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Geopolitics and the Ukraine conflict: A tale of Putin, Xi Jinping — and Hitler

Just as the relentless grinding of the earth's tectonic plates produces earthquakes and volcanic eruptions, so the endless superpower struggle for dominance over Eurasia is fraught with tensions and armed conflict. Beneath the visible outbreak of war in Ukraine and the U.S.-Chinese naval standoff in the South China Sea, there is now an underlying shift in geopolitical power in process across the vast Eurasian landmass — the epicenter of global power on a fast-changing, overheating planet. Take a moment to step back with me to try to understand what's now happening on this increasingly embattled globe of ours.

If geology explains the earth's eruptions, geopolitics is the tool we need to grasp the deeper meaning of the devastating war in Ukraine and the events that led to this crisis. As I explain in my recent book, "To Govern the Globe: World Orders and Catastrophic Change," geopolitics is essentially a method for the management of empire through the use of geography (air, land and sea) to maximize military and economic advantage. Unlike conventional nations, whose peoples can be readily mobilized for self-defense, empires are, by dint of their extraterritorial reach and the perils inherent in any foreign military deployment, a surprisingly fragile form of government. To give an empire a fighting chance of survival against formidable odds requires a resilient geopolitical architecture.

For nearly 100 years, the geopolitical theories of an obscure Victorian geographer, Sir Halford Mackinder, have had a profound influence on a succession of leaders who sought to build or break empires in Eurasia — including Adolf Hitler, U.S. national security adviser Zbigniew Brzezinski and, most recently, Vladimir Putin. In an academic essay published in 1904, when the Trans-Siberian Railway was completing its 5,700-mile crawl from Moscow to Vladivostok, Mackinder argued that future rails would knit Eurasia into a unitary landmass that, along with Africa, he dubbed the tri-continental "world island." When that day came, Russia, in alliance with another land power like Germany — and, in our time, we might add China — could expand across Eurasia's endless central "heartland," allowing, he predicted, "the use of vast continental resources for fleet-building, and the empire of the world would be in sight."

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As the Versailles Peace Conference opened in 1919 at the end of World War I, Mackinder turned that seminal essay into a memorable maxim about the relationship between East European regions like Ukraine, the Central Asian heartland, and global power. "Who rules East Europe commands the Heartland," he wrote. "Who rules the Heartland commands the World-Island. Who rules the World-Island commands the World."

At the core of recent conflicts at both ends of Eurasia is an entente between China and Russia that the world hasn't seen since the Sino-Soviet alliance at the start of the Cold War. To grasp the import of this development, let's freeze frame two key moments in world history — Communist Chinese leader Mao Zedong's Moscow meeting with the Soviet Union's Joseph Stalin in December 1949 and Vladimir Putin's summit in Beijing with Xi Jinping just last month.

To avoid facile comparisons, the historical context for each of those meetings must be kept in mind. When Mao came to Moscow just weeks after proclaiming the People's Republic in October 1949, China had been ravaged by a nine-year war against Japan that killed 20 million people and a five-year civil war that left seven million more dead.  

In contrast, having defeated Hitler, seized an empire in eastern Europe, rebuilt his socialist economy and tested an atomic bomb, making the Soviet Union a superpower, Stalin was at the peak of his strength. In contrast to China's army of ill-equipped infantry, the Soviet Union had a modern military with the world's best tanksjet fighters and missiles. As the globe's top communist, Stalin was "the boss" and Mao came to Moscow as essentially a supplicant.

When Mao met Stalin

During his two-month trip to Moscow starting in December 1949, Mao sought desperately needed economic aid to rebuild his ravaged land and military support for the liberation of the island of Taiwan. In a seemingly euphoric telegram sent to his comrades in Beijing, Mao wrote:

Arrived in Moscow on the 16th and met with Stalin for two hours at 10 p.m. His attitude was really sincere. The questions involved included the possibility of peace, the treaty, loan, Taiwan, and the publication of my selected works.

But Stalin surprised Mao by refusing to give up the territorial concessions in northern China that Moscow had won at the 1945 Yalta conference, saying the issue couldn't even be discussed until their subsequent meeting. For the next 17 days, Mao literally cooled his heels waiting during a freezing Moscow winter inside a drafty dacha where, as he later recalled, "I got so angry that I once pounded the table."

RELATED: The human monster: The best biography yet of Soviet dictator Joseph Stalin

Finally, on Jan. 2, 1950, Mao cabled the communist leadership in Beijing:

Our work here has achieved an important breakthrough in the past two days. Comrade Stalin has finally agreed to … sign a new Sino-Soviet Treaty of Friendship.

With Russia giving up its territorial claims in exchange for assurances about demilitarizing the long border between the two countries, their leaders signed a Treaty of Friendship and Alliance in February 1950. It, in turn, sparked a sudden flow of Soviet aid to China whose new constitution hailed its "indestructible friendship" with the Soviet Union.

But Stalin had already planted the seeds for the Sino-Soviet split to come, embittering Mao, who later said Russians "have never had faith in the Chinese people and Stalin was among the worst."

At first, the China alliance proved a major Cold War asset for Moscow. After all, it now had a useful Asian surrogate capable of dragging the U.S. into a costly conflict in Korea without the Soviets suffering any casualties at all. In October 1950, Chinese troops crossed the Yalu River into a Korean maelstrom that would drag on for three years and cost China 208,000 dead troops as well as 40% of its budget.

Following Stalin's death in May 1953 and the Korean armistice two months later, the new Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev tried to repair relations by presiding over a massive, yet distinctly inequitable program of economic aid to China. However, he also refused to help that country build an atomic bomb. It would be a "huge waste," he said, since China was safe under the Soviet nuclear umbrella. At the same time, he demanded the joint development of uranium mines Soviet scientists had discovered in southwest China.


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Over the next four years, those initial nuclear tensions grew into an open Sino-Soviet split. In September 1959, Khrushchev visited Beijing for a disastrous seven-hour meeting with Mao. In 1962, Mao finally ended diplomatic relations entirely, blaming Moscow for failing to launch a nuclear strike on the U.S. during that year's Cuban missile crisis.

In October 1964, China's successful test of a 22-kiloton nuclear bomb marked its arrival as a major player on the world stage. That bomb not only made it an independent world power but transformed the Sino-Soviet split from a war of words into a massive military confrontation. By 1968, the Soviet Union had 16 divisions, 1,200 jet aircraft, and 120 medium-range missiles arrayed along the Sino-Soviet border. Meanwhile, China was planning for a Soviet attack by building a nuclear-hardened "underground city" that spread for 30 square miles beneath Beijing.

Washington's Cold War strategy

More than any other event since World War II, the short-lived Sino-Soviet alliance changed the course of world history, transforming the Cold War from a regional power struggle over Eastern Europe into a volatile global conflict. Not only was China the world's largest nation with 550 million people, or 20% of all humanity, but its new communist government was determined to reverse a half-century of imperialist exploitation and internal chaos that had crippled its international influence.

The rise of China and the conflict in Korea forced Washington to radically revise its strategy for fighting the Cold War. Instead of focusing on NATO and Europe to contain the Soviet Union behind the Iron Curtain, Washington now forged mutual defense pacts from Japan to Australia to secure the offshore Pacific littoral. For the past 70 years, that fortified island rim has been the fulcrum of Washington's global power, allowing it to defend one continent (North America) while dominating another (Eurasia).

To tie those two axial ends of Eurasia into a strategic perimeter, Cold War Washington ringed the Eurasian continent's southern rim with chains of steel -– including three navy fleets, hundreds of combat aircraft and a string of mutual-defense pacts stretching from NATO in Europe to ANZUS in the South Pacific. It took a decade, but once Washington accepted that the Sino-Soviet split was the real thing, it belatedly began to cultivate an entente with Beijing that would leave the Soviet Union ever more geopolitically isolated, contributing to its ultimate implosion and the end of the Cold War in 1991.

RELATED: The Ukraine catastrophe and how we got here: Chronicle of a war foretold

That left the U.S. as the world's dominant power. Nonetheless, even without a near-peer rival on the planet, Washington refused to cash in its "peace dividend." Instead, it maintained its chains of steel ringing Eurasia — including those three naval fleets and hundreds of military bases, while making multiple military forays into the Middle East (some disastrous) and even recently forming a new quadrilateral alliance with Australia, India, and Japan in the Indian Ocean. For 15 years following Beijing's admission to the World Trade Organization in 2001, a de facto economic alliance with China also allowed the U.S. sustained economic growth.

When Putin met Xi

Last month, when Vladimir Putin met Xi Jinping in Beijing at the start of the Winter Olympics, it proved a stunning reversal of the Stalin-Mao moment 70 years earlier. While Russia's post-Soviet economy remains smaller than Canada's and overly dependent on petroleum exports, China has become the planet's industrial powerhouse with the world's largest economy (as measured in purchasing power) and 10 times the population of Russia. Moscow's heavy-metal military still relies on Soviet-style tanks and its nuclear arsenal. China, on the other hand, has built the world's largest navy, its most secure global satellite system and its most agile missile armada, capped by cutting-edge hypersonic missiles whose 4,000 miles-per-hour speed can defeat any defense.

This time, therefore, it was the Russian leader who came to China's capital as the supplicant. With Russian troops massing at Ukraine's borders and U.S. economic sanctions looming, Putin desperately needed Beijing's diplomatic backing. After years of cultivating China by offering shared petroleum and natural-gas pipelines and joint military maneuvers in the Pacific, Putin was now cashing in his political chips.

RELATED: Welcome to the new Cold War: U.S. tightens the noose around China

At their Feb. 4 meeting, Putin and Xi drew on 37 prior encounters to proclaim nothing less than an ad-hoc alliance meant to shake the world. As the foundation for their new "global governance system," they promised to "enhance transport infrastructure connectivity to keep logistics on the Eurasian continent smooth and … make steady progress on major oil and gas cooperation projects." These words gained weight with the announcement that Russia would spend another $118 billion on new oil and gas pipelines to China. (Four hundred billion dollars had already been invested in 2014 when Russia faced European sanctions over its seizure of Crimea from Ukraine.) The result: an integrated Sino-Russian oil-and-gas infrastructure is being built from the North Sea to the South China Sea.

In a landmark 5,300-word statement, Xi and Putin proclaimed the "world is going through momentous changes," creating a "redistribution of power" and "a growing demand for … leadership" (which Beijing and Moscow clearly intended to provide). After denouncing Washington's ill-concealed "attempts at hegemony," the two sides agreed to "oppose the … interference in the internal affairs of sovereign states under the pretext of protecting democracy and human rights."

To build an alternative system for global economic growth in Eurasia, the leaders planned to merge Putin's projected "Eurasian Economic Union" with Xi's already ongoing trillion-dollar Belt and Road Initiative to promote "greater interconnectedness between the Asia Pacific and Eurasian regions." Proclaiming their relations "superior to political and military alliances of the Cold War era," an oblique reference to the tense Mao-Stalin relationship, the two leaders asserted that their entente has "no limits … no 'forbidden' areas of cooperation."  On strategic issues, the two parties were adamantly opposed to the expansion of NATO, any move toward independence for Taiwan and "color revolutions" such as the one that had ousted Moscow's Ukrainian client in 2014.

Given the Ukraine invasion just three weeks later, Putin got what he so desperately needed. In exchange for feeding China's voracious appetite for energy (on a planet already in a climate crisis of the first order), Putin got a condemnation of U.S. interference in "his" sphere. In addition, he won Beijing's diplomatic support — however hesitant China's leadership might actually be about events in Ukraine — once the invasion started. Although China has been Ukraine's main trading partner since 2019, Beijing set aside those ties and its own advocacy of inviolable sovereignty to avoid calling Putin's intervention an "invasion."

A planet Mackinder would hardly recognize

In fact, even before the invasion of Ukraine, Russia and China were pursuing a strategy of ratcheting up slow, relentless pressure at both ends of Eurasia, hoping the U.S. chains of steel ringing that vast continent would sooner or later snap. Think of it as a strategy of push-push-punch.

For the past 15 years, Putin has been responding to NATO in just that manner. First, through surveillance and economic leverage, Moscow has tried to keep client states in its orbit, something Putin learned from his four years as a KGB agent working with East Germany's Stasi secret police in the late 1980s. Next, if a favored autocrat is challenged by pro-democracy demonstrators or a regional rival, a few thousand Russian special forces are sent in to stabilize the situation. Should a client state try to escape Moscow's orbit, however, Putin promptly moves to massive military intervention and the expropriation of buffer enclaves, as he did first in Georgia and now in Ukraine. Through this strategy, he may be well on his way to reclaiming significant parts of the old Soviet sphere of influence in East Europe, Central Asia and the Middle East.

Due south of Moscow in the ever-volatile Caucasus Mountains, Putin crushed NATO's brief flirtation with Georgia in 2008, thanks to a massive invasion and the expropriation of the provinces of North Ossetia and Abkhazia. After decades of fighting between the former Soviet republics of Armenia and Azerbaijan, Russia recently sent in thousands of "peace-keeping" forces to resolve the conflict in favor of the loyal pro-Moscow regime in Azerbaijan. Further east, when democratic protesters challenged Moscow's local ally in Kazakhstan in January, thousands of Russian troops — under the rubric of Moscow's version of NATO — flew into the former capital, Almaty, where they helped crush the protests, killing dozens and wounding hundreds.

In the Middle East where Washington backed the ill-fated Arab spring rebels who tried to topple Syria's ruler, Bashar al-Assad, Moscow operates a massive air base at Latakia in that country's northwest from which it has bombed rebel cities like Aleppo to rubble, while serving as a strategic counterweight to U.S. bases in the Persian Gulf.

RELATED: Why doesn't the Arab world break with Putin? Consider Sudan's example

But Moscow's main push has been in Eastern Europe. There, Putin backed Belarus strongman Alexander Lukashenko in crushing the democratic opposition after he had rigged the 2020 elections, and so making Minsk a virtual client state. Meanwhile, he's been pressing relentlessly against Ukraine since his loyal client there was ousted in the 2014 Maidan "color revolution." First, he seized Crimea in 2014 and then he armed separatist rebels in that country's eastern region adjacent to Russia. Last month, after proclaiming that "modern Ukraine was entirely created by Russia," Putin recognized the "independence" of those two separatist enclaves, much as he had done years before in Georgia.

On Feb. 24, the Russian president sent nearly 200,000 troops across the Ukraine's borders to seize much of the country and its capital, Kyiv, as well as replace its feisty president with a pliable puppet. As international sanctions mounted and Europe considered providing Ukraine with jet fighters, Putin ominously put his nuclear forces on high alert to make it clear he would brook no interference with his invasion.

Meanwhile, at the eastern end of Eurasia, China has pursued a somewhat similar, if more subtle push-push strategy, with the punch yet to come. Starting in 2014, Beijing began dredging a half-dozen military bases from atolls in the South China Sea, slowly ramping up their role from fishing ports to full-fledged military bases that now challenge any passing U.S. naval patrol. Then came swarming fighter squadrons over the Taiwan Strait and East China Sea, followed, last October, by a joint Chinese-Russian fleet of 10 ships that steamed provocatively around Japan in what had previously been considered unchallenged U.S. waters.

If Xi follows Putin's playbook, then all that push/push could indeed lead to a punch — possibly an invasion of Taiwan to reclaim lands Beijing sees as an integral part of China, much as Putin sees Ukraine as a former Russian imperial province that should never have been given away.

Should Beijing attack Taiwan, Washington might find itself hamstrung to do anything militarily except express admiration for the island's heroic yet futile resistance. Should Washington send its aircraft carriers into the Taiwan Straits, they would be sunk within hours by China's formidable DF-21D "carrier-killer" missiles or its unstoppable hypersonic ones. And once Taiwan was gone, Washington's position on the Pacific littoral could be effectively broken and a retreat to the mid-Pacific preordained.

All of this looks possible on paper. However, in the grim reality of actual invasions and military clashes, amid the deaths of thousands of innocent civilians, and on a planet that's seen better days, the very nature of geopolitics is likely to be up for grabs. Yes, it's possible that, if Washington is whipsawed between the eastern and western edges of Eurasia with periodic eruptions of armed combat from the Xi-Putin entente, its chains of steel could strain and finally snap, effectively evicting it from that strategic land mass.

As it happens, though, given a Sino-Russian alliance so heavily based on the trade in fossil fuels, even if Vladimir Putin doesn't himself go down thanks to his potentially disastrous invasion of Ukraine, both Beijing and Moscow may find themselves whipsawed in the years to come by a troubled energy transition and climate change. The ghost of Sir Halford Mackinder might then point out to us not just that U.S. power will fade with the loss of Eurasia, but that so much other power may fade as well on an ever hotter, ever more endangered planet he couldn't in his lifetime have truly imagined. 

“Fresh” risks its butt to innovate the horror kill

As of roughly two weeks ago, I could have stated with some authority, as a life-long horror movie fan, that I’d seen just about every possible way a woman could be sliced and diced. But then Hulu’s buzzy new body-horror film “Fresh” added to my, well, plate by introducing something even I had never seen before.

Written by Lauryn Kahn and directed by Mimi Cave, the movie’s Sundance Film Festival premiere caused a stir, and for good reason. In the film, Noa (Daisy Edgar-Jones of “Normal People”) is an unlucky-in-love lady who, after a series of dating app catastrophes, meets the grinning, cotton candy grape-sharing Steve (Marvel Universe staple Sebastian Stan) in a grocery store and goes forth to literally risk her ass for love.

A handsome, smiling man offering fruit to a stranger is a horror movie set-up to (push play on scary soundtrack) eventually reveal his mask of normalcy and charm hides a goopy center of evil misdeeds and ill-intentions. At first sight, viewers already presume Steve’s up to no good. His meet-cute with Noa in the produce aisle can only foreshadow imminent danger for this poor woman who, God bless her, just wants to get laid. But just a few scenes later, when we see Steve thoughtfully and — dare we say — tenderly slice off Noa’s butt cheeks with the intent to sell them through a gourmet delivery service marketed to a select clientele of rich pervs, now THAT’S fresh. 

RELATED: Sebastian Stan on the twisted psyche of his “Fresh” role: “What he is seeking is a willing partner

As someone who grew up in the “you’re on your own” ’80s and ’90s, many of my root memories formed from watching a variety of gruesome movies while my mom was otherwise occupied with chain-smoking and organizing the diet Pepsi cans in the refrigerator. I could, based on all I’ve seen, easily run down 50 ways to kill a bitch. And yet “Fresh” has now upped that tally to 51.

Daisy Edgar-Jones in FreshDaisy Edgar-Jones in “Fresh” (Photo Courtesy of Searchlight Pictures / 20th Century Studios)

I was the sort of child who was more afraid of being made to interact with other children at a playground than I was of watching horror movies, and there were certainly some knee-crackers readily available for me to watch on TV, which was never not on in my home, or via a quick trip to the local Blockbuster (RIP). Horror movies that were popular around this time – classics like “Friday the 13th,” “Texas Chainsaw Massacre,”Nightmare on Elm Street,” and the first few films of the “Scream” franchise, the crown jewel of the late ’90s horror resurgence — were about women having sex in the woods (and then being killed); blonde, big-boobed women running and crying in slow motion (and then being killed); and babysitters (who were either about to kill, or be killed themselves). Sure, there were the rare selections of horror films throughout the years where the tables were turned and women were the apex predators — “Carrie,” “Misery,” “Hard Candy” and “Jennifer’s Body” pop to mind. But for the most part, the horror industry feeds the beast: male audiences thirsty for yet another story centering a woman, or many women, on the slab.


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When I first heard the premise for “Fresh” I threw it on top of the stack of horror movies putting women through hell. But after watching and utterly enjoying it, I see the new ground it’s breaking. Yes, “Fresh” is another movie about an accessibly handsome man entrapping, torturing and killing stunning women. But at least this one ends with the bad guy getting his penis bitten off. And hey, there’s also a great soundtrack!

RELATED: Chicken wings with a side of human flesh: A look at the meaty food cravings on “Yellowjackets”

After my second watch of “Fresh,” I began to tie together a running gag in the way of foreshadowing that begins from the very first scene. When we’re first introduced to Noa, one of the first things we’re shown of her is her teeth, as she checks them in a mirror before a terrible first date with scarf guy (we all know a “scarf guy”) who not only makes her pay for her meal AND steals her leftovers, he ends the night by calling her a bitch. Nice. From there we’re shown quick scenes of her snacking while scrolling dating apps, getting burritos with her best friend, Mollie (Jonica T. Gibbs), and digging through her fridge at home for something to satiate her hunger. Themes of hunger, eating, feeding and wanting to be fed are threaded throughout the film. When we follow Noa to the grocery store on her hunt to quell her craving, we meet Steve, the man with an appetite all his own. They’re both hungry, but in drastically different ways. 

When Steve, a plastic surgeon, traps Noa in his sexy-butcher bachelor pad, he breaks the news that he intends to sell her meat in a casual manner. It is interesting to note that he chooses the word “meat” and not “flesh.” Steve’s cannibalism — unlike most of the ways we’ve seen it portrayed in horror movies — is all about “surrender” and “love.” At least that’s the spiel he feeds Noa. But really it’s about control, consumption, ownership. After Steve carves off Noa’s butt, he tells her to “be good,” “give me a smile” and “lighten up” — little misogynistic barbs that any woman who’s ever worked an office — or basically interacted with men at all — has surely experienced. 

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Steve’s wife Ann (Charlotte Le Bon) learned to get what she needed from Steve (nice house, two sons, endless plastic surgery) by giving in, giving him the smiles he wants and apparently giving him his first taste of “meat” by letting him cut off her leg and replace it with a prosthetic. Similarly, Noa gets her freedom back — with help from Mollie and her meat dungeon-mate Penny (Andrea Bang) — by putting on a pretty pink dress and lipstick and laughing at Steve’s dumb jokes until he drops his guard enough for her to kill the crap out of him. Which she eventually does after a Michael Myers-level number of attempts. 

“Fresh” packs a one-two punch unlike any other movie of its genre that I’ve seen. Not only does it offer up a take on the cannibalism trope that is modern, refreshingly shocking and even funny at times, but Cave pulls off the trick of letting male viewers believe this movie is made for them while winking to her female audience off to the side. No one knows what truly terrifies a woman better than another woman, and Kahn and Cave clearly understand that nothing scares a woman more than being habitually underestimated. Noa gets her bloody revenge in the end, and I walked away with a smart new favorite film that refuses to treat women as slabs of meat, showing instead how strong we can be even when parts of us are being chipped away. 

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A second mayor has been abducted in Ukraine

Yevhen Matveyev, the mayor of the city of Dniprorudne in Ukraine, is the second mayor believed to have been abducted by Russian forces in the past week.

Matveyev was taken from the southern town of Dniprorudne, according to BBC, leading to the Ukrainian Foreign Minister Dmytro Kuleba making a statement calling Russia guilty of  “terror” tactics.”

Related: Mayor of Melitopol, Ukraine abducted by Russians

This latest abduction of a politician in Ukraine comes only days after the kidnapping of the mayor of Melitopol, Mayor Ivan Fedorov, who was taken by ten Russians in the city center on Friday. 

Following the abduction of Fedorov, Russian occupiers installed a woman named Galina Danilchenko to be the new mayor of Melitopol. Danilchenko, a former member of the city council issued a recorded statement urging Ukraine to “adjust to the new reality.”

Danilchenko, who was installed as mayor of Melitopol without any sort of election, said her main task is to “take all necessary steps to get the city back to normal,” and urged against attempts to “destabilize the situation” or “participate in extremist activities.”

“I ask you to keep your wits about you and not to give in to these provocations,” Danilchenko said in her televised statement. “I appeal to the deputies, elected by the people, on all levels. Since you were elected by the people, it is your duty to care about the well-being of your citizens.”


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“I call on all states & international organizations to stop Russian terror against Ukraine and democracy,” said foreign minister Dmytro Kuleba on Sunday. 

Read more:

How a Nobel-winning biophysicist launched the career of the “Queen of Carbon”

The late 1940s encompassed a unique period for women in science in the United States. After scores of women had entered scientific, technological, engineering, and mathematical fields for the first time to support the war effort, American women were routinely discouraged from pursuing STEM careers in the postwar era. Many top colleges and universities refused to admit women as students until the late 1960s or early 1970s. Women of color were particularly hard to find in labs and in scientific journals during the mid-twentieth century.

This was the climate in which Mildred “Millie” Dresselhaus found herself when she first enrolled as an undergraduate at Hunter College in New York City in 1948. Dresselhaus would eventually become a decorated MIT physicist, making highly influential discoveries about the properties of materials. Based on her far-reaching foundational research, scientists and engineers have made enormous advances at the nanoscale—discovering structures like spherical carbon “buckyballs,” cylindrical carbon nanotubes, and 2D carbon sheets known as graphene that have made products from aircraft to cellphones stronger, lighter, and more efficient. But her rise to science stardom from humble beginnings was improbable, and Dresselhaus began her college experience with low expectations.

As a child, Dresselhaus had her fill of science inspirations, including issues of National Geographic she bought with pocket change, as well as books such as “Microbe Hunters,” a dramatic account of medical victories by Paul de Kruif, and “Madame Curie,” a biography of two-time Nobel laureate Marie Curie by her daughter, Eve Curie. There were also clandestine visits to the Hayden Planetarium, into which Dresselhaus would regularly sneak on account of being unable to pay admission.

Yet academic research was not something she could envision for long-term pursuits. Although she had earned high marks at a top magnet school for girls, she was told that only three career paths were open to her: teaching, secretarial work, and nursing. In fact, Dresselhaus’ top priority entering college was to improve on the financial situation that her parents, poor immigrants from Eastern Europe, had struggled through during the Great Depression—a condition so dire that they sometimes had difficulty putting food on the table. In high school, Dresselhaus made great strides toward her goal by developing a lucrative tutoring business. And so, when she first enrolled at Hunter College, she planned to become a teacher. But what actually happened was a little more extraordinary.

With advanced standing due to strong high school grades, Dresselhaus thrilled to take on a healthy serving of electives, mostly in math and science, in her first year at Hunter. But things changed quickly for her as a sophomore. It was at this time that she met and instantly bonded with someone who would serve as a teacher, a role model, a friend, and even something of a mother figure during their many decades in contact.

An eminent exemplar

Rosalyn Sussman Yalow is best known as the second woman to win the Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine, a feat she accomplished in 1977 for her development of the radioimmunoassay technique, a way to use radioactive labeling to measure concentrations of biological and pharmacological substances in blood. (Yalow shared the Nobel with two others for unrelated work; her longtime collaborator, Solomon Berson, had died and was therefore ineligible for the prize.) The first woman to win the medicine prize, Gerty Cori, had done so exactly three decades earlier, when she shared the 1947 Nobel with her colleague (and husband) Carl Cori and with Argentine researcher Bernardo Houssay for their collective work on sugar metabolism.

For Yalow, the first American-born woman to win any Nobel in science, her path to success was like an ant’s course to its nest—meandering but with a singular objective: translating her scientific acumen into a career focused on research. When Yalow met her future protégé, just two years after Cori received her Nobel in Stockholm, she was struggling to find a place for herself within the scientific community.

Yalow in fact had attended Hunter College a decade prior and in the process became the institution’s first physics graduate. In an effort to pry open a door to a research career, she worked briefly as a secretary before following an opportunity to teach—and earn a PhD in nuclear physics—at the University of Illinois. But research positions remained largely closed to women—and Jews—during the mid-1940s, especially after World War II veterans returned from service. She eventually landed a full-time research position at what was then the Bronx Veterans Administration Hospital, where she would remain for the next four decades until her retirement. But prior to finding that research home, Yalow returned to her alma mater as a way to tread water while she figured out her next move. She served as an adjunct professor at Hunter for only a few years, but her timing was incredibly consequential for the trajectory of one student in particular. Were it not for Yalow and her star pupil overlapping for approximately sixteen months at a city college in the country’s largest metropolis, the course of Dresselhaus’ history would have been drastically different.

In February 1949, Dresselhaus enrolled in an introductory-level physics course that covered the basics in Yalow’s specialty, nuclear physics. The class, she said, “totally knocked me over,” and with enrollment in the single digits, student and teacher got to know each other well. They bonded immediately, in what Dresselhaus later described as “sort of love at first sight.” While Dresselhaus found in Yalow a scientist who shared her passion for inquiry and provided strong academic and career encouragement, Yalow saw a bit of herself in the whip-smart Dresselhaus, who shared a drive to follow her academic interests, regardless of whatever rules—actual or understood—she had to bend in order to do so.

Yalow became a trusted mentor who would nurture Dresselhaus in ways large and small throughout her career. The strongest means of early support was encouraging her to forget teaching and pursue research. “She was the one who was most influential in leading me to attend graduate school and to go to the best schools and to study with the best scholars,” Dresselhaus said of Yalow. “She [told] me that I could make it even though I was a woman, and she did warn me that the road ahead for women in science might be more difficult, but not to be deterred.”

To supplement her course work, Yalow suggested that Dresselhaus attend colloquia hosted by the Columbia University Department of Physics, home to individuals like Willis Lamb and Polykarp Kusch, who would go on to share a Nobel Prize for work on electrons and hydrogen, and to Chien-Shiung Wu, an expert in radioactive decay whose monumental experiment on the conservation of parity would lead to a Nobel for two of her male colleagues. Yalow also invited Dresselhaus to her home on at least one occasion. “That was amazing; no other teacher ever did that,” Dresselhaus said. 

In truth, encourage may not be the most accurate word to describe Yalow’s early support. According to Dresselhaus, once her mentor recognized her talent, she all but insisted that Dresselhaus change her plans for the future. “Rosalyn was quite a domineering person,” she recalled after winning the prestigious Kavli Prize in 2012. “She just gave orders, and I pretty much did what she said.” In a New York Times interview that same year, Dresselhaus said of Yalow, “You met her and she said, ‘You’re going to do this.’ She told me I should focus on science. She left the exact science unspecified but said I should do something at the forefront of some area.”

The two had different personalities. Dresselhaus was generally accommodating, quick to avoid confrontation, and always seeking places where she could quietly make a positive mark, whereas Yalow was singularly headstrong. This could be a positive attribute for someone striving for leadership, especially at a time when women were still seen as inferior to men in science (and many other realms). “She has to be that way,” Dresselhaus explained to Yalow biographer Eugene Straus. “If she weren’t that way she wouldn’t be what she is today. That very strong focus. The world is gray, but she is able to make black and white out of it, and that’s always helped her.”

Yet when she took someone under her wing, as she did with Dresselhaus, Yalow was extremely loyal. “There are sides of Rosalyn that the public doesn’t see but I’ve seen,” Dresselhaus noted in a 2002 interview. As an example, Dresselhaus recalled that after college but still very early in her career, Yalow would, whenever possible, bring her husband, Aaron, to Dresselhaus’ brief, ten-minute American Physical Society talks—along with shopping bags brimming with goodies. “She can be very motherly,” Dresselhaus added.

Dresselhaus did take Yalow’s exhortations to heart and changed her focus from education to physical sciences. Although she was fascinated with physics and chemistry, she continued as well with a strong mathematics course load and was seriously considering math as an alternate focus.

A scientist takes flight

Yalow left Hunter to pursue full-time research at the Bronx VA during Dresselhaus’ junior year, but she encouraged Dresselhaus to apply for fellowships in research programs that would lead to graduate degrees. Of course, Dresselhaus was pulling her own weight, acing her courses and generally making it difficult for anyone without prejudice to turn her away.

With lavish praise from Yalow and other Hunter faculty, Dresselhaus secured several opportunities for advanced study as she neared graduation. She accepted a Fulbright fellowship in physics at Cambridge University in the UK and a spot in a graduate program at Radcliffe College.

On the evening of June 21, 1951, nearly a thousand young women and men gathered to celebrate the completion of their degrees earned at Hunter College. For most in the audience, the occasion marked the last stop in their formal education; for a rarefied few, it was just the beginning. 

Dresselhaus was one of only five students in her class to graduate summa cum laude—with highest distinction. In her graduation program, she was listed with numerous honors. But perhaps the most memorable aspect of the day was her interaction with the ceremony’s featured speaker: Mina Rees, director of mathematical sciences in the US Office of Naval Research and the future first female president of the American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS). After the ceremony, Rees congratulated Dresselhaus specifically. She passed on her strong approval of Dresselhaus’ career plans, and encouraged her to continue with her studies. “It was,” said Dresselhaus of the exchange, “a nice pat on the back.”

Nearly four decades later, in 1990, Mildred Dresselhaus visited the White House to accept the U.S. Medal of Science from President George H.W. Bush, “for her studies of the electronic properties of metals and semimetals, and for her service to the nation in establishing a prominent place for women in physics and engineering.” Yalow, her mentor, had won the award two years prior. In 1998, Dresselhaus followed in Rees’ footsteps, becoming president of the AAAS, the ninth woman elected to that prestigious position. She would earn the nickname, “Queen of Carbon,” for decades of work that expanded our understanding of materials, but she was equally known as a beloved professor who encouraged women and other underrepresented students in STEM.

As a budding scholar, Dresselhaus benefited greatly from the philosophy of her alma mater, Hunter College: “I learned a lot of things there, in terms of the responsibility of an individual to society, that it’s not enough to only take, but you have to give,” she said. In the give-and-take of academic mentorship, Dresselhaus received much from her interaction with the inspiring Rosalyn Yalow—and to the world she gave much in return.


Excerpt adapted from “Carbon Queen: The Remarkable Life of Nanoscience Pioneer Mildred Dresselhaus” by Maia Weinstock. Copyright 2022. Reprinted with permission from The MIT PRESS.

Why birth control side effects have eluded science

In August 2021, Emilie Skoog lay on the couch in her parents’ living room, thinking that not a single thing in the world sparked joy. For weeks, the 25-year-old MIT graduate student had been unable to muster enough appetite to eat properly. Instead, she’d spend full days lying in bed, drifting in and out of sleep between sips of Gatorade.

The depression had set in about two months earlier, Skoog said, just after she’d started taking hormonal birth control pills to ease the debilitating cramps she experienced around the time of her period, which rendered her housebound for a few days each month.

“I’m a very upbeat, happy person,” Skoog said. But that first month taking the pills, she recalled, a fog of exhaustion and apathy replaced her usual cheerful mood. When she walked to the lab where she worked, she added, “I didn’t even care to look both ways across the street.”

Skoog says her doctor diagnosed her with depression and prescribed antidepressants that helped her get off the couch and back to her life. But it wasn’t until she followed the advice of a friend, who suggested she try going off the birth control, that the depression truly lifted, she said: “I swear to you, the day I stopped taking it, I literally felt completely normal.”

Oral contraceptives were approved in the 1960s, and since then, studies suggest, the medications have benefitted large segments of society. Still, concerns about possible side effects linger. Researchers have looked for a connection between hormonal birth control and mental health issues like anxiety and depression. But despite the stories like Skoog’s that circulate on social media, in sisterly social groups, and in doctors’ offices, these studies have not consistently supported a link. For now, while the connection between birth control and mental health may seem obvious to many of the drugs’ users, a true link remains elusive to researchers.

Hormone-based birth control works primarily by mimicking key aspects of pregnancy. At the end of each monthly cycle, people who menstruate have natural hormonal lows that tell their bodies they’re not pregnant. Birth control keeps hormone levels high, as they are during pregnancy, with one consequence being that eggs stay locked away where they can’t be fertilized.

There’s ample reason to believe that tinkering with sex hormones might affect a person’s mood. Conditions such as anxiety and depression often manifest during puberty and menopause, when hormones are undergoing natural fluctuations. When birth control first came on the market, it didn’t take scientists long to begin studying whether these new drugs could also influence their users’ psychology. But in 2018, when researchers from Ohio State University looked at 26 studies examining the link between some of the most common types of birth control and depression, they wrote, “the preponderance of evidence does not support an association.”

Brett Worly, an OB-GYN based in Columbus, and one of the authors of the meta-analysis, said that performing the study changed how he talks to his patients. Before, he cautioned prospective birth control users that the drugs might cause depression — because some reports indicated this might be the case — but now he tells them that’s unlikely. Worly admits, however, that his advice is based only on the best evidence that’s available right now. The study he’d like to see has yet to be done.

“It would have to be like hundreds or maybe thousands of women over at least six months to a year,” he said. Ideally, the study would be performed by independent researchers unaffiliated with pharmaceutical companies, to avoid any bias. Participants would be randomly assigned to take birth control or placebo pills, and researchers would periodically assess depression, anxiety, and a range of mood changes.

But this gold standard approach has a downside for participants: The placebo group would be susceptible to unwanted pregnancies. Participants would need a secondary, non-hormonal form of birth control, but here the options are limited. A copper intrauterine device, or IUD, is the obvious choice for its effectiveness, but insertion is invasive, and heavy, painful periods can be a common side effect. Condoms are an option, but barrier methods are prone to human error and tend to be less effective than hormonal contraceptives. “It’s a hard study to do,” Worly said. “Hopefully, eventually, that would happen. It hasn’t happened yet the way that we need it to.”

Even a group with the capability to complete the study would face an additional challenge: Scientists say they lack the tools to accurately assess many of the mental health side effects that birth control users may experience. Worly and his co-authors focused their meta-analysis on depression because it’s a specific, widely studied condition that researchers have standard ways of diagnosing. The main symptoms of depression include feelings of worthlessness, hopelessness, and fatigue, but birth control users have reported that the drugs can make them cry more easily, feel anxious, or feel oddly emotionless — conditions that are assessed by some depression questionnaires, but which don’t qualify as depression on their own.

Women’s health physician Ellen Wiebe runs an abortion clinic in Vancouver, British Columbia, where she often has conversations with her patients about why birth control failed them. “Over and over again, I had heard that she tried birth control,” Wiebe said, “and she went crazy.”

She asked her patients what they mean when they say they feel crazy. “They told me that they would get angry more easily, that they would cry more easily, that they would just overreact to stuff,” Wiebe said. And so she designed a survey to examine these subtle mood changes. The rate of mental health side effects that she uncovered was far higher than the rates she was used to seeing in physician manuals— of the 978 respondents in the self-reported survey, 51 percent had experienced at least one negative mood-related side effect.

Wiebe said she thinks her research uncovered such a high rate because she designed her survey around the side effects that birth control users reported to her, like disinterest in sex and irritability. And she noted that even comparatively mild mood changes can have a serious impact on well-being: “A combination of being angry and not wanting to have sex is not good for relationships,” Wiebe said. “I remember one woman telling me, ‘I lost the love of my life.'”

Wiebe’s results may not hold for all populations, however. She and her collaborators recruited participants in doctors’ offices, “so right there you have some selection bias,” Andrew Novick, a reproductive psychiatrist at the University of Colorado, wrote in an email to Undark. Women who feel well on their medications are less likely to visit a doctor than those who are experiencing negative side effects.

Worly says he thinks the survey is a nice contribution to scientists’ understanding of mood-related side effects. But he cautions that asking participants to remember how they felt, potentially years earlier, as the study’s authors did, could introduce recall bias. And a critical component of his ideal experiment was missing: “There was no ‘control group,’ to correct for other circumstances that may have affected women, like change in seasons, change in relationship, and more,” he wrote.

Lorraine Boissoneault, a journalist from the Chicago area, knows how hard it can be to disentangle mental health side effects from other factors. She struggled with mood swings from the time she started taking birth control until she switched to a non-hormonal IUD, around six years later. “In my head, the thing that had changed, that seems like the obvious change, was birth control,” she said. But during that same period, she noted, her personal life improved and she started getting treatment for a thyroid condition that had gone undiagnosed.

Novick says he’s treated people who, like Boissoneault, experience mood swings while on birth control, people who experience more subtle changes, and people who actually feel better while taking these drugs. Further complicating the matter, anecdotes suggest that the same person can experience both ends of this emotional spectrum. Elizabeth Hinnant, a writer from Atlanta, found that one form of hormonal birth control left her feeling severely irritated, while another made her feel calmer than usual.

Variability, lack of specificity, and confounding circumstances make mood changes hard to measure, but Wiebe and Novick also pointed to a problem researchers face when studying any serious side effect — people like Boissoneault, Hinnant, and Skoog probably won’t participate in studies testing drugs that they believe made their lives miserable, so studies don’t capture this segment of the population. “It’s something called the survivor effect,” Novick said. Most studies are limited to studying women who are willing to take hormonal birth control. “And who are those women?” Novick asks. “Those women are the ones who want to stay on it.”

Birth control users say they sometimes contend with stigma and dismissive attitudes as they try to address mood changes. Skoog says she consulted two doctors about whether birth control could be contributing to her depression. Both told her that was unlikely. Boissoneault, meanwhile, never talked to a doctor about her mood swings because, “I was scared of what people might say, or how they might react,” she said. “So I kind of just gritted my teeth and tried to get through it.”

Compounding the problem, some researchers may hesitate to speak out against drugs that have had undeniably positive impacts for large segments of society. One study found that the introduction of birth control correlated with a three-fold increase in the number of women enrolled in medical and law school. Another found that birth control may have helped narrow the wage gap. And studies consistently show that children are less likely to grow up in poverty when their parents have access to birth control. These gains were hard fought in the U.S. — the battle to keep birth control accessible has reached the Supreme Court multiple times. Novick remembers showing a colleague his first grant proposal to study birth control’s mood-related side effects. “He was like, ‘You got to tread carefully here,'” Novick said. “Because OB-GYNs are gonna get very defensive.”

Some scientists think outdated views about physiology have also stymied research. Nafissa Ismail, a neuroendocrinologist at the University of Ottawa, said, “We’ve been studying the brain as its own entity for the longest time in the field of neuroscience and forgetting that it belongs to a body.” It’s only recently that a push to reconsider the body has prompted questions about how drugs targeting the uterus can translate to the brain, she added.

Medical imaging suggests that there may be significant translation from body to mind. Using brain scanning techniques like magnetic resonance imaging, researchers have observed that birth control may alter the number of cells — and the number of connections between them — in certain regions of the brain. These alterations may underly behavioral changes observed by Ismail and others, like differences between how birth control users and non-users respond to stress.

Ismail says that resources for this type of work are becoming more available — she cites the Canadian Institutes of Health Research and the U.S. National Institutes of Health as funding agencies that have expressed interest in research on birth control and mood. But after so many years of languishing in obscurity, these fields lack the number of researchers necessary to make rapid progress.

Meanwhile, Skoog said she’s off hormonal birth control for good, and considering acupuncture to control her cramps. She’s also helping friends track their own moods, just in case birth control skews their feelings into dangerous territory. “I imagine that there are many, many, many women out there who are going through this,” she said.

Why Midge and Lenny are the Carrie and Big of “The Marvelous Mrs. Maisel”

It was when Midge, the comedian of “The Marvelous Mrs. Maisel,” began talking to her shoes that the resemblance really hit home. 

Who was Midge recalling as she perched on the arm of a hotel room chair, a high heel in each hand, saying to them, “I’m so sorry, girls. It wasn’t supposed to end like this”? Then it hit like the snowstorm that had dumped on Midge, drenching her, causing her to apologize to her soggy footwear: Carrie Bradshaw.

It’s not just the shoes, and the fact she has a new outfit, bag to match, in almost every scene. Midge, the late ’50s/early ’60s housewife-turned-stage-sensation in the Amazon Prime show, has a lot in common with Carrie, the relationship-columnist-turned-podcaster in present-day New York’s “Sex and the City” and its sequel “And Just Like That.” 

Midge is an obviously talented writer, like Carrie. She’s bound to Manhattan. And Midge is entangled with a man — a man, in some ways, a lot like Carrie’s Mr. Big, their history together just as complicated and their future, uncertain.

Related: Susie’s struggle in “The Marvelous Mrs. Maisel”

One way that “Mrs. Maisel” veers drastically from “Sex and the City”? Midge hasn’t dated much since being left by her husband, Joel. Who has the time between trying to maintain a career in standup, handling her parents, who live with her now, and occasionally seeing her young children? 

But Midge has had a man consistently in her life as a friend, confidant and sometimes mentor: Lenny Bruce. Yes, that Lenny Bruce

Lenny Bruce was a Jewish comedian, critic and screenwriter. Born Leonard Alfred Schneider, Bruce was a stage name. He rose to fame in the late ’50s and early ’60s with freewheeling standup, which included a lot of sex, politics and biting social commentary. That got him often blacklisted from appearing on television, barred from Britain and landed him in legal trouble, including multiple arrests for obscenity.

Midge’s tough and tiny manager with a heart of gold, Susie, reigns supreme as the best part of the show for many viewers, but Lenny (Luke Kirby) is definitely in the running. The inclusion of his based on real-life character is inventive, a kind of alternative history. It helps that Kirby virtually channels Lenny in a moving, transformative performance (which Lenny’s daughter Kitty Bruce approves of). Kirby keeps opening up layers of the character with every tossed-aside cigarette and pacing routine.

Lenny of “Maisel” has commonalities with Mr. Big — the most enduring of Carrie’s love interests and the one she ends up with — in the comic’s presence, reputation and the way he drops in and out of Midge’s life, always reappearing right when she needs him like some kind of standup fairy godmother. 

Lenny is much more established than Midge. He’s famous when they meet, thrown together in the same cop car. While that “meet cute” doesn’t have quite the same romance as Carrie meeting Big (when he stops to help her pick up her fallen purse on the street), it’s certainly memorable. So is the way the show films it: with the stranger in the back of the cruiser, cigarette hanging from his lips as if glued there, turning around to slowly reveal the already renowned comic.

When Carrie meets Big, she’s a struggling writer and he’s a successful and mysterious businessman; his nickname emerges from how he’s predicted to be the next big thing, perhaps “the next Donald Trump” (a line that didn’t age well). They keep bumping into each other on the street or in bars, just as Midge and Lenny do, a planned randomness which makes more sense since the two comics orbit the same general circuit. There are only so many clubs in New York.

Lenny’s appearance is always welcome for Midge and for the viewers. Someone she knows. Someone who gets what’s she doing late at night in whatever dim and smoky club she’s in. Whether a strange man is hitting on her in a Florida bar — or, fresh from the hospital, she’s just given an emotional performance at her resident strip club — Lenny appears like an island she can row to. “I never picture you living anywhere,” she says to him. “You just exist.” 

But Lenny, like Big, has a reputation as a cad. Part of that is his vulgar, bad boy act and persona, and part of that is just the character. At the end of the fifth episode this season, Midge looks out a cab window to see him passed out in a gutter, like Edgar Allen Poe, in an unusually dark moment for the show. 

She brings him to her (parent and child-filled) apartment to let him sleep it off, and when he wakes, he’s raving, upset that she’s given him a glimpse of her domestic life, something he says he wants nothing to do with, despite being a father himself. That’s the first Midge has heard of his parenthood.

Much of “Sex and the City” was this kind of dance between Carrie and Big, the one who got away; and yet, at the same time, the one who was always there. The reveal in “And Just Like That” that Carrie and Big stayed married until his odd death felt like a kind of inevitable surprise. Not necessarily a pleasant one. Big was never a good man, nor great for her specifically. He cheated, including on his first wife with Carrie, and seemed to only be interested in Carrie when she was happy with someone else. He left Carrie at the altar their first go-round.  

Still, Carrie and Big matched in many ways — certainly in their desires for success and comfort, in their love of New York. And intellectually: both Carrie and Big are smart, witty characters. That wasn’t the case with everyone Carrie dated, and it has to be lonely for a woman to be with a man who can’t keep up with her.

Midge and Lenny have always matched in the same way. When Lenny takes her on live TV with no warning, she doesn’t miss a beat. When he does a bit, she follows and vice versa. While Big bails Carrie out financially, Lenny does it literally for Midge, and she for him, as the two find themselves arrested off and on.

How Lenny diverges, dramatically and fortunately, from the character of Big is in his heart. He’s an extremely vulnerable character, exuding a fragility we have seen more and more this season, as if pulling back the curtain on the price an artist pays. Much of the trash talk is just that — talk. 

In the final episode of the show, which dramatizes Lenny’s real performance at Carnegie Hall (which did take place in a blizzard, a gorgeous opportunity for “Maisel” to showcase 1960s New York in evocative, snow-lit splendor and for poor Midge to ruin more shoes), the audience braces for the worst as Lenny begins to riff on stage about women. Midge is there, at the back of the crowd, with the hopeful glow of someone who may be at the beginning of something big.

But he doesn’t exactly kiss and tell. And he doesn’t talk about Midge, rejecting a page from her playbook to use very fresh personal life experiences for painful fodder. Life is painful enough for Lenny’s character; indeed, this episode also hints at the drug addiction which took the real Lenny Bruce from the world. 


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Lenny also differs from Big in that Lenny is good for Midge. Unlike most of the men she’s been with, Lenny actually wants Midge to perform. In fact, he says she will break his heart—not if she rejects him romantically, but if she keeps turning down opportunities due to her stubborn, self-righteousness. He lacks the professional jealousy of Joel and the professional comedy world cluelessness of Benjamin, Midge’s left-in-the-dust doctor ex-fiancé. 

Lenny is in the spotlight. But crucially, he wants Midge to be there too, knowing it’s central to her happiness — and important for the art form — and knowing there is room for her.

When stories from “Friends” to “The Mindy Project” finally cracked the tension between platonic friends who might feel attraction, even love, for each other, they often lost some of the magic. Lenny Bruce has never followed the rules, though. And Midge loves to break them.

If “Mrs. Maisel” follows the script of history, we’re headed for tragedy. But the greatest comedy always is. 

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Why doesn’t the Arab world break with Putin? Consider Sudan’s example

There is considerable current discussion about whether the decades-long push of NATO’s expansion eastward, encouraged by the United States, is to be blamed for the Russian invasion of Ukraine, as famous “realist” John Mearsheimer, of the University of Chicago, has argued. That discussion should also include whether the U.S. is to blame for the refusal, or at least the hesitancy, of some Arab countries to condemn the Russian invasion, which reflects widespread Arab resentment of U.S. policy over the last several decades.

As Time magazine reported last week, the Arab League, representing 22 Arab countries, issued a recent statement that “failed to condemn Russia’s invasion and offered little support to the Ukrainians.” This was largely because, according to Time, the Arabs “generally see in Russia a substantial global power that continues to have relevance in their region … and is, also, a useful capital to publicly ‘flirt’ with when relations are strained” with the U.S. and the West.

Recent policies seen in Sudan, a member of the Arab League, offer one example.

Along with fellow Arab League nations Algeria and Iraq, Sudan abstained when the UN General Assembly overwhelmingly condemned the Russian invasion. (Morocco was absent, or might very well have joined them.) Additionally, after a week-long visit to Russia during the invasion, Sudan’s second most powerful leader, Gen. Mohammed Hamdan Dagalo, also known as “Hemedti,” said his country had no problem with Russia opening a naval base on its Red Sea coast.

RELATED: The Ukraine catastrophe and how we got here: Chronicle of a war foretold

Dagalo told a news conference upon his return to Khartoum, according to Reuters, that “Russian investments were discussed on the trip,” and although he called for a diplomatic solution to the Ukraine problem, before the invasion he had said that “Russia had the right to defend its people.”

Dagalo was the leader of the famous Arab Janjaweed militia that, starting in 2003, fought on the side of the Sudanese Islamist military government led by Gen. Omar al-Bashir in the western province of Darfur. That led to what has been described as the worst genocide of the 21st century, resulting in the death of hundreds of thousands of civilians and the displacement of millions. Dagalo’s forces relied heavily on Russian and Chinese weapons during that conflict.

Although Dagalo’s relations with the U.S. improved after a popular revolution in Sudan toppled al-Bashir in 2019, he recently went back to his old Russian friends — and it’s more than the “flirt” mentioned by Time.

At the same time, the Sudanese people have their own grudges against the U.S. for not fulfilling its promises to promote democracy in their country after the toppling of al-Bashir.

RELATED: Uprising in Sudan: Does this African nation offer a window of hope onto the future?

For decades, Sudan’s relations with Russia have been in direct response to its relations with the U.S., an openly cynical policy that sought to play the two global powers against each other.

Al-Bashir, whose rule started in 1989, collided with the U.S. from the beginning by declaring “al-Mashru’ al-hadari al-Islami” (or the “Islamic Civilization Project”), intended to spread Islam in neighboring Christian countries; by fighting Christian and pagan citizens in the southern part of the country; and by leading a radical pan-Islamic group that invited known Muslim terrorists, including Osama bin Laden, to visit or reside in Sudan.

In response, the U.S. in 1993 designated Sudan as a sponsor of terrorism, imposed complete trade and financial sanctions in 1997 and launched a cruise missile attack on Sudan in 1998, as part of the response to the terrorist bombing of U.S. embassies in East Africa that same year.

Beyond the “flirt,” Sudan allied with Russia not only by buying arms for its wars in Darfur and in the southern part of the country, but by enjoying Russian support at the UN against attempts to punish Sudan or its leaders for apparent or likely war crimes.


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In 2017, al-Bashir visited Russia, met President Vladimir Putin, signed agreements for more military help and economic cooperation, recognized the Russian annexation of Crimea and agreed to give the Russian Navy access to Sudanese ports. 

But after the 2019 revolution that toppled al-Bashir, relations between Sudan and the U.S. changed overnight. Steps were taken to remove Sudan from the terrorism list, exchange ambassadors, recognize Israel and clear Sudan’s arrears with the World Bank, allowing for massive infusions of aid.

Most important, statements by top U.S. officials, some of whom visited Sudan, promised help for Sudan to run free and fair elections, which were meant to lead to a stable civilian government.

Secretary of State Antony Blinken said, on the second anniversary of the revolution: “Sudanese from all walks of life — especially Sudan’s women and youth — showed great courage in taking to the streets. Some paid with their lives. Their bravery and sacrifice will forever remain an inspiration to all those seeking democracy. …The United States will continue to stand with the Sudanese people as they strive for freedom, peace and justice.”

Sen. Chris Coons, D-Del., tweeted: “As Sudan transitions toward a civilian & democratic government after the removal of long-time dictator Omar al-Bashir, it’s critical to send a signal of support from the U.S. for the new government & to the Sudanese people fighting for their fundamental rights & freedoms.”

Later, he and Sen. Chris Van Hollen, D-Md., traveled to Sudan and conveyed similar messages to both the military and the civilians. Coons introduced the Sudan Democracy Act to sanction those who undermine democracy, and announced that he had nominated several Sudanese civilian organizations for the Nobel Peace Prize.

But Blinken, the two senators and other top officials knew, or at least should have known, that the Sudanese military leaders who supported the popular uprising against al-Bashir and then joined the transitional government that was supposed to run free elections next year were not going to relinquish power easily.

First of all, the Sudanese military over the years has acquired private companies and established many of their own — about 300 companies altogether, which control about 70 percent of the government’s annual budget.

Second, both Gen. Abdel-Fattah Burhan, chairman of the Transitional Sovereignty Council, and his deputy, Gen. Dagalo, are said to be on a list of those under investigation by the International Criminal Court for possible war crimes in Darfur. (Seven current or former Sudanese officers have already been indicted.)

Third and most important, the leading U.S.-allied governments in the region have strongly supported the Sudanese military, including Egypt, Israel and the Gulf states.

Blinken, Coons, Van Hollen and other top U.S. officials were said to have been surprised — but shouldn’t have been — when, last October, the military faction of the shared transitional government, led by Burhan and Dagalo, launched a coup of their own, arresting their leading civilian allies and returning to power Islamist leaders from the al-Bashir regime.

Hundreds of civilians have been killed and thousands more injured during the last three years of demonstrations against the military. No end seems in sight.

When the U.S., the UN, the World Bank and the international community condemned the coup and suspended all promised economic and financial help to Sudan (amid repeated calls to end the violence against civilians), Dagalo and the military regime were ready to play the Russian card once again. 

What should be done with Sudan now? The experience, if not the wisdom, of this 80-year-old journalist — who was born and raised in Sudan — suggests that Secretary Blinken, the two senators and other top U.S. officials who had promised to guarantee democracy for the Sudanese people should travel there again, with the goal of negotiating a compromise between the military leaders and the unarmed, mostly young pro-democracy demonstrators.

RELATED: Veteran Arab journalist: If coronavirus gets me, I’m going back to the White House

Attempting to punish the military regime by freezing badly-needed financial and economic aid will mostly hurt ordinary people in Sudan, as happened during the 30-year rule of the al-Bashir regime. The World Bank, always following the ups and downs of U.S. policy, should also restore its frozen aid. Finally, the U.S. should hold the current military leaders accountable for their repeated promises to run free and fair elections next year and then hand power to an elected civilian government.

There is no sense in the U.S. punishing the Sudanese people for its own refusal to follow through on its promise to help establish democracy in their country. It’s also no secret that the U.S. record of support for democracy in Arab countries is nil — and deeply shameful.

In 2013, the U.S. supported a military coup in Egypt, Sudan’s neighbor, that toppled Egypt’s first-ever elected president — negating years of earlier statements by top U.S. officials about supporting democracy in Egypt. Today, the U.S. sends an annual average of about $2 billion in military and civilian aid to Gen. Abdul-Fattah el-Sissi’s military regime in Cairo.

The cynical Sudanese generals, Burhan and Dagalo, have made no secret of their belief that the U.S. should treat them as it has treated their next-door neighbor — that’s the price of their friendship.

Finally, the U.S. has no one to blame but itself for Sudan’s reluctance, along with that of other Arab countries, to condemn the Russian invasion of Ukraine. The major factors include the decades-long U.S. support of Israel’s expansionist policies; the U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003, which disordered the entire region; and the aforementioned poor record of the U.S. in supporting Arab democracy.

As a result, we face the ironic fact that there is no democratic Arab country available today to point out an obvious contradiction: The U.S. is eager to support democracy in Ukraine, but far less so in the Arab world.

Read more on the Ukraine conflict and the state of the world:

When Nixon meddled in an overseas war to win an election: Does this sound familiar?

Hubert Humphrey can fairly be described as the Joe Biden of his time, but with one key difference: The Republican candidate who sabotaged U.S. foreign policy and meddled in an overseas conflict in an effort to win his presidential election wound up, well, actually winning it.

I’m talking about Richard Nixon, who tried to scuttle peace negotiations in Vietnam in 1968, the year he was elected president. I probably don’t need to tell you who ran against Joe Biden and lost in 2020, despite his meritless protests to the contrary —and despite his grotesque meddling in Ukraine. 

But let’s get back to Nixon and Humphrey. President Lyndon Johnson originally intended to run again in 1968. (Because he served less than half of John F. Kennedy’s original term after the latter’s assassination, Johnson was in the unique position of being eligible to serve more than eight years as president.) But the Vietnam War had become so unpopular that Johnson was in serious danger of losing the Democratic nomination, and he dropped out during the primaries. After that, the Democratic contest boiled down to a three-way fight between Humphrey — who, as Johnson’s vice president, had largely supported the war — Sen. Eugene McCarthy of Minnesota, an antiwar liberal, and Sen. Robert F. Kennedy of New York, JFK’s younger brother.

RELATED: Making history safe again: What Ken Burns gets wrong about Vietnam

As you probably know, that was one of the most tumultuous and tragic years in American history. Kennedy would likely have won the nomination if he hadn’t been assassinated in Los Angeles in June, just two months after Martin Luther King Jr.’s assassination in Memphis. Humphrey didn’t even compete in the primaries, but emerged as the nominee after the infamously violent Democratic convention in Chicago. Alabama Gov. George Wallace ran as a third-party candidate, siphoning off Southern white votes that would otherwise have gone to the Democrats. (Wallace carried five states in the general election; no third-party candidate since then has won any.) In the face of all this turmoil, Humphrey needed massive support from Democrats — even liberals and leftists who didn’t much like him — just to keep Nixon from winning in a blowout.

In fact, Humphrey nearly turned things around, and the eventual election result was closer than many expected. If he had actually won, Sept. 30, 1968 might be remembered as a turning point. Up till then, Humphrey lagged far behind Nixon in polls, largely because he was tied to Johnson’s unpopular war. It’s still not clear whether Humphrey personally agreed with LBJ’s Vietnam policy, but he was a loyal soldier who had never expressed doubts in public. That all changed in a televised speech on Sept. 30, when Humphrey promised that if elected he would halt the bombing of North Vietnam and call for an immediate ceasefire. That served to unite most liberals behind him (although certainly not all), especially given Nixon’s refusal to disclose any details about his alleged peace plan. Nixon’s explanation for this, it must be said, was proto-Trumpian: He argued that unpredictability was a virtue in a president, and he didn’t want the North Vietnamese to gain any advantage by making his plans known in advance. 

Humphrey saw a major bounce in his poll numbers, and a historic comeback victory suddenly seemed possible. Nixon, one might imagine, was having flashbacks to his controversial loss to JFK in 1960, one of the closest elections in American history.


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Why do I seek to compare Humphrey with Joe Biden? Both men had long careers as powerful senators before becoming vice president, and while the circumstances were entirely different, both were overshadowed by charismatic presidents who welcomed the spotlight. Both were viewed with considerable mistrust by liberals and progressives when they ran for president in their own right (although, in fairness, Humphrey was a genuine liberal with a long record of supporting civil rights and the labor movement, whereas Biden was a lifelong moderate with a decidedly mixed political record). Still, both also benefited from those associations: Humphrey was vice president during a period of ambitious social legislation, and Biden leaned heavily into Barack Obama’s popularity.

And then there’s the fact that Humphrey and Biden both faced unscrupulous political operators and considerable campaign skulduggery. I hardly need to spell out that Biden ran against an incumbent president who tried to coerce a foreign government into launching a phony investigation of Biden and his son, an episode that led all the way to a presidential impeachment and trial in the Senate. Humphrey’s situation was similar but different: His opponent also tried to influence overseas events, in that case by sabotaging peace negotiations to damage Humphrey’s chances of winning. 

Nixon, already a master of political dirty tricks — he wasn’t called “Tricky Dick” for nothing — had an ace up his sleeve long before Humphrey delivered his eloquent speech in late September. Through a Chinese-born Republican fundraiser named Anna Chennault, the widow of a prominent World War II general, Nixon had a back channel to the government of South Vietnam, which was effectively a U.S. puppet state. Chennault and others, acting on the Nixon campaign’s behalf, urged the South Vietnamese government to boycott peace talks with the Johnson administration. Their argument, before and after Humphrey’s big speech, was that Nixon was likely to win the election and would offer the South Vietnamese regime a better deal.

Johnson, as it happened, knew all about this and viewed Nixon’s actions as “treason” — but had no obvious way to expose Nixon without revealing that the administration had been spying on a political opponent. The best LBJ could do was to try to give Humphrey a boost — despite rising tension between them — by announcing a halt in the bombing of North Vietnam on Oct. 31, just days before the presidential election. 

That was too little, too late: Nixon won the election and all hope of Vietnam peace talks in the near term collapsed. The war continued for several more years, until the U.S. military finally withdrew in 1973 and South Vietnam collapsed in 1975. There is no way to know how many people died because of the thwarted negotiations, but at the time Johnson estimated that South Vietnam was “killing four or five hundred every day waiting on Nixon.”

We’re not talking about accusations or allegations here. All of that has been extensively documented through papers and tapes, personal accounts and government records. Rumors appeared in the press at the time and the whole affair was an open secret in Washington. But it remains little known today, which can also be said about Donald Trump’s threats to withhold $391 million in military aid from Ukraine, already allocated by Congress, unless the Kyiv government announced a spurious criminal investigation into Hunter Biden’s business dealings. As we now know all too well, the threat that Russia posed to Ukraine’s sovereignty was genuine. 

Nixon’s unpunished chicanery meant that a misbegotten foreign war dragged on for years, costing thousands of lives. There is no visible direct connection between Trump’s attempted extortion of Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and Vladimir Putin’s decision to invade Ukraine three years later. But those events are linked, at the very least, through Trump’s curious relationship with Putin, whom he continued to praise right up to the day of the invasion. How future historians may view the period leading up to the Ukraine conflict is of course impossible to say. Given the climate of increasing global tension and the rising danger of nuclear war, let’s hope we’re still here to find out.

Read more on the Vietnam War and American history:

Twitter fact-checks Ted Cruz

United States Senator Ted Cruz (R-Texas/Cancun) claimed on Friday that President Joe Biden came into office with the objective of sabotaging American energy production. His remarks came as gas prices around the world soar amid the embargo on fossil fuels from Russia – which he endorsed and supported.

“On energy, we’ve seen since pretty much the instant Joe Biden became president, we’ve seen the price of energy going up and up and up. We’ve seen the price of oil going up and up; we’ve seen the price of natural gas going up and up; we’ve seen the price of gasoline going up and up, and that’s not a surprise. That is cause and effect,” the Senator said on Verdict With Michael Knowles, a right-wing YouTube show. “Biden came in with an aggressive agenda designed to weaken and to cripple domestic energy production.”

Cruz’s distortion of reality is remarkable but totally on-brand. Russian President Vladimir Putin’s invasion of Ukraine was the catalyst for the ban on Russian energy imports, however, the United States – a net exporter of energy – only brought in roughly three percent of its oil from Russia.

The true culprit of skyrocketing gas prices is the monopolistic grasp that fossil fuel corporations have on the global energy market. They continue to rake in billions of dollars in record profits while American consumers struggle to pay at the pump.

Biden has also championed investments in renewables (which would make the United States more energy independent and save the planet from climate catastrophe). But Cruz and his right-wing caucus – aided by conservative Democratic Senators Joe “Coal Baron” Manchin of West Viri and Kyrsten Sinema of Arizona – have railroaded Biden’s policy initiatives. Why? Because they are bankrolled by the very companies that are benefiting from higher energy costs.

Reactions were expectedly harsh.

Ukraine accuses Russia of shelling a mosque

Russian forces on Saturday reportedly shelled a Ukrainian mosque sheltering more than 80 people in the besieged port city of Mariupol, where hundreds of thousands of civilians are currently trapped and struggling to survive in increasingly dire conditions.

“More than 80 adults and children are hiding there from the shelling, including citizens of Turkey,” the Ukrainian Foreign Ministry wrote in a tweet early Saturday.

According to the Associated Press, “There was no immediate word of casualties from the shelling of the mosque. Mariupol has seen some of the greatest misery from Russia’s war in Ukraine as unceasing barrages have thwarted repeated attempts to bring in food and water and to evacuate trapped civilians.”

Reports that Russia shelled the Mariupol mosque came as the country’s military forces intensified their assault on major Ukrainian cities and continued advancing on Kyiv, the capital. Russia has denied targeting civilian centers.

The United Nations said Friday that it has thus far recorded 549 civilian deaths and 957 injuries from Russia’s assault on Ukraine, which is now in its third week with no end in sight. The U.N. has acknowledged that its estimate of civilian casualties is likely a significant undercount.

“Civilians are being killed and maimed in what appear to be indiscriminate attacks, with Russian forces using explosive weapons with wide-area effects in or near populated areas. These include missiles, heavy artillery shells, and rockets, as well as airstrikes,” Liz Throssell, a spokesperson for the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights, said during a press briefing on Friday.

“Civilian casualties are rising daily, as is general human suffering,” Throssell continued. “We remind the Russian authorities that directing attacks against civilians and civilian objects, as well as so-called area bombardment in towns and villages and other forms of indiscriminate attacks, are prohibited under international law and may amount to war crimes.”

Wood-burning stoves raise new health concerns

When Susan Remmers moved into her home in Portland, Oregon, she thought she’d live there for the rest of her life. Remmers, a 58-year-old with a mobility disability, planned to outfit the house with ramps to be wheelchair accessible, and she viewed her 2012 purchase as an investment in her and her partner’s future. But within months of moving in, she noticed grey smoke billowing from the chimney of the house next door. Next, she says, came the sore throats, headaches, and tight lungs.

Remmers had no history of respiratory issues, but by 2016 she ended up in the emergency room in the middle of the night when she had trouble breathing. She was pretty sure that the source was the smoke, and says that she asked her neighbor to stop burning wood for heat. But he kept doing it, as did other neighbors in her quiet residential neighborhood on the city’s northeast edge. Now, almost 10 years after moving in, Remmers is desperately trying to leave the home she once saw as a haven.

Each time she has tried to move, potential new neighborhoods have had woodsmoke, too, from a restaurant with a wood burning oven to another neighbor burning, Remmers told Undark in a recent phone call from her house, where she runs three medical-grade air filters almost constantly to deal with the smoke. “It just seems more can be done,” she added. “And people need to be aware of the harm.”

Even with increasing electrification and natural gas infrastructure, wood burning has remained a fixture of American life. In the United States, 11.5 million homes, or about 30 million people, were estimated to use wood as their primary or secondary heat source, according to 2009 data from the U.S. Energy Information Administration, a figure that’s increased in recent years along with rising costs of fuel oil. And although air pollution standards for major emitters like cars and factories have tightened, woodsmoke has remained relatively unregulated.

Many people don’t see a risk. “It doesn’t really seem like too much of a concern for me, certainly compared to other forms of pollution,” says Chris Lehnen, a resident of Keene, New Hampshire, who relies on a wood boiler for heat. “You know, you have big cities and people dealing with smog and all that stuff. That’s got to be worse.”

It’s a common misconception, said Brian Moench, a doctor and president of Utah Physicians for a Healthy Environment, a nonprofit organization focused on pollution and public health. “Nothing could be further from the truth.”

In reality, growing scientific evidence shows that woodsmoke affects human health and contributes to air pollution. Some cities and scientists are also tackling woodsmoke as an environmental justice issue by tracking its disproportionate impact on low-income residents and communities of color, who are already burdened with other forms of air pollution. Their work reveals that residential wood burning isn’t just a rural habit, and that even a small number of urban stoves and fireplaces can have far-reaching consequences.

The effort to regulate and reduce residential wood burning, though, has run into opposition from industry. Unclear federal guidance hasn’t helped: The Environmental Protection Agency is embroiled in a controversy over its process for determining the safety of consumer wood-burning appliances. Meanwhile, some states have spent millions of dollars replacing wood stoves with newer models — which may still be damaging to human health, an Undark examination has found. And agencies and advocates who are attempting to phase out residential wood heating entirely are brushing up against others who see wood as an inevitable part of the country’s fuel mix, and believe that any reduction in pollution represents progress.

Meanwhile, residents like Remmers are left with little recourse. “Air is ubiquitous, and we can’t control the air we breathe,” she said. “In my view, it’s criminal that we allow people to be put in a position where they have to poison themselves and their neighbors in order to stay warm.”

Burning wood releases a host of particles and gases. The most regulated is fine particulate matter, or PM2.5 — particles 2.5 microns or smaller across, tiny enough to enter the bloodstream through the lungs and even penetrate the brain. But woodsmoke also contains carbon monoxide, nitrogen oxides, carcinogenic compounds like polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons, or PAHs, and volatile organic compounds, or VOCs. Depending on what’s being burned, wood stoves and fireplaces may even spit out toxic metals like mercury and arsenic.

The health effects of both short- and long-term exposure to these chemicals can be serious. Inhaling woodsmoke raises the risk of developing asthma, lung disease, and chronic bronchitis, according to the EPA, and can aggravate these conditions in people who already have them. Exposure to fine particulate matter from burning wood can also harm the body’s respiratory immune response, increasing the risk of a respiratory infection — including Covid-19. And in the long run, compounds in woodsmoke can have carcinogenic effects that go beyond lung cancer; in 2017, researchers at the National Institutes of Health found that indoor wood-smoke pollution increases the risk of breast cancer.

The biggest health risks fall on children, as well as people who are older, pregnant, or who have preexisting medical conditions. A 2015 article in the journal Environmental Health Perspectives estimated that in the U.S., approximately 4.8 million vulnerable people live in homes with “substantial exposures” to particulate matter from wood stoves, while a 2022 study found that even low levels of PM2.5 pollution can be deadly for older Americans.

“The important thing to understand about woodsmoke is it’s probably the most toxic type of pollution that the average person ever inhales,” said Moench, who also runs an advocacy group called Doctors and Scientists Against Wood Smoke Pollution. “When virtually any single particulate pollution that a person inhales can get distributed and end up in any organ system in the body, you can start to grasp that the disease potential is almost limitless.”

Although the potential health impacts of wood burning are well known, the direct effects are harder to measure, mainly because it’s difficult to trace respiratory ailments or cancers to a single source. But in a 2017 study, researchers from Boston and North Carolina estimated that residential combustion causes 10,000 premature deaths in the U.S. every year, mainly from woodsmoke.

Woodsmoke exposure isn’t uniform, though. Open hearths and fireplaces provide the greatest direct exposure, Moench said, while wood-burning stoves emit pollutants when they’re opened for refueling, as well as through leaks. The type of wood burned matters too — cordwood, the kind people chop themselves or buy in bundles at the grocery store, releases more smoke, especially when it’s damp, while wood pellets made from heated and compressed sawdust release less particulate matter, according to the EPA.

The broader community is affected, too. Wood stoves and fireplaces, as well as outdoor wood boilers that send heated water into a house, release smoke through chimneys and vents and contribute to ambient air pollution. Outdoor fire pits spew soot directly into the air, which a gust of wind can blow towards a nearby home. Together, these sources create a wintertime haze, particularly during inversion events, when cold air sinks to a valley floor, trapping woodsmoke in a town or neighborhood. That smoke can enter homes through windows and gaps in the insulation, as well as under doors — making people dependent on their neighbors for the air they breathe.

Nationwide, woodsmoke from residential burning contributes about 6 percent of all fine particulate matter emissions, according to the EPA’s 2017 National Emissions Inventory. But that number varies widely based on the time of year and location; communities in the Northeast, Northwest, and Mountain West experience some of the highest pollution levels, especially in the winter. Residential wood burning makes up the largest source of wintertime particulate matter in urban centers like the Bay Area of California — even though few residents there burn wood as their main source of heat — as well as rural towns in Montana, where wood burning is more of a necessity. Across western states every winter, according to the EPA, between 11 and 93 percent of PM2.5 emissions comes from people burning wood in residential areas.

Even within a city or town, the effects of woodsmoke may not be equally distributed. Across the country, air pollution, including PM2.5 emissions, disproportionately harms low-income communities and communities of color. A 2021 national study on racial disparities in PM2.5 exposure suggested that residential wood combustion wasn’t a major factor, but the research only considered ambient air quality, not indoor air pollution. On the other hand, a study of urban woodsmoke conducted in Vancouver, Canada, from 2004 to 2005 found that higher-income areas have lower woodsmoke PM2.5 concentrations and residents end up inhaling a smaller fraction of the particles that are emitted, likely due to denser housing in lower-income areas.

City- and countywide data don’t show the full picture of woodsmoke’s disproportionate effects, said Robin Evans-Agnew, an expert in community health at the University of Washington Tacoma. Often, woodsmoke’s damage is hyperlocal, with citywide air monitoring unable to capture how it drifts and lingers in a particular neighborhood. And communities that are already overburdened with pollution from other sources — like diesel emissions or industrial air pollution — feel the effects of woodsmoke pollution more strongly even if they’re experiencing less of it.

“If I’m living in a low-income area in an urban community, I’m going to be getting just as much woodsmoke exposure as my wealthier neighbors, who have better access to health care, who have better access to physicians and doctors who can help them with their particular woodsmoke related health diseases,” Evans-Agnew said.

While research from the Energy Information Administration shows that a greater percentage of higher-income households burn wood overall, lower-income households that do burn wood tend to consume more of it — indicating that wealthier people use fireplaces and stoves for ambience, while those who can’t afford more expensive fuels turn to wood out of necessity. This can be particularly true in many rural and tribal communities, including the Navajo Nation, where indoor air pollution is a major cause of respiratory infections in young children.

Much of the work to address woodsmoke pollution, though, is conducted in cities. Oregon’s Department of Environmental Quality considers woodsmoke to be an environmental justice issue in Portland, where residential wood combustion is the biggest source of air toxins for the Hispanic and Latino population.

That disparity is visible in Cully, a largely low-income neighborhood in Northeast Portland close to Remmer’s home — and one of the most diverse areas of a majority-White city. Here, many older homes rely on wood for heat, said Oriana Magnera, an energy and climate policy coordinator for Verde, a local nonprofit that promotes environmental health. Verde has urged the state to fund programs that would replace wood stoves with electric heat pumps, particularly for low-income families.

The neighborhood is already polluted from industrial sources, Magnera said, and the people there have high rates of asthma. Woodsmoke, Magnera added, “just has a really detrimental impact on a community that is already facing many compounding challenges and intersecting issues.”

To learn more about these disparities, some communities are turning to focused monitoring programs and citizen science projects. In Tacoma, Washington, in 2015, Evans-Agnew provided teenagers with air monitors to track pollution levels within their own homes rather than relying on ambient air quality measures for an entire town or area. And in Keene, a town of 23,000 in southwestern New Hampshire that has experienced heavy wintertime air pollution from woodsmoke for years, researchers like Nora Traviss — an environmental scientist at Keene State College — are outfitting homes with PurpleAir monitors, small and relatively low-cost sensors that contribute real-time air quality data to a digital map.

The push for more data comes as more states and municipalities recognize that residential wood burning affects both indoor and outdoor air quality. Voluntary programs that offer financial incentives to swap older wood stoves for those that are newer — and, theoretically, cleaner-burning — had been implemented in at least 34 states and cities, as of 2016, according to the nonprofit Alliance for Green Heat, while the federal government offers a 26 percent tax credit for homeowners who install more efficient biomass heating systems. Many states and air quality agencies, as well as the EPA, also promote educational programs explaining how to burn wood properly and reduce emissions.

Some cities have taken more stringent measures, instituting burn bans when air pollution is high and even banning the installation of wood-burning appliances in new homes. But officials are often limited in what they can do unless air quality becomes so hazardous that it’s no longer meeting federal standards — a designation known as non-attainment, meaning the area isn’t in compliance with the Clean Air Act.

Fairbanks, Alaska was designated a non-attainment area in 2009, when PM2.5 air concentrations exceeded the federal 24-hour standard. The major sources, according to the Alaska Department of Environmental Conservation, were “local emissions from wood stoves” combined with weather patterns that hold smoke in place. In response, officials took a heavier-handed approach than most other municipalities have been able to do. The Fairbanks North Star Borough at first implemented a voluntary wood stove changeout program, providing funding for people who wanted to replace their older stoves.

Then, in October 2020, the government began requiring all stoves older than 25 years to be removed within the non-attainment area by 2024, unless they could meet strict standards for PM2.5 emissions. Since 2010, the first year data was collected after the voluntary changeout program began, 3,216 stoves have been replaced. Most were updated wood heating appliances, but in recent years, they’ve trended almost entirely to oil- and gas-powered devices. Fairbanks remains in non-attainment — and received the dubious moniker of “most polluted city” in the category of particle pollution in the American Lung Association’s 2021 State of the Air report — but it’s seen a reduction in air pollution levels by about half, said Cindy Heil, a program manager at the Alaska Department of Environmental Conservation.

Other programs have shown mixed results. Between 2005 and 2007, the Hearth, Patio, and Barbecue Association, a group that represents the wood stove industry, along with the EPA and the state of Montana, spent over $2.5 million to swap in EPA-certified wood stoves in Libby, a town of about 2,700 that had been blanketed in smoke due to winter inversions.

Initially, researchers at the University of Montana found that concentrations of particulate matter fell by about 20 percent and toxic compounds dropped by as much as 64 percent after the program changed out roughly 1,200 stoves. But follow-up studies found that air quality within homes was highly variable, with some experiencing no changes at all. Libby remains on the EPA’s non-attainment list for particulate pollution.

Part of the problem, according to regulators, is that many of these programs focused on replacing ancient, polluting wood stoves with ones that were only marginally better. The EPA first created standards for wood-burning appliances in 1988 but didn’t update them again until 2015 — incentives like Montana’s, then, were already outdated within a few years. The EPA mandated even stricter measures in 2020, only allowing new stoves to release a maximum of 2.5 grams of particle pollution per hour. The policy passed despite opposition from the Hearth, Patio, and Barbecue Association, which lobbied the government to postpone the guidelines because of the Covid-19 pandemic.

But even the newest stoves might not meet the EPA’s latest benchmarks. A March 2021 report by the Northeast States for Coordinated Air Use Management, or NESCAUM, a nonprofit coalition of air quality agencies in the Northeastern U.S., found serious flaws in the EPA’s certification process, which relied on laboratory tests that appeared to show lower emissions than the stoves actually released once installed in people’s homes.

If the EPA certification doesn’t ensure “that new devices are in fact cleaner than the ones they are replacing, then these efforts may be providing no health benefits while wasting scarce resources,” the report’s authors wrote. The program allows stoves that still emit a sizeable amount of pollution to continue to be installed, they continued, and “once installed, these units will remain in use, emitting pollution for decades to come.”

The report put many state environmental agencies in a bind. According to documents Undark obtained via public records requests, just five states that offered financial incentives to replace older wood and pellet stoves with EPA-certified models — Maine, New York, Massachusetts, Vermont, and Idaho — spent more than $13.8 million since 2014 on 9,531 stoves, more than half of which may not actually meet the EPA’s current emissions limit. Two additional states, Maryland and Montana, spent a combined $3.9 million on tax breaks and rebates for wood stoves since 2012, though they did not provide details on the specific models that were funded. The Alaska Department of Environmental Conservation made its own list of low-emissions stoves based on additional testing, and has called on the EPA to fix its certification process.

According to Nick Czarnecki, an air quality official in the Fairbanks North Star Borough, the process “really made us question what good a changeout program is if you’re just putting in a new wood stove under these circumstances.”

In an emailed statement, the EPA said that it is working with NESCAUM to evaluate test methods that the organization has in order to adapt EPA standards. Starting in February, the agency will no longer accept two types of tests, although stoves that used those methods to receive certification will remain in people’s homes.

“The Agency is working to improve testing and certification and to strengthen enforcement to ensure that changing out old, inefficient wood burning devices remains an important tool to reduce particle pollution in communities that use wood for heat,” the statement said.

For many air quality regulators and advocates, tweaking wood stove emissions is missing the point. Though reducing emissions in the short term can be beneficial, a longer-term solution would phase out wood stoves altogether, said Laura Kate Bender, the national assistant vice president for healthy air at the American Lung Association.

“Right now, what the science shows us is that there’s actually no safe level of particle pollution exposure,” Bender said. “There’s no amount that’s healthy to breathe.”

In line with this logic, some agencies are no longer pushing for new wood stoves, and instead funding a transition to alternate heat sources. The Oregon Department of Environmental Quality, which already requires that uncertified stoves be removed when homes are sold, suggests people replace wood stoves with heat pumps.

In Portland’s Multnomah County, after a series of meetings on woodsmoke pollution in the summer and fall of 2021, a coalition of local, county, and state organizations recommended the county curtail the use of even EPA-certified wood stoves. In addition to doing this, last month, officials in Oregon issued Multnomah County’s fourth-ever burn ban, and announced that bans could be instituted year-round, rather than just in the fall and winter.

“Our target is to have clean air,” said John Wasiutynski, the director of the Multnomah County Office of Sustainability in Portland, which convened the group. “And we’re not going to get clean air by promoting slightly less bad heating.”

John Ackerly, president of the Alliance for Green Heat, a nonprofit that promotes efficiency in residential wood heating, still sees a future in new systems like automatic wood boilers, which burn wood pellets without any intervention from homeowners, reducing the potential for emissions. He said the demand for wood is also cultural and economic, particularly in places that have traditionally relied on forests for fuel.

In the Northeastern U.S., shrinking demand for low-grade wood in recent years has led to the closure of sawmills and the decimation of local economies — but manufacturing pellets would provide a boon for those communities, said Joe Short, vice president of the Northern Forest Center, a nonprofit that focuses on rural community development and conservation in Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, and New York.

“Different heating solutions work better in certain applications,” Short said. “So we just think wood is a good one, for all the reasons we’ve talked about, should be in the mix, particularly as it’s something that we can implement right now, even as we work to make the grid more renewable.”

Advanced boilers, though, can run into the tens of thousands of dollars — out of most people’s price range without financial help from state governments. Environmental agencies will have to decide whether to support transitional fuels like wood pellets, or invest wholly in alternative heating. But for most of them, the more immediate issue is getting rid of uncertified wood stoves and discouraging people from burning for recreation — an uphill battle for many who are unaware of the health impacts of woodsmoke.

“People are just sort of like, well, yeah, it stinks,” said Traviss, the Keene air pollution researcher. “But, it’s wood. How bad can it be?”

UPDATE: A previous version of this piece stated that Multnomah County issued its third-ever burn ban last month. It was the fourth. An update has also been made to specify that Robin Evans-Agnew is based at the University of Washington’s Tacoma campus.

This article was originally published on Undark. Read the original article.

Why Zelenskyy’s background in comedy really matters

The graphic logo for Kvartal 95 (95th Quartile), the comedy troupe turned production company co-founded by Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in 1997, features a cute animation. In it, a young man of slight build struggles to do a pull up, kicking his feet and wiggling himself until he barely gets his chin over the bar. In a matter of seconds, the viewer grasps an adorably underpowered, yet persistent, feat of strength.

Watching it now, as Zelenskyy is fighting for his people, his own life, and for the freedom of Ukraine against a ruthless and formidable invasion by Russia, feels uncanny. But the symbolism behind it is a useful reminder of Zelenskyy’s background. Perhaps, most critically, understanding its message offers perspective on the tenacious, unwavering leader of Ukraine that most coverage of him has so far missed.

RELATED: Politics & performance: Why Zelenskyy succeeds where others fail

Much media coverage has noted that Zelenskyy’s history as a performer, especially a comedian, has been instrumental to building his image and creating his aura of integrity in the midst of the Russian invasion. For example, Vox critic Emily St. James zeroed in on the fact that Zelenskyy was the voice of Paddington Bear in an essay that underscores how Zelenskyy has brought a performer’s skills to wartime politics. That essay linked to clips of Zelenskyy dancing, and even mentioned a Zelenskyy skit in which he appeared to play the piano with his penis.

Zelenskyy’s skills as an entertainer and media success have served him well, for sure. Ever since politics entered the era of television and a sweaty, pale Richard Nixon had to face off to a dashingly handsome John F. Kennedy in one of the earliest televised debates, it has been widely understood that visual charisma offers a critical boost for those seeking political power.

But most media coverage that highlights Zelenskyy’s background in entertainment fails to appreciate the fact that Zelenskyy’s comedy was not principally just slapstick humor; it was satire — specifically, satire connected to a clear struggle for social change. Commentary that emphasizes skill at working camera angles or taking selfies nails how good Zelenskyy is at managing his image, but it’s also important to note that skill was not developed purely for entertainment. 

Yuliya Ladygina, Assistant Professor of Russian and Global Studies at Penn State University, was born, raised and educated in Kyiv, Ukraine. She tells me Zelenskyy “has been a political commentator all his life.” 

As many who have covered his background in entertainment have pointed out, Zelenskyy’s current role as president of Ukraine was preceded by him playing the president of Ukraine in a televised series called “Servant of the People” that ran from 2015-2017, and also included a 2016 feature film. That show told the story of a history teacher who was catapulted into national fame after a video of him ranting about political corruption shot by a student went viral.  The teacher gets elected to office, only to encounter a series of challenges to leading the country as an honest, sincere man who simply wants to serve the people. The fact that his political party is named after the series and the fact that the party was founded just after the series ended has led many to assume that the series led to the presidency. Rather, Ladygina explains, the character for the show came out of the longstanding political edge to Kvartal 95’s satirical entertainment.

In a Vox video on eight moments that help explain Zelenskyy, viewers get a bit of this longer background. Well before Zelenskyy starred in “Servant of the People,” he was part of the Kvartal 95 traveling comedy troupe, and they regularly featured political skits. That experience, as Olga Rudenko from The Kyiv Independent (who has also criticized Zelenskyy’s leadership) explains in the video, made Zelenskyy the “best and most recognizable comedian in Ukraine and the most successful one.” Chatham House’s Orysia Lutsevich points out that the troupe tended to include both “primitive humor” and “sophisticated making fun of politics.”


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For Ladygina, that combination of slapstick, silly humor with biting political commentary has been lost on most Western media. The Kvartal 95 group was committed to offering the public sharp political satire that would help make sense of the absurdities, ironies and abuses of power that governed post-Soviet Ukrainian society.

“Yes, it was entertaining. Yes, he made money,” Ladygina said. “But his comedy was meant to be political and effective and to comment on the flaws in the political system.”

To offer a comparable cultural context, we might liken it to “The Smothers Brothers Comedy Hour” which aired on CBS from 1967-69, during the Vietnam War era. That show also had plenty of silliness but was so bitingly political that it was eventually censored.

Covering Zelenskyy as just a comedian-turned-politician, Ladygina emphasizes, doesn’t properly contextualize Zelenskyy as having been politically engaged before.

“People in Ukraine have been watching this guy since 1997. They know him, they know his jokes, they know him personally and they know his objectives.” For them, she explains, there wasn’t an abrupt transformation from a comedian to a politician, since politics were already part of his show. 

The overemphasis on Zelenskyy as the voice of Paddington Bear, or as the affable everyman in “Servant of the People,” may even be a residual response to Russian propaganda efforts to portray Zelenskyy as soft, unprepared and silly. From the moment that Zelenskyy was elected there was a concerted Russian effort to discredit him. The Vox video I reference above also includes a clip of Zelenskyy’s victory speech, where he states, “To all post-Soviet countries: Look at us. Anything is possible.” That comment, Lutsevich notes, seemed deliberately aimed at Russia, leading, in her view, to Putin beginning to hold a serious “grudge” against Zelenskyy.

Thus, Ladygina points out that the image of Zelenskyy as a bumbling clown rather than a democratic alternative to oligarchy was promoted to hurt Zelenskyy, as his open commitment to advancing democracy in Ukraine posed a direct threat to Putin’s Russia.

While many commentators seem to think Putin expected Zelenskyy to be easily played due to his inexperience, Ladygina suggests Putin may have had his own concerns well before Zelenskyy took office, especially because Putin had seen Kvartal 95 perform and even initially liked the show. This changed over time, she explained, especially as Zelenskyy played Putin in skits for the comedy troupe. The series “Servant of the People” was censored in Russia after having a Putin joke in its first episode, but Ladygina reminds us that prior to the TV series, Kvartal 95 performances had been banned in Russia for being too political.

Moreover, it is critical to note that Zelenskyy had his own celebrity success in Russia well before the 2019 election. When “Servant of the People” briefly aired in Russia, for example, its ratings outperformed Russian sitcoms.  

What is troubling is that the image of Zelenskyy that benefits Russia — that of a soft entertainer — gained considerable traction, which perhaps explains why mainstream media almost seems “surprised” at his bravery. Coverage, for example, of Zelenskyy’s approval ratings drop as President of Ukraine prior to the Russian invasion, doesn’t usually account for Kremlin-led efforts to portray Zelenskyy as weak and ineffective.

“They think he is a clown,” Ladygina explains. “But this is a very smart person with a degree in law who has been a committed political commentator, a steadfast critic of corruption as well as a successful businessman. He isn’t just an actor — he writes the jokes and the scripts and is a critical part of the creative process. Many of the lines that make sharp comments on Ukrainian politics are coming from him and his ideas. That side to his story is overshadowed by the silly image.”

When we rethink the backstory of Zelenskyy in this new light, we are then able to note another considerable issue that has been missed by most coverage. Zelenskyy’s comedy was not just intended to get people to smile as a distraction —  it was satire. Specifically, it was a millennial version of satire that engages more directly in politics.

Satire is a unique form of comedy, one that relies on creative irony.  Here the comedian isn’t getting laughs because they fall down or make someone look silly; they get laughs because they hold up a creative mirror to the absurdities, injustices and abuses of power that govern the world. The goal of satire is to get the audience to think, to recognize the flaws in the status quo and to see that the sorts of narratives offered by those in power can be changed. Using satire to coax the public to think differently is even more essential when the public is being ruled by fear and repression. As Stephen Colbert explains, satire “alleviates fog off of the mind, because when you’re laughing you can’t be afraid. And, when you’re not afraid, you think better. Laughter leads to thinking.”

But today’s satire is often not just a comment on the flaws and follies of the world and a call to rethink them. Today’s satirists aren’t simply court jesters. As I’ve explained in relation to the rise of satirists as political actors in the Trump era, there has been a steady increase in satire playing a direct role in political action. Today’s satirists inform and educate the publicrun for officepropose legislation and engage in all sorts of political activities.

Earlier, I made the comparison between Kvartal 95’s comedy troupe and The Smothers Brothers. Interestingly, one of the regulars on The Smothers Brothers, Pat Paulsen, also ran for president. But, unlike Zelenskyy, Paulsen’s campaigns were entirely satirical. For example, he ironically would answer any criticism with the catchphrase: “Picky, picky, picky.”

In contrast, Zelenskyy’s campaign might have included plenty of stunts, but it was always sincere. Again, as a point of comparison, we might think of Jon Stewart’s actions to support war veteransJohn Oliver’s attack on the coal industrySamantha Bee’s activism for women’s reproductive rights or Michael Moore’s advocacy for clean water in Flint, Michigan. These are satirical comedians who are very serious about social issues. For them, satire isn’t a distraction from politics; it is politics.

Zelenskyy’s satire is in this same family of using ironic wit to foster political change and using the charisma of comedy to help defend and advance democracy. When asked about the overlaps between his character on “Servant of the People” and his campaign, Zelenskyy explained, “I didn’t invent all this [the show]—I felt all this, I am really feeling all this…It would have been impossible to create it all simply because I am a good actor and because someone wrote it well. We wrote it together, we all lived it together.”

Zelenskyy’s experience traveling across Ukraine as part of the Kvartal 95 troupe meant that he would also have gained a wide understanding of the issues that mattered to the people. Ladygina notes, “Zelenskyy is not performing sincerity because sincerity has been part of his connection with Ukrainians since the late ’90s.” Well before launching the Servant of the People political party, Kvartal 95, for example, had launched a number of social programs, including a campaign to encourage women to get mammograms, and also contributed funds for the Ukrainian military.

The main character of the “Servant of the People” is named Vasily Petrovich Goloborodko. His last name, Goloborodko, offers insight into the satirical wit of the show. Ladygina, a native speaker of Ukrainian and Russian, explains that Goloborodko means “beardless” and symbolizes a man without experience. Choosing that name, then, was an early and obvious sign that the show wanted to position the protagonist — someone from outside the political elite, who could be honest, sincere and committed to a better Ukraine — as what the country needed. But they also knew that having honest outsiders try to fight the Goliaths of corruption, oligarchy, Russian imperialism and international pressures would never be easy.

When we see that Zelenskyy’s comedy repertoire wasn’t just entertaining — it also posed creative ways to think about how to improve the future of Ukraine, and offered a funny look at how hard those changes might be to make — then Zelenskyy’s unwavering commitment to his people makes perfect sense. Just because he is witty, media savvy and pretty good at dancing, doesn’t mean he isn’t serious.

Read more about the political power of comedy: 

How this ancient Korean dessert is making a comeback

Tteok, bingsu, danpatjuk, soboro-ppang, freshly cut fruit — all things that come to mind when many think of quintessentially Korean desserts. And they’re not wrong, but something’s missing here.

Hangwa (한과) describes any dainty confection made by kneading a grain or grain flour with a sweetener (honey, rice syrup, sugar, or some combination). They’re steamed or fried, then oftentimes coated in a hodgepodge of dried fruit, seeds, and nuts. Tasty as they are, they’re not always easy to find.

“You could only get some after performing one of the ancestral rites or on a traditional holiday,” the South Korean master confectioner Kim Gyu-heun explains in a 2015 edition of Korea Magazine. The Korean New Year, better known as Seollal (설날), is one of two major holidays that initiates with a charye, or the grand ancestral ceremony. This makes hangwa — from variations like flaky fried syrup-drenched yakgwa to unctuously puffed rice yugwa to taffy-like yeot candy — a perfect pairing with the holiday. With “han” being a direct translation for “Korean” and “gwa” meaning “confections,” this dessert category is also one of the oldest types of sweet food in the context of Korean culinary history. So when we think of Korean desserts, why don’t we automatically think of hangwa?

It wasn’t always like this. “Eumsik-dimibang,” the first cookbook written in the Hangul alphabet, around 1670, features multiple recipes for hangwa, such as yakgwa, gwapyeon (boiled fruit jelly), and dasik (tea cookies). The earliest written account of hangwa consumption stretches back to the Era of the Three Kingdoms (Silla, Baekje, Goryeo) in the dossier Samguk Yusa. At the time, hangwa were the sweet fare of the royal class in times when fresh fruit was unavailable during harsh winter harvest seasons. While meat was once a pivotal Korean celebration food, when Buddhism was adopted as the state religion, and animal protein therefore prohibited, hangwa took its place. The sweets became a fixture at royal functions, including weddings, birthdays, and, most notably, ancestral rites; for some nobles who could afford the delicacy, it was even served in more everyday settings, like afternoon tea. Still, as fruit was more abundantly available and (with the embracing of neo-Confucianism) meat again became part of celebratory customs in the Joseon era, the charm of hangwa in fact only grew stronger.

Combing through memos recorded during various royal birthday parties, researchers found the most striking revelation to be “the overwhelming number and wide range of . . . [these] traditional sweets, which demonstrates such foods were highly developed and viewed as very important in the royal palace.” Prominent families also began circulating their own unique variations of hangwa, as they had the sufficient funds to spare the 4 kilograms (roughly 20 cups) of rice needed to produce 1 kilogram of most variations of hangwa.

This ratio proved the real trouble, and culminated in a national security issue. Along with rationing oil and sugar, rice already was a valuable commodity prone to poor harvest seasons. Professor Kim Bok-rae of Andong National University concludes, “rice was a symbol of wealth to landlords, but that of exploitation to (tenant) farmers and wage laborers.” The elitist consumption of rice, and in particular hangwa — by virtue of requiring large volumes of precious ingredients — made the scarcity of food so uncontrollable that the desserts were legally deemed harmful to the people at various moments in time. Bans on hangwa were issued by two Goryeo kings. At the tail end of the Joseon era, a law permitted only citizens to partake in hangwa consumption at ancestral rites or weddings. Caught with possession of confectionery outside these confines? Eighty lashes by bamboo rod awaited you. Ouch.

As if internal strife wasn’t bad enough, hangwa was likely devalued when Korean food culture was dismantled by outside influence — most notably, the Japanese. To an extent, Japanese occupation was helpful in alleviating food insecurity: It helped popularize a bread culture in Korea and therefore reduced dependency on a dwindling supply of rice. And with Japanese technology, farmers were able to grow rice more efficiently (and still do today — albeit with many roadblocks.) Ultimately, Japan’s imperialist control from 1910 to 1945 simplified Korean ritual food practices in a deliberate measure to, as some researchers posit, “destroy the national identity of the [Joseon] people and annihilate their national culture.”

The desserts continued to suffer, from American occupation and through dictatorship masked as democracy. Still, hangwa exists in 21st-century South Korea, if only for pomp and circumstance. For better or worse, baby boomers, Gen X-ers, and some millennials associate hangwa with their grandparents’ homes, during the Seollal day festivities. Examining consumer behavior, a 2012 South Korean study found the leading motivations for purchasing a box of hangwa were gifting and upholding traditional image, respectively. The actual act of eating it placed third.

While it remains formally unclear why people prefer to buy — not make — and not necessarily even eat their purchased hangwa, JinJoo Lee, who writes the blog Kimchimari, has a hypothesis. “South Korea always looked toward the West for things, so because of that and through [food] commercialization [from the 1960s through the 1980s], I think we lost a lot of good authentic flavors.” As South Koreans grew more fixated on the “flashy, bold taste [of Western-style desserts],” she argued, “they began to wonder if making these milder-flavored [hangwa] was ever worth the effort” — or even worth eating.

In spite of — or perhaps because of — its complex history, hangwa are experiencing a quiet renaissance on both sides of the Pacific. Museums, culinary experts, and a younger crop of chefs, all of whom are educating, advocating for, and selling the desserts, are making strides in what Kim Gyu-heun describes as “a form of heritage that embodies the people’s spirit.” Pastry chef Eunji Lee, who served her own interpretations at Jungsik restaurant in Manhattan and keeps tabs on the treat’s comeback, noted that she hopes people only continue to “preserve those beautiful pastries and pieces of legacy in Korean culture.” The chef added that chiseled bars of modern-looking gangjeong and minimalist yakgwa (that actually taste good) are year-round menu items at dessert shops in South Korea hoping to attract Generation Instagram. To her, it matters less that the treats look like historic replicas; rather that they exist today at all: “awareness is the most important thing.”

Traditional Korean dessert shops in the U.S. are harder to come by, as both hangwa and the artistry involved lack the mainstream recognition tied with provisions sold at Euro-Asian eateries. But folks with a burgeoning interest can go the homemade route. JinJoo Lee has a fantastic pared-down recipe for Korean sesame tea cookies, or dasik. She owns a traditional dasik press, but promises, “you can totally make it without the fancy mold.” For those interested in a more traditional version, she has also blogged about her mother-in-law’s centuries-old recipe for yakgwa.

In the “Korean Instant Pot Cookbook,” authors Nancy Cho and Selina Lee use the appliance to prepare another traditionally labor-intensive festive hangwa, yakbap (also called yakshik). “Although I love the art of doing things how they were done 100 years ago, if there’s an easier way to maintain flavor without losing authenticity, I’m happy with that,” said Selina Lee.

As long as people remember this ever-evolving style of confection, quintessential Korean desserts will remain an element of Seollal. Traditionally fashioned or interpreted with a contemporary vision, a respectful bite of any hangwa will taste as sweet.

5 rare pieces of produce to try this spring, according to an expert international grocery buyer

Though potentially it doesn’t feel like it in your part of the country (I write as I stare at the slowly melting slush outside my window), spring really is just around the corner. The shift in seasons marks something different for everyone: planning for outdoor festivals, the start of baseball season, the return of chilled wine on the patio. 

But for Shayn Prapaisilp, the international grocery buyer at Global Foods Market in St. Louis, the return of spring means that he can share the rare produce he and his team sourced over the winter with consumers in their stores. According to Prapaisilp, while he and his team have relationships with wholesalers in all the major port cities in the United States, buying rare produce “works more like an auction than a long-term plan.” 

RELATED: Red-fleshed apples: The science behind an uncommon (and much-desired) apple breed

“It would be great to say every February we will have an abundance of Pineberries — those pink strawberries that are highly sought after — but the reality is that we don’t know how many we will be able to get our hands on, so we always plan for the rarest items for the season and hope we can get as much as possible,” he said. 

For those looking to expand the kinds of produce they keep in their kitchen, Prapaisilp said the best place to start is your local international markets. 

“Whether your city offers Latin, Asian or African markets, seek them out and don’t be afraid to ask the employees questions while you’re there,” he said. “These people are provided with a wealth of knowledge and are eager to share their insights – especially if it’s a market that speaks to their own culture. If you aren’t sure how to find an international grocery store in your own city, start in areas where diverse populations have settled like Chinatown.” 

Usually, he said, markets will highlight unique offerings in displays near the entrance, so start there and check back often. 

“What’s available today, could be completely different two days later,” he said. “I would suggest asking where rare and specialty produce items are kept to head straight to the rare items.”

What rare items should you keep an eye out for this spring? Here are five of Prapaisilp’s picks: 

Black Sapote

According to Prapaisilp, the Black Sapote is also known as the “chocolate pudding fruit,” due to its brown color and sweet, custardy interior. The fruit is native to Mexico, Central America and Colombia. There are also notes of other dessert-like flavors, like caramel, vanilla and banana. 

Green Almond

Alright — so unlike everything else on this list, green almonds aren’t a fruit, though they have definite fruity undertones. Only available for a short time in the spring, green almonds, as the name suggests, are unripe almonds. They have a fuzzy exterior like a peach, a jelly-like interior and a delicate, nutty flavor with hints of peach and botanicals.

“As almonds ripen, the green fuzz withers away and the inner seed hardens into what we picture as a traditional almond,” Prapaisilp said. “Green almonds have a narrow window for harvesting and must be handpicked, which is why they are a seasonal delicacy.” 

Mamey Sapote

“The mamey is like an avocado in the way it is sliced and eaten. It has that same creamy, rich consistency, but it’s versatile and adds tropical flavors to smoothies, juices, baked goods, and serves as a great meat substitute,” explains Prapaisilp. 

Popular in Southern Mexico and other tropical regions, the mamey sapote is an orange-fleshed fruit with flavor notes including apricot, sweet potato, nuts and spices. 

Green Plum

Greengages, or green plums, were first popularized in Iran before eventually gaining traction in more temperate European countries. Despite being a little high-maintenance — they’re fickle when it comes to temperature and have to be hand-picked because they are so delicate — green plums are considered “the finest dessert plums.” 

“Green plums are the first of our rare produce items to sell out due to their scarcity and one-of-a-kind flavor that can only be described as a syrupy sweetness balanced out with a slight acidity,” Prapaislip said. “Many of our customers enjoy eating green plums raw with salt.” 

Cherimoya

Native to the Andes Mountain range, the cherimoya is a green, scaly fruit with flavor notes similar to banana, pineapple, mango, peach and strawberry. 

“This fruit truly offers a taste of the topics,” Prapaislip said. “It is commonly referred to as the ‘custard apple’ because of all the sweetness. Try a cherimoya and you’ll understand why Mark Twain called the fruit ‘the most delicious known to man.'”

Read more: 

27 spring dinner ideas to put some pep in your step

Spring ushers in the best weather and the best spring veggies — asparagus, green beans, tender fresh herbs, rhubarb, ramps, cabbage, spring onions, baby spinach, and peas. As soon as I turn the page on our calendar to March (raise your hand if you still use a paper wall calendar), I can’t help but get excited about all of the sweet and savory springtime dishes to come. To kick off many weeks of 50-degree weather and finally getting to dry-clean your parka (that is, for our friends up north), these quick and easy spring dinner ideas will perk up your meal any night of the week.

1. Spring Weeknight Pasta

Sing the praises of spring with this family-friendly pasta recipe jam-packed with seasonal specialties like radishes, asparagus, and peas. Recipe developer Eric Kim likes to add bacon for a salty, savory edge but you can leave it out for a vegetarian dinner.

2. One-Pan Chicken with Asparagus, Almonds, and Miso Butter

A weeknight spring dinner should be quick, effortless, and delicious. One-pan meals like this, which call for a pound or two of fresh asparagus, save the day.

3. Nigel Slater’s Minty Pea Soup with Parmesan Toasts

This lighter dinner recipe doesn’t skimp on flavor, thanks to the abundance of in-season produce like fresh peas, lettuce, and mint. It’s the epitome of spring and the best part is, you can make it in advance, which saves time on busy weeknights.

4. Cheesy Spinach and Artichoke Frittata with Arugula

I will never say no to breakfast for dinner, especially in a family-friendly format like a frittata. You can throw anything and everything into this big-batch egg dish, but take advantage of all of the spring produce available at every turn.

5. Pasta with Marinated Artichoke Sauce

This three-ingredient recipe calls for jarred, marinated artichoke hearts, which gives you peak spring flavor anytime of the year.

6. Ramp Carbonara

It’s ramp season, baby! Blink and you’ll miss them, so stock up while you can and turn them into pesto, pasta, or pesto pasta!

7. Sheet Pan Roast Chicken and Cabbage

“A sheet pan supper suggests a lot: dinner on a single pan, vegetables cooked with proteins, side dishes with entrées, a complete meal requiring minimal fuss and clean-up. It’s the convenience of a crock pot in a fraction of the time,” writes recipe developer Alexandra Stafford. Fortunately, she’s mastered the art of a sheet-pan supper for early spring. Get all the warm and cozy feels from bone-in, skin-on chicken thighs with a nod to the upcoming season with roasted cabbage.

8. Vegan Lemon Asparagus Risotto

Normally, it takes a lot of butter, a lot of chicken stock, and a lot of Parmigiano-Reggiano cheese to make a risotto. But this one relies on robust vegetable stock and nutritional yeast to achieve the ultra-creamy texture. Plenty of fresh lemon zest and blanched asparagus bring this traditionally cozy winter dish into spring.

9. Martha Rose Shulman’s Quick-Braised Fish with Baby Potatoes and Greens

You can find baby potatoes year-round but they’re really at their best during spring. Ditto for delicate herbs, asparagus, and green beans. Put them altogether for a complete spring dinner that is equal parts nourishing and delicious.

10. Lemony Halloumi with Snap Peas and Pea Sprouts

“Welcome the season of leisurely brunches, rosé-filled picnics, and green vegetables galore with this vibrant salad that almost shouts, “Hello, spring!” This is the time of year when simplicity reins supreme,” writes recipe developer Asha Loupy.

11. Cashew Milk–Braised Cabbage with Crunchy Chile Oil

Cabbage peaks around the curtain come St. Patrick’s Day, as if to say “Hi! I’m here! Remember me?” But for vegetarians who want the comfort of corned beef and cabbage without the meat, there’s this utterly flavorful, super charred preparation of braised cabbage for dinner.

12. Pesto Pasta with Green Beans and Potatoes

The key to a bowl of pasta that makes you want to cry tears of joy is relying on simple flavors and in-season produce. For spring, that means a classic basil pesto tossed with the season’s shining stars: baby potatoes and green beans.

13. Creamy Watercress, Pea, and Mint Soup

Watercress deserves to be so much more than the garnish we’ve come to rely on. Here, it finally gets its chance to headline in this quick green soup for spring.

14. Scallops and Peas with Mint Gremolata

“Sweet, buttery, and luxe, yet not terribly expensive, [scallops] can be prepared in a variety of delicious ways, and — most of all — are incredibly quick to cook. Though they are great any time of year, I love this fresh, springtime preparation, which balances a trio of vibrant green vegetables with a simple gremolata made with lots of fresh mint,” writes Gail Simmons. Hey Gail, can you cook dinner for me every night?

15. Miso-Garlic Snap Pea Salad with Pecorino and Mint

If this crispy, crunchy green salad doesn’t get you excited for spring, I don’t know what will.

16. Green Pasta Primavera

The Italian-American pasta primavera gets a seasonal springtime spin with scallions, leeks, broccoli, green beans, and lots and lots of lemon.

17. Creamed Peas with Scallions and Little Gem Chiffonade

I know I’ve waxed on about one-pot dinners and main courses for spring, but what about the sides to accompany something simple and satisfying like roast chicken or baked salmon? I got you. This French-inspired preparation makes use of fresh garden peas, Little Gem lettuce leaves, and scallions.

18. Roasted Shrimp and Asparagus Scampi

Shrimp scampi is as classic as a little black dress or Frank Sinatra on vinyl. But there’s always room for improvement, right? Right. To eliminate some stovetop mess, we roasted the shrimp (rather than sautéing it in a lot of butter and olive oil. Oh, and we added asparagus because it’s spring and why not?

19. Cabbage Bake

Come spring, cabbage is often overlooked compared to its vibrant seasonal neighbors like ramps and rhubarb. But give it a second look: Slice up a few cups of cabbage, toss it with South Indian and north African spices, and you’ll never pass it up again.

20. Radicchio and Pickled Radish Salad

Spring radishes are paired with hearty winter radicchio for a year-round side salad.

21. Mushroom Stroganoff

Depending on where you live in the country, it’s possible that there will still be snow on the ground. If you’re a few weeks away from blooming tulips and jean jacket-wearing days, make this cozy stroganoff that replaces the usual chewy beef for mixed mushrooms.

22. Chicken Florentine by Joanna Gaines

Four cups of spinach are used for this creamy chicken recipe, courtesy of Joanna Gaines.

23. Pasta with Green Pea Sauce and Lots of Pecorino

Enjoy a blast of springtime flavor in both the pasta base — we’re talking leeks and fresh mint — and the sauce, which is made from peas (the recipe calls for frozen) and even more mint.

24. Spinach and Cilantro Soup with Tahini and Lemon

You can make this vibrant, near-instant green soup with ingredients you tend to have on hand — and come out with something intensely flavored that you’ve never tasted before. It’s all thanks to the great “Salt, Fat, Acid, Heat” author and teacher Samin Nosrat, and a fateful cleanse she embarked on in the desert. — Genius Recipes

25. Hot Honey Chicken with Rhubarb Butter

For those chilly spring days when you think you’ll never feel the sun’s rays on your face again, make roast chicken. It’ll make you feel all warm and fuzzy on the inside — serve it on a bed of baby potatoes and eager green peas for a peek of spring.

26. Spring Fettuccine Alfredo with Green Beans and Tapenade

“Lately I’ve been on a quest to add new recipes like these to my weeknight repertoire, ones that 1) look and taste great, 2) feel like spring, and 3) slide in under the wire at a truly reasonable budget,” writes recipe developer Katie Workman. This creamy pasta hits all the marks.

27. Crunchy Spring Salad with Zesty Labneh

This zippy, zesty celebrates spring in all its beauty. Serve it as a quick side salad or dinner party starter.

Grab the cream cheese! Cathy Barrow shares 3 creamy, punchy schmear recipes for a better bagel

Earlier this week, Salon Food published a conversation between writer Pearse Anderson and Cathy Barrow, the author of the upcoming cookbook “Bagels, Schmears and a Nice Piece of Fish.” In it, Barrow, a longtime recipe developer and cookbook author, outlines how to create the perfect delicatessen-inspired brunch at home. 

Of course, a big part of that is the schmears and spreads that adorn the bagels (whether you prefer New York or Montreal-style is up to you). From her book, Barrow shared three recipes with Salon readers that will help make their next bagel one to remember: the “schmear master” recipe — which is the perfect punchy, creamy base for add-ins — scallion cheese, and bacon scallion cheese. 

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Recipe: Schmear Master 
Makes 9 ounces (255 grams) 

At the breakfast table, it’s perfectly acceptable to serve up a rectangular brick of Philadelphia cream cheese in its original form. It has the same familiarity as a cylinder of canned cranberry sauce on the Thanksgiving table. A bagel brunch, though, deserves a schmear, which is different from that block of cream cheese. It is more spreadable and creamy, and is the vehicle for flavorful additions.

  • 8 oz [225 g] full-fat cream cheese, softened 
  • 2 tbsp sour cream or crème fraiche
  • 1⁄2 tsp fresh lemon juice

1. In the bowl of a stand mixer fitted with the paddle attachment, combine the cream cheese, sour cream, and lemon juice, increasing the speed as the ingredients combine, until fluffy, lightened, and spreadable, just 1 to 2 minutes. Alternatively, use a medium mixing bowl and a stiff spoon to combine and then stir and whip vigorously to aerate and lighten the mixture.

2. Pack the schmear into a ramekin or two, cover, and chill until ready to serve. It will keep for 1 week in the refrigerator.

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Recipe: Scallion Cheese 
Makes 10 ounces (280 grams) 

When chives are no longer in season, I turn to scallion cream cheese for a similarly zingy onion flavor. But scallions carry a little too much oomph for me, so I soak them in cold water for a few minutes to mellow some of the bite. Make sure to dry the scallions on a cloth towel before adding to the schmear. (Never terrycloth, and not paper towels. The scallion bits stick. Very annoying.)

  • 1/3 cup [20 g] finely chopped scallions, white and light green parts only 
  • 1 Schmear Master recipe
  • 1⁄4 tsp kosher salt

1. In a small bowl, cover the chopped scallions with cold water for 10 minutes. Drain and dry the scallions on a cloth towel.

2. In a medium bowl, add the schmear, scallions, and salt. Stir with a fork until thoroughly combined.

3. Pack the scallion cheese into a ramekin or two, cover and chill until ready to serve. It will keep for about 2 days in the refrigerator before the oniony flavor becomes overwhelming.

***

Recipe: Bacon Scallion Cheese 
Makes 10 ounces (280 grams) 

On the way to Woods Hole, Massachusetts, where the ferries run to Martha’s Vineyard and Nantucket, Cape Cod Bagel makes a very good bagel. The scallion and bacon cream cheese I had there was magnificent, and this is my attempt to replicate it. Chop the bacon and scallions into very small pieces to make this schmear especially spreadable. Soaking the chopped scallions in cold water mellows their oniony bite. When spread on an egg bagel, this is a new twist on the bacon, egg, and cheese sandwich.

  • 1/3 cup [20 g] finely chopped scallions, white and light green parts only 
  • 1 Schmear Master recipe
  • 1/3 cup [115 g] crisped and minced smoked bacon (about 4 slices)
  • 1⁄4 to 1⁄2 tsp freshly ground black pepper

1. In a small bowl, cover the chopped scallions with cold water for 10 minutes. Drain and dry the scallions on a cloth towel.

2. In a medium bowl, add the schmear, bacon, scallions, and pepper. Stir with a fork until thoroughly combined.

3. Pack the bacon scallion cheese into a ramekin or two, cover and chill until ready to serve. It will keep for about 2 days in the refrigerator before its oniony flavor becomes overwhelming.

If you like these recipes as much as we do, consider buying Cathy Barrow’s “Bagels, Schmears and a Nice Piece of Fish,” which comes out on March 15. 
 

5 more of our favorite quick breakfast recipes: 

Reality bites: How reckonings and the post-truth age ruined pop culture anniversary nostalgia

Thursday was the silver anniversary of "Buffy the Vampire Slayer," and to mark the occasion I did absolutely nothing. To be honest, I hadn't even tracked the date — a common problem in a pandemic where time truly has become a flat circle. Nevertheless, once the hashtags and a few story links began floating around in my social stream, I realized I should have tossed together something for this fine publication.

That's what I did for the show's 20th anniversary five years ago, when "Buffy" still held a hollowed spot in my Comfort Viewing Hall of Fame. "Nearly 14 years have passed since the finale of "Buffy the Vampire Slayer" aired, and during that span of time I've watched that episode, 'Chosen,' at least once a season," I wrote back then.

But 2022's edition of me can't remember the last time I sought solace from that hour or any of the others that once served as spiritual jumper cables. Wait, maybe I can. Perhaps it was sometime before Joss Whedon's ex-wife Kai Cole blew his feminist reputation, accusing him of multiple infidelities in a guest column published in The Wrap later in 2017.

RELATED: Thanks for the honesty, Joss and Jeff!

It was definitely before he ruined 2017's "Justice League" or was called out by actors who worked with him on that film and "Buffy" and "Angel." By the time he hammered the nails into his own coffin in that famous 2022 Vulture interview, I long stopped thinking about "Buffy," although the best of what Buffy Summers represents still motivates me.

Hence, my arrival at what "Buffy" means 25 years later, having passed through the filters of the truth about its creator, #MeToo and squeamish second consideration of its casual sexism: It's a show that makes me miss the idea of it more than what it truly was.

A person can still adore what Buffy Summers stands for: agency, endurance, vulnerability, a determination to stand up again regardless of how frequently and forcefully life knocks her off her feet. She might also trust the memory of her adventures hold up better than many episodes do now.

The relative dearth of 25th anniversary think-pieces to this effect hints that maybe I'm not alone.

Granted, there could be a variety of reasons for this that have little to do with our moral compasses, recalibrated or otherwise. It could be a generational thing: the show connected strongly with Gen Xers and older Millennials, groups that are sliding into the "OK Boomer" category on advertisers' desired demographics lists.

It could be the fact that everyone who was once inspired by "Buffy" wrote all that needed to be written on the last major anniversary that had a zero in it.

Regardless of my dispiritedness toward a story I once adored, "Buffy" remains relevant enough to inspire listicles and quizzes, assuring its circulation in pop culture's bloodstream in some capacity for the foreseeable future.

But even if you choose to believe Whedon is penitent and willing to transform, the radioactive views of the man he was then is baked into every corner of the show. A few lone voices had questioned Whedon's feminism long before the specifics of his damaging, exploitative misconduct came to light. Directly afterward the first dam broke, Salon culture writer Alison Stine broke down all the ways that casual sexism permeates every "Buffy" episode Whedon writes, leaving little reason to re-litigate it here.

My larger point being, the show hasn't changed since 2017. But we have, because we know more about the circumstances that spiced this particular double meat patty.

This view of one muted anniversary response is another version of the hoary "separating the art from the artist" debate, which is simpler to do for some works. Others remind us in obvious ways of the artist's presence in his art, including in the ways he tells on himself and his behavior through his fictional alter-egos.

("The Cosby Show" is the prime example of this, as W. Kamau Bell brilliantly explains in his Showtime documentary series "We Need to Talk about Cosby." See also: the thematic refrain of casting older men with much young women that echoes throughout Woody Allen's filmography.)

Part of what we learned about Whedon, and from the man himself, confirms how much of the show was an extension of his id. Nice guys who identified with Xander, for example, may be aghast to realize just how closely the character was drawn to be Whedon's stand-in, coloring some of his already questionable behavior (which was never feminist to begin with) in a whole new palette of ick.

And "Buffy" at 25 is just one example of a property with which culture's relationship has changed over the last few years. 2023 marks the 20th anniversary of Quentin Tarantino's classic "Kill Bill: Vol. 1," which made Uma Thurman an action film icon. Thurman simply annihilated as the vendetta-driven, katana-wielding assassin The Bride, to the point that two decades after she first tore into theaters fans are still campaigning for her return in "Kill Bill: Vol. 3." (Tarantino says he wants to make it too.) Thurman is on the record as hesitant – understandable, since part of the original production's history includes some truly gut-wrenching pieces of trivia concerning how she was abused.

For instance, did you know that during a scene where The Bride is being strangled with a chain, Tarantino is actually strangling her? Thurman's reddening face, the straining capillaries in her eyes, all of it as real as the trauma that resulted from enduring it. Tarantino also spat in her face in another scene, each for the sake of artistic realism.

In her telling – or Maureen Dowd's writing in the 2018 New York Times piece where Thurman revealed these incidents – these paled in comparison to a driving stunt Tarantino talked her into, using a car that wasn't safe. She says the resulting accident left her with a permanently damaged neck and "screwed-up knees."

It's impossible to watch "Kill Bill" without being reminded that Thurman endured real pain to create the empowerment fantasy in which millions of people still take pleasure. How will that figure into that film's anniversary analyses? The answer is yet to be written; for now these are truths I can't unsee when I watch this movie two decades later.


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"Kill Bill" and "Buffy" were, and are, culturally impactful to an extent that makes them worthy of memorializing, a status most long-canceled TV shows never attain. And frankly, there are other shows hitting anniversaries this year that are more notorious for their cast than their content. "Silver Spoons" turns 40 in September, a benchmark worth noting only if you remember that "Silver Spoons" was a popular if middling early '80s sitcom.

It's more likely that you remember that it starred Ricky Schroeder, who grew up to become a hyper-conservative wingnut. Schroeder's recent claims to fame include helping bail out Kyle Rittenhouse — a teenager who shot three people, killing two of them, at an August 2020 Black Lives Matter protest in that took place in Kenosha, Wisconsin. Also, in 2021, Schroeder posted a video that shows him proudly harassing a Costco employee for making him adhere to California's indoor mask mandate.

"Growing Pains" ended 30 years ago this April, and maybe that will remind us of how much we miss Alan Thicke. On the other hand, the ABC sitcom unleashed Kirk Cameron too.

Then there are shows like "Roseanne," which America missed and wanted to remember, as the success of its recent revival proved. But then its star Roseanne Barr reminded us why folks spent so many of the years between the old show and the new trying to forget her by doing a racism simply because she could not help herself.

That show marks the 25th anniversary of its first series finale this May and the 35th anniversary of its premiere next year. That, I believe, will be an anniversary worth dissecting, because the rest of the cast figured out a way to continue telling its family's worthwhile story through "The Conners" — and without its problematic title character or the awful woman playing her.

Few TV series, movies, pieces of music or other works come into being without some measure of difficulty and moral imperfection, whether on the part of their maker or in their execution. Remember that as we approach the 25th anniversary of the publication of "Harry Potter and the Sorcerer's Stone," the book that transformed modern fantasy writing and introduced the world to J.K. Rowling.

Back then, we hadn't a clue that one day she would become our reality's version of Voldemort by revealing herself as one of Earth's most famous transphobes.  Now, the stars of the "Harry Potter" franchise are doing what they can to counter that bigotry with their own inclusive messages about the stories and what their characters stand for.

Lots of people still unapologetically love "Buffy," "Harry Potter" and other work whose consumption comes with a bitter aftertaste. All of us make a few internal compromises when it comes to entertainment and entertainers we adore. If we can be honest about the product, and if the product itself retains a level honesty with which we can reconcile ourselves despite what we know about its manufacture, then perhaps that leaves us with a means of celebrating their various anniversaries.

Before we knew what we know now, there was a time when these tales brought us joy. For many of us, they still do. And that is a commodity not to be devalued when the entire world feels like a hellmouth.

More stories like this:

21 of the wildest cons in history

While it’s morally repellent and legally inadvisable, there is nonetheless an art to pulling off an effective con. Some are so outlandish, so conniving, and so audacious that we can’t help but be fascinated. (So long as we’re not the targets, naturally.) Thanks to the internet and the digital nature of scams like phishing, it’s getting harder and harder to add that personal touch. But once upon a time, cons were up close and personal. Check out 21 examples of hoaxes, impersonations, and other grifts that history won’t soon forget.

1. The fake nurse who profited off a pandemic

Even by the low standards of the con game, Julia Lyons stands out as one of the most diabolical. During the 1918 flu pandemic, Lyons (under false names) “volunteered” in Chicago as a nurse to care for indigent patients at their homes. While she had plenty of training in cashing stolen checks, she had no medical background to speak of. She was counting on the fact the country was so desperate for health care workers that no one would inquire too deeply, and she was right.

Lyons wasn’t as concerned with offering the sick some relief as she was relieving them of their funds. In addition to the standard theft of cash and valuables, Lyons would fill inexpensive prescriptions and then tell the patient they cost substantially more, like the one unfortunate who paid $100 for a $5 supply of oxygen. She was eventually caught and served time, but not before escaping custody and insisting she had been coerced into a life of crime.

2. The man who sewed goat testicles into people 

The con world is full of wellness claims that rarely stand up to scrutiny. Even by those standards, John Brinkley — who was awarded his medical degree by a disreputable diploma mill — was one of a kind. His methodology for restoring virility in men took more from science-fiction than modern medicine. In the early 20th century, Brinkley pushed a procedure in which he implanted goat testicles into humans while insisting the surgery cured impotence, infertility, and even excessive flatulence.

Brinkley’s absurd “treatment” seduced plenty of patients seeking remedy for such issues, paying the Kansas resident as much as $750 (over $10,000 today) to insert the goat genitals. He became a media star, with his own radio station that hyped his procedure and a self-congratulatory book, “The Life of a Man.” Brinkley was also a Nazi sympathizer who added swastikas to his swimming pool.

In the late 1930s, Brinkley sued a critic skeptical of his claims for libel. Brinkley lost, and also lost on appeal — opening the floodgates to malpractice lawsuits. He went bankrupt and died in 1942.

3. The Hollywood con queen

Beginning in 2015 (and according to some sources, even earlier), a mysterious person began placing phone calls to a multitude of Hollywood hopefuls, using a feminine voice and assertive tone to convince them that they were an industry power player. Sometimes they would claim to be Deborah Snyder, the producer and wife of director Zack Snyder. Other times they said they were Lucasfilm head Kathleen Kennedy. The phishing scams led victims to Indonesia, ostensibly on a film job, before bilking them for travel expenses — a scheme said to have earned the con artist hundreds of thousands of dollars. Journalists Vanessa Grigoriadis and Josh Dean covered what they called “one of the weirdest and wildest scams in history” in the 2020 podcast “Chameleon: Hollywood Con Queen,” and later that year, a suspect was arrested in the UK: Food blogger Hargobind Punjabi Tahilramani, who is currently awaiting possible extradition to the United States.

4. The man who sold the Eiffel Tower

As is probably fitting, much of the life of Victor Lustig is unclear, including his name (when he was at Alcatraz, he was held under Robert V. Miller). Lustig was a famous counterfeiter, but it’s said his biggest swindle came in 1925, when he had documentation arranged identifying him as the “Deputy Director General of the Ministère de Postes et Télégraphes.” The premise was simple: Lustig set up meetings with scrap iron dealers and told them that the Eiffel Tower, then in desperate need of repair, was going to be demolished and its materials sold off to the highest bidder. All of the dealers were interested, but Lustig fixated on André Poisson, asking Poisson for a bribe in order to “award” him the materials. After securing the money, Lustig fled France but soon returned to perpetuate the same scam a second time. (He guessed, correctly, that Poisson would be too embarrassed to tell anyone of the con.)

5. Sidney Poitier’s “son”

David Hampton, who was born in Buffalo, New York, in 1964, found himself in New York City as a young adult in the early 1980s. Rather than face the city as a man with no social connections, he perpetuated an elegant and simple lie: His name was David Poitier, he was the son of acclaimed actor Sidney Poitier, and he was down on his luck because he had just been mugged, or had lost his luggage. The ruse got Hampton unprecedented access to wealth and influence, and he accepted everything from clothes to money from impressed members of the social elite before he was eventually discovered and arrested; the ploy netted him a sentence of 21 months in prison. His story loosely inspired “Six Degrees of Separation,” a play that was later turned into a 1993 film starring Will Smith. (Hampton tried and failed to get a cut of the play’s profits before his death in 2003.)

6. The Poyais affair

In 1822, Scotland native Gregor MacGregor talked up Poyais in modern Honduras, making it sound irresistible: He told people it was incredibly fertile, had endless gold in the river, and boasted beautiful cathedrals. Soon, investors were flocking to seize their chance at a fortune; MacGregor collected 200,000 pounds and sent ships full of eager settlers on their way. But when the settlers arrived, they found swamps instead of gold and endless fields, and the people began dying off due to scarce resources in the desolate area. Only a third made it back alive. MacGregor tried the scheme again, this time after fleeing to France, but people grew wise to his tricks and he began to roam to avoid retaliation. He died in 1845.

7. The counterfeit Kubrick

If you’re going to impersonate a living film director, Stanley Kubrick was a terrific choice. While venerated for his films like “The Shining” and “Full Metal Jacket,” the reclusive Kubrick was not as familiar a face as Steven Spielberg or Martin Scorsese. That left the door open for Alan Conway (born Eddie Alan Jablowsky) to perpetuate a lie that he was the director. For a period of time in the early 1990s, Conway spirited around England claiming to be Kubrick and found willing listeners in theater critics, actors, and others in the entertainment industry. While his spoils amounted to little more than free dinners and backstage access (though Kubrick’s widow would charge that Conway was “seducing little boys with the promise of a part”), Conway managed to carry on for years. Curiously, both he and the real Kubrick died within a few months of each other in 1998 and 1999, respectively.

8. The man who “revealed” Howard Hughes

A writer of little regard in the 1970s, Clifford Irving concocted a literary scheme for the ages. He approached publisher McGraw-Hill in 1971 claiming that he had struck up a rapport with eccentric aviator and billionaire Howard Hughes, who had largely retreated from public life. Irving’s con was simple: He offered editors an autobiography of Hughes, one he would secretly invent out of whole cloth, and bank on the fact that Hughes would never come forward to debunk it. After netting hundreds of thousands of dollars for various publishing deals, Irving was dismayed to discover Hughes could indeed be bothered to come out of hiding and deny any knowledge of Irving or his book. (Though to Irving’s credit, he was so convincing that some believed it was “Hughes” who was lying and simply regretted collaborating on a book about his life.) In 1972, Irving and his wife and co-conspirator, Edith, pled guilty to conspiracy in federal court and conspiracy and grand larceny in state court. Irving went to prison for 17 months, but a book did materialize: 1972’s “Clifford Irving: What Really Happened” (later retitled “The Hoax”), in which Irving recounted the con in detail. Irving, who died in 2017, said he thought it was a harmless “joke” and that he would do it again if given the chance.

9. The golden gulch gold mine

The secret to good business for Ed Barbara, a furniture salesman in the San Francisco Bay area in the 1970s and 1980s, was irritation. Barbara became a well known figure by peppering the region with annoying commercials. He also did more than just irritate: In 1984, Barbara declared he had a 50 percent interest in the Golden Gulch gold mine near Truth or Consequences, New Mexico. The site was said to be prepared to excavate gold worth as much as $93 million in the first year alone; Barbara’s company, Dynapac, Inc., sold shares, netting Barbara big profits.

It was a con, of course. A whistleblower, mine assayer David Fingado, disclosed the mine was meritless to CNN. Less than a week later, he was dead after a highly suspicious car crash (though the official report determined it was an accident). Barbara fled before being hauled back to New Mexico to stand trial on fraud and racketeering charges. He racked up guilty verdicts in 1988 but fled on bail and remained a fugitive until his death in 1990.

10. The man who claimed to be Clark Rockefeller

For years, Christian Karl Gerhartsreiter — who was born in Germany — passed himself off as Clark Rockefeller, one of the members of the oil-rich American dynasty. Using this identity, he found himself surrounded by wealth and wound up marrying financial lawyer Sandra Boss and becoming a stay-at-home dad to their daughter. They divorced in 2007, and in 2008, Gerhartsreiter took the child with him to Baltimore where he had assumed another identity as a yacht captain. While authorities found them, a darker secret emerged: Gerhartsreiter had murdered his landlord, John Sohus, in 1985, a crime for which he was finally found guilty in 2013.

11. Hitler’s diaries

It was the journalistic coup of the century: In 1983, “The Sunday Times” of London published diary entries purported to be from the hand of the 20th century’s most infamous figure, Adolf Hitler. The paper’s editor, Frank Giles, had taken care to authenticate the diaries with a well-respected historian, who had deemed them legitimate. But they were actually the work of German forger Konrad Kujau, who profited from their publication in Germany and elsewhere. (Kujau sold 60 volumes of the faked diaries to German publication “Stern” for $4.8 million.) The “Sunday Times” learned at the very last moment that the work was a fake, but the paper’s owner, Rupert Murdoch, ordered the story about the diaries to be printed anyway. Kujau was later found guilty of fraud and served three years in prison. After being released, he got in more legal trouble thanks to possessing several unlicensed weapons. A German judge told Kujau that he was “very apparently a man who is attracted by that which is illegal.”

12. The Le Drian mask

Tom Cruise ripping off a silicone mask in the many “Mission: Impossible” movies may not seem believable, but it really depends on your screen resolution. In 2020, Gilbert Chikli and Anthony Lasarevitsch were convicted of impersonating French defense minister Jean-Yves Le Drian and defrauding victims of 55 million euros in 2015 and 2016. The duo sometimes set up Skype meetings with their targets, one of them on camera and wearing a silicone mask of Le Drian in order to petition for help with political imbroglios. Such assistance usually required money, which the pair collected from three victims out of the 150 they approached. Had they not been caught, they were apparently planning on impersonating Prince Albert II of Monaco next.

13. The NASCAR driver who wasn’t

It takes guts and glory to drive on the NASCAR circuit. Alternately, you could just lie your face off and hope for the best. That was the strategy for L.W. Wright, who entered the Winston 500 race in Talladega, Alabama, in 1982 and who (falsely) claimed country music star Merle Haggard was a sponsor. Wright then went around in search of a race car and convinced several race veterans to part with money so he could get some wheels under him. All of it seemed on the level because it seemed preposterous anyone would lie about being a NASCAR pro. Wright performed poorly, completing just 13 out of 188 laps — enough for second-to-last place, because the car in last place crashed — and then disappeared in a haze of bounced checks and no real hint as to his actual identity.

14. The amateur physician

Ferdinand Waldo Demara, a Massachusetts native, had a dilemma: He wanted a life of prestige and respect, but he had left school at the age of 16 in 1935. Professions requiring extensive education seemed out of the question … or were they? After joining the Navy, he forged documents that allowed him to advance in medical school — and then decided to leapfrog medical school and get a commission. When faced with discovery, he faked his own death. Several misadventures later, he eventually appeared as “Cecil Hamann,” attendee of Northeastern University’s law program. Then Demara decided he would simply forge more papers to award himself a Ph.D. In the 1950s, he joined the Canadian Navy, convincing them he was a physician, and used his passing knowledge of medicine to treat people during the Korean War — including one leg amputation, which he performed successfully. He was discovered, after which his story appeared in “Life” magazine. After trying to “go straight,” he soon took another identity and became a prison guard. He was eventually discovered once again, spent time in prison himself, and, after his release, began to publicize his wayward ways on television and in print. He died in 1981.

15. The trunk scam

In the 1700s, Barbara Erni traveled in and around Liechtenstein toting a large trunk secured to her back. Living a nomadic existence, she would make frequent stops to secure lodging for the night. Each time, Erni would tell the innkeeper that her trunk contained her most valued possessions and to put it in the most secure room in the inn. The owners obliged, unaware that the trunk didn’t hold clothes or jewels — it contained a co-conspirator who would spring out of the trunk, scoop up any valuables, and then disappear with Erni in tow. The plot worked for 15 years until Erni and her partner were arrested in 1784. As a sentence for their crimes, the two lost their most valuable possessions: their heads.

16. The pre-Columbian pottery scam

In 1974, Brígido Lara was among a group of people who were arrested and accused of looting pre-Columbian ceramic artifacts. But Lara steadfastly denied that any looting had taken place because, he said, none of the artifacts were real — he had crafted them himself. Lara admitted to creating clay sculptures mimicking works from Mesoamerican cultures and then selling them—and though he claims he never passed them off as authentic, “I was aware that many buyers then sold them as authentic pre-Hispanic works,” he told Art and Antiques Magazine.

Facing 10 years in prison for robbing cultural pieces, Lara convinced his jailers to give him some clay and tools so he could prove he could fashion them by hand. After his release, the Museo de Antropología de Xalapa offered him a job. While Lara went straight, the effects of his efforts continued to reverberate. His fake pieces showed up regularly in museums and at auctions around the world, which Lara would then have to debunk. Some art historians believe there are Lara creations out there that are still believed to be the real thing.

17. The record-setting con

In the late 1980s, pop music heralded the arrival of Milli Vanilli, an energetic song-and-dance duo that had a hit album, “Girl You Know It’s True,” and the Grammy for Best New Artist. Performers Rob Pilatus and Fab Morvan certainly looked the part of pop stars, with model looks and sharp dance moves. They had come out of the Munich music scene and were signed by producer Frank Farian, who decided that a complete pop package would need something more — like singing talent. Farian masterminded a plot in which Rob and Fab would be the faces of Milli Vanilli while other vocalists did the heavy lifting. Farian later claimed he didn’t know the act would get as big as it did. After three number one singles and worldwide adoration, the band was subjected to more scrutiny, and Rob and Fab started demanding to do their own singing. Rather than allow that, a panicking Farian held a press conference where he disclosed the truth. Today, some argue Milli Vanilli has been unfairly demonized, with music journalist Bryan Reesman noting, “If we had decided the group’s debacle was the end of lip-syncing and digital manipulation and had raised our standards, it would be easier for us to justify how we derided them. But it did nothing more than grease the wheels for the tricks and manufacturing of musical performances we eagerly consume today.”

18. The world’s littlest skyscraper

Few people would consider a 40-foot-tall building to be in skyscraper territory, but it really depends on your context. Local legend has it that in 1919, a building in Wichita Falls, Texas, was constructed after an investor named J.D. McMahon convinced residents he was going to build a massive property stretching far in the air. After collecting $200,000, he erected a building that was just four stories tall, 10 feet wide, and 16 feet deep — the measurement in the paperwork was in inches instead of feet, an important detail overlooked by investors.

McMahon ran off with his windfall; the resulting embarrassment was dubbed “the world’s littlest skyscraper” and even drew the attention of Ripley’s Believe It or Not!, which made it a local curio that’s still standing today.

19. The soccer player who never played soccer

In 1980s and 1990s Brazil, Carlos Kaiser was one of the country’s most unlikely soccer (a.k.a. football) players, bouncing from team to team and relishing his reputation as a party animal. But even a cursory glance at Kaiser’s career revealed something remarkable: He hardly ever stepped on the field. Kaiser was adept at spinning yarns of his prowess to get on a team, then fake an injury that would serve to keep him sidelined; he even bribed spectators to chant his name. He perfected the illusion of the sports hero without the need for all of the practicing or talent.

20. A bridge to sell you

There was a time when “I’ve got a bridge to sell you” was not a way of casting doubt on a party’s intellect but an offer meant to be taken seriously. Although it’s difficult to tell folklore from fact, it’s said that George C. Parker secured deals for the Brooklyn Bridge (which was completed in 1883) for gullible buyers by preying on their ignorance of American business and American cons. Many victims were immigrants who knew only what Parker told them: If they owned the bridge, he reasoned, imagine the money to be made in tolls. After “selling” the bridge, Parker would vanish while the marks were chased off by police for having the temerity to begin erecting toll barriers. Parker wasn’t the only one to perpetuate the scam, either; supposedly, brothers Charles and Fred Gondorf would dodge police near the bridge then quickly put up a “for sale” sign, duping buyers and dashing off.

21. The mystery princess

In 1817, residents of the tiny English village of Almondsbury began gossiping about a strange visitor in town. Her name was Caraboo, and in an exotic tongue, she told an interpreter that she was a princess from an island in the Indian Ocean called Javasu who had fled from pirates. The humble town was honored to have actual royalty within reach, and soon local officials began throwing her expensive parties in an effort to treat her to the luxurious lifestyle they believed she was accustomed to.

But Javasu was fictitious, and Princess Caraboo had no royal lineage. She was actually Mary Baker, a cobbler’s daughter. A boarding house owner recognized Baker from a newspaper description; suspicion grew until it reached the ears of Mrs. Worrall, wife of Almondsbury’s magistrate Samuel Worrall. She accompanied Caraboo to Bristol under the guise of inviting her to sit for a portrait so the boarding house owner could identify her. Baker confessed to the ruse, claiming that she had sought a way out of poverty by literally faking it until she made it.

Strangely, public opinion wasn’t all negative: Some appreciated Baker’s moxie, and she later staged a moderately successful live show based on her story. A film about her grift, “Princess Caraboo,” was released in 1994 and starred Phoebe Cates.

In a new stem cell study, a cure for Type 1 diabetes appears tantalizingly close

An estimated 10 percent of the U.S. population has been diagnosed with diabetes, a number that may be apt to rise in the near future. Peculiarly, the reason for that may have to do with the pandemic. Since the pandemic’s onset, researchers have found a link between contracting COVID-19 and an increased risk of receiving a diabetes diagnosis months later — especially in children, as one study showed that COVID-19 receptors can reduce insulin levels and kill pancreatic beta cells.

While there is still much to learn about the connection between COVID-19 and diabetes, a potential wave of diabetes infections comes at an unprecedented time for the disease — perhaps when a cure is on the horizon.

Yes, not treatment, but cure. Long considered a holy grail of sorts for medicine, diabetes — one of the most expensive, consuming and pervasive chronic diseases — is inching towards a cure, to the extent that researchers are actually openly using that word.

“There’s a lot of exciting research underway focused on curing Type 1 diabetes,” Dr. Marlon Pragnell, vice president of research and science at the American Diabetes Association, told Salon.

In November 2021, news broke that Brian Shelton, a 64-year-old man in Ohio, might be the first person to ever be cured of type 1 diabetes. Shelton was part of a clinical trial by Vertex Pharmaceuticals, in which participants individually receive an infusion of stem cells that in turn create the insulin-producing pancreas cells the body lacks with Type 1 diabetes. In total, the study will take five years and only involve 17 people with severe cases of Type 1 diabetes.

In order to maintain safe levels of glucose in the blood, beta cells in the pancreas produce insulin. These are known as islet cells. However, when a person has Type 1 diabetes, the beta cells are destroyed by a person’s own immune system. In turn, those with Type 1 diabetes must monitor their own insulin levels, and inject themselves with insulin as needed to digest glucose.

RELATED: The science of sugar substitutes

The Vertex Pharmaceuticals therapy works by replacing insulin-producing cells that have been destroyed with stem cells that convert into insulin-secreting islet cells.

There are still many unknowns with the trial, such as whether there are adverse effects, and if the therapy lasts a lifetime or needs to be repeated. The trial is also experimenting with dosage and way in which the therapy is administered.

“We’re evaluating multiple approaches to deliver the insulin-producing cells, including a transplant approach that requires immunosuppression (the VX-880 program), and a device approach that is intended to protect the transplanted cells from the immune system,” Heather Nichols, a spokesperson for Vertex Pharmaceuticals, told Salon. Nichols said they hoped to apply for an investigational new drug. “Both approaches use our proprietary, fully differentiated, insulin-producing islet cells,” she continued.


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The initial results from Shelton shocked diabetes researchers. “It is a remarkable result,” Dr. Peter Butler, a diabetes expert at the University of California, Los Angeles, told The New York Times in November. “To be able to reverse diabetes by giving them back the cells they are missing is comparable to the miracle when insulin was first available 100 years ago.”

The last century has certainly been one of hope for people with diabetes, as evidence suggests that one of the types of diabetes mellitus — which refer to the three types (Type 1, Type 2 and gestational diabetes) — existed way back in the 16th century, when the first symptoms of diabetes were documented. An Egyptian physician named Hesy-Ra wrote about a mysterious disease that included frequent urination, and caused emaciation. From typhoid to scurvy, many diseases from that time period now have cures — but not diabetes. While diabetes can be treated and controlled, and some people may go into remission, no cure currently exists. But thanks to this new treatment using stem cells that produces insulin, a new cure could be possible within the next decade. 

Still, there still are a few quirks to figure out before stem cell therapy is accessible to everyone. And just because positive results have been reported in one trial participant, as Nichols said, dosing and the way the treatment is administered will differ in the next 15 participants.

“It’s difficult to say how close we are to a cure, but the beta cell therapy approaches are certainly very exciting,” Pragnell said, adding that previously, islet transplants from deceased donors have shown to achieve “insulin independence.” Yet there are significant barrier in finding deceased donors available to meet that demand — a problem stem-cell therapy can solve.  “The potential to grow large quantities of insulin-producing cells in the laboratory could solve this problem,” Pragnell noted.

Pragnell said if researchers are able to demonstrate that these stem-cell approaches are both safe and lead to long-term insulin independence, it would be “transformational.”

“There would still be a need for immunosuppressive therapy, but it is conceivable that future gene editing approaches may enable researchers to switch off genes that may cause rejection and/or insert genes that promote the body’s acceptance of the transplanted cells,”  Pragnell said.

Read more on the diabetes:

Kyle Rittenhouse’s weapon has been destroyed

Kenosha police have shared photos and video footage of the state crime lab shredding the AR-15-style semiautomatic rifle Kyle Rittenhouse used to fatally shoot two people and wound a third during a 2020 Black Lives Matter protest in Kenosha, Wisconsin.

In January Rittenhouse’s attorney filed a request to the Kenosha County Circuit Court requesting that the rifle be returned “to ensure that the firearm in question is properly destroyed,” according to coverage by The Hill. Rittenhouse changed his mind in regards to those plans and during an appearance on “The Charlie Kirk Show” in December he told the host “we don’t want anything to do with that.”

Related: Man who gave Kyle Rittenhouse his rifle faces $2K fine, but will have felony charges dismissed 

The shredding of the rifle took place on February 25 and you can see footage of it aired by TMJ4 News in Milwaukee below:


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When it was agreed upon that the rifle would be destroyed by a third party, Rittenhouse’s attorneys stated that their client was in agreement because he didn’t want to see it get sold and end up as someone’s trophy.

The two men killed by Rittenhouse were named Joseph Rosenbaum and Anthony Huber. The third man, badly injured but surviving the shooting, is named Gaige Grosskreutz.

Rittenhouse was acquitted of the charges placed against him as a result of the shooting, and his claim during trial was that he’d acted in self-defense. 

Dominick Black, the man who supplied the rifle to Rittenhouse, plead no contest in January to charges of contributing to the delinquency of a minor, and was made to pay a $2,000 fine in a plea deal that avoided criminal conviction.

Read more:

“Dune: Part Two will have “much more Harkonnen stuff”

Director Denis Villeneuve’s visionary adaptation of “Dune” was one of the biggest movies of 2021, and with good reason. Plenty of people had tried to adapt Frank Herbert’s 1965 science fiction novel over the years, but after enough attempts hit wide of the mark it developed a reputation for being nigh-unadaptable. Villeneuve, who previously directed “Arrival” and “Blade Runner 2049,” seemed like the perfect fit, finally made a movie that finally got it right. “Dune” was not without its flaws, especially its lack of MENA cast members, but it stuck close to Herbert’s vision while still being palatable to a wider audience.

It also featured an insanely talented cast of actors, including Timothée Chalamet, Zendaya, Rebecca Ferguson, Dave Bautista, Josh Brolin, Oscar Isaac, David Momoa, and Stellan Skarsgård. The movie has since gone on to snag 10 Oscar nominations including Best Picture, although Villeneuve himself was notably absent from the Best Director category in a somewhat baffling snub.

In short, “Dune” felt like a movie shooting to become a new modern classic in the same way that Peter Jackson’s “Lord of the Rings” movies did in their time. But of course, the movie only adapts the first half of Herbert’s novel. Luckily, we know that Dune: Part Two is on the way.

Dune: Part Two will start filming this summer

Villeneuve recently spoke to Empire about prepping for his return to Arrakis, including an update on the production schedule and the thing he’s most concerned about heading into “Part Two.” “We are supposed to shoot by the end of the summer,” the director said. “I will say it is mostly designed. The thing that helps us right now is that it’s the first time I’ve revisited a universe. So I’m working with the same crew, everybody knows what to do, we know what it will look like. The movie will be more challenging, but we know where we are stepping. And the screenplay is written. So I feel confident. Frankly, the only big unknown for me right now is the pandemic.”

In cutting the source material in half, Villeneuve had to make hard decisions about what elements to include in the first movie and what ones to push back to “Part Two.” This extended beyond simple decisions like the choice to cut Gurney Halleck’s baliset jam; one notable absence was Feyd-Rautha, Baron Harkonnen’s nephew, who becomes a major antagonist in the back half of the book.

“When you adapt, you have to make bold choices in order for the things to come to life. And I think that was the best way to introduce this world to a wide audience,” Villeneuve explained. “Now in the second one, I want to have more flexibility, and it will be possible to go a little bit deeper into some of these details. It’s like a chess game. Some new characters will be introduced in the second part and a decision I made very early on was that this first part would be more about Paul Atreides and the Bene Gesserit, and his experience of being in contact for the first time with a different culture. Second part, there will be much more Harkonnen stuff.”

Despite the difficulties of adapting such a dense piece of work for the screen, Villeneuve is more than ready to get back to shooting. “I just want to experience it, be present with it, every single moment of it,” he said. “When I shoot a film, I shoot it like all my movies, as if it’s the last one. I will do the same with ‘Part Two.'”

Original Dune opening would have shown the genesis of Arrakis

Perhaps “Dune: Part Two” will provide the team with an opportunity to do some things it wanted to do in the first film but couldn’t. For instance, screenwriter Eric Roth told IndieWire that he originally had a very ambitious opening sequence in mind. “Because I’m adventurous, I started the movie with what would seem to be Genesis — ‘and God created’ — and you think you’re seeing the formation of the Earth. And it’s ‘Dune,’ with wild animals, things you’ve never seen.”

Apparently Villeneuve liked this idea, but passed on it because if they did it, they “can’t afford the rest of the movie.” Roth is unsure if that was just the director’s polite way of saying no, but with people officially looking forward to the sequel, anything’s possible.

Despite the fact that “Dune: Part Two” hasn’t even begun filming yet, it’s already got a tentative release date of October 20, 2023. We won’t have to wait too long to get back to the sand dunes of Arrakis.

Could Putin use nuclear weapons? The danger is real — but not immediate

The prospect of a nuclear exchange between Russia and the United States seemed, until recently, to have ended with the Cold War. Threats by Russian President Vladimir Putin to use the weapons to keep NATO out of the Ukraine conflict have revived those decades-old fears.

The threats come amid the fraying of nuclear arms control agreements between the two nuclear superpowers that had stabilized strategic relations for decades.

RELATED: This is what would happen to Earth if a nuclear war broke out between the West and Russia

As an arms control expert, I see the war in Ukraine as an added strain but not a fatal blow to the system that has helped to keep the world from nuclear devastation. That system has evolved over decades and allows U.S. and Russian officials to gauge how close the other side is to launching an attack.

Keeping an eye on each other

Arms control treaties rely on each of the nuclear superpowers sharing information about deployed delivery systems — missiles or bombers that could be used to deliver nuclear warheads — and to permit the other side to verify these claims. The treaties usually include numerical limits on weapons, and implementation of a treaty typically begins with baseline declarations by each side of numbers and locations of weapons. Numbers are updated annually. The two sides also regularly notify each other of significant changes to this baseline through what are now called Nuclear Risk Reduction Centers.

A key element of all arms control treaties has been the two sides’ ability to use “national technical means,” such as satellites, along with remote monitoring techniques such as radiation detectors, tags and seals, to monitor compliance. Remote monitoring techniques are designed to distinguish individual items such as missiles that are limited by treaty and to ensure that they are not tampered with.


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The 1987 Intermediate Nuclear Forces (INF) treaty introduced a major innovation: the use of on-site inspections. Before that treaty, the Soviets had resisted U.S. proposals to include such inspections in verification. But as Soviet Premier Mikhail Gorbachev moved domestically to a process of glasnost (openness), he embraced on-site inspections, and similar provisions have been included in subsequent treaties. They include both regular announced inspections and a certain number of annual unannounced short-term challenge inspections to guard against cheating.

The history of keeping nuclear arms in check

National security scholars such as Thomas Schelling and Morton Halperin developed the concept of arms control in the late 1950s and early 1960s amid an accelerating U.S.-Soviet arms race. Arms control measures were designed to increase transparency and predictability to avoid misunderstandings or false alarms that could lead to an accidental or unintended nuclear conflict. As the concept evolved, the goal of arms control measures became ensuring that defenders could respond to any nuclear attack with one of their own, which reduced incentives to engage in a nuclear war in the first place.

The approach gained traction after the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis when the surprise deployment of Soviet nuclear-armed missiles less than 100 miles from the U.S. brought the world to the verge of nuclear war. Initial agreements included the 1972 Strategic Arms Limitation Talks agreement (SALT 1), which put the first ceilings on U.S. and Soviet nuclear weapons. Subsequently, Gorbachev negotiated the INF treaty and Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START I), which brought reductions in the two sides’ nuclear forces.

The INF treaty for the first time banned an entire class of weapons: ground-launched missiles with ranges between 500 and 5,500 kilometers (311 and 3,418 miles). This included U.S. missiles capable of hitting Russia from the territory of U.S. allies in Europe or East Asia and vice versa. START I applied to strategic nuclear weapons, such as intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs) launched from one superpower’s homeland to attack the other’s territory. In 2010, President Barack Obama and then-Russian President Dmitri Medvedev signed the New START agreement, which further reduced the two sides’ deployed strategic nuclear forces. And in 2021, President Joe Biden and Putin extended that treaty for five years. The treaties have supported dramatic cuts in the two countries’ nuclear arsenals.

New challenges for an aging system

Inspections under the INF treaty ended in 2001 after the last banned missiles were removed from deployment. Under the Obama and Trump administrations, the U.S. accused Russia of violating the treaty by developing, testing and deploying cruise missiles that exceeded its 500-kilometer limit, an accusation Russia rejected. Backed by NATO allies, the Trump administration withdrew from the treaty in 2019. This left long-range strategic weapons as the only nuclear weapons subject to arms control agreements.

Shorter-range non-strategic nuclear weapons — those with a range of less than 500 kilometers, or roughly 310 miles — have never been covered by any agreement, a sore point with Washington and NATO allies because Moscow possesses far more of them than NATO does.

Arms control has been declining in other ways as well. Russia has embarked on an ambitious nuclear weapons modernization program, and some of its exotic new strategic weapon systems fall outside of New START’s restrictions. Meanwhile, cyberattacks and anti-satellite weapons loom as new threats to arms control monitoring and nuclear command and control systems.

Artificial intelligence and hypersonic missile technology could shorten the warning times for a nuclear attack. Russia has been deploying missiles that can carry both conventional and nuclear warheads, sowing confusion. And Russia worries that U.S. missile defense systems, especially in Europe, threaten strategic stability by permitting the U.S. to carry out a nuclear first strike and then prevent an effective Russian nuclear response.

Before the Ukraine war, Biden and Putin had launched a Strategic Stability Dialogue to tackle these issues and lay the groundwork for negotiations on a replacement for New START before it expires in 2026. But the dialogue has been suspended with the outbreak of hostilities, and it is difficult to foresee when it might resume.

Putin turns up the heat — but not to a boil

Putin’s recent moves have further shaken the rickety strategic security architecture. On the eve of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, he said that “anyone who tries to interfere with us … must know that Russia’s response will be immediate and will lead you to such consequences as you have never before experienced in your history” and that Russia possesses “certain advantages in a number of the latest types of weapons.”

With the war underway, Putin announced an “enhanced combat alert” of the country’s nuclear forces, which is not a regular alert level in Russia’s system comparable to the U.S.’s DEFCON status. In practice, the enhanced combat alert consisted largely of adding staff to shifts at relevant nuclear weapon sites. The announcement was designed to discourage NATO from intervening and to intimidate Ukraine.

Nonetheless, U.S. national security officials expressed concern that Russia could use tactical nuclear weapons in Ukraine if NATO forces were drawn into direct conflict with Russia. Use of the weapons is consistent with Russia’s military doctrine of “escalate to de-escalate,” according to the officials.

Even in the face of Putin’s strategic nuclear saber-rattling and concerns about Russia’s use of tactical nuclear weapons, however, the arms control framework has held sufficiently firm to preserve strategic stability. U.S. nuclear commanders have criticized Putin’s moves but have not sought to match them. They do not see evidence that Putin has taken steps to escalate the situation, like placing non-strategic nuclear warheads on airplanes or ships or sending nuclear-armed submarines to sea.

So far, arms control has played its intended role of limiting the scope and violence in Ukraine, keeping a lid on a conflict that otherwise could become a world war.

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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Ritual love of “Vikings: Valhalla”

It’s one of the minor but no less essential aspects of living that the pandemic robbed from us: Doing things the way they had been done. Routines are important for feeling OK, both in day-to-day life and special occasions. I missed Saturdays, when my child and I would walk to a local bakery and get the salmon bagel (he would mostly eat the bagel, I would mostly eat the salmon) as much as I felt the absence of party invitations, weddings and events. I missed and still miss having an excuse to dress up. Or, to dress.

That’s part of the attraction of “Vikings: Valhalla,” Netflix’s new show set in the universe of legendary Vikings—not only the warriors’ heroic exploits but their ways of worshipping and, even simpler, just their ways

Watching traditions play out on screen, from the big (human sacrifice) to the small (important jewelry) is oddly comforting, even if some of those actions are more invented than actual fact. It’s still compelling to witness a character get to do what they’ve always done, continue to do what matters to them. While Netflix is likely banking on violence and drama to be the big draw here, the routines and ceremonies of the Vikings, though smaller and certainly quieter, are mesmerizing. 

In other words: Come for the bloody battles. Stay for the rituals. 

Related: “Vikings”: Our dark age, as seen on History

“Vikings: Valhalla” is a sequel to the popular, 6-season series “Vikings” which aired on History. That story followed the rise of Viking Ragnar Lodbrok from farmer to king, fictionalizing the exploits of a real figure from history. Emphasis on fiction. 

Like its predecessor, “Vikings: Valhalla” takes a pick-and-choose from history approach. Some of the stories in the show happened, but not in the way they play out onscreen. And some of the characters were based on actual people, but not people who were living at the same time as each other. As David M. Perry, author of “The Bright Ages: A New History of Medieval Europe,” writes in Smithsonian: “now that it’s no longer airing on the History Channel, it’s less likely to lead folks astray.”

“Vikings: Valhalla” fast-forwards a hundred years into sort of history. Anyone looking for a direct sequel to Lodbrok’s exploits will be disappointed. But anyone who can’t remember exactly what happened in “Vikings” (raises hand) will find a compelling cast of new faces, including Leif Erikson (Sam Corlett)—yes, that one but not that one—and his sister, Freydís Eiríksdóttir (Frida Gustavsson).

Smartly, the show centers on a group of Vikings from Greenland, including Leif and Freydís, who have traveled a great, tumultuous distance by boat, hellbent on a noble mission of revenge. Strangers in a strange land, they are teased by other Vikings when they finally arrive in the great port city of Kattegat, mocked for their rustic ways and their cool fur coats (Leif killed a polar bear for his coat, OK?).

They have also brought their rituals with them, especially Freydís.

The central conflict of “Vikings: Valhalla” is between Vikings who have converted to Christianity and those who have remained pagans. Nowhere is this turmoil more apparent than in the character of Freydís who, wouldn’t you know it, falls in love with a Christian Viking. Meanwhile, her mind and body literally bear the scars of another Christian Viking, one who hurt her deeply and one she has traveled across the ocean to bring to justice.

Freydís is quietly, resolutely faithful (and Gustavsson is mesmerizing). Her commitment to rituals and to the old ways fuels the show, and her storyline feels the most urgent. When we first see her, she’s on the bow of her people’s small boat, buffeted by rain but still screaming for them to pull. When the waves get rough, she lashes herself to the mast. Her choker necklace of polished bone glows in the darkness.

Visually, she’s a stark, wild contrast to the “civilized” Vikings the Greenlanders will meet in the city. This is a pagan for the ages.

Freydís later gives a different necklace she wears to the man she loves, to protect him, like a knightly favor. When he survives battle, he in turn gives it back to her before a trial she must undergo. Small tokens take on big significance in the show, as they do in the lives of spiritual characters like Freydís. She burns items in offering: branches, effigies. 

Unlike some of the Christian Vikings, Freydís is not showy in her faith. She just calmly and privately does the rituals that sustain her (and, she believes, will keep her brother and other warriors safe). 

But her devotion to her faith consistently puts her in danger. She burns an offering in sight of amassing troops. “This is no longer a land safe for believers in the old ways,” the leader of Kattegat, Jarl Estrid Haakon (Caroline Henderson) tells her. And when she attracts the attention of murderous, Christian zealot Jarl Kåre (Asbjørn Krogh Nissen) in a storyline reminiscent of Apple TV+’s “See,” all Vikings are in danger, not just the pagan ones.

Part of the attraction of the rituals in this show is how fraught they are. Freydís won’t give up her faith, not for a man and not for a murderer. But part of it is the newness of it all. Except for the original “Vikings,” I’m not sure I’ve seen human sacrifice onscreen the way it’s presented in “Vikings: Valhalla.” Like a day that ends in y. Inevitable, a part of existence. To have life in this world, you must also have death—and sometimes, volunteer for it. 

The drama of the rituals hinges on our not totally understanding. Realizing the depths of her faith, Freydís is sent by Estrid on a pilgrimage to Uppsala, a holy place for the pagans. When she attracts the eye of a priestess there, and next appears with her hair cut and wearing a white shift, the thought rose in me: Is Freydís going to be sacrificed? 

She’s only having a vision. Yet when Estrid asks for a volunteer to take a message before a giant battle, that man is ceremoniously put to death. I really just thought he was going to take a note.


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Rituals are colorful and evocative in “Vikings: Valhalla.” Uppsala is gorgeous, set high on a hill in the woods with bright, fluttering flags on the path. You don’t have to be a Viking pagan to be impressed by the temple with its soaring ceilings, to be quieted by the wise-looking statues of gods like Odin.

The dress, face paint and branch crown of the priestess is intimidating—but not so much the way people journey to a site special to them, and how happy they are to be there together.

And a big part of the attraction of the rituals is familiarity too. The idea of community, belonging, and yes, doing things the way people have always done them. While some of the rituals, like a lot of the storylines, might be invented in “Vikings: Valhalla,” that doesn’t make them any less compelling. 

Freydís, like the rest of us, is just looking for comfort and understanding. To help the world make sense, she’s searching for her place in it, just looking for how to belong.

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Yoko Ono’s prophetic vision of self-care

Light a match and watch till it goes out. Go to the middle of Central Park Pond and drop all your jewelry. Scream against the sky.

When a young Yoko Ono formulated these actions in the 1950s and 1960s, they heralded a bracingly quirky vision for the arts as a therapeutic practice of everyday life — a vision that anticipated an ethos of self-care that’s widely embraced today.

Self-care, which refers to what individuals do every day to stay mentally, emotionally and physically healthy, has diverse origins in medical research and in the Black liberation movements of the 1960s and 1970s. The practice has become more popular over the past decades, so much so that the beauty and fitness industries have co-opted it as a powerful marketing tactic.

To Ono, however, self-care means more than just spa indulgence. Instead, it possesses myriad dimensions: focusing the mind, gathering energy for action, connecting one’s imagination with the world, finding empowerment by connecting with others, and stimulating thought through humor and play.

The young artist and the refugee

Ono’s celebrity marriage to John Lennon has often overshadowed her individual work and career.

When I came across a cache of poems that Ono had written as a young woman in the 1950s, I knew almost nothing about her personal history and philosophies. The works were mysteriously stashed in the archives of a German-Jewish refugee classical composer named Stefan Wolpe, whose life and work I was studying.

As a teenager after World War I, Wolpe had lived on the streets of Berlin until he made his way to the Bauhaus, the experimental progressive art school, where he embraced ideas of art therapy espoused by social worker-psychotherapist Steff Bornstein and artists Friedl Dicker, Johannes Itten and Gertrud Grunow.

Wolpe, forced to flee Germany in 1933 as the Nazis came to power, was separated from most of his family, including his daughter, who spent World War II in a Swiss orphanage.

After the war, Wolpe drew on his education as a resource, turning to music composition as an imaginative realm to model the wonder of fragile beginnings in the midst of dire constraint and unfathomable loss.

Around 1957, Ono befriended Wolpe, who was over 30 years her senior, and his wife, the poet Hilda Morley. Ono enjoyed tea in their Morningside Heights home in New York City, indulging in “the intellectual, warm, and definitely European atmosphere the two of them created.”

Ono would later write that she was “surprised by how complex, precise, yet emotional his works were. I don’t know of any other composer of the time who represented atonal music so brilliantly.”

United by trauma and displacement

Ono’s poems, which evoked scenes of hunger, terror and beauty in a snow-filled landscape, seemed strangely resonant with the life of Wolpe, who was haunted by his traumatic flight from Germany. Later, I realized his experiences were connected with Ono’s own story of displacement and violence.

As an adolescent, Ono had begun to discover her own calling as an artist in the cold countryside outside of Nagano, Japan, where she and her family had fled as refugees after the Tokyo fire bombings in 1945.

This was the imaginative terrain of the poems she shared with Wolpe:

the snow swallowed the sunset the bright sadness has ended only insane fingers frozen remained lying infinitely in the field like landed fishes

Without food or adequate shelter, she had spent her days with her younger brother conjuring alternatives to the hopeless circumstances around her. As she recounted in an interview with curator and Asia scholar Alexandra Munroe, “[l]ying on our backs, looking up at the sky through an opening in the roof [of a barn], we exchanged menus in the air and used our powers of visualization to survive.”

Ono came to recognize imaginative acts as necessities in life. Under these desperate conditions, she wrote, “we needed new rituals, in order to keep our sanity.”

Around the time she met Wolpe, Ono was estranged from her parents after she had made the unconventional choice as a woman to pursue a career in the arts.

Later, writing and sharing poetry with Wolpe would be one example of such an imaginative ritual — an instance of care both for herself and for her émigré friend. Wolpe and Morley preserved Ono’s own typewritten poems as cherished documents, even rescuing them from a terrible apartment fire.

Sharing rituals of care

Ono’s commitment to regenerative rituals would form the basis for her career in the arts.

At first, these exercises were private and personal. Imagining a menu would stave off hunger. Screaming against the sky would give shape to extreme emotions. Lighting a match and watching its flame extinguish would quiet the mind.

Eventually Ono would come to disclose such rituals to the public, inventing a new form of art in the process. Equipped with these exercises — what she called “instruction pieces” — she established herself as a founding mother of the 1960s performance and conceptual art movements. As a Japanese woman artist and peace activist, she frequently confronted gender and racial bias. But her ethos of art as survival sustained her.

Ono’s book “Grapefruit,” first published in 1964, is a cult classic dedicated to the idea of art as a form of self-care. Written in the imperative mood, it instructs readers in how to realign their perceptions, imaginations and actions in relation to the world.

Ono’s directions mix together the earnestly mindful, the psychedelic and the wry:

“Imagine one thousand suns in the sky at the same time. Let them shine for one hour. Then, let them gradually melt into the sky. Make one tunafish sandwich and eat.”

The art of survival, then and now

Ono’s ideas are often far out and witty. Yet the relevance of her ethos of art — and even her instruction to eat a sandwich — is serious.

According to the American Psychological Association, in the U.S., “32% of all adults are so stressed” that they “cannot make basic decisions such as what to eat or what to wear.”

These numbers are far higher for people of color and young adults who, like women, face disproportionate economic insecurity and other forms of hardship. These facts call out for rethinking what self-care actually means and how it pertains to the arts.

During the current pandemic, it is no surprise that art therapy has become a focus of debate and experimentation. The tools of this practice, which include coloring books and emotion wheels, may seem galaxies away from the museum world that celebrates Ono’s legacy. Yet, from a certain perspective, it is oddly close to her spirit.

In an era of political turmoil and economic instability, I believe such an accessible vision of art as Ono’s can be a resource for psychic survival, community and resilience — connecting people with prior struggles in ways they might not have imagined.

Such an approach to engaging with the world can help individuals to shift perspective to simply get through the day, or it can lead to dazzling, incongruous visions that transform ideas about what the future may hold.

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Brigid Cohen, Associate Professor of Music, New York University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.