Los Angeles Times with information on her first week on the job, she told us what she’d like to see the president talk about in a news conference he planned later in the afternoon. “I’d like to see him tell us what the path ahead is in dealing with the Senate,” she said matter-of-factly.

Biden, who’s jonesing for any good news these days, has had little luck dealing with Congress — despite the Democratic Party holding a slim majority there. In fact, you might say that because of that slim majority he’s been largely unsuccessful. He’s had one solid victory — passage of the infrastructure bill. He has been unable to move his other big legislative package, the Build Back Better agenda. He’s had little luck getting voting rights passed. He’s had to deal with the omicron variant of the coronavirus. Russian actions in Ukraine have seemingly painted him into a corner. Inflation news has overcome the news of low unemployment. And members of his own party have criticized Biden for some of his actions as president. So far 2022 hasn’t been kind to the man looked upon as a savior for a divided nation exactly one year ago when he walked into the Oval Office.

So on Wednesday, symbolically the last day of his first year in office, some in the press and even some members of his staff said he was going to “hit the reset button” on his administration with his press conference.

RELATED: Why is Biden failing? His tightly controlled relationship to the media might be worse than Trump’s

It is only the second time since he was elected that Biden has hosted such an event at the White House. His first came at the beginning of his term and because of the pandemic, fewer than two dozen reporters were allowed into the room.

This time he was allowing about 40 into the East Room, and he and his staff apparently took this press conference far more seriously than they’d taken other haphazard interactions with the press in the last year. Anticipation in the West Wing was palpable.

With little else on Biden’s schedule and most senior communication staffers hunkered down behind closed doors most of the day, reporters prepared with a wide variety of questions on numerous issues. The young staffer said she was “excited” for the news conference.

Biden faces a closing window on getting meaningful legislation passed, and he knows it. His staff said on background that there’s support within the White House for the president to travel more often and take his message directly to the American people. I naturally asked whether that meant we’d see more of him in the press room or around the White House to field more questions from us.

“After all, we’re the American public too,” I said.

I got a giggle with that comment, but, of course no commitment to more frequent press appearances.

Naturally enough, no one in the press believed much would be gained from Biden’s press conference. However, the Democratic National Committee was so confident of his message they released word to the press that they would have a graphics and light display at the White House at 7 p.m. to cheer on Biden’s first-year accomplishments. That move, as one reporter noted, was bound to draw a lot of criticism on social media platforms. “Sure, throw money at a light show,” one observer said.

Meanwhile Joe Manchin, the Democratic senator from West Virginia, was scheduled to speak on the Senate floor during the president’s press conference — once again proving how valuable attention-seekers are in our government. 

RELATED: America got Scrooged by Joe Manchin — but Joe Biden believes in Santa

This underscores one of the key problems Biden has been unable to get a handle on as president: his promise to unify the country. Of all the things he had hoped to accomplish, it is the one farthest from becoming reality. He can’t even get all the Democrats behind his agenda. That’s not entirely his fault: No one could’ve predicted the omicron variant and the speed with which it ripped through the public. Few if any predicted the record inflation that has overcome the news of low unemployment.

But we all knew there were plenty of people in this country who remained skeptical of politicians, scientists and journalists. Many are willing to take horse dewormer, ingest Clorox or drink their own urine to combat a pandemic. Some mistakenly think their freedom has been compromised.  “I’m all for getting vaccinated,” one person told me, “but I don’t like the idea of forcing people to do it.”

Really? I countered. “They just lined us up, when I was in grade school. We all got vaccinated or we didn’t go to school. We certainly had no choice. Of course, we have no polio, diphtheria or rubella today, either. So, you know, there is that.”

“Good point,” I was told. “But I still value my freedom.”


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How do you argue with ignorance? It’s impossible when “alternative facts” are being preached to us on a daily basis — and from lofty positions of power. Biden probably never had a chance to unify a country with seditious traitors among the Republicans in Congress who have promoted the “Big Lie” and remain resolutely dishonest about what happened on Jan. 6, 2021.

By the time reporters gathered at the Palm Room door in the White House to enter the East Room for Biden’s much anticipated press conference, the speculation was that he’d take “maybe 10 questions.” Several reporters opined that they had a “notebook full” of questions they knew would remain unanswered because they wouldn’t get to ask them.

This set the stage. The delivery was … typical Joe Biden — or, more accurately, the “typical” Joe Biden I remember from his time in the Senate. The president held court for nearly two hours, taking all questions, belittling no one even when they asked him remarkably stupid things and handling it all with a sense of humor.

He started out talking about his success in getting people vaccinated, putting people to work and cutting health insurance premiums. “We know there’s a lot of frustration,” he said, adding that much of that frustration was due to the COVID pandemic. “For many of us it has been too much to bear.” He again reminded people of the obvious; “Vaccinations work. So get your vaccination now. Please.”

The second challenge, Biden said was “rapid price increases.” He didn’t utter the word inflation. “A more productive economy” and a “growing economy” could fix the problem, he said, adding that passing his Build Back Better agenda and repairing supply-chain disruptions by the pandemic would help.

Biden admitted to two mistakes. First, he said he had not communicated to the American public well enough in the last year. It was a problem of my own making by not communicating as much as I should have,” he said. I can’t disagree. I’ve said the same thing myself in at least two columns.

RELATED: Aloof, silent and disengaged: Why the Biden White House is in crisis

Biden also admitted he has so far failed in “getting my Republican friends” to the table to help pass at least some of his agenda. He said he did not anticipate such a “stalwart effort” from the Republicans to block him. “Name me one thing they’re for,” Biden said, in pointing out the naked aggression of a party filled with fascists who only want power and control, but have no idea how to make things better in this country.

I think he made another mistake there — or he must be kidding. Biden served in Barack Obama’s White House for eight years. He knew damn well what the Republicans planned to do to stall him. He’d seen it before. Did he honestly believe the GOP had changed? If so, that was pure naiveté. The Republicans have shown absolutely no desire to be reasonable — and few in that party treat Biden with any type of friendship or camaraderie, at least in public.

Biden made it clear his major change in tactics will be to stage a traveling roadshow to convince the American public he has the best ideas. He is finally beginning to understand the need to communicate more often with the electorate. What a concept! Every minute he spends on television and in the news cycle is one minute less for the seditionists and traitors who promote absurdities and deny science.

He also addressed the problems of journalism, noting that today news consumers look for content that supports their pre-existing opinions, instead of facts that might let their opinions evolve. It was almost like he read my book

At the end of the day, Biden had called on nearly two dozen reporters and handled himself as he always does — pedantically, intelligently and empathically — with a dash of humor thrown in for good measure. There were no startling revelations, no true surprises. There was a commitment to break up his BBB legislation to get portions of it passed, arguably the biggest news announced.

Most voters, even those who claim to hate him, don’t think Biden is as caustic as his predecessor — or as incompetent or overbearing. It’s just that a growing number of people don’t know what to believe because of competing narratives, and don’t see Biden doing much to quiet those who say he’s failing.

Biden repeatedly said that he was surprised, after all his years in Washington, that a man who is no longer in office could influence and intimidate the GOP such that they all fall in line. “Not one” member of the GOP would oppose Donald Trump publicly, Biden noted. He noted that 16 Republican senators who previously voted for voting rights won’t do so today. 

Again, it was startling to see the naïveté of a sitting president when it comes to Washington politics.  

In the end, Biden promised three things in terms of changing direction: getting out more, campaigning hard in the midterms and seeking advice from experts and editorial writers. 

If Wednesday’s press conference was a reset button for his administration, the proof of whether or not it works will be seen in November — and in whether Biden can get voting rights legislation passed in any form, along with any portion of Build Back Better. 

Whatever else, Wednesday’s appearance proved Biden needs to face the press more frequently and for greater lengths of time. It does us all good. If he can get Joe Manchin to sit down and shut up — well, that’s just icing on the cake.

More from Brian Karem on the trials and tribulations of the Biden presidency:

Sperm donation is largely unregulated, but that could soon change as lawsuits multiply

When Wendy and Janet Norman decided to have a baby, they went sperm shopping through Xytex Corp., a sperm bank.

The couple chose Donor #9623. Xytex, the Normans later claimed, told them the man spoke multiple languages and was pursuing a doctorate.

Xytex had also assured them that it carefully screened all donors by reviewing their family health history and criminal records and that it subjected donors to intensive physical exams and interviews to verify the information.

But after Wendy Norman gave birth to a son in 2002, the couple learned their child had inherited a genetic blood disorder for which Wendy was not a carrier. He would, much later, require extended hospitalizations because of suicidal and homicidal thoughts.

Even later, they learned that the donor, James Christopher Aggeles, had lied to the sperm bank about his background and that the sperm bank had not verified the information he provided. Nor did it make him supply his medical records or sign a release that would have made it possible to obtain them.

As law professors who study reproductive technology, we see this case and others like it as showing why the government should tighten regulations over sperm and egg donation so that prospective parents and donor-conceived adults receive accurate and complete details about their donors’ medical, academic and criminal history.

A “wrongful birth”?

Aggeles wasn’t pursuing an advanced degree when he began donating sperm. He didn’t even have a college degree at that point. He also failed to disclose his diagnosis of schizophrenia, a severe mental health condition requiring lifelong treatment. Schizophrenia has a high level of heritability in families. He had also been arrested at the time of his donation and was later incarcerated for burglary.

When the Normans sued Xytex, a local court initially dismissed almost all claims in their case. They appealed to Georgia’s Supreme Court, which in 2020 allowed several of their claims to go forward.

The Normans could, for instance, seek financial compensation, partly to cover the additional expenses they might have avoided had they learned about the donor’s medical history sooner. The court also told the Normans they could try to recover the price difference between what they paid for the sperm they received and its market value.

Finally, the Normans were allowed to allege under the state’s Fair Business Practice Act that the sperm bank had misrepresented to the public the quality of its sperm and its screening process.

The Supreme Court of Georgia did not, however, permit the couple to sue over what is known as a “wrongful birth” claim. These claims are negligence actions brought by parents based on the birth of a child with disabilities or genetic disorders because of a provider’s failure to identify the risk.

The case is still pending.

Limited regulation

The Normans’ lawsuit is hardly unique.

Other families have sued sperm banks after having donor-conceived children who wound up with a variety of genetic disorders.

In many of those cases, the sperm banks said they routinely test sperm and exclude donors who could pass along genes that cause genetic diseases. In those instances, the families have grounds for accusing the sperm banks of fraud and negligence.

Some donor-conceived adults are also suing doctors who lied to the plaintiffs’ parents about whose sperm they were receiving and instead used their own. Several states now ban this kind of “fertility fraud.”

This litigation is on the rise because of the growing popularity of direct-to-consumer DNA testing, which makes it easier to identify previously anonymous sperm donors and to learn about genetic risks donor-conceived people may have inherited from them.

It’s also happening because of the absence of clear rules and laws regulating sperm banks. There is little regulation of reproductive technologies of any kind, including in vitro fertilization, a procedure that fertilizes the egg with sperm in the laboratory instead of the body, at the state or federal level.

Because the government does not track artificial insemination, the number of donor-conceived people is unknown.

The federal government requires only that donated sperm and eggs be treated like other human tissue and tested for communicable diseasesinfectious conditions that spread through viruses, bacteria and other means – but not genetic diseases.

There are also no federal requirements that sperm banks obtain and verify information about a donor’s medical history, educational background or criminal record.

What is the basis for these lawsuits?

The allowable grounds for fertility negligence vary by state.

Some states let families sue clinics that fail to screen donors, even when the parents seek damages associated with the birth of the child with a dangerous genetic condition. This would essentially allow a wrongful birth claim to go forward.

But a growing number of states, at least 14 so far, prohibit such claims. That is leading many courts, like the Supreme Court of Georgia, to define the injury as distinct from the birth of the donor-conceived child.

The end of anonymity

One complication in terms of resolving these disputes is that most sperm donations are anonymous.

At odds with the donor’s interest in keeping their his identity a secret, we argue, are donor-conceived people’s strong interests in learning about their donors, including their medical, educational and criminal history – and even identity.

DNA tests, including direct-to-consumer kits like 23andMe, are rendering donor anonymity impossible to maintain. And internet searches, as the Normans discovered, can make it possible to see whether a donor, once identified, has misrepresented their personal information.

States are beginning to set rules

Because Congress has taken no action regarding assisted reproductive technology since 1992, states have slowly begun to step in.

In 2011, Washington required the disclosure of donor-identifying information and medical history when a child turns 18.

On Jan. 1, 2022, Connecticut enacted the Uniform Parentage Act, which is based on model legislation drafted by a national nonpartisan commission to fill widespread legislative gaps. The measure requires that fertility clinics collect identifying information from donors and indicate whether donors have agreed to disclosure.

Another pending measure in New York would require sperm and egg donor banks “to collect and verify medical, educational and criminal felony conviction history information” from any donor. That legislation would also provide prospective parents who purchase eggs or sperm and donor-conceived people with the right to obtain such information without personally identifying the donor. This option could make it possible to preserve donor anonymity, at least theoretically.

The bill was drafted at least partially in response to the experience of Laura and David Gunner, whose donor-conceived son died of an opioid overdose. After their son’s death, the Gunners learned that a few years earlier, the donor himself had died and that he had been diagnosed with schizophrenia. The donor had not disclosed his mental illness or hospitalizations for behavioral issues.

Costs are not a barrier

It’s possible that measures like the one pending in New York state would make fertility treatment somewhat more expensive.

Currently, a vial of donor sperm may cost close to $1,000, with the donor often being paid up to $150.

Genetic testing, however, might not add much to the cost because it would only be done once, rather than each time a patient obtains a vial of sperm. With artificial insemination, it’s rare for a pregnancy to occur on the first or second try.

As we learned from Tyler Sniff, an advocate for the New York bill and a director of the nonprofit U.S. Donor Conceived Council, DNA testing companies offer relatively inexpensive options that can cost less than $300.

To be sure, disclosure requirements might overpromise how much prospective parents can learn about their future children. But we are certain that these issues will become even more critical as technology continues to outpace its regulation – and as both donor-conceived adults and an increasing number of people who used sperm banks advocate for their interests.


Naomi Cahn, Professor of Law, University of Virginia and Sonia Suter, Professor of Law, George Washington University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license.

Donald Trump calls for racial violence: White supremacists are listening, but the media laughs

Donald Trump is no longer president of the United States. Yet he remains a public menace, and to ignore his words and deeds is a critical error. In many ways, Donald Trump continues to be the most dangerous person in America.

The Republican Party has become a de facto criminal organization, with Donald Trump as its leader. His apparent mental pathologies now define the “conservative” movement, and the coup attempted last January has effectively continued. If Republicans lose another national election, they will likely attempt another coup or engage in other acts of political violence on a significant scale. No significant figure in the Trump regime has been punished for its abundance of criminal acts, including democide resulting from willful and intentional acts of political negligence during the coronavirus pandemic. 

Contrary to what many of the hope-peddlers, happy-pill merchants and stenographers in the mainstream news media would like to suggest, there is no significant internal conflict within the Republican Party: Donald Trump maintains nearly absolute control. Public opinion research makes clear that Republican voters now view loyalty to Trump as barometer for what it means to be a “real” Republican. Trump’s followers have also shown themselves increasingly willing to condone, endorse and even commit acts of political terrorism and violence at his command and in his name.

Instead of warning the public about the danger that Donald Trump and his movement represent, the mainstream news media has continued to default to obsolete habits left over from an era of “normal” politics. If some strategic decision has been made, it appears to be that ignoring the problem and leaning into “normalcy” and traditional “both-sides” Beltway journalism will somehow make Trump and his fascist insurgency disappear. It hasn’t worked.

RELATED: One year later, mainstream media still doesn’t see Jan. 6 attack as racial

One important factor here is that the perpetual crises of the Age of Trump made for constant banner headlines and news alerts, and were a bonanza for the mainstream media on numerous levels. Therefore, almost everything Trump did as president was treated as a revelatory moment worthy of extensive coverage.

A year after Donald Trump’s coup attempt and Joe Biden’s inauguration, the media increasingly treats Trump as a carnival sideshow, a curiosity, a “loser.” He and his followers are to be mocked and even pitied, the objects of liberal schadenfreude. Of course he is still a dire threat to American democracy. The media simply doesn’t want to say it.

Last Saturday, Trump held a political rally in Arizona, surrounded by acolytes and supplicants who repeatedly told the crowd that the 2020 election was illegitimate and had been stolen or rigged, and that collectively they (and of course Trump himself) were “victims.”

Trump himself amplified that Big Lie as well as the many small lies and other deceptions and untruths that surround it. He signaled support for the antisemitic QAnon conspiracy theory (without directly mentioning it). He claimed that Biden and the Democrats are evil and nefarious agents of unseen enemies, a threat to the country. He targeted those few remaining Republicans who dare to oppose him and who did not support his coup attempt as “traitors.” He attacked Dr. Anthony Fauci and other experts who have struggled to save the country from the coronavirus plague.  

Most notably, during his Arizona speech Trump encouraged racist violence against Black and brown people. This is not an exaggeration. These were his actual words:

The left is now rationing lifesaving therapeutics based on race, discriminating against and denigrating — just, denigrating — white people to determine who lives and who dies. If you’re white you don’t get the vaccine, or if you’re white you don’t get therapeutics. It’s unbelievable to think this. And nobody wants this. Black people don’t want it, white people don’t want it, nobody wants it. … In New York state, if you’re white, you have to go to the back of the line to get medical health — think of it, if you’re white you go right to the back of the line. … This race-based medicine is not only anti-American, it’s government tyranny in the truest sense of the word.

White supremacists and other racial authoritarians and fascists listen closely to Trump’s words, and take them seriously. This is literally a life and death matter.

RELATED: After the Rittenhouse verdict: Will “white freedom” spell the ruin of America?

On MSNBC, author and Princeton professor Eddie Glaude Jr. explained the racist logic at work in Trump’s Arizona speech:

Trump in that moment is engaged in lying, he’s telling these untruths that in some ways confirm and affirm the sense that some Americans have been left behind. Everyday, ordinary, working, white Americans who are busting their behinds to make ends meet and they can’t seem to do so.

And they’re looking for enemies to blame. Looking for folk to scapegoat. And then you have cynical politicians in pursuit of power … who exploit that sense of grievance, that sense of resentment.

How do we respond to it? Well, first we have to tell the truth.

Second we have to … implement policies that will actually respond to the conditions of everyday ordinary folk.

And thirdly, we have to go ahead, irrespective of Trump and his ilk, we have to go ahead and try our best to build the multiracial democracy. … We have to work our behinds off to actually make that version of democracy a reality. And we’re failing on that score, it seems to me, every single day ….

Donald Trump’s call to racist violence is part of a much larger pattern of behavior that goes back well before his first presidential campaign. Trump was one of the most prominent advocates of the white supremacist Birther conspiracy theory directed against Barack Obama; his 2016 candidacy was endorsed by David Duke and the Ku Klux Klan. Long before he described the white supremacist thugs who rioted in Charlottesville as “very fine people,” he took out full-page ads in New York newspapers calling for the execution of the Black and brown young men known as the Central Park Five, who were wrongfully convicted in a notorious 1989 rape case. The Trump family’s real estate company was sued numerous times in the 1970s for refusing to rent New York apartments to Black people and other nonwhites.


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By virtue of his public and private behavior Donald Trump has shown himself to be a racist and white supremacist, and public opinion research has demonstrated that racism and racial resentment are among the principal of determinants of political support for Trump. As president, he installed obvious or likely white supremacists in a number of key policy positions: His close aide Stephen Miller was the most prominent example, but certainly not the only one. 

Perhaps more important, many of the policies advanced by the Trump regime and the Republican Party were and are overtly racist and reflect a white supremacist worldview. Trump’s 2016 campaign and his four years as president directly inspired and otherwise encouraged a record increase in hate crimes against nonwhite people, Muslims and Jews.

Trump’s claims about “anti-white” discrimination related to the COVID-19 pandemic directly channel white supremacist paranoid fantasies of the “Great Replacement”, in which white people are somehow targeted for “elimination” by nonwhite immigrants, their Jewish allies and other white “race traitors.”

RELATED: Donald Trump’s mini-monster: Stephen Miller wasn’t born that way

How did the mainstream news media respond to Donald Trump’s white supremacist threats? For the most part, with silence. As media critic Eric Boehlert wrote on Twitter, “this should be [the] top story for every news outlet in America today [and] most are completely ignoring it.” Those mainstream outlets that covered the Arizona rally treated the event largely as spectacle, best understood through the lens of theater or TV criticism, instead of as a serious political event. The dominant narrative focused on mocking Trump’s diminishing crowds, claiming he needs to “update” his “greatest hits,” and observations that the rally was “tedious” and “boring” because it offered nothing new. In other words, to the mainstream media Trump’s Arizona rally was an example of a fading political movement and a gathering of pitiable people, not least the main attraction himself.

That is not accurate. The real focus should be on how Trump’s fascist lies and white supremacist threats nurture and support a much larger pattern of escalating right-wing violence and terrorism. Consider this fundraising email, sent by Trump’s operatives to his followers:

Friend,

All the Democrats want to do is put people in jail.

They are vicious, violent, and Radical Left thugs.

They are destroying people’s lives, which is the only thing they are good at.

They couldn’t get out of Afghanistan without disgracing our Country. The economy and inflation are a disaster. They’re letting thugs and murderers into our Country — their DA’s, AG’s, and Dem Law Enforcement are out of control.

I’ve been trying to tell you, Friend this is what happens in communist countries and dictatorships. I’ll never stop fighting to SAVE AMERICA, but I need to know you’re in this fight with me.

More recently, a fundraising email sent by the Republican National Committee on Trump’s behalf made the claim that Joe Biden is destroying America and that Trump’s supporters need to give him money to revive his “America First” agenda. Trump has consistently used that slogan, first deployed by Nazi sympathizers like Charles Lindbergh in the 1930s.

Like other fascist leaders, Donald Trump is a political violence entrepreneur. He is exploiting racism and white supremacy to encourage violence and disorder, and also to attract money and expand his power. The more that Trump and his agents and allies encourage violence, the more division, fear and anxiety is created among his followers — and the more money he can raise.

The spiral of right-wing violence — framed as “preemptive” and in “self-defense” — will continue and the Republican fascist movement will gather even more momentum in its revolutionary struggle to end America’s multiracial experiment in democracy.

In a recent essay for the Guardian about the threat of democratic collapse and civil conflict, Stephen Marche warns: “The right has recognized what the left has not: that the system is in collapse”:

The right has a plan: it involves violence and solidarity. They have not abjured even the Oath Keepers. The left, meanwhile, has chosen infighting as their sport.

There will be those who say that warnings of a new civil war is alarmist. All I can say is that reality has outpaced even the most alarmist predictions. Imagine going back just 10 years and explaining that a Republican president would openly support the dictatorship of North Korea. No conspiracy theorist would have dared to dream it. Anyone who foresaw, foresaw dimly. The trends were apparent; their ends were not. 

Does the country have the humility to acknowledge that its old orders no longer work? Does it have the courage to begin again? As it managed so spectacularly at the birth of its nationhood, the United States requires the boldness to invent a new politics for a new era. It is entirely possible that it might do so. America is, after all, a country devoted to reinvention.

Once again, as before, the hope for America is Americans. But it is time to face what the Americans of the 1850s found so difficult to face: The system is broken, all along the line. The situation is clear and the choice is basic: reinvention or fall.

Published in 1935, Sinclair Lewis’ dystopian classic “It Can’t Happen Here” warned how fascism could take control of American society. At some date far from now, another book, perhaps titled “How It Happened Here,” will reflect back on the Age of Trump, the rise of American fascism and the collapse of multiracial democracy. One prominent thread in that book will be how America’s mainstream news media and its self-assured chattering class saw the disaster unfolding and at almost every turn chose denial, laughter and self-soothing lies, refusing to listen to those public voices who were sounding the alarm.

Unfortunately, the hope peddlers, stenographers and other voices of the approved public discourse have kept on telling the American people that everything will somehow be OK, even as the neofascist tide threatens to break through the dam and drown everyone. Once the water rises over their heads, they will have no more calming words to offer.

After a year of Joe Biden, how come we still have Donald Trump’s foreign policy?

Joe Biden and the Democrats were highly critical of Donald Trump’s foreign policy, so it was reasonable to expect that Biden would quickly remedy its worst impacts. As a senior member of the Obama administration, Biden surely needed no schooling on Obama’s diplomatic agreements with Cuba and Iran, both of which began to resolve longstanding foreign policy problems and provided models for the renewed emphasis on diplomacy that Biden was promising. 

Tragically for America and the world, Biden has failed to restore Obama’s progressive initiatives, and has instead doubled down on many of Trump’s most dangerous and destabilizing policies. It is especially ironic and sad that a president who ran so stridently on being different from Trump has been so reluctant to reverse his regressive policies. Now the Democrats’ failure to deliver on their promises with respect to both domestic and foreign policy is undermining their prospects in November’s midterm election. 

Here is our assessment of Biden’s handling of 10 critical foreign policy issues:

1. Prolonging the agony of the people of Afghanistan. It is perhaps symptomatic of Biden’s foreign policy problems that the signal achievement of his first year in office was an initiative launched by Trump, to withdraw the U.S. from its 20-year war in Afghanistan. But Biden’s implementation of this policy was tainted by the same failure to understand Afghanistan that doomed and dogged at least three prior administrations and the hostile military occupation for 20 years, leading to the speedy restoration of the Taliban government and the televised chaos of the U.S. withdrawal. 

Now, instead of helping the Afghan people recover from two decades of U.S.-inflicted destruction, Biden has seized $9.4 billion in Afghan foreign currency reserves, while the people of Afghanistan suffer through a desperate humanitarian crisis. It is hard to imagine how even Donald Trump could be more cruel or vindictive.

RELATED: The U.S. drops an average of 46 bombs a day: Why should the world see us as a force for peace?

2. Provoking a crisis with Russia over Ukraine. Biden’s first year in office is ending with a dangerous escalation of tensions at the Russia/Ukraine border, a situation that threatens to devolve into a military conflict between the world’s two most heavily armed nuclear states. The U.S. bears much responsibility for this crisis by supporting the violent overthrow of the elected government of Ukraine in 2014, backing NATO expansion right up to Russia’s border, and arming and training Ukrainian forces. 

Biden’s failure to acknowledge Russia’s legitimate security concerns has led to the present impasse, and Cold Warriors within his administration are threatening Russia instead of proposing concrete measures to de-escalate the situation.

3. Escalating Cold War tensions and a dangerous arms race with China. President Trump launched a tariff war with China that economically damaged both countries, and reignited a dangerous Cold War and arms race with China and Russia to justify an ever-increasing U.S. military budget. 

After a decade of unprecedented U.S. military spending and aggressive military expansion under George W. Bush and Obama, the U.S. “pivot to Asia” militarily encircled China, forcing it to invest in more robust defense forces and advanced weapons. Trump, in turn, used China’s strengthened defenses as a pretext for further increases in U.S. military spending, launching a new arms race that has raised the existential risk of nuclear war to a new level.

Biden has only exacerbated these dangerous international tensions. Alongside the risk of war, his aggressive policies toward China have led to an ominous rise in hate crimes against Asian Americans, and created obstacles to much-needed cooperation with China to address climate change, the pandemic and other global problems.

4. Abandoning Obama’s nuclear agreement with Iran. After Obama’s sanctions against Iran utterly failed to force it to halt its civilian nuclear program, he finally took a progressive, diplomatic approach, which led to the JCPOA nuclear agreement in 2015. Iran scrupulously met all its obligations under the treaty, but Trump withdrew the U.S. from the agreement in 2018. Trump’s withdrawal was vigorously condemned by Democrats, including candidate Biden, and Sen. Bernie Sanders promised to rejoin the JCPOA on his first day in office if he became president.

Instead of immediately rejoining an agreement that worked for all parties, the Biden administration thought it could pressure Iran to negotiate a “better deal.” Exasperated Iranians instead elected a more conservative government and Iran moved forward on enhancing its nuclear program. 

A year later, and after eight rounds of shuttle diplomacy in Vienna, Biden has still not rejoined the agreement. Ending his first year in the White House with the threat of another Middle East war is enough to give Biden an “F” in diplomacy.


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5. Backing Big Pharma over a People’s Vaccine. Biden took office as the first COVID vaccines were being approved and rolled out across the U.S. and the world. Severe inequities in global vaccine distribution between rich and poor countries were immediately apparent and became known as “vaccine apartheid.” 

Instead of manufacturing and distributing vaccines on a nonprofit basis to tackle the pandemic as the global public health crisis that it is, the U.S. and other Western countries have chosen to maintain the neoliberal regime of patents and corporate monopolies on vaccine manufacture and distribution. The failure to open up the manufacture and distribution of vaccines to poorer countries gave the COVID virus free rein to spread and mutate, leading to new global waves of infection and death from the delta and omicron variants. 

Biden belatedly agreed to support a patent waiver for COVID vaccines under World Trade Organization (WTO) rules, but with no real plan for a “People’s Vaccine,” Biden’s concession has made no impact on millions of preventable deaths.

6. Ensuring catastrophic global warming at COP26 in Glasgow. After Trump stubbornly ignored the climate crisis for four years, environmentalists were encouraged when Biden used his first days in office to rejoin the Paris climate accord and cancel the Keystone XL Pipeline. 

But by the time Biden got to Glasgow, he had let the centerpiece of his own climate plan, the Clean Energy Performance Program (CEPP), be stripped out of the Build Back Better bill in Congress at the behest of fossil-fuel industry sock puppet Joe Manchin, turning the U.S. pledge of a 50% cut from 2005 emissions by 2030 into an empty promise. 

Biden’s speech in Glasgow highlighted China and Russia’s failures, neglecting to mention that the U.S. has higher emissions per capita than either of them. Even as COP26 was taking place, the Biden administration infuriated activists by putting oil and gas leases up for auction for 730,000 acres of the American West and 80 million acres in the Gulf of Mexico. At the one-year mark, Biden has talked the talk, but when it comes to confronting Big Oil, he is not walking the walk, and the whole world is paying the price.

7. Political prosecutions of Julian Assange, Daniel Hale and Guantánamo torture victims. Under Biden, the United States remains a country where the systematic killing of civilians and other war crimes go unpunished, while whistleblowers who muster the courage to expose these horrific crimes to the public are prosecuted and jailed as political prisoners. 

In July 2021, former drone pilot Daniel Hale was sentenced to 45 months in prison for exposing the killing of civilians in America’s drone wars. WikiLeaks publisher Julian Assange still languishes in Belmarsh Prison in England, after 11 years fighting extradition to the United States for exposing U.S. war crimes.

Twenty years after the U.S. set up an illegal concentration camp at Guantánamo Bay, Cuba, to imprison 779 mostly innocent people kidnapped around the world, 39 prisoners remain there in illegal, extrajudicial detention. Despite promises to close this sordid chapter of U.S. history, the prison is still functioning and Biden is allowing the Pentagon to actually build a new closed courtroom at Guantanamo to more easily keep the workings of this gulag hidden from public scrutiny.

8. Economic siege warfare against the people of Cuba, Venezuela and other countries. Trump unilaterally rolled back Obama’s reforms on Cuba and recognized unelected Juan Guaidó as the “president” of Venezuela, as the U.S. tightened the screws on its economy with “maximum pressure” sanctions. 

Biden has continued Trump’s failed economic siege warfare against countries that resist U.S. imperial dictates, inflicting endless pain on their people without seriously imperiling, let alone bringing down, their governments. Brutal U.S. sanctions and efforts at regime change have universally failed for decades, serving mainly to undermine the U.S. claim to democratic and human rights credentials. 

Guaidó is now the least popular opposition figure in Venezuela, and genuine grassroots movements opposed to U.S. intervention are bringing popular democratic and socialist governments to power across Latin America, in Bolivia, Peru, Chile and Honduras — and maybe Brazil in 2022.

9. Still supporting Saudi Arabia’s war in Yemen, and its repressive ruler. Under Trump, Democrats and a minority of Republicans in Congress gradually built a bipartisan majority that voted to withdraw from the Saudi-led coalition attacking Yemen and to stop sending arms to Saudi Arabia. Trump vetoed their efforts, but the Democratic election victory in 2020 should have led to an end to the war and humanitarian crisis in Yemen.

Instead, Biden only issued an order to stop selling “offensive” weapons to Saudi Arabia, without clearly defining that term, and went on to OK a $650 million weapons sale. The U.S. still supports the Saudi war, even as the resulting humanitarian crisis kills thousands of Yemeni children. And despite Biden’s pledge to treat the Saudis’ cruel leader, Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman, as a pariah, Biden refused to even sanction MBS for his barbaric murder of Washington Post journalist Jamal Khashoggi.

10. Still complicit in illegal Israeli occupation, settlements and war crimes. The U.S. is Israel’s largest arms supplier, and Israel is the world’s largest recipient of U.S. military aid (approximately $4 billion annually), despite its illegal occupation of Palestine, widely condemned war crimes in Gaza and illegal settlement building. U.S. military aid and arms sales to Israel clearly violate the U.S. Leahy Laws and Arms Export Control Act

Donald Trump was flagrant in his disdain for Palestinian rights, including transferring the U.S. embassy from Tel Aviv to a property in Jerusalem that is only partly within Israel’s internationally recognized borders, a move that infuriated Palestinians and drew international condemnation.

But nothing has changed under Biden. The U.S. position on Israel and Palestine is as illegitimate and contradictory as ever, and the U.S. embassy remains on illegally occupied land. In May, Biden supported the latest Israeli assault on Gaza, which killed 256 Palestinians, half of them civilians, including 66 children.

Conclusion

Each part of this foreign policy fiasco costs human lives and creates regional, even global, instability. In every case, progressive alternative policies are readily available. The only thing lacking is political will and independence from corrupt vested interests.

The U.S. has squandered unprecedented wealth, global goodwill and a historic position of international leadership to pursue unattainable imperial ambitions, using military force and other forms of violence and coercion in flagrant violation of the UN Charter and international law.

As a presidential candidate, Biden promised to restore America’s position of global leadership, but as president he has instead doubled down on the policies through which the U.S. lost that position in the first place, under a succession of Republican and Democratic administrations. Trump was only the latest iteration in America’s race to the bottom. 

Biden has wasted a vital year doubling down on Trump’s failed policies. In the coming year, we hope that the public will remind Biden of its deep-seated aversion to war and that he will respond, however reluctantly, by adopting more rational ways.

More on the contradictions of U.S. foreign policy:

100+ ultra-rich people warn fellow elites in open letter: “It’s taxes or pitchforks”

A group of more than 100 millionaires and billionaires on Wednesday presented fellow members of the global economic elite with a stark choice: “It’s taxes or pitchforks.”

In an open letter published amid the corporate-dominated virtual Davos summit, 102 rich individuals—including such prominent figures as Disney heiress Abigail Disney and venture capitalist Nick Hanauer—warned that “history paints a pretty bleak picture of what the endgame of extremely unequal societies looks like.”

“For all our well-being—rich and poor alike—it’s time to confront inequality and choose to tax the rich,” the letter reads. “Show the people of the world that you deserve their trust.”

The letter was released hours after an analysis conducted by the Fight Inequality Alliance, the Institute for Policy Studies, Oxfam, and Patriotic Millionaires showed that a modest annual wealth tax targeting the world’s millionaires and billionaires would raise $2.52 trillion dollars a year, enough to lift billions of people out of poverty and vaccinate the world against Covid-19.


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But signatories to the new letter note that such a solution is unlikely to win broad support among attendees of the World Economic Forum (WEF), the yearly gathering of global elites that’s typically held in Davos, Switzerland. Due to the coronavirus pandemic, this year’s WEF is taking place virtually.

“If you’re participating in the World Economic Forum’s ‘online Davos’ this January, you’re going to be joining an exclusive group of people looking for an answer to the question behind this year’s theme, ‘How do we work together and restore trust?'” the letter reads. “You’re not going to find the answer in a private forum, surrounded by other millionaires and billionaires and the world’s most powerful people. If you’re paying attention, you’ll find that you’re part of the problem.”

The letter—signed by rich individuals from Denmark, Germany, Austria, and other nations—continues:

Trust—in politics, in society, in one another—is not built in tiny side rooms only accessible by the very richest and most powerful. It’s not built by billionaire space travelers who make a fortune out of a pandemic but pay almost nothing in taxes and provide poor wages for their workers. Trust is built through accountability, through well-oiled, fair, and open democracies that provide good services and support all their citizens.

And the bedrock of a strong democracy is a fair tax system. A fair tax system.

As millionaires, we know that the current tax system is not fair. Most of us can say that, while the world has gone through an immense amount of suffering in the last two years, we have actually seen our wealth rise during the pandemic—yet few if any of us can honestly say that we pay our fair share in taxes.

This injustice baked into the foundation of the international tax system has created a colossal lack of trust between the people of the world and the elites who are the architects of this system…

To put it simply, restoring trust requires taxing the rich. The world—every country in it—must demand the rich pay their fair share. Tax us, the rich, and tax us now.

Made significantly worse by the ongoing coronavirus pandemic, skyrocketing income and wealth inequality has been at the heart of recent mass protest movements in South America, the Middle EastEurope, the United States, and elsewhere—grassroots uprisings that have frequently been met with brutal police repression.

But little of substance has been done in recent years to reverse the decades-long trend of staggering wealth accumulation at the very top and declining standards of living for large swaths of the global population.

According to an Oxfam analysis published earlier this week, the 10 richest men in the world have seen their combined fortunes grow by more than $1.2 billion per day since the coronavirus pandemic hit two years ago while tens of millions worldwide have been pushed into poverty.

Progressive advocates and lawmakers have long argued that raising taxes on the rich—while far from a panacea for deep-seated societal ills—would help rein in soaring inequities and raise revenue for governments to spend on alleviating poverty, providing universal healthcare, and meeting other basic needs.

Gemma McGough, a British entrepreneur and a founding member of Patriotic Millionaires U.K., reiterated that case in a statement Wednesday.

“A common value most people share is that if something’s not fair then it’s not right. But tax systems the world over have unfairness built-in, so why should people trust them?” said McGough, one of the new letter’s signatories. “They are asked to shoulder our shared economic burden again and again, while the richest people watch their wealth, and their comfort, continue to rise.”

“It’s time we right the wrongs of an unequal world,” McGough added. “It’s time we tax the rich.”

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Rachel Maddow mocks Trump for “lying about the square footage of his hands — I mean his apartment”

Former president Donald Trump allegedly inflating the value of his company’s assets is reminiscent of him bragging about his hand size during a 2016 debate, according to MSNBC host Rachel Maddow.

During a report on the New York attorney general’s investigation into Trump’s company, Maddow noted Wednesday night that the former president is accused of claiming that his triplex New York City apartment is 30,000 square feet, when it’s only 10,996 square feet.

“He lied about the actual square footage of his hands — I mean his apartment,” Maddow said. “And not a little bit. Not like he added an extra room. He said it was three times as big as it actually was.”

“But the square footage is just the start,” Maddow said, pointing to the fact that Trump allegedly claimed the apartment was worth $327 million.


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Last year, the most expensive apartment in the U.S. was worth only $169 million, Maddow said.

“Trump said his apartment was worth almost double that,” she said. “Year after year, on official financial statements, he said his apartment was worth nearly twice as much as the most expensive apartment in the country, and he said it was three times larger than it actually was, which is wild and flagrant and almost impressively dishonest, and it does make you think back to him bragging about his hand size at the debate. I mean, it’s just too on the nose, right?”

“But according to the New York attorney general, it’s not just an interesting, like, personality pathology,” Maddow added. “It was part of a pattern of behavior by Donald Trump and his company that was potentially illegal.”

Watch below:

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I committed to cooking one meal a day using my new air fryer — here’s what worked (and what didn’t)

I only recently became the owner of an air fryer, even though the appliance reached its peak of popularity in 2015. In case you were wondering, my mom gave it to me as a Christmas gift. I had just moved into a new apartment with more counter space, which made owning this larger kitchen tool a little more practical. 

With the enthusiasm of a kid who had just received a new toy from Santa Claus, I decided the best way to familiarize myself with my new air fryer was to commit to using it every day for a full work week. While there were some definite misses, there were also some wins along the way. Here’s everything I learned from a week of cooking with an air fryer:

Day 1: Char siu bao 

I officially pulled the air fryer out of the box. It came with a few pamphlets about recommended cook times and simple recipes, which I filed away (read as: tossed in my junk drawer) for later reference. I already knew what I was going to make — char siu bao, which I bought frozen from Viet Hoa Plaza, my local Asian corner market. I typically use my bamboo steamer to cook these pillowy buns stuffed with chopped barbecue pork. However, a bakery on my block sells a golden-brown oven-baked version, so I had been dreaming about making some on my own. 

RELATED: Here are the kitchen tools and appliances that made our year of pandemic cooking better

I pulled the pamphlets back out and scanned their recommendations for various frozen items: chicken fingers, french fries, mozzarella sticks. Most directions called for eight to 15 minutes on the 400-degree “air fry” setting. I settled on 10 minutes as a safe starting point. I quickly brushed the frozen buns with some neutral oil and popped them in the pre-heated fryer. 

At the seven-minute mark, I remarked to my boyfriend, Stephen, “Wow, those smell amazing.” And they did — it was like the smell you catch while waiting in line for a spot at a busy dim sum restaurant mixed with walking past an Auntie Anne’s pretzel kiosk in the mall. In retrospect, that should have been my clue to take them out. 

When I popped open the fryer lid, I was expecting honey-brown buns with a crisp exterior. Instead, I was greeted by what looked like two little lumps of coal — hard and flaking little black chips that looked like peeling paint. It had been a long time since I burned something so badly; however, I split one of the buns open, and the meat on the inside was still ice-cold. I scooped out what was salvageable, nuked it for 30 seconds and started to read about how other folks had done their prep work.


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One dude on Reddit microwaved his bun first, then popped it in the air fryer for five minutes. Another advised fully steaming them first, then putting them in the air fryer for three minutes to achieve that golden exterior. Someone else recommended not even bothering with it: “I use this thing to reheat pizza and that’s about it.” 

I was confident I could find more uses for the appliance, but I still obviously had a lot to learn. 

Day 2: Crunchy seasoned chickpeas

“Alright,” I thought, as I pulled a can of chickpeas from the pantry and proceeded to spread them out on a paper towel-covered sheet pan. “Let’s get back to the basics.” Today’s “recipe” was basically four ingredients: chickpeas, the tiniest bit of olive oil, smoked paprika and flaky salt. 

After I started working from home a couple of years ago, I realized that I needed to keep healthy, crunchy items on hand for those mindless snacking urges between meetings. I cycled through carrot sticks, pickled vegetables, wasabi peas, and finally, crispy chickpeas. These were my favorite because they elevated everything — from clean-out-the-fridge salads to leftover curry — with a salty crunch. 

A couple of air fryer blogs recommended 10 minutes at 350 degrees, but I was still gun shy from the bao experience. I checked on them every two minutes like an anxious mom. Thankfully, they became delightfully crunchy right at the 10-minute mark. Could they have gone for another minute or two? Sure, but I was afraid of flying too close to the sun. 

I used them in a savory yogurt bowl, made by whipping whole-milk greek yogurt with lemon zest, topping it with sliced avocado, red pepper flakes, yuzu furikake, and of course, the crisp chickpeas. 

Day 3: Broccoli and cheddar “arancini” 

Since going home for the holidays, where my mom and grandmother both served a dizzying array of casseroles, I had been game-planning how to turn broccoli-rice casserole into crisp little pseudo-arancini, mostly so I could use them as cute toppers for broccoli-cheddar soup. 

The air fryer was perfect for the task. You can get the full recipe here

Day 4: Smoked tofu

Stephen brought home a package of five-spice smoked tofu from Phoenix Bean, a local small-batch tofu shop, and we decided to see how it would crisp up in the air fryer. After 15 minutes at 400 degrees, it was pretty good! To see how the tofu would turn out in its simplest form, I only brushed it with a little bit of oil and salt. Served with white rice and some avocado, it was completely satisfying. 

Next time, though, I’ll definitely go for a marinade and cornstarch coating to really amp up the crispiness factor. 

Day 5: Mozzarella sticks and tator tots 

At the end of the work week, all I wanted was a couple of rye old-fashioneds and some snacks to mimic the experience of physically being in a bar again. In that moment, I was no longer testing an appliance for work; I was just a girl standing in front of an air fryer, asking it to make me some mozzarella sticks and tater tots. 

Thankfully, this seems to be one of the things it does best. Unlike the bao, the insides of both the mozzarella sticks and the tots were completely warmed through after 12 minutes, while the exteriors were perfectly crisp. It made for a really pleasant evening. 

The consensus

While I don’t see myself using the air fryer as a do-all replacement for all of my appliances and cookware (I’m probably never going to, say, attempt to make hard boil eggs in it), it’s a great resource for quickly getting a golden-brown exterior on many groceries, especially vegetables. Next on my list to try are sweet potato “chips” and breaded and air fried pickle-spears to serve during the Super Bowl

More stories about our favorite kitchen gear: 

Supreme Court blocks Trump’s request to keep Jan. 6 files from Capitol riot committee

Former President Donald Trump has lost his final bid to block the House Select Committee investigating the January 6th Capitol riots from having access to key documents.

In an 8-1 ruling, the Supreme Court ruled that a former president could not invoke executive privilege on White House records if the current president did not also assert that privilege.

“The questions whether and in what circumstances a former president may obtain a court order preventing disclosure of privileged records from his tenure in office, in the face of a determination by the incumbent president to waive the privilege, are unprecedented and raise serious and substantial concerns,” the court writes. “The Court of Appeals, however, had no occasion to decide these questions because it analyzed and rejected President Trump’s privilege claims ‘under any of the tests [he] advocated.”


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Justice Clarence Thomas was the lone member of the court who dissented from the court’s ruling, although he issued no explanation for his dissent.

With the Supreme Court’s ruling, the House Select Committee will now obtain all of the documents it has requested that Trump tried to conceal.

As Politico reported last year, the documents requested by the committee include “daily presidential diaries, drafts of election-related speeches, logs of his phone calls, handwritten notes and files of top aides.”

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Jeff Daniels gets a killer worm named in his honor

“Respect is fine, but actually I’ve always wanted to be feared.”

Dr. Ross Jennings — who is played by actor, musician and producer Jeff Daniels in the 1990 comedy horror film “Arachnophobia” — has been granted his wish thanks to a scientific revelation from the University of California, Riverside. A team of scientists recently discovered a parasitic and tarantula-killing species of worm, which have been decorously named “Tarantobelus jeffdanielsi” after Daniels and his spider-killing character.    

“When I first heard a new species of nematode had been named after me, I thought, ‘Why? Is there a resemblance?,'” Daniels said in a statement provided by UC Riverside and published by Variety. “Honestly, I was honored by their homage to me and ‘Arachnophobia.’ Made me smile. And of course, in Hollywood, you haven’t really made it until you’ve been recognized by those in the field of parasitology.”

RELATED: In Showtime’s small town drama “American Rust,” abandon all hope ye who break down here

In the film, Dr. Ross Jennings suffers from arachnophobia but ultimately saves his town from a deadly spider infestation. In short, Dr. Jennings is “a spider killer, which is exactly what these nematodes are,” said parasitologist Adler Dillman, who led the UC Riverside team that made the discovery.

According to the team’s published research, Tarantobelus jeffdanielsi was first noticed in 2018, when a wholesale breeder reported multiple tarantula deaths and observed white discharge in the carcasses’ oral cavities. Upon closer inspection, the UC Riverside team concluded that the strange discharge was a large group of intertwined nematodes — cylindrical parasitic worms. Tarantulas infected by jeffdanielsi suffer from non-functional fangs and eventually die of starvation.  

“It isn’t clear that the nematodes feed on the spider itself. It’s possible that they feed on bacteria that live on the tarantulas,” Dillman told UCR News.


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He added that a single hermaphroditic, self-fertilizing jeffdanielsi can produce 160 babies in its lifespan. Such worm species are one of the most abundant animals on Earth with more than 25,000 described species. But according to the UC Riverside team, this is only the second time that the specific nematodes have been found to infect tarantulas.  

“Nematodes have been around for hundreds of millions of years. They’ve evolved to infect every kind of host on the planet including humans,” he said. “Any animal you know of on planet Earth, there’s a nematode that can infect it.”

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Tonga suffers a humanitarian crisis as residents struggle to recover from volcanic eruption

Tonga is cut off from the world. In normal times, the small island nation in the South Pacific, with a mere 100,000 people living there, is a remote and peaceful chain of islands, some more populated than others. Most Tongans live on the island of Tongatapu, which is surrounded by bright blue lagoons and limestone cliffs covered in greenery. 

Yet at the time of this writing, the world does not have a complete picture of what Tonga currently looks like. Even though the news cycle has been full of unprecedented natural disasters — from hurricanes and wildfires to Texas blizzards — there is now, added to the list, the unexpected eruption of an underwater volcano.

The Hunga Tonga–Hunga Ha’apai, a 13-mile-wide behemoth that exploded some 65 kilometers north of Tonga’s capital Nuku’alofa, has left much of Tonga either cut off from the rest of the world or severely limited in its access — severing internet and phone cables that allow communication in real-time.

Belching volcanic ash nearly 20 feet into the air, the underwater volcano sent tsunami waves all the way to the Pacific Coast and released an atmospheric pressure wave all over the world. The eruption was heard hundreds of miles away, while the US tsunami warning system registered it as a 7.6 magnitude earthquake. It is believed to be Earth’s largest volcanic eruption in roughly three decades, and exploded with the force of 10 megatons of TNT

Residents are suffering as a result. Red Cross officials report that three of Tonga’s outlying islands have suffered severe damage from the 49-foot waves caused by the eruption, including the destruction of most houses and other structures on the islands. As mentioned, the eruption also knocked out underseas internet cables, cutting off Tongans from the world digitally just as the polluted air and water did so physically. Online video has trickled out of Tongans fleeing to higher ground, or describing a hellish gray landscape; that exposure to volcanic debris comes with serious health problems.

RELATED: How to stay warm when you don’t have electricity

“The primary health concerns during volcanic eruptions are similar to wildfires, and include respiratory distress, eye and skin irritation, contaminated water supply, the intensification of chronic illnesses when access to medicine is compromised,” writes Direct Relief, a nonprofit humanitarian organization.


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Yet it may be challenging to actually bring relief to those who need it. In addition to being cut off from the world through the brute force of the eruption, the Tongans are also confronted with questions over how to accept relief amid the COVID-19 pandemic, which the island nation has warded off through vigilant border control. Indeed, by restricting island access, Tonga did not record a single COVID-19 case from the start of the pandemic until November 2021

“We are very cautious in putting people in,” Yutaro Setoya, the head of the World Health Organization Country Liaison Office for Tonga, told the ABC. “The government is discussing if there’s a need to have international human support personnel to come here or we can provide more support domestically.”

At the time of this writing there are three confirmed deaths due to the eruption. These include a British woman, 50-year-old Angela Glover, and two locals, a 65-year-old woman and a 49-year-old man.

Despite the deaths, scientists believe that Tonga could have suffered a much worse fate. As Voice of America News (VOA) reported, the country is practically on top of the volcano.

“That’s the million-dollar question,” University of Auckland volcano expert Shane Cronin told VOA. “Looking at the images so far, the level of devastation is less than I was fearing.”

Likewise, thanks to volcanic and seismic monitoring tools, Tongans did receive an early warning about the impending eruption, which gave them more time to prepare.

More on natural disasters:

What the fuzzy animals of Netflix’s “The House” can teach “Don’t Look Up” about climate anxiety

One of my favorite books is “The House Next Door” by Anne Rivers Siddons. Published in 1978, the book was a departure for Siddons, who often wrote sweeping, realist family novels rooted in the American south, where she was born. But “The House Next Door,” which became a New York Times bestseller, is a horror novel about what happens when a vacant lot is sold next to a middle-aged couple, and a new house is built there, a terrible, modern house where bad things keep happening.

Houses can contain many horrors, not just of the ghostly variety. I grew up in a 200-year-old farmhouse in Ohio. There was, hidden in our fireplace hearth, the skeleton of a cat. When my parents purchased the old home, it had fallen into disrepair. During the many fixes, workers tore up the hearth and uncovered the skeleton. They rested it on the mantle while they poured new concrete for the fireplace base. And then, as the concrete set, the skeleton accidentally fell in again. It is still buried there, as far as I know.

A central plot of Disney+’s 2021 film “Encanto” is the threatened destruction of an old house, a house from which a family draws their powers and strength, which shelters them as well as provides a symbol of security for a whole community.

And so, The Guardian describes “The House,” Netflix’s 2022 horror anthology, as “a funny little curio to take your mind off everything for a bit.” But I found the trio of stop-motion animation films, written by Enda Walsh, to be quite the opposite. They sent my mind to thoughts that felt very current and very real, especially climate anxiety.

RELATED: Deck the halls with films of horror

Stop-motion animation is the perfect format for the hoarse, whispered messages of “The House”: a form of animation where objects gain lifelike but not totally realistic movements, and a painstaking process of art-making. Stop-motion gives the anthology a jerky absurdism. We don’t like our lessons lectured directly at us. Maybe meaning will go down better with a spoonful of sugar — or, voiced by a fuzzy cat in a narrative that is childlike but not really for children. Maybe it will be more effective if the story is a surreal fable, only half-told.

The first story of “The House,” directed by Emma de Swaef and Mac James Roels, is set in the 1800s. After a family man is embarrassed by visiting, snobby relatives, he drunkenly meets a mysterious old man, “an architect of great renown,” in a glowing, Cinderella-esque carriage in the woods. The man offers him a deal to build the family a brand new, glorious house for free. 

Anyone who knows their way around faerie tales knows you need to be cautious with old women in the woods. But old men? The father, Raymond (Matthew Goode), goes for it, uprooting his family who leave their humble but perfectly serviceable home, soon to be torn down, and move into the architect’s mansion on the hill.

The HouseThe House (Netflix)

Things aren’t what they seem. They never are, and as often happens, only children notice (Mia Goth as Mabel and Elanor De Swaef-Roels in a Maggie Simpson-level performance as Baby Isobel). The parents are taken in by the lavish surroundings, free fancy clothes, and free food that happens to simply appear as if magicked by house elves. The house continues to be built around the family, in a kind of Winchester Mystery House maze of stairs that lead nowhere and doors that open onto deadly drops. 

The next film in the anthology, directed by Niki Lindroth von Bahr, is set in the same house, which now seems to be settled in its form. At least, the zombie-like workers aren’t there to keep building it. Instead, only a hardworking house-flipper (Jarvis Cocker) is around. He’s also a rat. 

It’s the present day and our rat hero is hell-bent on keeping the outside of the house historic and pristine, while updating the inside with all the modern conveniences luxury home buyers have come to expect. Flat screen TVs, a wired kitchen, a jacuzzi tub. Meanwhile, the rat restorer sleeps on a cot in the basement, just biding his time for when he can sell the house, make a profit, and maybe win the love of the mysterious caller he keeps dialing for support.

This is billed as horror so we know it’s not going to work out, and it doesn’t. The disastrous open house has only two interested perspective buyers (“very interested”), an odd older couple who simply never leave. It’s a modern horror, one that seems plausible, and this is by far the most unsettling piece of the trio of films, grotesque and disturbing. (And I happen to like possums.)

The third and final part of “The House” feels the most like a novel, a sweeping dystopia that would be given the bestseller treatment and maybe a streaming adaptation. Now the familiar, cupola-capped house is the last structure standing in a kind of “Waterworld” wasteland. The house has a landlord named Rosa (Susan Wokoma), a cat trying to keep it together and restore the building, converted into apartments, after a mysterious flood has driven away all of her tenants except two: Jen (a breezy Helena Bonham Carter) and Elias (Will Sharpe) who pay her in crystals and fish, respectively. A pink mist surrounds the house. There’s simply nothing else—no other structures, no land in sight, only a fuzzy otherness creeping ever closer like the Nothing in “The Never-Ending Story.”


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What these stories have in common is not only the central location of the house, but an anxiety about nature. Nature coming in, nature being bad, nature going haywire. 

According to legend, Sarah Winchester thought she must keep building onto her grand house to appease the spirits of those killed by her family’s guns; other historians think she simply wanted to make the house right. We’re not sure why the architect in “The House” has to keep building, but he’s certainly destroying the bucolic countryside in order to do so, to make his modern creation “a beacon of light on the hill.” Nature is something to be tamed, beaten down, destroyed in the service of progress, like the gas lights that flicker on in the first story. The rat Developer and Rosa have to keep preserving and updating the house: sticking up strips of wallpaper that humidity rolls down, painstakingly applying baseboards that bugs stream out of.

The characters fear the wild returning, even though they are themselves wild creatures. In the first story, the human characters look like potatoes. By the second and third, the humans have been replaced by animals: pests such as rats, beetles, scruffy cats, and some kind of terrible possum-looking thing in a fur coat. The reversion of the rat Developer into his natural state—no longer a dapper, striving entrepreneur but a dirty rodent — is gross, like seeing Donald Duck without his shirt. He’s given up, surrendered to the madness of his uninvited house guests, who invite more guests of their own and give in, go wild, literally chewing the furniture. 

The HouseWill Sharpe as Elias in “The House” (Netflix)

“They lived here before, you know,” one of the Odd Couple (Yvonne Lombard) says in a vaguely European accent. Which raises the question: What happened to the house in the scenes we didn’t see, in the years the film skipped over? What caused its downfall? What brought the flood?

Climate change is not discussed by name in the last film, directed by Paloma Baeza — much is left unsaid in all of these stories, which seem more like dreams than fully realized narratives — but it feels like a heavy, unseen presence. Something causes the terrible flood that swallows the garden, the fog that erases the horizon. Then water starts to creep inside the house itself.

Rosa’s inability to take action, to make a decision, feels familiar to us living in a time of climate indecision and denial. She sticks flowered wallpaper on crumbling walls destined to fall. 

While the first story of “The House” is perhaps the most complete, reminding me of Jim Henson’s “The Storyteller” and Julie Traymor’s “Fool’s Fire” in its stark, dark beauty — the last section is the most atmospherically affecting, the most relatable and as such, perhaps the most real. It’s coming for us, if not the water than the fire or the drought or all of the above, and someone needs to do something, as the character of Cosmos (Paul Kaye), a hippie traveling cat, does here. Someone needs to build something — a levee, a lever, a really big boat, a plan — and make a change as the world shifts.

As the creatures, human and otherwise, discover . . .  nothing lasts forever. Not even a house. Not even the house of a planet we’ve trashed. 

“The House” is now streaming on Netflix. Watch at trailer for it below, via YouTube:

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Conflicting reports over Neil Gorsuch’s mask-wearing roil typically genial Supreme Court

The typically genial Supreme Court got a dose of controversy this week when NPR reported that Justice Sonia Sotomayor was forced to participate in hearings via teleconference because Justice Neil Gorsuch — who sits next to her on the bench — refused to wear a mask. 

The court had been holding in-person hearings for months, with Sotomayor during that time remaining the only justice who chose to wear a mask. She has diabetes, a risk factor that puts her at greater risk for serious illness or death should she contract COVID-19.

But amid skyrocketing cases of the new omicron variant this month, Chief Justice John Roberts apparently asked for all of his colleagues to mask up, according to NPR. It was a request all were happy to oblige, given Sotomayor’s condition — except for Gorsuch. 

In fact, he apparently also refused to wear a mask for the court’s weekly conference, a meeting that Sotomayor also decided to attend remotely. 


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But both justices were quick to tamp down on the rumors Wednesday, issuing a rare joint statement denying any tensions — or even that any kind of conversation had taken place about Gorsuch’s decision not to wear a mask. 

“Reporting that Justice Sotomayor asked Justice Gorsuch to wear a mask surprised us. It is false,” Sotomayor and Gorsuch said in the joint statement shared by the court on Wednesday — despite the fact that NPR had reported it was Roberts who had asked Gorsuch to wear the mask, not Sotomayor. 

NPR released a statement in response stating that it “stands behind Nina Totenberg’s reporting.”

“Totenberg never reported that Justice Sotomayor asked Justice Gorsuch to wear a mask, nor did she report that anyone admonished him,” NPR spokesman Ben Fishel said. 

RELATED: The Supreme Court’s golden rule: Only Republican leaders hold true power

Roberts later released a separate statement to The Hill, claiming that he had not asked Gorsuch to mask up either — or any other justice for that matter.

“I did not request Justice Gorsuch or any other Justice to wear a mask on the bench,” the Roberts said in a statement provided to The Hill. NPR did not respond to a request for comment from the outlet.

In the wake of the controversy, insider reports quickly emerged in CNN and elsewhere that Sotomayor had “expressed concerns” to Roberts but that nobody had directly asked Gorsuch to wear a mask, further muddying the waters over what exactly had taken place.

It’s a drama that underlies the Supreme Court’s increasing political polarization and the rising levels of personal strife that have overtaken the chamber in recent months, as the court’s conservative supermajority appears ready to take a sledgehammer to longstanding precedents like Roe vs. Wade. 

RELATED: The Republicans have a plan for their judges — and it goes way beyond Roe v. Wade

Nina Totenberg, NPR’s longtime Supreme Court correspondent, cites several moments of palpable anger from the court’s liberal justices that have boiled over recently, including eye rolls, speeches from the bench and even an anecdote about the color draining from Justice Elena Kagan’s face as one of the conservative justices speaks. 

While all of this is happening, the court’s more senior members — on both sides — have tried to keep tensions at a minimum, citing reduced public trust due to recent accusations of partisanship. It’s not clear these efforts have, thus far, been working.

“The people at the court, in my time at least, think that the Constitution, the country … the court is much more important than they are and they somehow keep it together to decide cases appropriately and to get along with each other in a civil way,” Justice Clarence Thomas said during a commencement address at Duquesne University, according to NPR. 

Britney Spears’ family can’t stop relying on her fame and money, even after the conservatorship

Britney Spears’ long-standing conservatorship may have come to an end, but her entanglements with family are still far from over. Both her father and sister have shown that they’re not done with trying to capitalize on her greater fame.

New court documents — filed ahead of a now-postponed hearing — reveal that Spears’ father, Jamie Spears, “enriched himself” with “at least $6 million” from his daughter’s estate while serving as her conservator, according to Variety. The filing — which was completed by Spears’ attorney, Mathew Rosengart — came in response to Jamie Spears’ “abomination” of a request for the singer to continue paying his legal fees after stepping down from the conservatorship.

“Mr. Spears, an ignominiously-suspended conservator — of a conservatorship that has been terminated — now seeks to siphon even more money from his daughter,” the documents state. “Mr. Spears should be required to pay his legal fees . . . if he has already dissipated those funds, he should consider hiring other, less expensive counsel whom he can afford.”

RELATED: From Britney Spears to Lindsay Lohan, starlets reclaiming their lives is my favorite 2021 trend

The documents further claim that Jamie Spears “petitioned for fees to be paid to dozens of different law firms” for “more than $30 million.” Throughout the conservatorship, Spears’ father earned a total of $6,314,307.99, including a recent payment of $192,000 in 2020. He allegedly used a security firm to spy on his daughter’s cell phone and even used his daughter’s earnings to pitch his own cooking show, which would have been called “Cookin’ Cruzin’ and Chaos with Jamie Spears.” 

“Mr. Spears also exploited his role as Conservator to prevail upon Ms. Spears’s tour staff to help him turn his catering business into a Hollywood career,” the court documents further claimed.

Britney Spears’ conservatorship was involuntarily established on February 1, 2008. On Nov. 12 last year, the singer was finally freed from the legal proceeding that denied her of basic freedoms and subjected her to years of mistreatment and exploitation. Documentaries like the New York Times’ “Framing Britney Spears” along with the trending #FreeBritney hashtag and social media campaigns helped fuel a widespread movement on behalf of the singer.

Her ongoing legal battle with her father accompanies her feud with younger sister Jamie Lynn Spears, whom was sent a cease-and-desist letter over her newly released memoir, “Things I Should Have Said,” which allegedly contains “outrageous claims” regarding her sister.

“We write with some hesitation because the last thing Britney wants is to bring more attention to your ill-timed book and its misleading or outrageous claims about her,” Rosengart wrote in the letter, which was obtained by Variety. “Although Britney has not read and does not intend to read your book, she and millions of her fans were shocked to see how you have exploited her for monetary gain. She will not tolerate it, nor should she.”


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In her first interview following the termination of the conservatorship, Jamie Lynn – who appears in the upcoming season of Netflix’s “Sweet Magnolias” – told “Good Morning America” that she was “happy” when her sister was freed and said that she’s always been Britney’s “biggest supporter.”

“So when she needed help, I set up ways to do so, went out of my way to make sure that she had the contacts she needed to possibly go ahead and end this conservatorship and just end this all for our family,” Jamie Lynn told ABC News’ “Nightline” anchor Juju Chang. “If it’s going to cause this much discord, why continue it?”

“It wasn’t about agreeing with the conservatorship; everyone has a voice and it should be heard,” she added. “So if she wanted to talk to other people, then I did, I set that up. I even spoke to her legal team . . . and that did not end well in my favor. So I did take the steps to help, but how many times can I take the steps without, you know, she has to walk through the door.”

During the course of her legal hearings, Britney Spears repeatedly spoke out against her family members and opened up about the years of abuse she faced by them. Her sentiments towards them still remain the same after the end of her conservatorship. On Tuesday, the singer took to social media to criticize her sister, who she claims remained complicit in furthering the binding proceeding.

“I’m sorry Jamie Lynn, I wasn’t strong enough to do what should have been done . . . slapped you and Mamma right across your f**king faces !!!!!” Spears posted in an Instagram post. 

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Alex Trebek’s “Jeopardy!” host pick Laura Coates never even got an opportunity to try for the gig

Despite the late Alex Trebek’s championing of CNN legal analyst Laura Coates as his successor as “Jeopardy!” host, she’s finally revealed that she never had a chance to even try out.

During Monday’s episode of “Tamron Hall,” Coates said that the producers of “Jeopardy!” firmly rejected her application to host the popular weeknight game show.

“I asked for the opportunity when it came time, when they were looking for people to possibly fill in,” Coates told Hall. “I certainly raised my hand and knocked on doors and found them closed. I asked for the opportunity. I was told, ‘No.'”

RELATED: Backlash to Dr. Oz hosting “Jeopardy!” grows: Past contestants protest, angry fans call for boycott

Coates was first suggested as a possible “Jeopardy!” host in 2018, when TMZ’s Harvey Levin asked the show’s longtime host Alex Trebek who he thought would be a good successor if he were to retire. 

“There is an attorney, Laura Coates, she’s African American and she appears on some of the cable news shows from time to time,” Trebek told Levin.


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Trebek mentioned Coates again in a 2019 interview conducted at New York’s 92nd Street Y, specifying that the show’s next host would be a woman and “somebody younger, somebody bright, somebody personable, somebody with a great sense of humor.”    

“I actually was as shocked as anyone else when he first said it . . . and I was thrilled when he said my name,” Coates said.

“I thought, ‘My God. This person that I have watched my whole life really, even knows my name, let alone thinks that I would be worthy enough to fill his shoes which frankly can’t be filled?” she added.

But despite the recommendation, Coates said she was ultimately rejected by the show’s producers when she applied for the open position. In August 2021, “Jeopardy!” executive producer Mike Richards was named the new, permanent host with Mayim Bialik as host of the special episodes. Richards was later dropped and fired — after hosting only five episodes — when a 2010 wrongful termination lawsuit and a slew of his offensive comments resurfaced.  

Shortly afterwards, former champ Ken Jennings was named as a joint host with Bialik until the end of the current season.

Watch Coates’ full interview below, via YouTube

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Texas GOP candidate won’t ditch overt white nationalist staffer, blames “cancel culture”

The Texas Republican gubernatorial primary has shaped up, as journalists in the Lone Star State have observed, into a “contest of extremism,” with the various challengers to already-very-conservative Gov. Greg Abbott competing to one-up each other’s right-wing credentials. Last week, that even included an awkward remake of Clint Eastwood’s infamous 2012 speech at the Republican National Convention, as three of Abbott’s opponents gathered at a roundtable hosted by the tea party-affiliated True Texas Project to argue against an empty chair with the governor’s name on it.  

But in the race to the right, one Republican candidate stands alone: former state senator and real estate developer Don Huffines, who has promised to “stop the illegal invasion of Texas” by migrants, vowed to reinstate prayer in school, described gender-affirming medical treatment for trans youth as child “sexual abuse” and “predatory grooming,” and took credit for scuttling two diversity training programs being used by Texas’s child welfare department after publicly calling them “Marxist” critical race theory. The Texas Democratic Party has denounced Huffines’ anti-immigrant rhetoric as identical to that which drove the 2019 mass murder in El Paso, and warned that his attempt to “scoop up extremist primary voters” comes at the expense of Texans’ safety. The progressive media company Texas Signal called him “the most dangerous man in Texas” (a tribute Huffines immediately shared on Facebook), and media across the state have attributed Abbott’s rightward moves to Huffines’ influence.

RELATED: Greg Abbott is not ignorant — he’s a liar: Why the difference matters for the future of democracy

But Huffines’ seeming victory as king of the right isn’t just about his positions or his rhetoric. It’s also because of who he’s hired. 

On Saturday, Ben Lorber, a researcher at the progressive watchdog organization Political Research Associates (and, full disclosure, my former colleague), reported that Huffines appears to have an open white nationalist helping run his campaign. Until this week, Jacob Lloyd Colglazier, a 24-year-old former leader within the far-right America First or “groyper” movement, who’s better known online as just Jake Lloyd, was advertised as Huffines’ deputy communications director for three upcoming events hosted by the True Texas Project. (Since PRA’s report, the tea party group, whose entire board backs Huffines, appears to have removed language connecting Lloyd with the campaign, but the original description can be seen on archived pages.) 

Although Huffines’ campaign website doesn’t list staff online, and, in an emailed statement to Salon Huffines said “Jake Colglazier is not my deputy communications director” but someone who has “done field work for my campaign,” on Jan. 14, a staffer at the campaign’s headquarters confirmed to Lorber that one Jacob Lloyd Colglazier was indeed their deputy comms director.

So who is Jacob Colglazier, or Jake Lloyd?

As Lorber reports, Lloyd initially gained a platform as a host on Alex Jones’ conspiracy-theory outlet Infowars before becoming a leading figure in the America First movement around 2019. Founded by livestreamer Nick Fuentes, who garnered his own infamy participating in the deadly 2017 “Unite the Right” protest in Charlottesville, Virginia, the America First movement has largely supplanted the “alt-right” over the last several years. It helped lead the 2020 Stop the Steal protests and regularly traffics in “white genocide” and “great replacement” conspiracy theories. The movement’s overwhelmingly young, male followers are also known as “groypers,” for their adaptation of the alt-right mascot, Pepe the Frog.

RELATED: White nationalist “groyper” leader doubles down on Jan. 6 Capitol riot, calling it “awesome”

Last February, Fuentes and his groypers drew national attention when Rep. Paul Gosar — the notorious Arizona Republican who may be the most right-wing member of Congress — delivered the keynote address at their annual America First Political Action Conference in Orlando. The conference, where Fuentes said the conservative movement “need[s] a little bit more of that energy” seen last Jan. 6, was timed and placed to collide with the simultaneous meeting of the somewhat more mainstream Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC), happening nearby. That sort of attack-from-the-right stunt has become the calling card of the America First movement, which rose to prominence three years ago after a series of public confrontations with other right-wing leaders — from Donald Trump Jr. to Turning Point USA founder Charlie Kirk — whom they derisively grouped together as “Conservative Inc.”  

It’s the sort of rapidly shifting Overton Window — Don Jr.: mainstream RINO? — that seems to demand a new vocabulary to describe the competing factions of the ever-more-radical American right. But as Lorber, who has reported on Fuentes for years, noted earlier this month, that’s exactly the point. As Fuentes put it last spring, “My job, and the job of the groypers and America First, is to keep pushing further,” and drag conservatives “kicking and screaming into the future, into the right wing, into a truly reactionary party.” 


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Within that movement, Jake Lloyd became a leader and YouTube personality, describing himself as “heavily involved” in the 2019 “Groyper Wars” against “Conservative Inc.” As Lorber reports, he was a featured speaker alongside Fuentes at a 2019 “Groyper Leadership Summit” (held to coincide with a Turning Point USA summit), and in November 2020 joined Fuentes for an election-night livestream. Lloyd was an active participant on noxious far-right discussion forums, including the so-called “Nick Fuentes Server” on Discord, as well as another forum he established himself, “American Dissident,” where members talked about “Aryan bloodlines,” Nazi salutes, and called for “death to all minorities.” 

In his livestream show, which has been banned from various streaming services and is now hosted on the largely unregulated DLive, Lloyd waxed on about “restoring historical America … which means by and large maintaining a supermajority of the original stock of the United States,” and complained about “the fact that my race is dying.” And, in a series of disturbing videos Lorber unearthed, Lloyd also used his platform to say that he “spit[s] on George Floyd”; to celebrate a video of police killing a Black man with an impromptu sing-song tribute to cops; and to pound his fist into his hand while showing a photo of an Asian woman who Lloyd said “needs to be in China, getting the shit beat out of her by her husband.” 

Lloyd also isn’t the only groyper-aligned, or at least groyper-curious member of Huffines’ staff. Several weeks ago, the right-wing website Current Revolt published a profile of their favorite young Texas political activists, all of whom support Huffines. Among them was Huffines’ son Russell, who said he’s working on his father’s campaign, and described “Jake Colglazier” as “without a doubt” his “favorite right-wing e-celeb.” Another profiled activist working for the Huffines campaign, Konnor Earnest, told the website that he regularly watches Fuentes’ show.

The depth of support for Huffines’ campaign on the far right, and sometimes their open association, could be a sign that groups long excluded from the more polite quadrants of conservative politics are increasingly finding their way inside. As Lorber wrote in his report last weekend, “Lloyd’s embrace of Huffines’ campaign can be seen as one application of the groyper movement’s broader strategy to accelerate the rightward drift of the conservative movement, in order to move White nationalism mainstream in the post-Trump era.” 

Since PRA published Lorber’s report, Fuentes seemed to offer a protective distancing from Lloyd, posting on Telegram that Lloyd “is no longer affiliated with Nick Fuentes or America First — please issue a retraction!” 

That, said Lorber, might be significant, “because it says that Fuentes, and his ideas, are still toxic and it’s dangerous for people in mainstream politics to associate with them.”

On his own Telegram account on Jan. 18, Lloyd, who didn’t respond to requests for comment, seemed to allude to the controversy, quoting the Bible’s Psalm 17, a call for divine intervention on behalf of the righteous: “Mine enemies compass me round about, to take away my soul. Up, Lord, disappoint him, and cast him down; deliver my soul with thy sword from the ungodly.”

In a statement to Salon identical to one the campaign gave HuffPost, Huffines said, “I have 12 field offices across Texas and over 70 people on payroll with my campaign. If I were to go through the social media history of any young Texan I would find something I disagree with. My campaign will not participate in cancel culture.” But on Wednesday morning, the candidate seemed to offer another response as well, with a terse tweet reading, “America First. Texas First.” 

More from Salon on the mainstreaming of the far-right fringe:

Eric Trump spent six hours pleading the Fifth Amendment more than 500 times

Every American has the right to not incriminate themselves in court or in a deposition. According to the court documents for New York Attorney General Letitia James’ probe of the Trump Organization, Eric Trump spent six hours doing exactly that.

Showing screen captures of the court documents, lawyer Luppe B. Luppen quoted a revealing piece in the filing that showed the middle Trump son fought against answering any questions asked about the Trump Organization, out of fear that it would incriminate him.

“Given the public litigation between Mr. Trump and DANY, the public reporting on the DANY investigation and the multiple disclosures from OAG, there is no risk that any witness, much less these Respondents, would appear for civil testimony without being aware of the possibility of criminal liability,” said the court petition.


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“In fact, as evidence of that knowledge, two Trump Organization witnesses invoked their Fifth Amendment privilege against self-incrimination more than a year ago: Eric Trump and Allen Weisselberg,” the documents continue.

“During his examination on Oct. 5, 2020, when asked a question that went beyond basic background information, Eric Trump delivered extended prepared remarks objecting to the investigation and invoking his right against self-incrimination,” it disclosed.

The Fifth Amendment allows any person to refuse to answer a question to avoid accidentally confessing to a crime.

See the court excerpt below and the full case here.

To combat labor shortages, states are letting healthcare workers work while positive for COVID

The unprecedented surge in COVID-19 cases as a result of the omicron variant has created a labor shortage in California hospitals. In response, California state officials made a temporary, likely risky policy change in allowing asymptomatic healthcare workers who have tested positive for the coronavirus to return to work immediately.

“From January 8, 2022 until February 1, 2022, HCP [Health Care Personnel] who test positive for SARS-CoV-2 and are asymptomatic, may return to work immediately without isolation and without testing, and HCPs who have been exposed and are asymptomatic may return to work immediately without quarantine and without testing,” the new policy states. “These HCPs must wear an N95 respirator for source control.”

The guidance suggests that the healthcare workers should preferably be assigned to work with COVID-19 positive patients — but acknowledges that might not always be possible.

California is not alone among states that are suffering a worker shortage due to COVID-19. According to data from the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services posted Jan. 17, nearly 17 percent of hospitals across the country are in critical staffing shortages. The timing could not be worse, as the U.S. Surgeon General Vivek H. Murthy recently warned that the omicron surge has yet to peak, and that the U.S. should prepare for a “tough” few weeks ahead.

Understandably, this change in policy to address labor shortages has been met with a backlash from many — including, notably, many who work in a healthcare setting. The California Nurses Association (CNA) issued a strong rebuke.


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“Governor Newsom and our state’s public health leaders are putting the needs of health care corporations before the safety of patients and workers,” said CNA President Cathy Kennedy, RN, in a statement. “We want to care for our patients and see them get better – not potentially infect them. Sending nurses and other health care workers back to work while infected is dangerous. If we get sick, who will be left to care for our patients and community?”

The CNA believes this new policy will “guarantee more transmission.”

According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), the incubation period for COVID is between two and 14 days. The CDC notes that if a person tests positive for COVID-19 or has symptoms, regardless of vaccination status, the public health agency does recommend they isolate themselves from others in their own home for five days.

In late December, the CDC updated its isolation and quarantine guidance for healthcare workers, stating that asymptomatic workers with COVID-19 can return to work after seven days — compared to the previously recommended ten — with a negative test. However, the CDC said isolation time can be cut further if there are staffing shortages.

Not all of those who work in healthcare are concerned about the change. Dr. Monica Gandhi, infectious disease doctor and professor of medicine at the University of California, San Francisco, told Salon she believes this policy is fine.

“Of note, all health care workers in the state of California are required to be vaccinated and boosted,” Gandhi said. “Moreover, this study showed that, in asymptomatic delta breakthrough infections among health care workers, even when testing positive the first day, all tested negative the next day or the following day showing asymptomatic vaccinated people unlikely to spread.”

Gandhi added: “The CDC changed their quarantine guidelines anticipating healthcare worker shortages this winter and the CADPH [The California Department of Public Health] is just being consistent with these guidelines so I think this is fair.” She noted that wearing N95 masks at work is an important part of the recommendation.

Dr. George Rutherford, a professor of epidemiology at the University of California, San Francisco, agreed that it was probably fine as a “last resort” given staffing shortages.

“Yes, I think it’s an appropriate last resort — although I’d hesitate to do it in long-term care facilities (I understand this was not precluded by the state order),” Rutherford told Salon via email.

Amesh Adalja, a senior scholar at the Johns Hopkins Center, told Salon the highest priority “has to be [retaining] hospital staff.”

Understaffing poses a substantial risk to patients and can result in more deaths,” Adalja said. He continued: “The highest priority now is to keep hospitals staffed. I do think returning asymptomatic healthcare workers who are appropriately masked to work is an appropriate intervention given the current situation. Perfect can’t be the enemy of the good when hospitals are delving into crisis standards of care.”

But many on the ground don’t agree.

“The situation just feels so hopeless,” Erin McIntosh, a rapid-response nurse at Riverside Community Hospital, told the Los Angeles Times. “I went into healthcare wanting to help people, but now I’m the vector. Someone is coming to me in their time of need, and I could potentially be passing them COVID.

More on the fight against COVID-19:

Florida suspends top health official after he encouraged staff to get vaccinated

A top Florida Department of Health official was suspended after he encouraged his staff to get vaccinated. 

The development, first reported by local ABC News affiliate  WFTV, centers on Dr. Raul Pino, director of the Florida Department of Health in Orange County. On January 4, Pino reportedly wrote an email to members of his staff expressing frustration around their apparent unwillingness to be immunized against COVID-19. Out of the agency’s 568 staffers, Pino wrote, 219 had gotten two vaccine doses while only 77 had received a booster shot.

“I am sorry but in the absence of reasonable and real reasons it is irresponsible not to be vaccinated,” Pino said in his email, adding: “I have a hard time understanding how we can be in public health and not practice it.”

Florida Department of Health press secretary Jeremy Redfern told the Associated Press that the agency is now conducting a probe “to determine if any laws were broken” as a result of the email. In Florida, local public health offices, like Pino’s, are centrally run by the state Department of Health. 

“The Department is committed to upholding all laws, including the ban on vaccine mandates for government employees and will take appropriate action once additional information is known,” Redfern added. The agency also told WFTV that “the decision to get vaccinated is a personal choice that should be free from coercion and mandates from employers.”


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Pino’s suspension comes a month after a Miami Herald report that researchers at the University of Florida felt “external pressure” to erase COVID-19 data while working on behalf of an unknown state entity. Researchers said they were not allowed to “criticize the Governor of Florida or UF policies related to COVID-19 in media interactions,” instilling an atmosphere of fear within the university.

RELATED: Florida researchers say they felt “pressure to destroy” COVID-19 data for fear of Gov. Ron DeSantis

Back in November, Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis formally banned government agencies and private businesses from requiring employees to receive any dose of the vaccine, even suggesting that tax money would be provided to businesses that actively defy vaccine mandates, according to CNN.  

“I told Floridians that we would protect their jobs and today we made that the law,” DeSantis said at the time. “Nobody should lose their job due to heavy-handed COVID mandates and we had a responsibility to protect the livelihoods of the people of Florida. I’m thankful to the Florida Legislature for joining me in standing up for freedom.”

DeSantis has also strengthened “parental rights” around COVID-19, ensuring that only parents – not school administrators – can decide whether their children need to wear masks or get vaccinated before going to school.

RELATED: Judge orders Florida to stop enforcing Ron DeSantis’ school mask mandate ban

Roughly 64% of all Floridians have had two doses of the vaccine, according to state data. Florida is just now recovering from the unprecedented wave of omicron cases, during which the state hit a peak of about 126,000 new daily cases on average, according to The New York Times. WFLA reported back in December that Florida ranked among the five states with the highest pediatric hospitalizations throughout the country. 

Oath Keeper returned to Capitol on Jan. 7 for “recon” as group plotted weeks of battle: prosecutors

A member of the Oath Keepers returned to the Capitol a day after the deadly Jan. 6 riot for “recon” as the group, which had stocked up a cache of weapons and ammunition, plotted to battle authorities for weeks, prosecutors said in a court filing.

Ed Vallejo, a 63-year-old Arizona man who was one of 11 Oath Keepers charged last week with seditious conspiracy and other crimes for their alleged efforts to use a campaign of violence to prevent President Biden from taking office, messaged his alleged co-conspirators after the Jan. 6 riot was dispersed to declare “we’ll be back at 6 am to do it again,” according to prosecutors. He returned to the Capitol on Jan. 7 and told others he was “waiting for orders from [Oath Keeper founder] Stewart Rhodes,” who was also indicted last week.

“We are going to probe their defense line right now 6 am they should let us in. We’ll see,” Vallejo said in a Signal message to other members, according to the court filing.

Vallejo’s team continued to reach out to Rhodes for “next steps” after the riot as other members “continued to make plans to stop the presidential power transfer, amass additional weaponry and tactical gear, and prepare themselves to deploy their arms, if necessary, to stop the inauguration of a new president,” prosecutors said.

RELATED: Oath Keepers founder Stewart Rhodes charged with seditious conspiracy for Jan. 6 role

Prosecutors said Vallejo and other members of the group’s “quick reaction force,” or QRF, prepared to do battle in the city for weeks. The group stockpiled 30 days worth of supplies at a Comfort Inn in nearby Arlington, Virginia, as well as “at least three luggage carts’ worth of gun boxes, rifle cases, and suitcases filled with ammunition.”

“A second QRF team from North Carolina consisted of four men who kept their rifles ready to go in a vehicle parked in the hotel lot,” prosecutors said in the filing. “Later, Vallejo and other members of the Arizona QRF team wheeled in bags and large bins of weapons, ammunition, and essential supplies to last 30 days.”

Prosecutors also said that members of the group “attempted, but failed, to launch” a drone for “recon” purposes during the riot.

Vallejo played a “central role in the use of force in this plot” and after the riot “continued to look for ways to support the co-conspirators’ mission,” prosecutors said.

The quick response teams were ultimately “unnecessary,” prosecutors said, because the group and hundreds of other Trump supporters were able to get inside the Capitol without additional support.

Prosecutors in the filing asked the court to keep Vallejo detained pending trial, noting that he continued to defend the attack until days before his arrest.

“That Vallejo’s co-conspirators did not activate him on January 6 does not mitigate his dangerousness,” prosecutors said. “Vallejo traveled across the country and staged himself near the congressional proceedings ready to transport firearms and equipment into the nation’s capital. That is what makes him a danger. And there is no evidence that he has renounced violence or that he no longer believes in the necessity of guerilla warfare after January 6.”


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Vallejo is scheduled to appear before a judge on Thursday to determine whether he will be released pending his trial.

Vallejo is one of 20 Oath Keepers charged in connection to the riot and one of 11 who face charges of seditious conspiracy.

Prosecutors say Rhodes began recruiting members and “encouraging them to forcibly oppose the lawful transfer of presidential power” days after the election. Rhodes predicted a “civil war” and detailed the group’s plans to block Biden from taking office. Rhodes told members that Jan. 6 was a “hard constitutional deadline” to stop Biden from taking power and warned that if Biden did take office the group would “have to do a bloody, massively bloody revolution” against the new administration, according to court filings.

Rhodes directed members to go to the Capitol around 2:30 pm on Jan. 6, moments before the group joined the mob and broke open the Capitol doors, prosecutors say. Vallejo repeatedly sent messages offering to assist. Half of the Oath Keeper members unsuccessfully tried to breach the Senate chamber while the other half unsuccessfully hunted for House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, according to the filing. The members were ultimately “rebuffed” by law enforcement and left the Capitol.

The group continued to exchange messages plotting a potential violent attack on the presidential inauguration, according to the filing. Rhodes purchased “thousands of dollars worth of firearms, ammunition, and equipment” and summoned other members. On Jan. 20, Rhodes messaged members to organize local militias to forcibly resist the new administration.

The Oath Keepers are the first to face seditious conspiracy charges in connection to the riot, which may damage a popular conservative talking point that the Jan. 6 event cannot be described as an “insurrection,” only as a “protest.”

“How many of the participants in that insurrection had been charged with insurrecting? With sedition? With treason? Zero,” Fox News host Tucker Carlson said on the air last year.

“The Justice Department is not going to deliver on this narrative that they peddled for eight months, which was that this was an insurrection, these people are traitors, that they engaged in sedition,” journalist Glenn Greenwald told Fox News host Laura Ingraham in November. “No one is charged with any of those things.”

Ingraham made the same point earlier this month ahead of the Jan. 6 anniversary.

“Do you know how many people have been charged with inciting insurrection or sedition or treason or domestic terrorism as a result of anything?” Ingraham asked. “Zero. Exactly — just like Robert Mueller never indicted anybody for criminally conspiring with Russia.”

Legal experts now say the Justice Department spent months building a “textbook” case against the group.

“If this isn’t seditious conspiracy,” Alan Rozenshtein, a former Justice Department national security lawyer, told Reuters, “what is?”

Read more on the Oath Keepers and Jan. 6:

Kyrsten Sinema, a traitor to the cause of women’s rights, loses support of feminists

When Kyrsten Sinema first ran to be the Democratic senator from Arizona, her support from Emily’s List seemed to be a no-brainer. The political action committee (PAC) is one of the biggest in politics, and historically is one of the major reasons for the remarkable influx of female leaders in the Democratic Party in the past few decades. The main criteria for supporting candidates — that they be female, pro-choice and Democratic — appeared, at the time, to fit Sinema beautifully. She claimed to believe “a woman, her family, and her doctor should decide what’s best for her health” and that she stands for “health clinics like Planned Parenthood and opposes efforts to let employers deny workers coverage for basic health care like birth control.” Emily’s List was the biggest source of funds for Sinema’s 2018 campaign, raising nearly twice as much money for her as her second largest supporting PAC. It is unlikely she would have won by her razor-thin margin without their support. 

But, as it turns out, Sinema’s claims to feminist values were all nonsense.

Sure, unlike Sen. Joe Manchin of West Virginia, her fellow corrupt conspirator in shutting down the Democratic agenda in the Senate, Sinema continues to claim to be pro-choice. She has even voted the right way on the issue in those rare instances that votes even happen in the Senate, all while Manchin continues to vote for right-wing interference with reproductive decision-making. But when it comes to taking actions that would actually protect not just reproductive rights, but the equality of women generally, Sinema has become a major obstacle, with her stubborn insistence on supporting the filibuster, which Republicans use to shut down pretty much all meaningful legislation from the Democratic majority — including bills to protect abortion rights and enshrine gender equality into the constitution

RELATED: Kyrsten Sinema’s run out of excuses: Supreme Court leaves Senate Democrats with little choice

On Wednesday night, Sinema — as she’s dramatically promised to do — is expected to side with the Republican minority against a bill meant to shore up democracy and protect voting rights against a coordinated GOP effort to dismantle fair and free election systems. Sinema claims, quite falsely, to support the voting rights bill, but insists on letting the Republicans have veto power over it, putting an arcane and anti-democratic Senate rule ahead of democracy itself.  


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In response, Emily’s List and NARAL promised to pull their support from Sinema. Emily’s List president Laphonza Butler released a statement explaining the decision by saying, “Electing Democratic pro-choice women is not possible without free and fair elections. Protecting the right to choose is not possible without access to the ballot box.” NARAL president Mini Timmaraju concurred, stating, “Without ensuring that voters have the freedom to participate in safe and accessible elections, a minority with a regressive agenda and a hostility to reproductive freedom will continue to block the will of the majority of Americans.”

Butler and Timmaraju are dead right. It’s not just about reproductive rights, either. Without a healthy democracy, women’s rights and gender equality in general are imperiled. There’s a reason 19th century feminists focused their efforts on women’s suffrage, a century-long fight that few, if any, of those who started it lived to see succeed. The fight for gender equality and fight for democracy are inextricably intertwined. The fight for one is a fight for the other. 

RELATED: 2021’s most despicable villains: Joe Manchin and Kyrsten Sinema

It’s also not a coincidence that authoritarians like Donald Trump also happen to be giant misogynists. From the beginning, the rising fascist movement in America has been fueled not just by racism, but by toxic masculinity and male anger at women’s growing equality. Trump’s 2016 campaign was built on a foundation of misogynist rage — not just at Hillary Clinton for daring to think a woman can be president, but at women generally for asserting their right to be treated as equals in the home and workplace. His popularity with the GOP base was cemented when he mocked a Fox News host Megyn Kelly with menstruation insults. He secured the religious right’s support for promising to ban abortion

But the election of 2016 also illustrated how democracy can protect women’s rights. After all, Clinton won the popular vote by nearly 3 million votes and with a 2 point margin over Trump. It was only because of the anti-democratic electoral college system — an ongoing and retrograde leftover from the era when women and people of color weren’t allowed to vote — that Trump even had a chance. And there can be no doubt that, if 2016 had been a truly democratic election, both the country and women’s rights would be in much better shape right now. At bare minimum, the Supreme Court wouldn’t have three Trump appointees on it, and Roe v. Wade would not be slated for a near-certain overturn in June

Authoritarian misogyny is hardly just an American phenomenon, either.

Throughout history and in our current day, there’s been a strong link between hostility to women’s rights and anti-democratic attitudes. The Nazis were notoriously sexist, insisting a woman’s place was in the home and strengthening bans on abortion. Romania’s communist dictatorship banned abortion and contraception. China’s authoritarian government has forever been opposed to reproductive rights, first by banning the right to have more than one child and now, due to low population growth, by announcing plans to restrict abortion access


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To be certain, fighting for women’s equality in a healthy democracy is hardly a breeze. There’s literally millennia of patriarchal oppression that needs to be overturned, and lots of ingrained sexist attitudes held by the majority of Americans. (About 7 in 10 married women, for instance, still take their husband’s name, including, however reluctantly, Hillary Clinton.) As noted, suffrage for women was a long and miserable fight that took literally a century. The Equal Rights Amendment, which was almost passed in the 70s, died after anti-feminists activists successfully lobbied against it. 

Still, what democracy offers feminism is the chance to make the case: To argue for gender equality, to appeal to voters, and to build — sometimes painfully slowly — public understanding of why women’s rights are so important. And, as miserable as that process can be, history shows it’s better than the alternatives. Polls show strong majorities of Americans support abortion rights and even more believe contraception is acceptable. Stigmas against divorce, single motherhood, and sex outside of marriage have collapsed in the public eye after decades of feminist agitation for the right of women to be treated a full adults, instead of male property. Support for LGBTQ rights also rose, as a direct result from larger feminist discussions about the evils of gendered oppression. And a woman even won the popular vote in a presidential election — and if this was a truly democratic system, she would be president. 

RELATED: What do “centrists” want? Cutting back Biden’s agenda isn’t moderate — it’s reckless

Sinema’s support for the filibuster exposes how paper-thin her claims to support feminist values always were. Biden won because of women. He got 57% of the female vote, while Trump won 53% of men. The Biden agenda that Sinema is blocking is what female voters sent not just Biden, but Sinema to Washington to accomplish. And not just on voting rights, either. By supporting the bipartisan infrastructure bill but not the Build Back Better plan, Sinema helped ensure that 90% of new job creation will go to men, instead of the more diverse pool that Biden’s larger agenda would have supported. 

Voting rights is the issue that gave birth to the American feminist movement. By refusing to support voting rights, Sinema isn’t just turning her back on her country and her party, but on the very feminist movement that permitted someone like her, a female senator, to even exist. Sinema may play-act the fun-loving feminist, with her kitschy dresses and loud wigs that stand out from the drab masculinist attire that rules the Senate. But as long as she stands with Republicans against democracy, she is a traitor to feminism and should be regarded as such. 

Getting critical antibiotics out of pork and beef production is possible

The widespread, routine use of antibiotics in animal agriculture in the U.S. contributes to the development of antibiotic resistance, which basically means bacteria adapt to outsmart the drugs. Since many are the same ones used in human medicine, that results in at least tens of thousands of deaths each year (and more by some estimates). The issue has been identified as one of the biggest global public health threats by the World Health Organization.

Because of that, advocates have been fighting to get the meat industry and food companies to reduce or end the use of medically important antibiotics in feed and water as a preventative measure for years.

In poultry, they’ve been incredibly successful. While some believe companies may overstate their success due to a lack of accountability or swap in new pharmaceuticals, every available metric points to the fact that over the past decade, the use of medically important antibiotics in chicken production has plummeted. In 2019, about 60% of chickens raised for meat were labeled “no antibiotics ever,” up from 13% in 2015. Perdue, the fourth largest poultry company in the U.S., now makes that claim for 100% of its chicken products. Other big poultry companies like Sanderson Farms and food outlets like McDonald’s and KFC have policies that eliminate the use of “medically important” antibiotics.

Cattle (raised for both milk and meat) and pigs, however, are still routinely given those critical drugs in feed and water for long periods of time, and common wisdom is that the industries have been slow to change because “it’s a lot harder” or even “can’t be done” without destroying the current system and starting from scratch.

That’s not quite true. In fact, there is plenty of evidence that pork and beef can both be produced with farmers only using antibiotics rarely, to treat sick animals. And there are models that show it can be done at nearly any scale.

“The beef and pork industries are not moving as quickly as the chicken industry partially because it’s not quite as easy, but that does not mean it’s not possible,” said Emily Scarr, the state director of Maryland PIRG who led a coalition to pass the strongest state law to regulate antibiotic use in animal agriculture in the country.

Small, organic farms that raise very few animals at a time already don’t typically use preventive antibiotics in feed or water. Companies like Niman Ranch have created systems that allow them to produce antibiotic-free pork and beef at a significant scale — they count national chains like Chipotle among their consumers — by working with mid-size farms that raise their animals in lower stress environments that include outdoor access. And in Denmark, one of the world’s biggest pork exporters, Danish farmers have slashed antibiotic use even within their industrial confinement systems that look a lot like conventional pork production in the U.S. Across Europe, similar gains are being made.

So, what do those models look like, and why aren’t more farms in the U.S. making progress?

Reducing antibiotic use in pork production 

Tim and Deleana Roseland run Roseland Family Farms in Central Iowa with their son, Curt. The farm has been in their family for generations. Tim’s parents and grandparents raised hogs and cattle and grew corn, and when Tim took over, he decided to focus on hogs. In the 1980s and 90s, the family raised pigs in confinement and sold them into the conventional market.

After the market for pigs crashed at the turn of the century, the Roselands sought out a more financially stable option, and they found Niman Ranch. They filled in the manure pits inside their barns, opened the barns up so the pigs could go outside and began using corn stalks they grew to create a deep layer of bedding on what was once a concrete floor. In 2005, they began selling their pigs to Niman and have been ever since.

In the old system, “If you wanted the pigs to stay healthy, you ran antibiotics all the time,” Tim said. “That was just part of life.” But because Niman sells meat labeled “no antibiotics ever,” farmers in the network must avoid using routine preventive antibiotics. When they have to treat a sick animal, that animal is separated out and sold into the conventional market, which means they lose money.

But the Roselands had no trouble acclimating to a system in which they’d have to raise healthy pigs without giving them antibiotics in their feed. “It’s not a big deal. We haven’t really had any issues,” Tim said matter-of-factly.

Deleana noticed right away that the pigs were happier and healthier based on the changes they’d made to the farm. “[Before], the pigs were so much more stressed. When you went into the buildings, there’d be this high volume of squealing . . . that we just don’t have now. Now they just run and play,” she said. “The combination of more room, the bedding, and being able to go outside make a big difference to them.”

Niman’s approach is considered alternative or niche in the U.S., but in Europe, industrial, global pork companies have also reduced their antibiotic use within confinement systems. According to a 2018 NRDC report, U.S. producers use about double the antibiotics per kilogram of pig compared to the U.K., more than three times as much as in France, and more than seven times the levels used in Denmark or the Netherlands. Between 2009 and 2018, antibiotic use in Danish pork production fell 27%, and it had already been falling significantly before that.

Producers there have made changes to feed and cleaning protocols, but the biggest changes that have made reductions possible fall into the same category as the changes the Roseland’s noted: reducing stress. Just like in humans, stress increases disease risk in pigs, and tweaks like adequate space are meaningful. In addition to lower stocking densities, one important practice Danish producers have adopted is keeping piglets with their mothers longer, which reduces stress at a time when the pigs’ immune systems are not yet fully developed. Research shows longer weaning times can reduce piglet mortality significantly. In 2013, the European Commission set 28 days as the minimum weaning age for piglets; in the U.S., average weaning times are around 20 days, which means many farms are doing it even sooner.

Reducing antibiotic use in beef production 

Weaning time is key to reducing antibiotic use in beef, too, said Joseph Fischer, of Fischer Farms in Southern Indiana. Not only does it reduce stress among the animals, but “if you wean them later, they get a much longer time period of getting their mother’s milk . . . [and] that immune system that she’s developed can be passed through the milk,” he said.

Like the Roselands, Fischer Farms is a multi-generation family farm, and for many years, the family ran a conventional cow-calf operation and grew row crops. About two decades ago, Fischer’s father decided he wanted to improve the quality of their beef and since they couldn’t find a conventional market for higher-quality beef, they began selling their meat directly to local restaurants and institutions.

“We wanted to raise our cattle naturally, from start to finish,” Fischer explained, and for them, part of that model was reducing antibiotic use. “What you have to do if you’re not using antibiotics on your farm is you have to set up your process across all components of that cow’s life to be low disease risk.”

In addition to pushing weaning to six months, which is significantly longer than typical, they changed other aspects of the calving process to reduce stress on the young animals. Fischer Farms’ cattle are not 100% grassfed, but in addition to grazing, Fischer supplements their diet with corn silage, feeding them a much lower-grain diet than if the cattle were sent to a feedlot. “Liver abscesses . . . are from the very high-energy diets that have been given to cattle late in their lives,” Fischer explains, and common antibiotics in feed and water are often administered in feedlots to prevent those abscesses.

And not only do Fischer’s cattle never see a feedlot, the only trip they ever go on is a five minute trip to the processing plant. That means he also doesn’t have to worry about bovine respiratory disease (BRD), a common disease among herds of cattle that are shipped long distances and mingled with herds from various places. Preventing BRD is another typical use for routine, preventative antibiotics in feedlots.

2020 NRDC report pointed to many of the practices Fischer mentioned as part of an “uncomplicated” set of best practices — like tweaking feed and adjusting calving and transport practices — some of which could be adopted even by large feedlots to reduce the need for routine, preventive antibiotics.

If models exist, why aren’t more farms reducing antibiotic use? 

While the practices might be relatively uncomplicated, farmers like Fischer are generally faced with buyers who are locked into the current system and just want the fattest cattle possible.

“From a production standpoint, it’s hard to justify raising their cattle differently and a lot of times at more expense, if at the end of the line, they’re not going to promise you a premium for that product,” he said. Fischer Farms made the choice to seek out alternative buyers, but that’s not possible for every farm.

When a market does exist, it makes the transition easier. The Roselands, for example, were driven to invest time and labor into changing their farm to fit into Niman’s system specifically because they knew Niman was waiting to pay them higher, more consistent prices for their pigs.

A premium can act as an incentive, but policy changes can lead to bigger system-wide changes. In Denmark, progress has come via “both a carrot and a stick. It’s been a combination,” said David Wallinga, MD, a senior health officer at the NRDC who works on ending the overuse of antibiotics in animal agriculture. Denmark changed laws that allowed veterinarians to profit off of antibiotic prescriptions, began tracking all antibiotic use on farms, and set national targets for reductions, with consequences for producers that missed the targets.

In the U.S., federal policymakers have been slow to act. There is little to no tracking of antibiotic use on farms, and while the law technically ended the use of medically important antibiotics for growth promotion, there is little regulation of routine use for disease prevention (which involves many of the same drugs).

States have stepped in with their own models. In Maryland, advocates successfully pushed through a law that banned the routine use of medically important antibiotics for disease prevention and introduced new requirements for tracking antibiotic use on farms. This year, the Maryland Department of Agriculture released its first report in line with the law’s requirements, which provided specific information on individual drugs prescribed to treat animals divided by industry.

“The biggest success is that the report exists,” Scarr said. “Next year, we’ll have a before and after.” Scarr hopes the Maryland law will be used as a model for other states that want to move on the issue, but while Wallinga agreed that the mere existence of real data on antibiotic use is a big step forward, he said a stronger federal policy response would be the thing that really moves the needle.

“It doesn’t really make sense to do this state by state . . . because you’re going to be doing it 50 different ways,” he said. With all of the models that already exist for both national policies that work and the practices necessary to reduce antibiotic use on farms, he said, the U.S. should be making bigger strides. Aside from the ban on use for growth promotion only and strengthening veterinary oversight, little has been done to set explicit reduction goals at the federal level, and there is currently no indication that will change anytime soon. One policy that would better regulate the length of time antibiotics are administered to animals is in the works, but under the current FDA plan, some of the limits would not go into effect until 2030. And experts say the country is lagging behind on the most basic front, in terms of even having data to show exactly which drugs are being used and how.

In Denmark, a national system collects data on antibiotic use in animal agriculture electronically. “In fact, I asked the Danish experts at one point . . . ‘Would you share that software?'” Wallinga said. “They said, ‘Absolutely.’ The information is there..it’s just waiting for FDA to collect it. I think it’s doable.”

Republicans’ red flag: GOP ignores warning signs of struggle

There has been a lot of garment rending and hand wringing the last few days over a new Gallup poll which shows that party identification amongst voters has shifted dramatically over the past few months from Democratic to Republican. Coming as it does at the one-year mark of the Biden administration, this does seem to portend doom for Democratic hopes for midterm election success in November. Party identification is one of the traditional predictors of future results, and this one doesn’t look good. The shift in 2021 was the largest shift since 2006, as Gallup reported:

On average, Americans’ political party preferences in 2021 looked similar to prior years, with slightly more U.S. adults identifying as Democrats or leaning Democratic (46%) than identified as Republicans or leaned Republican (43%). However, the general stability for the full-year average obscures a dramatic shift over the course of 2021, from a nine-percentage-point Democratic advantage in the first quarter to a rare five-point Republican edge in the fourth quarter.

It is a dramatic shift to be sure. But it’s important to realize that at the beginning of last year there was another dramatic shift away from Republicans, likely because of the events surrounding the election and the deadly COVID surge of winter 2021. Reversion to a relatively common partisan split isn’t surprising.

And the reasons for this split are obvious.

Some of it just goes back to the polarization we’ve been living in for the last few years. There’s also been a slew of bad news over the past four months, from the messy Afghanistan withdrawal to inflation that has everyone spooked to a new COVID variant. 

A year ago, nobody thought we’d be back where we are right now. Back then, the vaccines were rolling out and it appeared that we had “rounded the curve” as Trump would say. Most of us assumed that virtually everyone would get vaccinated and we would get past the point at which there could be so much hospitalization and death that the health care system was on the brink of collapse. But here we are today. And the Democrats are in charge so they are being blamed, rightly or wrongly.

But let’s not forget that the Republicans haven’t been sitting quietly knitting in the corner for the past year. They have been relentlessly pounding the Democrats with culture war propaganda, from demagoguing critical race theory and school closures to Dr. Suess and Mr. Potatohead and some of it has successfully penetrated the mainstream. If you happen to catch any kind of right-wing media, this is the sort of thing you will see day in and day out:

Of course, bashing America’s cities has long been a staple of right-wing dogma. They know who lives there, after all, and it isn’t “their kind of people.” Cities are also the places where they believe the election was stolen from Donald Trump, which is the shrill MAGA rallying cry.

It’s obvious how potent that Big Lie has been among Republican die-hards and most likely some independents as well. And even if you know it’s a crock, the mere fact that so many people believe it is disorienting and depressing.

All of these things have contributed to this pervasively grim mood that exists throughout the culture despite the fact that the economy is actually doing extremely well. (If nothing else, this state of affairs proves that economic determinism is a very narrow way to explain the political behavior of the American public.) People feel tired and dispirited and when that happens a “throw the bums out” attitude often takes hold. The Washington Post’s Philip Bump argues that this shift proves the Democratic Party’s focus on Republican anti-democratic behavior has failed as a political message and that any thoughts the GOP might be permanently harmed by its complicity in January 6th simply haven’t resonated:

Gallup’s new data undercuts that idea severely. Americans don’t appear to be particularly concerned about the Republican Party’s response to 2020, particularly given the significant role that Trump still plays in setting its direction. Democrats have repeatedly hoped that Trump would prove so poisonous that the electorate would turn against the GOP. It worked in 2018, when the midterms served as a repudiation of Trump’s politics. It didn’t work in 2016, though, when Trump first won, and it offered only limited utility in 2020, when Trump earned significantly more support than he had four years prior, even while losing the popular vote by a wider margin. Democrats had unified control of government — but only barely.

And that was before Trump and congressional Republicans tried to subvert Biden’s victory. There are a lot of reasons for the swing back to the right over the past year, most of which center on Biden, not Trump. But Democratic efforts to cast the GOP as hostile to democracy itself either aren’t landing — as polling has suggested — or aren’t compelling.

The polling to which he refers shows that it’s actually Republicans who believe that democracy is in danger more fervently than Democrats —because they believe Trump’s Big Lie. That doesn’t, however, mean that the Democrats’ argument isn’t landing. It just means that Democratic voters still have some faith that the system will hold. That isn’t a rejection of the argument that the Republican Party has become a toxic force. In fact, it may just mean that many voters accept that they are and simply believe that American democracy is strong enough to withstand it. (That may be naive, but it strikes me as quintessential American optimism.)

In any case, there is some other polling that seems to contradict all the agita over the Gallup findings, evidence that the media overlooked. USA Today reported this just a couple of weeks ago:

Republicans lost their lead on a generic congressional ballot, according to a new USA Today-Suffolk University poll, a red flag for the party ahead of this year’s midterm elections.The poll found Democrats leading Republicans on a generic ballot 39% to 37%, within the poll’s margin of error of 3.1 percentage points but a significant drop from Republicans’ 8-point lead in the same poll in November.

This is hard to reconcile with the reaction to the Gallup numbers and it’s impossible to know exactly what might have precipitated the drop. But these findings are no less determinative than Gallup’s, and none of it can accurately predict what’s going to happen next November.

We are living through a very weird, unprecedented time and predictions are a fool’s game in these circumstances. I would suggest, however, that if Bump is correct and the Democrats’ legitimate alarm about the anti-democratic behavior of the GOP has been falling on deaf ears, there’s one thing that will almost certainly get the public’s attention: Donald Trump’s return. There’s no one in the country who makes that argument for the Democrats more clearly than he does.  

How mRNA technology could create a new vaccine — against ticks

Climate change, a negative force for so many types of native flora and fauna in the U.S., has been an enormously positive development for ticks. As temperatures rise across the nation, more of the U.S. has become hospitable to ticks, and the prevalence of diseases carried by ticks has increased. Approximately 500,000 Americans are now diagnosed with Lyme disease, the most common tick-borne disease, annually — double the number of cases reported in the 1990s. Rocky Mountain spotted fever, a previously rare bacterial disease that can cause fever, rash, headache and, in very severe cases, death in humans, is on the rise. So is babesiosis, a parasite that infects red blood cells and causes malaria-like symptoms.

Right now, there is no coordinated national response, as there is for sexually transmitted diseases or COVID-19, to tick-borne disease in the U.S. State health departments are required to report cases of Lyme and some other tick-borne illnesses to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, but the burden of protecting oneself from ticks and seeking out a diagnosis and treatment for a tick-borne illness is still shouldered almost entirely by individuals. 

A vaccine against tick-borne illnesses would help alleviate some of that burden. But prior attempts to distribute such a vaccine have failed spectacularly. A moderately effective vaccine for Lyme disease, called LYMErix, was used in the late 1990s and early 2000s, but its manufacturers withdrew it after just a few years on the market after a lawsuit from a group that claimed the vaccine caused arthritis problems, despite negligible evidence that it did anything of the sort. The saga had a chilling effect on tick vaccine research for decades. 

Now, a group of researchers at Yale University is trying to revive a Lyme vaccine — and their new effort looks nothing like the LYMErix of years past. In fact, if it ends up working in humans, it won’t just protect against Lyme disease; it would protect against ticks more generally. 

By using messenger RNA — the same technology that Pfizer and Moderna used in their COVID-19 vaccines — the researchers were able to pack 19 different kinds of proteins found in tick saliva into a single vaccine. Then, they administered those vaccines to guinea pigs and attached Lyme-carrying black-legged ticks to the animals. Once ticks attach to a host, they don’t let go until they’ve filled up on blood, which can take days. The researchers found that the vaccine, currently called 19ISP, may be effective in preventing not just Lyme disease in guinea pigs but other types of other tick-borne illnesses, too. 

The vaccine works in two ways. First, it makes tick bites inflamed, itchy, and red. Tick bites usually don’t itch, which makes it hard for humans to notice them and pull ticks off. The longer a tick gets to feed undetected, the higher the chances that it will impart whatever disease it’s carrying into the bloodstream of its host. Not all ticks carry disease, but if they are harboring Lyme bacteria or some other pathogen, transmission of that disease can be stopped in its tracks if the tick is removed early. 

The vaccine also works by decreasing the amount of time that a tick wants to feed on its animal host. Ticks that attached to guinea pigs that had received 19ISP fed poorly, the study showed, and started to detach from the animal by themselves 48 hours after they started sucking blood. By the 96th hour, 80 percent of the ticks that had been attached to guinea pigs that had received the vaccine were detached. By comparison, only 20 percent of the ticks that had attached to guinea pigs in the control group had detached by themselves within 96 hours. The researchers found that when Lyme-infected ticks were removed from the guinea pigs when the tick bite became itchy and inflamed, mimicking what a human would do once they noticed an inflamed tick bite, none of the animals later tested positive for the disease. Almost half of the control group of guinea pigs tested positive for Lyme.

“This tick usually feeds for three to five days,” Erol Fikrig, a professor of epidemiology at Yale University and one of the study’s authors, told Grist. “This vaccine makes it so that those ticks feed for half that time. It’s like if I gave you a rotten apple, you wouldn’t eat it all. So these ticks don’t feed properly.” 

The combination of better detectability and less efficient feeding has the potential to make this vaccine effective not just in preventing Lyme disease, but other tick-borne illnesses, too. “Other tick-borne diseases are transmitted more slowly or more rapidly,” Fikrig said. “We’re likely to get some degree of protection if the target is something that is transmitted slowly from a tick. But protection is likely to be less if the infectious agent is transmitted rapidly from a tick.” 

Fikrig and his coauthors don’t have data yet that would show whether their vaccine could be effective against other types of tick-borne illnesses, though they feel comfortable hypothesizing that it could be. They also haven’t tested it on ticks other than black-legged ticks yet, so future experiments need to be done on the American dog tick as well as other ticks found in the United States. The next phase of their research will focus on identifying which of the 19 agents in 19ISP produced the immune response in the guinea pigs and turning that strain or multiple strains into its own vaccine. 

It’s worth noting that this vaccine hasn’t been tested in humans yet. The idea for the vaccine was sparked by evidence that some animals develop natural immunity to ticks. In other words, some ticks feed poorly on animals that have been bitten several times. There’s anecdotal evidence that the same may be true for humans who have been bitten a lot, Fikrig said. But not all animals develop this natural immunity. Guinea pigs, for example, can develop it. Mice, however, don’t. 

“One big question to ask when it comes to taking next steps is whether the human immune system behaves more like guinea pigs or more like mice,” Richard Ostfeld, a disease ecologist at the Cary Institute of Ecosystem Studies in New York who was not involved in the vaccine research, told Grist. “If we’re more like mice, then this might not work for us. If we’re more like guinea pigs, it might. And I don’t think we know the answer to that question yet.” 

Despite the caveats, Ostfeld is heartened by the research thus far. “This could be central to a national response that would actually begin to take the responsibility off of individual patients. Right now, we’re responsible for buying our own DEET, buying our own protective clothing, and doing our own tick checks,” he said. “Prevention is really where it’s at. We should be leaving no stone unturned and I think some kind of centralization of our response has to happen to take away that individual burden that is so problematic.”